Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honor

MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH

Lives of 25 Luminaries
 Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honor

MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH

Lives of 25 Luminaries

Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh

SMIU Press Karachi

Alma-Mater of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi

Aiwan-e-Tijarat Road, Karachi-74000 Pakistan.
 This book under title
Sindh Madressah’s Roll of Honour
MAKERS OF MODERN SINDH
Lives of 25 Luminaries
Written by
Professor Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh
1st Edition, Published under title
Luminaries of the Land in November 1999
Present expanded edition, Published in March 2020
By Sindh Madressatul Islam University

Price Rs. 1000/-

SMIU Press Karachi

Copyright with the author

Published by SMIU Press, Karachi
Aiwan-e-Tijarat Road, Karachi-74000, Pakistan

All rights reserved.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any from
or by any electronic or mechanical means,
including information storage and retrieval system,
without written permission from the publisher,
except by a reviewer,
who may quote brief passage in a review
Dedicated to
loving memory of my parents
 Preface

‘It is said that Sindh produces two things – men and sands – great men
and sandy deserts.’ These words were voiced at the floor of the Bombay’s
Legislative Council in March 1936 by Sir Rafiuddin Ahmed, while bidding
farewell to his colleagues from Sindh, who had won autonomy for their
province and were to go back there. The four names of great men from
Sindh that he gave, included three former students of Sindh Madressah.
Today, in 21st century, it gives pleasure that Sindh Madressah has kept alive
that tradition of producing great men to serve the humanity.
It was in the summer of 1994, that I came to Sindh Madressah as its
Principal. I was astonished to see the contributions made by the former
students of this great educational Institution for the cause of the people of
this region. The Roll of Honour is topped by Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad
Ali Jinnah and includes the heroes of the separation of Sindh from Bombay
Presidency, led by Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto. It has produced great scholars
like Allama I.I. Kazi and Dr. Daudpota. But, the thing that struck me the
most on my arrival was the acute scarcity of organized published material
on its alumni.
I decided to fill that gap and bring out a book containing biographies
of great people who had been associated with this institution and had
played an important role for the betterment of the people of this region.
The basic purpose of undertaking this exercise was to pass on the legacy of
those great people to the succeeding generations as to get inspiration from
such lives.
The biggest problem that I faced, besides adjusting my present
responsibilities with my expeditions in the past, was the want of material
on the lives of these great personalities, except of course few top leaders.
The obvious course left to me was to get in touch with their families as to
get information from them. Generally, we are not very good at keeping
records, individually as well as collectively. So, despite my efforts I could
gather information on a limited number of great men associated with
the institution, which were published in form of a book under title “SMI
University’s Roll of Honor: Luminaires of the Land” in 1999. Subsequently,
some thirteen lives got republished under the title “The Institution and the
Alumni”.
The present work has been expanded to twenty-five biographical
accounts by adding nine more luminaries. They include three European
principals of SMI, who contributed a lot towards spread of modern
education in Sindh. There are many more who qualify to be included in
the Roll of Honor of this institution. They include scholar like Mohammad
Ibrahim Joyo, leader like Rasool Bux Palijo, actors like Nadeem, pioneer
like Shamsuddin Bulbul and many more. But in order to keep the size of
this book manageable, I have decided to include them in the next volume,
Insha Allah.
I express my gratitude to the families of Sindh Madressah’s former
students, who provided me an access to the old records relating to the
personalities included in this book. I may add here that Mohtarma Benazir
Bhutto, who is no more with us today, was very generous in extending help
in respect of the records relating to her grandfather Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto.
Same was the case with Dr. Hamida Khuhro, who helped me a lot in
preparing profile of her father Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro.
I express my deepest sense of gratitude to Mr. Ali Ahmed Brohi, who had
been an inspirational force behind my undertaking the task of compiling
lives of the prominent alumni. He wrote the Foreword of my first book on
the subject, which is also included in the present title. As at that time the
book contained only sixteen biographies hence his comments on the nine
additional biographies would be missed by the readers. I am grateful to my
family and friends, who have always been a source of encouragement and
motivation. My colleagues at Sindh Madressah, extended their support for
which I am grateful to them. However, my most sincere gratitude is due to
my spouse Shaista [Link] for her invaluable support.

Karachi; 26 Feb, 2020

Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh
Vice Chancellor
 Contents

Preface 06
Foreword to first Edition 11
By Ali Ahmed K. Brohi

The Founders
1. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah 17
2. Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi 75

Leaders & Freedom Fighters

3. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 93
4. Benazir Bhutto 119
5. Fatima Jinnah 143
6. G.M. Syed 155
7. Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto 167
8. Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon 185
9. Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah 205
10. Raees Ghulam Mohammad Bhurgri 213
11. Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro 217
12. Kazi Fazullulah 237
13. Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi 239
14. Kazi Khuda Bakhsh 255

Scholars, Jurists & Sportsman

15. Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi 261
16. Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota 281
17. Allama Ali Khan Abro 295
18. Ghulam Ali Allana 301
19. Allah Bakhsh K. Brohi 309
20. Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah 321
21. Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah 331
22. Hanif Muhammad 339

European Principals
23. Percy Hide 343
24. Thomas Henry Vines 355
25. H.F.L.T. Harrison 365
Main Building of Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi.
 Foreword

The importance of Sindh Madressatul Islam can be gauged by what

Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah once said. He said it the child of Sindh and the
mother of Pakistan. The child of Sindh is obvious enough. The mother of
Pakistan requires elaboration. It was due to the Madressah’s alumni that
Sindh was separated from the Bombay Presidency. And it is axiomatic that
if this had not happened, Pakistan would not have gained freedom from an
undivided India. Further, the struggle for Pakistan itself was led by some of
its most able alumni. And finally, after Pakistan’s birth, it were again some
of its most illustrious alumni who selflessly served Sindh and Pakistan. The
history of the Sindh Madressah is in fact the recent history of Sindh and a
substantial history of Pakistan. This of course is a theme that incorporates
parallels of rise, decline and hopefully, in view of the present circumstances,
a renewal of fortunes both for the Madressah and Pakistan. All this said,
it is an imperative to inform the present and future generations. And what
better way to do it than to set forth a roll call of honour of some of its most
illustrious alumni.
There were thousands who entered the hallowed quadrangle to `learn’
and went on to ‘serve’ at large. All these cannot possibly be even listed,
12 Foreword

let alone be written about, in a single volume. Thus a few were chosen
who indisputably need to be mentioned, and written about. In fact, these
few chose themselves for the “Luminaries of the Land”. So who are these
luminaries who chose themselves for this roll call of honour? The list starts
with Mr. M.A Jinnah the father of Pakistan. Whereas the rest of the world
is still seeking a personality of the millennium, to the Pakistanis it can only
be Mr. Jinnah. Without the use, or indeed the threat of arms he managed
to win a homeland for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. He requires
no further introduction here. Then there is Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto. Whereas
Mr. Jinnah won the separation of Pakistan from India, a decade earlier Sir
Shahnawaz had won the separation of Sindh from the Bombay Presidency.
A man of immense self-respect he countenanced no misconduct even
from British Officers. Amongst the luminaries Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon
was the exceptional individual who although a businessman was not averse
to involvement in politics. He spent freely out of his wealth for the sake
of society at large and for the political causes dear to him. Mohammed
Ayub Khuhro was one of the founders in Sindh of the All India Muslim
League. This uncompromising man of principles never worshipped at
the altar of personal good and for this he suffered greatly. Shaikh Abdul
Majid Sindhi was instrumental in reorganizing the Sindh Chapter of the
All India Muslim League. A convert to Islam, his journalistic writings were
inspirational for the
Muslims of Sindh. His unwavering commitment in the face of adversity,
beginning with his conversion, moulded him into, the Stoic Man of Sindh.
And then there was Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayattullah an astute and
shrewd statesmen who became Sindh’s first premier (Chief Minister) and it
was under his premiership that the Sindh Assembly voted to join the then
newly proposed Muslim state of Pakistan. According to Pundit Jawahar Lal
 Makers of Modern Sindh 13

Nehru’s statement issued in the press conference of 10th July, 1946, it was
Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayattullah who influenced and engineered Sindh’s
swing in favour of Muslim League which ultimately struck a death blow
to Congress strategy of keeping India united”. After partition the Quaid
appointed Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayattullah as Governor of Sindh on the
eve of independence. Kazi Khuda Bakhsh completes our roll of politicians.
Other than being the first Mayor of Karachi, he was a premier lawyer
and a very effective social reformer. His time was never his own and was
always at the beck and call of all diverse people and issues. Allama Imdad
Ali I. Kazi heads the list of scholars and jurists. A true Sufi, he was also a
philosopher, litterateur and natural scientist. As a source of inspiration to
the Muslim youth of Sindh he is valued next to Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai,
the Sufi poet of Sindh. Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota was not only a
linguist with command over French, German, Latin and Spanish, but was
the premier educationist of Sindh. His role as such remains unmatched in
Sindh’s history. Mr. Allah Bakhsh Karim Bakhsh Brohi (A.K. Brohi) was
one of the top legal minds of his time. Other than this he was also a scholar
and a philosopher. This man of letters, unlike most, was also a great orator
who attracted audiences from distant places. Mr. Ali Khan Abro though
hailing from an obscure family background and an even more obscure
village was a true child prodigy. Sindh Madressah nurtured his potential.
His services as an educationist and a reformer are matched only by his
monumental writings, which need urgent compilation. Mr. G. Allana was a
rare multidimensional alumnus of the Madressah. A historian, Litterateur,
poet, politician, diplomat, he was also an administrator par excellence.
Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah was the last of the great educationists of Sindh.
His influence on modern Sindh is matched by his scholarship and courage.
His death in 1999 was felt not only in Sindh but also throughout Pakistan.
14 Foreword

Justice Sajjad Ali Shah’s greatest asset was his single minded efforts for the
separation of the judiciary from the executive organ of the State. Much like
separation of Sindh from the Bombay Presidency and the independence of
Pakistan from India, the independence of the judiciary from the executive is
also a long drawn out struggle with its ups and downs. And when it is finally
achieved Justice Shah’s contribution will be well and truly acknowledged by
history. This brings us to Mr. Hassan Ali Effendi. This man of integrity and
iron will was the founder of the Sindh Madressatul Islam. As such, and not
because he was alumnus of the Madressah, his name must go along with
those who were its alumni. And where Mr. Effendi in the face of immense
adversity and opposition established the Madressah, mention must be
made of Mr. T.H Vines. Alternately a master mariner, who steered the ship
of the Madressah through shoals in stormy seas, he was also a guardian
angel without whose stewardship the Madressah though born would not
have matured. He was thus a Captain, a midwife and a nursemaid to whom
the Madressah, its alumni, Sindh and indeed Pakistan must be beholden.
He carried onwards from the work of the founder and was responsible for
erecting the solid superstructure upon the foundations laid by Mr. Effendi.
Towards the end my foreword there are only two more aspects to be covered.
Firstly, it is remarkable that a biographical work on sixteen great men of
this region has been compiled under this title. This effort on part of Sindh
Madressah and its Principal is commendable. This should provide lead to
other historic educational institutions of our country to follow the suit.
Because, as they say, “what is not recorded is not remembered.” Secondly, it
is remarkable that many are absent who should have been included in this
compilation. Upon inquiry it was found that information both personal
and biographical, was not provided by their heirs and successor, in spite of
the author’s best and repeated efforts. Through these words one can only
 Makers of Modern Sindh 15

appeal to the living heirs that generations to come must be made aware of
their ancestor’s achievement. One can only hope that the heirs will realize
their responsibility and be more forth coming in future.

Karachi 9th November 1999

Ali Ahmed K. Brohi

This forward was written for the first edition of the book containing
lives of 16 luminaries. Subsequently, nine more celebrities were added to the
present revised / updated volume, hence the readers shall miss the comments
of Mr. Ali Ahmed Brohi about them.
 ONE

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

(1876-1948)

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah is one of the rare personalities

of history who is credited with the creation of a new country on the map
of the world. He led the minority Muslim community of the South Asian
subcontinent to carve out for themselves the largest independent Muslim
state in the world. The creation of Pakistan at his hands in 1947 set into
motion liberation movements all over the Muslim world and within
following ten to fifteen years, more than thirty new Muslim states appeared
on the map of the world. In addition to being a great leader, Mr. Jinnah
also left his mark as one of India’s leading legislators, great constitutionalist
and most remarkable legal practitioner. Above all, he was a man who
cared for the underprivileged people the most; the best example being
that he bequeathed most of his personal property to various educational
institutions, including his alma-mater Sindh Madressatul Islam, through
his last will.

Parentage and Childhood

Quaid-e-Azam was born as Mohammad Ali Jinnah on 25th December
1876 in the family of Jinnahbhoy Poonja, at Karachi. His forefathers
18 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

were Ismaili Khojas who had settled at Paneli village in Gondal state of
Kathiawar. His father Jinnabhoy was a progressive and forward-looking
man who wanted to progress within his times. Finding the village Paneli
being too small for his ambitions, he shifted to a relatively bigger town of
the area, Gondal, where he married a girl of his community, Mithibaie, in
1870s. This was the time, when the construction of Suez Canal had been
completed and Karachi had emerged as the British India’s nearest port to
Europe: less than six thousand nautical miles from Southampton and two
hundred miles nearer than Bombay. The population of the city was around
fifty thousand; much less than present-day densely populated Bombay.
Thus the place offered tremendous opportunities for a hardworking and
ambitious person like Jinnahbhoy Poonja. Hence, he decided to shift to
Karachi from Gondal along with his family and to establish his business
there.
But, before coming to Karachi, the family perhaps sojourned for few
years at ‘Jhirrak’, a most beautiful town in Karachi district (presently it is
in Thatta district). The place is about seventy miles from Karachi city. This
place, situated on the bank of river Indus and surrounded by hills, was one
of the most important river ports of Sindh and served as headquarters of
an elaborate navigational system called ‘Indus Flotilla’. The place offered
business opportunities in abundance. Mr. Jinnah’s father acquired a place
in the town, adjacent to the Palace of Prince Aga Khan, who also used to
live there. The palace of Aga Khan has been preserved by the community
and is still there, next to Jinnahbhoy Poonja’s supposed plot. Next to Mr.
Jinnah’s supposed ancestral home is located a primary school, which was
established by the Britain in 1875. The school is still functional but all the
old records are lost. Some quarters suggest that Mr. Jinnah was born over
there and received his primary education in that primary school of Jhirrak.
However, this could not be verified due to paucity of authentic source
material. Some scholars point out that Mr. Jinnah himself had mentioned
‘Karachi’ as his birthplace. But the counter argument has been that Jhirrak
was a part of Karachi district in those days. In any case, it does not make
 Makers of Modern Sindh 19

much difference whether he was born in Karachi city or in the town of

Jhirrak in the district of Karachi.
The family then moved to Karachi, where it hired an apartment on
the second floor of a three-storey building ‘Wazir Mansion’ on Newnham
Road, in the commercial heart of the city. The apartment was moderate and
had a spacious balcony above the pavement. It was the time when the entire
overseas trade of Sindh, Punjab, NWFP, Balochistan and other parts of
this region passed through Karachi port. As the banking facilities were still
not very common in those days, the businesses and financial transactions
were usually conducted through merchant houses. Mr. Jinnah’s father
established his company to carry on the business. Major trading partner
of the company was a British firm ‘Grahams Trading Company’, through
which Jinnahbhoy conducted international business. Though he had
not been formally taught the English language at any school, he learnt it
privately to gain maximum output his business.
Mohammad Ali was the first child of his parents, hence the most
favorite. Their love for him could be gauged from the fact that the entire
family travelled back to their ancestral place in Kathiawar to celebrate
the ‘aqiqah’ ceremony of their son. The family also went to the Mazar of
a highly revered Peer in a village about ten miles from their hometown
Paneli. The journey, which included boating across the Arabian Sea from
Karachi to Verawal, besides travelling by road, took about a month.
During his childhood, Mr. Jinnah like other children was fond of
fairy tales and bedtime stories. His aunt Manbaie was deeply in love with
him and used to tell him such stories. After sometime, however, she was
married to a family which lived in Bombay. Being so attached to each
other, both the aunt and the nephew could hardly sustain this separation.
Mr. Jinnah, therefore, visited Bombay quite frequently to see his aunt; even
at the cost of his studies.

Education at Sindh Madressatul Islam

Mr. Jinnah was enrolled for his secondary education in Sindh
20 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Madressatul Islam, which was established in 1885 with the objective of

providing both modern education as well as Islamic education. English was
taught as a compulsory subject. The school was in vicinity of Mr. Jinnah’s
home and it enjoyed a very high reputation for its standard of education.
Hence, in July 1887, Mr. Jinnah was enrolled in Sindh Madressah, in less
than two years since the institution was formally established and continued
his studies for about four-and-a-half years till January 1892.
The available record shows that “Muhamedally Jinnahbhoy” (as Mr.
Jinnah’s name was recorded in the General Register) was first admitted to
secondary section in Standard I (fifth year of education -- after four years
of primary education) of the English branch on 14th July 1887. “Khoja”
was mentioned as his sect and “Karachi” was recorded as his birthplace.
In the column under “previous instructions”, he was shown to have passed
his four classes of primary education in Gujrati. The date of birth was not
mentioned, but his age had been put at “14 years”.
While still studying in Standard I, he left for Bombay briefly and
returned back to SMI on 23rd December same year with a certificate
from Anjuman-e-Islam School, Bombay, showing that he had passed the
Standard I there. That time his date of birth was recorded as 20 October
1875, presumably on the basis of the certificate he brought with him and he
was admitted in Standard II.
Mr. Jinnah had a break from his studies for about a month from
5th January to 9th February in 1891. His name was struck off due to his
absence and he had to seek admission in SMI for the third time. His date
of birth was again recorded as 20th October 1875. His academic career at
SMI came to an end on 30th January 1892, while studying in Standard V,
when he left the institution for good with the remarks “Left for Clutch on
marriage” in the General Register of SMI.
Mr. Jinnah’s period at Sindh Madressatul Islam co006Estitutes the
longest spell of his academic life. How he viewed his alma-mater could be
gauged from Quaid-e-Azam’s speech on 21st June 1943, when he came to
inaugurate “Sindh Madressah College”. On that occasion Mr. Jinnah was
 Makers of Modern Sindh 21

overcome by his sentiments, which was very unusual for him. The news
account of the event published in the following day’s Daily Morning News
and Daily Star of India also highlighted this. The news appeared as under:
“Karachi June 21: Mr. M.A. Jinnah, President of the All India
Muslim League, today opened Sindh’s first Muslim College.
“The college is situated in the premises of the Sindh Madressah,
a premier Muslim educational institution in Sindh. Mr. Jinnah was
born in Karachi and himself passed out of this school 55 years’
ago. Recalling this fact, Mr. Jinnah said: ‘I know every inch in the
splendid grounds of this institution and it is no wonder if I am a bit
sentimental in opening a college here although after 55 years. Mr.
Jinnah added that after the death of the founder of the Madressah,
there was nobody to look after his creation with the care it
deserved. That must not happen. There must always be continuity
of the programme of work of any institution. Continuity must be
maintained not only in educational but in all departments of life of
Mussalmans, he said. Speaking in a reminiscent mood, Mr. Jinnah
said he was overcome by sentiment during elevation of his Alma
Mater into a college, where 55 years ago, he had played and studied
as a schoolboy. ‘Every inch of these splendid grounds where I took
part in various games, I know,’ said Mr. Jinnah. He particularly
stressed upon the importance of building up a strong endowment
fund for the college and he hoped that patrons of education would
come forward to provide funds not merely for the new college
but for more colleges of its kind. Mr. Jinnah himself led with a
donation of Rs. 5,000 and a total of Rs. 62,000 was promised on the
spot by other donors”.
Yet another occasion, where Quaid-e-Azam expressed his love and
affection for his alma mater was at the time of writing his last will, wherein
he bequeathed one third of his entire property to Sindh Madressah. At
paragraph number 12 of his Will, dated 30th May 1939, he declared:
“Subject to above, all my residuary estate including the corpus that may fall
22 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

after the lapse of life interest or otherwise to be divided into three parts –
and I bequeath one part to Aligarh University, one part to Islamia College,
Peshawar, and one part to Sindh Madressah of Karachi”.
Deep love of Quaid-e-Azam for Sindh Madressah was perhaps due
to three great gifts that he got from this institution: his command over
English, firm foundation in studies and his self-confidence due to frequent
interaction with highest state functionaries. A few glimpses of those days
are added here to help understand the atmosphere in Sindh Madressatul
Islam, in which Mr. Jinnah spent the formative phase of his life.
In 1887, the year in which Mr. Jinnah got admission in Sindh
Madressah, the Government of Bombay Presidency appointed Mr. H.P.
Jacob as Educational Inspector in Sindh. The officer was known for his
penchant for pure literary English. He was a frequent visitor to Sindh
Madressah and usually spent an entire day evaluating the progress made by
students in English literature and speaking skills as well as other subjects.
The Sindh Madressah Chronicle records:
“He (Mr. H.R. Jacob) hated nothing so much as cockney
English, as the phrase goes. Such a word uttered carelessly but
innocently by a pupil would make him look quite dissatisfied with
the work of class-master. To mark his dislike and disapprobation
of the liberties taken with the English language he would stare and
make faces at those who could be guilty of such gross barbarism!
Nothing, but a spirited piece of declamation would restore him to
good humour on such an occasion”.
Due to Mr. Jacob’s uncompromising attitude towards learning of
proper and literary English, the administration and the teachers at Sindh
Madressah went an extra mile to improve and polish the language skills of
their students. These efforts were also taken so keenly because his accurate
recommendations helped in release of grant-in-aid to the institution. The
result of these efforts was visible in case of Mr. Jinnah, who had entered
SMI after passing his primary in Gujrati language, but was able to pass the
entrance examination of Lincoln’s Inn in London soon after completion of
his studies at Sindh Madressah.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 23

The quality of education at SMI during Mr. Jinnah’s enrollment could

also be gauged from the remarks made by the then Commissioner in
Sindh, Mr. M. James, as recorded in the Visitors’ Book of the institution on
22nd August 1891:
“No visit that I have ever paid to an Educational Institution,
has given me more unqualified pleasure [than visiting SMI] ….
May it [their effort aimed at education of young generation] bring
them well to the front!
Similarly, when Lord Harris, the Governor of Bombay Presidency
visited SMI, he congratulated the students of SMI [including Mr. Jinnah]
for having the privilege of studying in such a beautiful building and in such
an elegant atmosphere. His words were:
“I congratulate Mr. Hassanally and his colleague in this work,
through whose efforts the Mohammedans have been able to
acquire education. I have not seen such a beautiful building as Mr.
Hassanally and his colleagues have been able to erect, in the whole
Bombay Presidency. I congratulate the students on their having
got such a beautiful building to live and to receive education in.”
In addition to providing firm foundation in studies, SMI in those
days, provided ample opportunities for co-curricular activities. It provided
students an exposure to interact with the top state functionaries, thus
boosting their self-confidence. During four-and-a-half years of Mr. Jinnah’s
stay at Sindh Madressah, at least four grand programs were held which
were attended amongst others by the Viceroy and the Governor General of
British India, the Governor of Bombay Presidency and the Commissioner
in Sindh.
One of those grand programs was held a few weeks after Mr. Jinnah
got admitted in Sindh Madressah in August 1887. It was the occasion of
first prize distribution ceremony for the students. Lord Reay, Governor of
Bombay Presidency, which also included Sindh, attended the function as
the chief guest. An excerpt from the report of the program as recorded in
the Sindh Madressah Chronicle is added here:
24 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

“A beautiful dais was erected for the occasion and on the

appointed day and hour the Mohammedan gentry of Karachi
mustered strong to greet the kind Governor and participate in the
prize distribution of their school. The honored guest looked about
forty years of age at the time of his visit. He proved quite an orator
and very happy speaker. The proceedings began with the recitation
of Surah Al-Rahman from the Koran, followed by Sindhi verse
to welcome him…. [The welcome address] pointed out in plain
terms, the deplorable condition of the Sindh Mohammedans and
the efforts that were being made to ameliorate their condition by
the establishment of Sindh Madressah… Lord Reay then stood
up to reply to the above address. He thanked the Association
for their heartfelt welcome, and kind address presented to him.
He appreciated the services that the Madressah was destined to
make on behalf of the backward Mohammedan community. He
recognized the need of assisting the low finances of the institution,
and announced a Government recurring grant of Rs. 6000/- per
annum…. The prizes were then given away and a hip-hip hurrah
for the Governor and visitors brought the proceedings to a close.”
Few months later, on 14th November 1887, the grandest event in the
history of the institution was held when Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy and
Governor General of India, came from British India’s capital Calcutta
to Karachi to lay the foundation-stone of the main building of Sindh
Madressatul Islam. Principal Wali Muhammad Effendi later recorded that:
“Almost the whole of the Karachi attended the function; the
like of which I have never seen again in the city”.
Another important event during Mr. Jinnah’s studies at SMI was held
on 14th August 1890 when another prize distribution ceremony was held,
which was attended amongst others by the then Commissioner-in-Sindh
as well as other important people in Sindh.
After about four-and-a-half years of his stay at Sindh Madressah (with
two brief breaks) Mr. Jinnah left Sindh Madressah on 30th January 1892, to
 Makers of Modern Sindh 25

solemnize his first marriage with Emibaie, at the behest of his parents. He
was just sixteen at that time. His wife was a daughter of an eminent Ismaili
Khoja, Mr. Leera Khemji. The marriage was solemnized at their ancestral
home at Paneli of Gondal State in the Kathiawar region. After solemnizing
his marriage, he came back to Karachi and got enrolled on 8th March 1892
in Standard VI; but this time at Christian Mission School (CMS). Few
months later, in October 1892, he bade goodbye to his education at Karachi
and left for London.

Studies in London
His father would probably have put him in business in accordance
with family tradition, but Mr. Jinnah’s brilliance had already impressed
his father’s British trading partner and close friend, Frederick Leigh Croft,
who advised Jinnabhoy to send Mr. Jinnah to London for higher studies
and training in business. Mr. Jinnah’s mother was reluctant to send her
favorite son to a place as faraway as England. But his father realized the
importance of education; that also in England. Soon, Mr. Jinnah left for
England aboard a ‘Peninsular & Oriental (P&O) steamship and reached
London in February 1893.
London in those closing years of nineteenth century was one of the
most beautiful cities of the world. When Mr. Jinnah reached there, it was
still winter. He was not accustomed to such cold weather. In addition to
that was the pain of loneliness. Both these factors disturbed him initially,
but soon he adapted himself with the new realities of his life. ‘I found a
strange country and unfamiliar surroundings. I did not know a soul and
the fog and winter in London upset me a great deal, but I soon settled
down and was quite happy,’ recalled Mr. Jinnah. He then started scanning
the classified columns of advertisements in the newspapers to find out
suitable accommodation. He soon found an English family that was willing
to have him as their paying guest in their house on 35 at Russell Road in
Kensington area.
It was a great experience for Mr. Jinnah to be in one of the greatest
26 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

cosmopolitan cities of the Western world, which remarkably changed Mr.

Jinnah’s personality for rest of his life – in terms of the dress he wore, the
language he spoke and the life he lived. Mr. Jinnah’s father had already
transferred money for his son to his London account through the Royal
Bank of Scotland. After his arrival in London, he worked at the head office
of Grahams Shipping Company to acquire training in business. But this
did not help develop his interest in business studies or business training, as
his inclination was more in the subject of law and he decided to study the
subject of his choice, not of his father.
The choice fell on Lincoln’s Inn, situated in the heart of central London.
Spread over a vast tract of land measuring more than eleven acres and
surrounded by High Holborn on north, Carey Street and the Royal Courts
of Justice on south, Chancery Lane on the east and the Inn’s open fields on
the west, Lincoln’s Inn was one of the most prestigious institutions of law in
England. It was said that the Inn came into existence in 1292 AD through
an Ordinance by King Edward I. The available records of the Inn go as far
back as 1422 AD. That way, it enjoyed the distinction of being the oldest
amongst the four famous Inns: Lincoln’s, Inner Temple, Middle Temple
and Gray’s Inn. Disclosing his choice for Lincoln’s Inn, Mr. Jinnah, while
addressing the Karachi Bar about half a century later, said that he joined
the Inn, ‘because there, on the main entrance, the name of the Prophet was
included in the list of the great law givers of the world’.
The admission at Lincoln’s Inn required clearing an examination
popularly known as “Little Go,” which included a part in the Latin
language. Mr. Jinnah knew nothing of Latin. So, he wrote an application
to the Masters of the Bench of Honorable Society of Lincoln’s Inn for his
dispensation from the test in Latin. His application dated 25th April 1893,
bearing his name as ‘Mahomedalli Jinnabhoy’ states:
“Sirs,
I humbly and respectfully beg to inform you that I intend to
appear for the preliminary examination.
Having learnt that I shall be examined in the Latin Language
 Makers of Modern Sindh 27

I request you in this petition to grant me dispensation for the

following reasons:
I. Being a native of India I have never been taught this language.
II. I know several of Indian languages, which we are required to
learn as our classics or second languages.
III. Thus having spent my time in learning other languages which
are required there I have not been able to learn the Latin
language and which if I be compelled to learn will take some
years to pass the required exam.
I hope you will kindly comply with my request considering the
reasons to be satisfactory.”
He qualified the examination and was admitted there on 5th of June
1893. His admission has been recorded at page number 444 of the Lincoln’s
Inn’s Admission Register 1420-1893. The entry in the register reads:
‘Muhamedali Jinnabhoy, of Karachi, India (19), i. s. Jinnabhoy of Karachi,
Sindh, India, afsd, merchant.’ Here ‘(19)’ denotes his age of nineteen years;
‘i. s.’ denotes that the admitted student was the first son of his father.
The admission register reveals some other names of the subcontinent’s
Muslim, who also sought admission in the Inn during those days. One such
name is of ‘Syed Ali Ausat, of the University for Allahabad, India (22), the
only son of Syed Mehdi Ali, of Meerut, Division of Meerut, North Western
Province of India, Government Servant,’ who was admitted on 30th May
1893. Another name that appears is that of ‘Shaikh Shamsuddin, of Christ’s
College, Camb (18), the only son of Sheikh Amiruddin of Allahabad,
North West Provinces, India, bar-at-law,’ who was admitted on 2nd June.
Immediately after Mr. Jinnah’s entry is the admission record of a boy
from Mr. Jinnah’s ancestral area ‘Kathiawar’. The entry reads, ‘Bavamia
Abamia Shaikh, of Mangrol, in Kathiawar, India (20), 3 s. Abamia Shaikh,
late of Mangrol, afsd. decd,’ who was admitted on 6th June 1893. It may be a
coincidence but the possibility remains that both these boys from the same
area decided to study law together.
In the meantime, there was a tragedy back home, where his young
wife died within a few weeks after his leaving for London. Within next two
28 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

years, in 1895, he lost his mother also. Being so far from his family he had
to mourn these deaths alone.
During his stay in London, Mr. Jinnah took a keen interest in the
affairs of the Indian community settled over there. Whenever free from
his studies, he used to go to the House of Commons in order to listen to
the debates of the great leaders. It was the time, when Dadabhoy Naoraji,
an Indian leader, was contesting a seat in the English Parliament from
a locality of London. Mr. Jinnah, as a student, fully participated in the
election campaign of Dadabhoy, who won the election with a comfortable
majority.
This success had a great psychological effect on Mr. Jinnah, who
dreamt to be an English Parliamentarian himself at some stage in his life.
He once said, ‘I want to be in London and enter Parliament, where I hope
to wield some influence. There I shall meet British statesmen on a footing
of equality.’ That he would do even otherwise later while staying in India.
After successfully completing his studies at Lincoln’s Inn, while he
was about to be called to the Bar, Mr. Jinnah decided to officially amend
his name as ‘Mohamed Ali Mr. Jinnah’ in place of his registered name
‘Muhamedali Jinnabhoy’. For this he applied on 30th March 1896 from
his residential address ’35-Russell Road, Kensington,’ to ‘The Steward,
Lincoln’s Inn’, writing:
“Sir,
I beg to inform you that I am desirous of dropping the ending
of my name, namely bhai-meaning Mr. – as I explained to you. It
being customary in India, at the time of my admission, I happened
to give the name after that fashion. I shall feel much obliged if you
can and will alter it without causing you any great inconvenience.
The name should be M.A. Jinnah and in full Mohamed Ali Jinnah.
Hoping you will see that it is altered at any rate before my call.
Yours faithfully, M.A. Jinnah”
The request was accepted and he was allowed to amend his name. Next
month he applied for his call to the bar and by end of April 1896, he was
successfully called to the Bar.
A youthful Jinnah in his traditional Sindhi costume in 1892, sometime after
he graduated from SMI.
A very well dressed Jinnah.
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s wife Rattanbaie, around the time of
their marriage in 1918.
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah as practicing barrister at the turn of
the century, 1900, at Bombay.
Quaid-e-Azam remained associated with his alma mater for his entire life, which he visited several times.
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah sitting in the shadow of Sindh Madressah, at the occasion of elevating Sindh
Madressah as college in 1943.
Quaid-e-Azam reading newspaper DAWN, which was founded by him to serve as a mouthpiece of the
Muslims of the subcontinent.
Flagstaff house; Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s home at Karachi.

Quaid-e-Azam and his sister Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah at Karachi, after the
creation of Pakistan in 1947.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 37

Initial Days of Career in Law

He returned back to Karachi in 1896, where a number of problems and
sad news were waiting for him. He learnt that their family business had
failed and his father was facing many cases in courts against the family for
payment of business debts. This was very agonizing for Mr. Jinnah, who
decided once for all to leave Karachi and shift to Bombay as to launch his
career as a lawyer.
Upon reaching the city, he rented a room on a long-term basis in a
hotel in Bombay and got himself enrolled in the Bombay High Court as
Barrister M. A. Jinnah. The first few years proved to be very difficult for
him, as no brief came his way. But he kept a bold front, never disclosing to
anybody that he was having a real difficult time. He was a well-groomed
person, who had a fine appearance and who wore best dresses even during
those days of distress. This trait he kept up to the last days of his life.
Slowly and gradually, his social and professional circle began widening.
One of his friends introduced him to Mr. McPherson, the officiating
Advocate-General of Bombay. McPherson was highly impressed by Mr.
Jinnah’s talent and personality and invited him to work under him in his
department. It was considered a rare distinction for an Indian to get such
an offer from a high ranking British officer. Mr. Jinnah accepted the offer
and was able to prove his worth.
After some time, the Advocate General introduced Mr. Jinnah to one
of his colleague, Sir Charles Ollivant, who was working as the head of
the Judicial Department of Bombay Presidency. Soon afterwards, when a
temporary post of a magistrate fell vacant in Sir Ollivant’s department, he
offered it to Mr. Jinnah, who accepted the offer. This was an opportunity as
well as a challenge for young Mr. Jinnah: an opportunity to gain experience
of a magistrate in British India and a challenge to come up to expectations
of his friends and superiors. Again, his performance was superb.
Sir Ollivant was so impressed by the legal acumen of this young
barrister that at the expiry of the term of the temporary appointment,
he offered him a still higher position in his department, which carried a
38 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

salary of one thousand and five hundred a month: a very huge amount in
those days. But, by then Mr. Jinnah had acquired the firsthand experience
of government service and did not want to go along with that rat race any
longer. To the surprise of Sir Ollivant, a confident Mr. Jinnah said, ‘No,
thank you, Sir. I will soon be able to earn that much in a single day.’
With his determined efforts Mr. Jinnah brought that day quite nearer.
Soon, he was one of the leading lawyers of Bombay. When Sir Ollivant met
Mr. Jinnah few years later, he congratulated him on his correct decision
of not joining the government service. ‘He congratulated me on my
determination and courage, saying that I had done well to refuse his offer,’
Mr. Jinnah recollected later in his life.
Both, in the Bar and in private life, Mr. Jinnah enjoyed high reputation.
He was considered professionally the most competent person and at the
same time an honest and upright man. These qualities helped him a lot in
advancing the ladder of success in his life.
Once established in his career, Mr. Jinnah then decided to bring his
ailing father and rest of his family to Bombay from Karachi. The family was
still not out of financial difficulties. His father appreciated his son’s point
of view and the family shifted to Bombay. Mr. Jinnah had already hired
an apartment in Khoja Mohalla, where they took up residence and had a
respectable and comfortable living in that mega metropolis of India. Mr.
Jinnah, getting busier day by day, and himself living in a separate place,
made it a point to visit his father and siblings regularly, mostly on Sundays.

Beginning of Political Career

By 1906, the thirty years old Mr. Jinnah started his journey in active
politics and joined All India National Congress. This party was established
in 1885, on the initiative of Mr. A.O. Humes, a retired officer of Indian
Civil Service. In the initial years, the Party was very much under British
influence, but with the passage of time it had shunned off all such influences
and was advocating the cause of the independence of India. All India
Muslim League was yet to be born in December that year.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 39

That year Mr. Jinnah went to Bengal to attend the Congress’s annual
session at Calcutta. With him were accompanied seasoned Indian political
stalwarts of those times. One of such persons was Sir Dadabhoy, whom he
had once assisted as political secretary. Sir Dadabhoy was elected to preside
over the session while Mr. Jinnah actively participated in the proceedings.
By the close of 1906, on 30th December, in another city of Bengal,
Dacca, another assembly of men was giving birth to All India Muslim
League; the organization which Mr. Jinnah would join many years later
and would lead it to achieve the establishment of Pakistan. But, in 1906, the
Muslim League was being born at the hands of a battery of leading Indian
Muslims considered to be under heavy influence of British rulers. This
meeting was presided over by Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk who, while explaining
the purpose of the meeting, said that time and circumstances had made it
necessary for the Muslims ‘to unite in association so as to make their voice
heard above the din of other vociferous parties in India and across the wide
seas in England.’
After a thorough discussion over the issue, Khawaja Saleemullah, a
Muslim notable, presented the resolution proposing the formation of the
organization. Hakim Ajmal Khan, another prominent figure of Muslim
India, seconded him. Maulana Mohammed Ali and Zafar Ali Khan were
there and supported the resolution. Hence, All India Muslim League
was born in the meeting with three basic aims and objectives: “(a) to
promote among the Mussalmans of India feelings of loyalty to the British
Government, and to remove any misconceptions that may arise as to the
intentions of the Government with regard to any of its measures: (b) to
protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Mussalmans
of India and respectfully present their needs and aspirations to the
Government; (c) to prevent the rise among the Mussalmans of India of any
feelings of hostility towards other communities without prejudice to other
objects of the League.”
As is evident from the tone of the language used in its aims and
objectives, the Party was not revolutionary but evolutionary. Though Mr.
40 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Jinnah was not part of the originators of the Party, he extended his advice
and support to the League, whenever required.
The Indian Councils Act of 1909, commonly known as Morley-Minto
Reforms, besides a number of improvements over the then existing political
system, provided an increase in the number of Indian representatives in the
Imperial Legislative Council of Calcutta, from sixteen to sixty. Mr. Jinnah
was elected as one of the sixty Indian members as ‘Muslim Member from
Bombay’ at the highest political forum of British India.
The Council met for the first time on 25th of January 1910, with
Viceroy Lord Minto addressing the assembly of almost all the leading
lights of India. Besides Mr. Jinnah, there was Gopal Gokhale, Motilal
Nehru, Surendranath Banerjee and host of others. Mr. Jinnah emerged as
a fearless advocate of right causes. Within a month since his assumption
of seat in the Council, an occasion arose when a resolution was moved to
end the export of indentured Indian laborers to South Africa. The issue
was very important as the Indian public opinion wanted an end to sending
Indians to South Africa, another British colony like India.
The matter came for a debate before the Imperial Legislative Council
in Calcutta on 25th February 1910. Mr. Jinnah took up the floor and said:
‘It is a most painful question, a question which has roused the feelings of
all classes in the country to the highest pitch of indignation and horror at
the harsh and cruel treatment that is meted out to Indians in South Africa.’
Viceroy Minto, who was presiding over the session, could not remain silent
over the use of such strong words like ‘cruel treatment,’ which he deemed
‘too harsh to be used for a friendly part of the Empire.’ But, Mr. Jinnah
was adamant. He said: ‘My Lord! I should feel much inclined to use much
stronger language. But I am fully aware of the constitution of this council,
and I do not wish to trespass for one single moment. But I do say that
the treatment meted out to Indians is the harshest and the feeling in this
country is unanimous.’
Though, Mr. Jinnah had not joined Muslim League as yet, but Mr.
Jinnah and League had developed cordial terms. In 1910 and in 1911, the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 41

League requested him to address its Council meetings. His discourse was
like fresh air in the stagnated atmosphere of the mostly aristocratic League.
At the Council, Mr. Jinnah introduced his first legislative Bill on
17th March 1911, under title ‘Waqf Validating Bill’, to address one of the
most important issues being faced by the Muslims at that time. This non-
official bill presented by Mr. Jinnah was to become the first non-officially
sponsored Act in British Indian history, two years later.
In 1912, the Aga Khan resigned from the presidency of Muslim League.
The change of guards at the top level resulted in change in the policies of
the League. On the flipside, there were certain British actions and policies
which had aggrieved the Muslims. Major Muslim grievances at that time
were the annulment of the partition of Bengal, hindrances in elevation
of Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College to the level of a university,
demolition of Cawnpore Mosque and the British overseas policies in respect
of the Balkan War. These issues gave birth to discontentment amongst
Muslims. The feelings of Muslims were eloquently expressed by journals
and newspapers like Zafar Ali Khan’s Zamindar, Maulana Mohammed
Ali’s Comrade and Hamdard and Abdul Kalam Azad’s Al-Hilal.
It was in this backdrop that Muslim League decided to change its creed
and adopt a new constitution. Thus on 23rd March 1913 at Lucknow, the
League resolved to work for ‘the attainment under the aegis of the British
Crown a system of self-government suitable to India … by fostering public
spirit among the people…and by cooperating with other communities for
the said purpose.’ This modified creed made the League more acceptable to
the class of enlightened Indian Muslims including Mr. Jinnah.
In September 1913, the League’s two stalwarts, Maulana Mohammed
Ali and Syed Wazir Hassan, went to England to apprise the English
authorities of the Muslims’ point of view regarding the Cawnpore mosque
issue. At that time Mr. Jinnah was also in London. Both the delegates
met him and requested him to join the League. Mr. Jinnah agreed on the
condition that his joining All India Muslim League would not in any way
‘imply even the shadow of disloyalty to the larger national cause to which
his life was dedicated,’ i.e. his association with the Congress.
42 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity

Mr. Jinnah was now member of both the major political parties of
India, the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League.
He proved to be a bridge between the two parties and was hailed as an
ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.
In 1914, Mr. Jinnah met Gandhi for the first time at a garden party
given by Sir Jehangir B. Petit on Gandhi’s return to India from South Africa.
The World War had also begun that year bringing a sluggish period as far
as the political activities were concerned. However, the following year he
convinced both the parties to hold their respective sessions concurrently
at Bombay in December 1915, for the first time in the history of these two
organizations.
The sessions were convened successfully despite hindrances created
by certain vested-interests. Mr. Jinnah moved a resolution in the League
session seeking formation of a committee to draw a scheme of political
reforms for India. Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, who became the president
of the Congress in later years, was at that time a member of the Muslim
League, supported the resolution, which was passed and a committee
was formed. On the other hand, the Congress also resolved to set up a
committee for the same purpose. The ice started to melt between the two
major political parties of India, thanks to the efforts of less than forty years
old Mr. Jinnah.
In November 1916, both the committees convened their meetings
jointly at Calcutta and drafted an agreed draft of reforms, known in history
as the Lucknow Pact. This pact accepted separate electorates as the basis of
representation of Muslims in various representative assemblies as well as in
the local bodies. It also resolved amicably the thorny issue of Muslims’ share
in the legislative councils of the country. Mr. Jinnah was also instrumental
in getting a joint memorandum prepared and signed by nineteen members
of the Imperial Legislative Council, backing the compromise formula
between the two parties. This is known in history as the ‘Memorandum of
Nineteen’.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 43

In December 1916, Mr. Jinnah presided over the Muslim League session
held at Lucknow, which endorsed the understanding reached between
the two parties. In the meantime, Mr. Jinnah got elected to the Imperial
Legislative Council, for the second term, from Bombay constituency. The
following year another laurel was bestowed upon him when he was chosen
to head the Bombay branch of Home Rule League, launched by Dr. Annie
Besant. He was invited to preside over a reception given by the people
of Bombay in honor of Gandhi. Similarly, when the provincial political
conference was called, Mr. Jinnah was invited to preside it.
It was decided then that a deputation, jointly appointed by the Congress
and the League, should visit England to brief the British authorities on
Indian people’s aspirations for political and constitutional reforms, on
lines of the Lucknow Pact. Mr. Jinnah was requested to lead the delegation,
which he accepted. Other important members of the deputation included
Tej Bahadur Sapru, Srinivasa Shastri and Syed Wazir Hassan. Though the
environment in Great Britain was depressing in view of prolonged World
War, the team was able to convey their message effectively. The result of
this and other endeavors came in form of the passage of Government of
India Act in 1919, also known as Montague-Chelmsford Reforms.

Marriage with Rattanbaie

One of the most important events in Mr. Jinnah’s personal life was his
marriage to Rattanbaie; a young Parsi girl who had converted to Islam three
days before their marriage in April 1918. Since the death of his first wife in
1893, Mr. Jinnah had remained a bachelor. ‘Miss Rattanbaie, only daughter
of Sir Dinshaw Petit, yesterday underwent conversion to Islam and is today
to be married to the Hon. M.A. Jinnah,’ read the announcement in the daily
‘Statesman’ of Calcutta dated 19th April 1918. The Islamic name given to
Rattanbaie was Marium, but she remained known mostly by her old name.
This was a marriage by choice of both the partners, overlooking the
differences of age, religious background and other such things. The Indian
society was yet not that liberal, hence there was opposition to this marriage
44 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

from certain quarters. But, the couple cared little and the marriage
ceremony went on smoothly. Mr. Jinnah and Rattanbaie parented their
only child, a daughter, Dina on 15th August 1919. Their marriage lasted for
about a decade and ended with the death of Rattanbaie in February 1929.

Towards Leadership
Coming back to political scene in India, in July 1918, the Government
published the draft of Montague-Chelmsford Reforms scheme to get public
reaction to them. Both the major political parties called their respective
sessions in Delhi to formulate their responses. The Muslim League met
with Moulvi Fazul Haq in chair, while the Congress with Pundit Madan
Mohan Malaviya. The League adopted a resolution, partly accepting the
scheme of reforms, while the Congress rejected them entirely. This gave
birth to a wave of agitation and anti-government demonstrations all over
India.
To restore the law in the country, the Government enacted ‘The
Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act,’ popularly known as Rowalt
Act, after the name of Justice S. A. Rowalt, who headed the committee that
proposed the legislation. This act was designed to curb personal freedom,
stifle popular liberty and subdue political activity. It provided for the
conviction of political suspects without proper trial. Mr. Jinnah opposed
this dictatorial piece of legislation. During a debate on the bill, he said, ‘My
first ground is that it is against the fundamental principle of law and justice,
namely that no man should lose his liberty or be deprived of his liberty,
without a judicial trial in accordance with the accepted rules of evidence
and procedure.’
The Government remained adamant. Mr. Jinnah again appealed
in a strong worded open letter to the Viceroy, urging him to withdraw
that anti-people and anti-constitutional legislation. He wrote to him: ‘A
Government that sanctions such a law in time of peace forfeits its claim
to be called a civilized Government.’ His appeal went to deaf ears again.
Finally, he decided to say good bye to his association with the highest
 Makers of Modern Sindh 45

British Assembly in protest and resigned from the membership of Imperial

Legislative Council.
The protest against this law continued throughout India. The Congress
gave a call for strike on 6th April 1919, which engulfed the entire country
in riots. In retaliation government forces rounded up a large number of
political workers. In Amritsar city of the Punjab, a crowd gathered outside
a police station on 11th April, demanding release of the political leaders
who had been arrested. The following day, a protest meeting was called at
Jalianwalla Bagh urging the government to withdraw the Act and release
the political prisoners.
The administration decided to use full force to deal with the situation.
Control of the city was handed over to General Dweyer, who deployed
the troops armed with firearms. When some twenty thousand protesters
assembled there, the General commanded his troops to open fire on them
in order to ‘to teach these bloody Indians a lesson.’ Thousands of innocent
people were murdered and injured cold-bloodedly that day.
The tragedy gave birth to unprecedented anger all over India resulting
in complete anarchy. The desperate Government imposed martial law in the
Punjab, which further aggravated the situation. In 1920, the Government
admitted in a White Paper that the martial law in the Punjab had been
‘Intensive.’ A number of peaceful villages, such as Narwar, Muridke and
Kamoke were bombed from the air. The respectable heads of the village
were flogged and whipped publicly by the martial law authorities for their
offense of ‘obstructive behaviour.’ The whole Punjab was in flames. The
Muslims being in majority in the province suffered more in proportion to
their numerical strength. Mr. Jinnah was shocked at this situation.

Parting of Ways with Congress

Though Mr. Jinnah and Gandhi had been working together, with
difference of opinion on certain issues, but the gulf between them was
growing fast. By that time, Gandhi sat at the top of the two important
political organizations of India: the Congress and the Home Rule League.
46 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Mr. Jinnah was associated with both these organizations. On 3rd October,
the first parting of ways came when Mr. Jinnah resigned from the Home
Rule League when Gandhi, who was presiding over the meeting, gave a
ruling in contravention of Mr. Jinnah’s views.
Soon afterwards, Congress held its session at Nagpur. Gandhi moved
a resolution asking for non-cooperation with the Government. The move
was supported by most of the delegates. Mr. Jinnah alone rose to oppose
the resolution and demanded to be heard in accordance with the spirit of
the democracy. He was of the view that the non-cooperation movement
would not remain non-violent, as claimed by the proponents of movement.
‘Mr. Jinnah with the usual smile on his face mounted the platform with
an ease, suggestive of self-confidence and the conviction of the man, and
opposed in an argumentative, lucid and clear style, the change of creed,’
reported the Times of India. As soon as he had said, ‘I rise to oppose the
resolution….,” the venue was filled with hooting, shouting and catcalls.
Mr. Jinnah, indifferent to these bullying tactics by the crowd, bravely
tried his best to bring a sense in the gathering, but to no avail. Though
he won the admiration of the crowd as a brave and courageous man, he
could not win their vote. After the Nagpur session, Mr. Jinnah resigned
from the Congress, ending his fifteen-years association with the party,
which was becoming more a Hindu dominated organization rather than
representative of all the segments of Indian society. This was the final
parting of ways between Mr. Jinnah and Congress.
In 1923, Mr. Jinnah contested election for a seat in the Imperial Council
from Bombay constituency. He wrote in his election appeal: ‘My sole object
is to serve the cause of the community as best as I can.’ He won the election
unopposed.
These were turbulent times in Indian history. On one hand discontent
against colonial rulers was growing, while on the other hand inter-
communal riots had been quite frequent. By July 1925, major cities of the
subcontinent like Delhi, Calcutta and Allahabad witnessed a frenzy of
bloody communal riots, which continued to plague the political life of the
country for many years to come.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 47

In March 1927, Mr. Jinnah took an initiative and convened a meeting

of all the important Muslim leaders of that time in Delhi. This assembly
unanimously adopted a resolution, which later on came to be known as
‘Delhi Muslim Proposals.’ This resolution highlighted Muslims’ viewpoint
regarding the new scheme of political reforms in the country. An
outstanding achievement of this initiative was that the fragmented Muslim
leadership had converged at one platform. This was praised by M.C.
Chagla, who said, ‘It was the magic wand that Mr. Jinnah alone can wield
that brought about what seemed an impossible achievement.’ The contents
of the resolution received a mixed response from various Indian political
circles. The Congress responded by forming its own Committee, known as
the Nehru Committee, after the name of Pundit Motilal Nehru, father of
Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru.
In November 1927, the British Government announced appointment
of the Simon Commission, which was to visit India and submit its report
on the constitutional issues. Mr. Jinnah objected the composition of the
commission which did not include a single Indian. He called for a protest
meeting, held in Bombay on 19th November 1927, wherein he moved a
resolution, stating: ‘The Statutory Commission, which has been announced,
is unacceptable to the peoples of India.’ Hence, when the Commission
landed in Bombay on 3rd February 1928, it was greeted with black flags
and protest demonstrations. Wherever the Commission went, they faced
protesting demonstrations chanting ‘Go Back Simon Go Back.’ Finally, the
Commission left India on 31st March 1928.
On the other hand, the Nehru Committee, which was constituted
after Mr. Jinnah’s initiative of convening a meeting of Muslim leaders in
Delhi, presented its report, which largely went against the spirit of Delhi
Muslim Proposals. Hence, the Muslim League rejected it at its session held
at Delhi in March 1929. On this occasion, Mr. Jinnah presented his famous
‘Fourteen Points.’ Though Mr. Jinnah had lost his wife Rattanbaie just a
month before the session of the League, he did not allow himself to mourn
his colossal personal loss at the cost of his responsibilities as a leader of
48 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Indian Muslims. His fourteen points, which he called the ‘basic principles’,
contained the basic measures to safeguard the rights and interests of
Muslims.

Round Table Conferences

By May 1929, Westminster Abbey in London saw the change of
guards where the Labour Party won the general elections and formed
the government with Ramsay McDonald as Prime Minister. In October,
Viceroy Lord Irwin announced that the new British Government would
ascertain Indian public opinion on future constitutional reforms before
they were implemented. Mr. Jinnah welcomed the move saying, ‘We trust
that the representatives of India who will be invited to meet His Majesty’s
Government will be such as will command the confidence of the people of
India.’
The following years saw three Round Table Conferences taking place
in London, at the first of which Mr. Jinnah was invited to speak on behalf
of the Muslims of India. Addressing the assembly of the political who’s
who of India and England, on 20th November 1930, Mr. Jinnah said, ‘I am
glad we are here to witness the birth of a New Dominion of India…. There
is not one section in India that has not emphatically declared that India
must have full measure of self-government…. The Mussalmans demand
safeguards for their community.’
Mr. Jinnah was not invited to the remaining two conferences by
the Government. He disclosed the reason for being not invited to the
subsequent meetings, in his address to India’s Central Assembly in February
1934, saying: ‘I was not invited to the later sittings of the Round Table
Conference, because I was the strongest opponent of the Federal Scheme.’
How he performed at the conferences, could be judged from the
accounts given by his contemporaries. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu remarked: ‘Mr.
Jinnah’s extraordinary powers of persuasion, his luminous exposition, his
searching arguments, and his impeccable judgment are revealed at their
best, when he graces a committee with his august presence’. Another great
 Makers of Modern Sindh 49

Muslim leader of those times, Sir Aga Khan, observed: ‘The Muslims very
rightly followed and gave their full confidence to Mr. Jinnah.’
After participating in the first Round Table Conference in 1930, Mr.
Jinnah decided to settle in England and practice law before the Privy
Council. He gave up his political activities in India. Perhaps, the death of
his beloved wife had left some emotional scars, which he wanted to heal
in privacy, a little away from political limelight. During that period, he
concentrated on his professional life as a lawyer and emerged as one of
the most successful barristers in England. The trappings of professional
success emerged in a comfortable and a respectable life in England. But
his absence from the political scene in India deprived Muslims of India an
ardent supporter of their cause.
The visiting Muslim leaders to London, during his stay there, had been
pursuing Mr. Jinnah to return back to India in the interest of the Muslims
of the subcontinent. After staying in England for little less than four years,
Mr. Jinnah finally returned back to India in April 1934. With his return, he
actively engaged himself in politics and within no time, he emerged as the
sole spokesman of Muslims in India.
In October 1934, Mr. Jinnah contested and won unopposed a
seat in the Central Assembly, where he was elected as the leader of the
Independent Party, comprising mostly of Muslims. In July 1935, the British
Government gave assent to the Government of India Act, 1935, under
which elections to various legislative forums were to be contested in 1936-
37. The Muslim League, under the leadership of Mr. Jinnah, constituted a
Central Parliamentary Board: for the first time in the history of the party.
These were the times when the Muslim League was in shambles due to
divisions in its rank and file as well as Mr. Jinnah’s being away for a long time.
On the other hand, the Congress was well-organized, mobile and efficient.
The results of the elections were not surprising when the Congress could
secure absolute majority in five out of the eleven provincial assemblies and
formed governments in seven provinces. The Muslim League was able to
capture only 108 Muslim reserved seats out of total 484 such seats.
50 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

After the Congress formed governments in the provinces, it could not

show the degree of magnanimity and tolerance for the Muslim minority,
which a multicultural polity like India demanded. Jawaharlal Nehru and
other leaders began to issue statements which discounted the Muslim
identity. The headquarters of Muslim League started flooding with
complaints from various parts of India against the atrocities and injustices
meted out to Muslims in the provinces with the Congress ministries.
Responding to these grievances, the League appointed a committee,
headed by the Raja of Pipur, in March 1938, to probe into the issue. The
subsequent ‘Pipur Report’ substantiated the allegations.
Mr. Jinnah protested against these atrocities and entered into
correspondence with the Congress President, suggesting that both the
parties, the Congress and the Muslim League, should sit together to sort
out the issues, which were hampering inter-communal relations. But the
Congress was weary of accepting the League’s status as the representative
of Indian Muslims. Thus, the Congress president Bose wrote to Mr. Jinnah:
‘The Working Committee (of Congress) is not in a position to do anything
further in the direction of starting negotiations with the League.’
Around that time, Nehru expressed his belief publicly, “there are only
two parties in the country -- the Congress and the British in India”. Mr.
Jinnah could not remain silent and responded back: ‘No. There is a third
party -- the Mussalmans.’ This brought the realization amongst Muslims
that the Congress Hindus were not even ready to accept their existence. It
was from this point that the popularity of Muslim League started spreading
amongst the Muslim masses in India. Mr. Jinnah seized this opportunity
and organized the League all over the country. By the end of 1939, the
Congress governments in the provinces decided to quit on account of their
political differences with British. Muslim League was delighted and Mr.
Jinnah asked for celebrating the ‘Day of Deliverance’ to mark the occasion.

Karachi Resolution
Prior to that, in October 1938, another great event had taken place in
 Makers of Modern Sindh 51

Karachi. It was a resolution moved by Sir Abdullah Haroon, demanding

a separate homeland for the Muslims of India, at the Muslim League’s
session held in Karachi with Mr. Jinnah in chair. Resolution No.5 of the
session asserted that the Muslims were a “separate nation” and India was
not having just one but two nations. It read:
“Whereas the evolution of a single united India and a united
Indian Nation inspired by common aspirations and common ideals
being impossible of realization on account of the caste-ridden
mentality and anti-Muslim policy of the majority community,
and also on account of acute differences of religion, language,
script, culture, social attitude and outlook on life of the two major
communities and even of race in certain parts, this Conference
considers it absolutely essential in the interests of an abiding peace
of the vast Indian continent and in the interests of unhampered
cultural development, the economic and social betterment, and
political self-determination of the two nations known as Hindus
and Muslims, to recommend to All-India Muslim League to
review and revise the entire question for what should be the
suitable constitution for India which will secure honorable and
legitimate status due to them, and that this conference, therefore
recommends to the All-India Muslim League to devise a scheme
of Institution under which Muslims may attain full independence.”
The significance of this resolution arises from the fact that it was for the
first time that the Muslim League had formally defined Hindus and Muslims
living in India as ‘two separate nations’ and advocated independence of
Muslims. The resolution prepared the way for the formal declaration of the
League’s ultimate goal of Pakistan, seventeen months later in March 1940.

The Last Will

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, at age of about sixty-three,
wrote his last will on 30th May 1939 at Bombay. The address printed on the
paper bearing his last will read: ‘Little Gibbs Road, Malabar Hill, Bombay.’
52 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

One and a half year later, on 25th October 1940, he added codicil to his
will. The most important feature of Mr. Jinnah’s last will was that he had
given preference to educational institutions over his personal relations
and bequeathed a large portion of his hard-earned wealth to educational
institutions, notably Aligarh Muslim University, Peshawar’s Islamia
College and his alma mater Sindh Madressatul Islam rather than giving to
his daughter, sisters or brothers. His last will as well as subsequent codicil
to it are reproduced as under:
1. “This is my last Will and Testament, all other Wills & Testaments of
mine stands cancelled.
2. “I appoint my sister, Fatima Jinnah, Mr. Mohammadali Chaiwalla,
Solicitor Bombay and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan of Delhi as my
executrix and executors and also my trustees.
3. “All shares, stocks & securities and current accounts now standing in
the name of my sister, Fatima Jinnah, are her absolute property. I have
given them all to her by way of gifts during my life time and I confirm
the same, and she can dispose of them in any manner she pleases as her
absolute property.
4. “I now hereby bequeath to her my house and all that land with
appurtenances, outhouse etc. situated at Mount Pleasant Rd., Malabar
Hill, Bombay, including all the furniture, plates, silver & Motor Cars
in its entirety as it stands absolutely and she can dispose of it in any
manner she please by will, deed or otherwise.
5. “I also direct my executors to pay her during her lifetime Rs.2000/- two
thousand per month (for her maintenance and other requirements for
her).
6. “I direct my executors to pay per month Rs.100/- one hundred to my
sister, Rehemat Cassimbhoy Jamal, during her lifetime.
7. “I direct my executors to pay per month Rs.100/- one hundred to my
sister, Mariam Abdenbhoy Peerbhoy, during her lifetime
8. “I direct my executors to pay per month Rs.100/- one hundred to my
sister, Shereen, during her lifetime.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 53

9. “I direct my executors to pay per month Rs.100/- one hundred to my

brother, Ahmed, during his lifetime.
10. “I direct my executors to set apart Rs.200000/- (two lacs) or (two
hundred thousand) which are 6% bring an income of Rs.1000/- one
thousand and pay the income thereof whatever it be to my daughter
every month for her life or during her lifetime and after her death
the corpus of two lacs so set apart to be divided equally between her
children, males or females, in default of issue the corpus to fall into my
residuary estate.
11. “I direct my executors to pay the following by way of gifts to the
institutions mentioned. I bequeath Rs.25000/- Twenty-five thousand
to the Anjuman-e-Islam School, Bombay, situated at Hornsby Rd.
opposite Boribunder Station and next to The Times of India Buildings.
I bequeath Rs.50000/- Fifty thousand to the University of Bombay.
I bequeath Rs.25000/- Twenty-five thousand to the Arabic College
Delhi.
12. “Subject to above, all my residuary estate including the corpus that
may fall after the lapse of life interests or other-wise to be divided into
three parts and I bequeath One Part to Aligarh University, One Part to
Islamia College Peshawar, and One Part to Sind Madressah of Karachi.”
Signed (M.A. Jinnah)
As stated earlier, he added codicil to his will on 25 October 1940,
which read as under:
“This is my codicil to the Will. I have an account with the
National Bank of India, Bombay as account No.2 and also I hold
(500) Five hundred shares of the Reserve Bank of India now in the
possession of the Bank standing in my name but purchased out of
the money in account No.2.
“This account and all moneys deposited and invested were
given to me personally by various public spirited donors to use
them and do what I liked with them for the uplift of the Musulmans.
I, therefore, have full and absolute power to dispose of them in any
54 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

way I may consider proper. I also have received a donation of one

lac to use it for the purpose of establishing Muslim League press
and paper in such manner as I may consider proper.
“I, now having full power of disposition, bequeath the same to
my executors and they are to use the capital and/or interest thereof
in any way they may consider proper relating to this account.
“Besides this amount and 500 shares of the Reserve Bank I
have other accounts of mine own in the National Bank of India
and also in the Imperial Bank at Bombay and New Delhi but those
and all other accounts abroad with any Bank or Banks are my own
absolute property and will be governed by will of mine that I have
already made.” Signed (M.A. Jinnah)
As is evident from the above text, Para 12 of the will was of paramount
importance as he had designated three educational institutions as permanent
beneficiaries of the proceeds of his residuary estate. His residuary estate
included Flag Staff House in Karachi, lands in Malir, Karachi, lands in
Gulberg, Lahore and vast area of land in Mauripur, Hawks Bay in Karachi
and his other assets. In addition to them was the corpus that fell after the
lapse of life interest of the grantees under the will.

Pakistan Resolution
Mr. Jinnah came to Lahore in March 1940 to preside over the historic
session of the Muslim League, which passed the famous Pakistan Resolution
on 23rd March. Delegates from all over India had converged at Lahore. Mr.
Jinnah took stage on 22nd March saying, ‘Ladies and Gentlemen! We are
meeting today in our session after fifteen months. The last session of the
All India Muslim League took place at Patna in December 1938. Since then
many developments have taken place. I shall first shortly tell you what the
All India Muslim League had to face after the Patna session of 1938.’
Informing the delegates of the progress made so far in the organizational
work of the League, Mr. Jinnah reminded, ‘You remember that one of the
tasks which was imposed on us and which is far from being completed yet
 Makers of Modern Sindh 55

was to organize Muslim League all over India. We have made enormous
progress during the last fifteen months in this direction. I am glad to
inform you that we have established provincial league in every province.
The next point is that in every by-election to the Legislative Assemblies
we had to fight with powerful opponents. I congratulate the Mussalmans
for having shown enormous grit and spirit throughout our trials. There
was not a single by-election in which our opponents won against Muslim
league candidates. In the last election to the U.P. Council, that is the Upper
Chamber, the Muslim League’s success was cent percent. I do not want
to weary you with details of what we have been able to do in the way of
forging ahead in the direction of organizing the Muslim League. But I may
tell you that it is going up by leaps and bounds’.
Under his leadership, the League had started a policy of giving the
women an equal footing in the affairs of the party. He told his captivated
audience, ‘Next, you may remember that we appointed a committee of
ladies at the Patna session. It is of very great importance to us because I
believe that it is absolutely essential for us to give every opportunity to our
women to participate in our struggle of life and death…. We appointed
this committee with a view to enable them to participate in the work of
the League. The objectives of this central committee were (1) to organize
provincial and district women’s sub-committee under the provincial and
district Muslim League; (2) to enlist a larger number of women to the
membership of the Muslim League; (3) to carry on an intensive propaganda
amongst Muslim women throughout India in order to create in them a
sense of a greater political consciousness, because if political consciousness
is awakened amongst our women, remember your children will not have
much to worry about; (4) advise and guide them in all such matters as
mainly rest on them for the uplift of Muslim society.’
During his address, Mr. Jinnah also touched upon the subject of the
Congress rule in certain provinces in aftermath of 1936-7 elections. He
said, ‘We had many difficulties to face from January 1939 right up to the
declaration of the War. We had to face the Vidya Mandir in Nagpur. We
56 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

had to face the Wardha Scheme all over India. We had to face ill treatment
and oppression of Muslims in the Congress governed provinces. We had to
face the treatment meted out to Muslims in some of the Indian States such
as Jaipur and Bhavnagar. We had to face a vital issue that arose in that little
state of Rajkot as the acid test made by the Congress, which would have
affected one-third of India. Thus, the Muslim League had all along to face
various issues from January 1939 up to the time of declaration of the War.’
Explaining his point of view on the Government of India Act 1935,
Mr. Jinnah told his audience in Lahore that March, ‘We felt that we could
never accept the dangerous scheme of the central federal Government
embodied in the Government of India Act, 1935. I am sure that we have
made no small contribution towards persuading the British Government
to abandon the scheme of central federal government. In creating that
mind in the British Government, the Muslim League, I have no doubt,
played no small part. You know that the British people are very obdurate
people. They are also very conservative; and although they are very clever,
they are slow in understanding. After the War was declared, the Viceroy
naturally wanted help from the Muslim League. It was only then that he
realized that the Muslim League was a power. For it will be remembered
that up to the time of the declaration of War, the Viceroy never thought
of meeting but Gandhi and Gandhi alone. I have been the leader of an
important party in the Legislature for a considerable time, larger than the
one I have the honour to lead at present, the Muslim League Party in the
Central Legislature, yet the Viceroy never thought of me.’
Giving the background of the Viceroy’s invitation to Mr. Jinnah and
Gandhi, he informed the gathering, ‘When I got this invitation from the
Viceroy along with Mr. Gandhi, I wondered within myself why I was so
suddenly promoted and then I concluded that the answer was the ‘All
India Muslim League’ whose President I happen to be. I believe that was
the worst shock that the Congress high command received because it
challenged their sole authority to speak on behalf of India. And it is quite
clear from the attitude of Mr. Gandhi and the high command that they
 Makers of Modern Sindh 57

have not yet recovered from that shock. My point is that, I want you to
realize the value, the importance, the significance of organizing ourselves.
I will not say anything more on the subject. But a great deal yet remains
to be done. I am sure from what I can see and hear that the Muslim India
is now conscious, is awake and the Muslim League has by now grown into
such a strong institution that it cannot be destroyed by anybody whoever
he may happen to be. Men may come and men may go but the League will
live forever.’
Mr. Jinnah clarified his stance on the war effort before the Muslim
League session. ‘Now, coming to the period after the declaration of War,
our position was that we were between the devil and the deep sea. But I
do not think that the devil or the deep sea is going to get away with it.
Anyhow, our position is this. We stand unequivocally for the freedom of
India. But it must be freedom of all India and not freedom of one section
or, worse still, of the Congress caucus and slavery of Mussalmans and
other minorities. Situated in India as we are, we naturally have our past
experiences, and particularly the experiences of the past two-and-a-half
years of provincial constitution in the Congress governed provinces. We
have learnt many lessons. We are now, therefore, very apprehensive and
can trust nobody. I think it is a wise rule for everyone not to trust anybody
too much. Sometimes we are led to trust people but when we find in
actual experience that our trust has been betrayed, surely that ought to be
sufficient lesson for any man not to continue his trust in those who have
betrayed us’.
He concluded his detailed speech with an appeal to intellectuals. ‘I
should appeal to the intelligentsia. The intelligentsia in all countries in the
world has been the pioneer of any movements for freedom. What does
the Muslim intelligentsia propose to do? I may tell you that unless you
get this into your blood. Unless you are prepared to take off your coats
and are willing to sacrifice all that you can and work selflessly, earnestly
and sincerely for your people, you will never realize your aim. Friends,
I therefore want you to make up your mind definitely and then think of
58 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

devices and organize your people, strengthen your organization and

consolidate the Mussalmans all over India.’
On 23rd March 1940, this session of All India Muslim League, with Mr.
Jinnah in chair, unanimously passed the ‘Pakistan Resolution’ stating ‘the
North-Western and Eastern Zones of India should be grouped to constitute
‘Independent States’, in which constituent units shall be autonomous and
sovereign. After the session, Mr. Jinnah told his secretary, ‘Iqbal is no more
among us. But had he been alive, he would have been happy to know that
we did exactly what he wanted us to do.’
At that time, World War II was going on, absorbing the British
government’s entire attention. In August 1940, the Viceroy of India made
the ‘August Offer’, which incorporated the Muslim League’s point of view to
some extent. Though it is beyond the scope of this book to go into details
of the political developments taking place in the subcontinent during that
stormy decade of the last century, only important point which had bearing
on Mr. Jinnah are briefly described here. In March 1942, Sir Stafford Cripps
visited India to resolve the political impasse in the country, but without
much success. The Congress politics of those days revolved around the
slogan of ‘Quit India.’ While the Mr. Jinnah’s Muslim League demanded
the British to ‘Divide and Quit’.

Offer of honorary PhD

It is the time that an important trait of Mr. Jinnah’s personality could
be highlighted. It was that Mr. Jinnah was contented with what he was and
did not require any boasting titles to enhance his prestige. The occasion
was Aligarh Muslim University’s decision on 12th April 1942 to confer an
honorary degree of Doctor of Law on Mr. Jinnah. The correspondence in
this regard is reproduced here to provide a gist of the Mr. Jinnah’s character.
The correspondence began with a letter dated 23rd April 1942 from Dr
Sir Ziauddin Ahmed, the vice-chancellor of the university, to Mr. Jinnah
conveying him the decision of the court of the university. He wrote:
 Makers of Modern Sindh 59

My dear Mr. Jinnah,

The court of this University at its last meeting held on the 12th
April, has authorized me to take necessary steps for the conferment
of an honorary Degree of Doctor of Law on any date that may be
convenient to you. Will you please let me know what time will
be convenient to you so that I may take necessary steps? Yours
sincerely, Ziauddin Ahmed
Any ordinary mortal would have jumped with joy on such a singular
honor. But, Mr. Jinnah was not stirred and even did not respond. The vice
chancellor tried to meet Mr. Jinnah at his residence in Delhi two times,
but was unable to do so due to Mr. Jinnah’s engagements. After waiting
for about six months since his first letter, the vice chancellor wrote Mr.
Jinnah another letter on 30th September 1942, along with a copy of his
previous letter, requesting him again to fix a date for holding the Special
Convocation. He wrote:
My dear Mr. Jinnah,
I am sorry that I did not have the opportunity to meet you
in Delhi. You were busy in the first week. I went twice to your
house, but you were engaged and I myself fell ill during the last
four days of my stay, so much so that I had to deliver my speech
on the Khaksar question with a temperature of 102. There were
several points I wanted to discuss with you.
I sent you a letter on the 23rd April 1942, a copy of which is
enclosed herein for ready reference, and I spoke to you personally.
I will have to lay your reply before the next meeting of the
Executive Council. We want some notice for holding the Special
Convocation. You may please let me know the time that may be
most convenient to you. Yours sincerely, Ziauddin Ahmed
Mr. Jinnah replied from Delhi on 4th October 1942, declining to accept
the honour, declaring that he was averse to any title or honours. He wrote:-
Dear Dr. Sir Ziauddin,
I am in receipt of your letter of the 30th September, and I am
60 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

thankful to the court of the Muslim University Aligarh, for having

decided to confer an honorary Degree of Doctor of Law on me.
While I appreciate very much indeed the spirit which has actuated
the court to take this decision, I have, most reluctantly, to say that I
have lived as plain Mr. Jinnah and I hope to die as plain Mr. Jinnah.
I am very much averse to any title or honours and I will be more
happy(happier) if there was no prefix to my name.
I therefore, hope that the court will in deference to my feelings
and sentiments, be good enough to reconsider their decision,
although I fully realize that no greater honour can be done to a
man than what is proposed to be conferred upon me by the court
of the Muslim University. Yours sincerely M.A. Jinnah
This reply from Mr. Jinnah was reviewed by the Executive Council of the
university, which resolved to request Mr. Jinnah to reconsider his decision
as the university wanted Mr. Jinnah’s name on the list of the recipients of
its degrees. The vice chancellor was again entrusted the responsibility to
persuade Mr. Jinnah to accept the degree. Accordingly, the vice chancellor
wrote again to Mr. Jinnah on 3rd December 1942, stating:
My dear Mr. Jinnah,
I laid your letter of the 4th October 1942 before the Executive
Council, and the Council unanimously asked me to request you
to reconsider your decision. Your non-acceptance will be a great
disappointment. The inclusion of your name among the recipients
of honorary Degrees will be a great honour to the University. Yours
sincerely, Ziauddin Ahmed
But, Mr. Jinnah still remained unmoved. Writing from Delhi on
6th January 1943, he again declined to accept the degree, saying:
Dear Sir Ziauddin,
Many thanks for your letter of the 3rd of December 1942. As
requested by you on behalf of the Executive Council to reconsider
my decision, I have again thought over the matter in deference to
their wishes and I can only say that I am unable to accept the great
 Makers of Modern Sindh 61

honour that the Council proposes to confer upon me. It is not that
I do not appreciate the feelings behind it, but there are various
reasons and I have reluctantly to say that really I am unable to
concede to this well-meant request.
Please convey my deepest thanks and appreciation of the
decision of the Executive Council to confer upon me this great
honour. I hope, however, that the Council will not misunderstand
me for the conclusion that I have come to so unwillingly. Yours
sincerely, M.A. Jinnah
Another trait of Mr. Jinnah’s personality was that he was a
straightforward person. This could be highlighted from the story of his
writing a reference letter for one of his former driver who had the habit of
quarrelling with other servants. The letter of recommendation given to his
former driver at the end of his job described the true character of the man.
He wrote:
“The bearer, Mohammed Alam, has been in my service as
a motorcar driver for over a year and I found him honest and
very good driver, although in him the bump of locality is far
from developed…. The chief reason why I am dispensing with
his services is that he cannot get on well with other servants
and recently he had a violent quarrel with my khidmatgar. I am
therefore obliged to discharge him.”
Similarly, when he knew that one of his cooks indulged in excessive
drinking, he removed him from his service and issued him a certificate
describing the man’s weakness. He wrote:
“The bearer, Mubarak Beg, has been in my service as a cook
for about nine months. He is a good cook and a good servant and
I am sorry that I have to part with him. His vice of drinking makes
him so unreliable that I have no alternate but to dismiss him.”
He was also very concerned about the poor people and helped
them from his own pocket whenever there was a calamity. In the summers
of 1942, unprecedented floods visited Sindh. The overflowing river Indus
62 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

brought misery and suffering to the people of Sindh. This bothered Mr.
Jinnah to great extent. He sent some of his personal amount towards
relieving the distress of people living in the affected areas. He also sent
a telegram to Khan Bahadur Mohammed Ayub Khuhro conveying his
sympathy for the poor sufferers. He wrote:
“My most heartfelt sympathy for the Mussalmans who have
suffered, specially the poor, owing to the Indus floods calamity.
Please announce my humble contribution of one thousand rupees.
The cheque follows by post. Sincerely hope the Mussalmans will
do all they can to help our brethren in distress – Jinnah”

Karachi Welcomes (1943)

In June 1943, Mr. Jinnah came to Karachi to visit his Alma Mater
Sindh Madressatul Islam, where he opened “Sindh Madressah College” on
21st June. The detailed account of the event has already been given in the
first part of this article.
He again came to Karachi the same year in December 1943 to preside
over the meeting of the Working Committee of All India Muslim League.
The people of Karachi accorded him a rousing welcome on his arrival
on 23rd December 1943, when a two-mile long procession followed Mr.
Jinnah to the venue of the meeting. Next day, on 24th December Daily
Morning News reported the event:
“Like a great new power installation springing to life with a
roar at the touch of a concealed button, Haroonabad become a
vigorous living entity today when Mr. M.A. Jinnah arrived there
for the first time to preside over the meeting of the League Working
Committee. Mr. Jinnah, who was dressed in a Sherwani, received
a tremendous ovation from those present. The tempo of activity in
Haroonabad has increased several-fold with the commencement
of the main programme. The main event of the day was a unique
and most spectacular procession, nearly two miles long, in which
Mr. Jinnah was taken to the pandal to unfurl the League flag. The
 Makers of Modern Sindh 63

Raja of Mahmudabad, the Hon. Sir K. Nazimuddin and the rest of

the members of the Committee are expected to arrive in Karachi
by tomorrow. The Hon. (Mr) Tamizuddin Khan and 30 other
delegates from Bengal have arrived…
“The presidential procession, which started from a spot only
a stone’s throw from where Mr. Jinnah spent his early boyhood,
was acclaimed as a spontaneous demonstration of popularity and
enthusiasm such as kings might envy. It was a scene the grandeur
of which has never been equaled in Karachi before. The whole
function passed off with clockwork precision and an impressive
orderliness. The whole of the four-mile route was thronged with
people of all communities. Everyone not engaged in essential work
seemed to have left his job to witness the unforgettable scene.
Balconies, rooftops, railings and in fact every vantage point along
the route was packed with people and both sides of the procession
were lined with spectators from five to seven deep. Altogether over
two lakhs of people must have witnessed the procession. Smart
formations of Muslim National Guards dressed in gray uniforms
first caught the eye. These contingents totaling two thousand
volunteers came from almost every province in India and were
accompanied with bands and bagpipes (and) a fleet of over hundred
cars in which were seated the leading lights of Muslim League. The
Premiers of Sindh, the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province
were in the car.
“On either side of Mr. Jinnah were two special bodyguards,
namely Nawab Siddique Ali Khan and Syed Sarwar Shah Gilani.
With Mr. Jinnah in the chariot were Mr. Yousuf Abdullah Haroon,
General Secretary of the Reception Committee and Mr. G.M.
Syed, Chairman of the Reception Committee. The crowd cheered
repeatedly as the procession halted and Mr. Jinnah acknowledged
the cheers. The procession terminated at 7.30 p.m. and Mr. Jinnah
unfurled the League flag on the main gate to the accompaniment
64 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

of the firing of 31 rockets. Speaking from a rostrum to a vast crowd,

Mr. Jinnah thanked them for the ‘royal reception’ the people of
Karachi had accorded him.”

Advice to Students
In early 1944, Mr. Jinnah was invited by the Muslim Students
Federation of Bombay district to address them on 1st February 1944. He
chose the occasion to advise his young followers to concentrate on their
studies in order to acquire expertise in their respective fields. He told them
that there were four pillars on which the structure of the Pakistan was to
be laid: education, economy, society and the politics. He assigned priority
to the first three. Daily Star of India reported the event in its 2nd February
issue. The news story read as under:
“…He appealed to Muslim youths to give their best in the
building up of the pillars upon which would rest that edifice of
Pakistan. ‘The pillars were educational, economic, social and
political, and in their construction, the first three should have a
priority before they could tackle the political problem. Hard work,
industry and perseverance should be the keynote of Muslim youths
in their task ahead.’ He emphasized that nothing could be achieved
without doing anything … and advised the students to take a deep
interest in not only what was happening to the Muslims but what
was happening throughout India and all over the world.
“He was glad that the Federation had opened a library but
warned them that education should not mean that they should
be bookworms or get through examinations by cramming. They
must acquire general knowledge. Mr. Jinnah asked what the
Federation had done and what contribution they had made to
the progress of the Muslims. He urged that students should do
some concrete work, which would end in definite results in the
social, educational and economic spheres of Muslims. Referring
to the Muslim League, Mr. Jinnah said that there were millions
 Makers of Modern Sindh 65

of Muslims who were in the League and many more millions of

them who though technically not in the League, yet stood by the
League. They had a great struggle in front of them. So far by dint of
hard and strenuous labour and perseverance, they had established
amongst Muslims a unity of ideal with one goal. Now it remained
for them to established unity of action.”
Elaborating the condition of the Muslims in social sector, Mr. Jinnah
told his young audience that ‘educationally the condition of the Mussalmans
today was hopelessly bad. Economically they were worse. No nation, he
said, could ever successfully struggle while they were being economically
dominated by another nation. Even a free nation would be handicapped
if she was economically weak. Social uplift was an important pillar and
when the Muslims had built up those three pillars they would be strong
enough to put up the political pillar without difficulty. Hard work and
industry were essential and it would do good not only to the individual but
to the community at large. No nation had ever achieved anything without
a struggle’.
Explaining the background of the demand for Pakistan, Mr. Jinnah
stated: “The Muslim demand for Pakistan meant nothing more than that
each community should manage their own homelands. The Hindus, he
said, should understand the demand easily because, amongst them, when
they disagreed they resorted to the partition of the property of a joint
family. They were opposed to him because he was opposed to the principle
that the whole of India belonged to the Hindus and that they should rule
over it. Mr. Jinnah did not think that the Hindus would succeed in their
attempt and, as for the Muslims, they would not rest content till they had
their partition”.

Political Stalemate
By September 1944, a series of meetings between Mr. Jinnah and
Gandhi was arranged in order to evolve a consensus on the political
future of the subcontinent. The meetings took place mostly at Mr. Jinnah’s
66 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Bombay home. But the talks proved to be not very successful. At the end
of the talks, Mr. Jinnah issued a statement, saying ‘I am convinced that the
true welfare not only of Muslim but of the rest of India lies in the division
of India, as proposed in the ‘Lahore Resolution.’
When both the leaders failed to reach an agreement, the Government
made a new offer in June 1945, called Wavell Plan. A conference of the
representatives of the Hindu and Muslim communities was called in
Shimla. This effort also could not bear fruit. By that time the World War
had ended and the war cabinet of Prime Minister Churchill in England
was replaced by Labour Party’s government with Clement Attlee serving as
Prime Minister. In the new dispensation, Lord Pethick Lawrence became
the Secretary of State for India. This brought a full set of changes in the
British policies towards India.
The new Government ordered for election in India, which took place
in December 1945. The slogan of the Muslim League was ‘Pakistan’. This
time it was totally different. The Muslim League won all the seats in the
Central legislature, securing eighty-seven percent of the Muslim votes.
This was Mr. Jinnah’s greatest success. He declared 11th January 1946 to
be celebrated as the ‘Victory Day’ all over the country. In March 1946,
the Cabinet Mission, comprising three British Cabinet Ministers, Pethick
Lawrence, Stafford Cripps and AV Alexander reached India and met Mr.
Jinnah on 4th April.
Mr. Jinnah, in order to demonstrate that the Muslim of India stood
behind him in his demand for Pakistan, called a meeting of all the elected
Muslim members of the central and provincial assemblies on 9th April.
The conference unanimously adopted a resolution stating that they favored
the idea of Pakistan. The Mission met both Mr. Jinnah and the Congress
leadership at Shimla, but failed to resolve the issue. Subsequently, Mr.
Jinnah convened a meeting of the League’s Council, which decided to
observe 16th August 1946 as Direct Action Day.
Mr. Jinnah was worried over the fast deteriorating law and order
conditions in the country. The communal riots had become the order of
 Makers of Modern Sindh 67

the day. Everyday there were news of looting, killing or plundering from
one or the other part of the country. The British government decided to
invite Mr. Jinnah and other important leaders of Indian political parties to
London. Accordingly, Mr. Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Jawaharlal Nehru and
Baldev Singh reached England in December 1946. They held talks with the
Secretary of State to resolve the political crises in India, but failed.
Finally, on 20th February 1947, British Prime Minister publicly
announced his government’s ‘definite intention… to affect the transfer of
power to responsible Indian hands by a date not later than June 1948.’ To
implement the government’s policy, Lord Mountbatten was sent to India as
the new Viceroy, who took over the charge of his new office in March 1947.
Mountbatten held consultations with Mr. Jinnah and Gandhi and
went back to England to apprise the government there of the emerging
political situation in India. There, the final blue print of Great Britain for
India was finalized and the viceroy went into action immediately after
his return on 31st May. He took the major political parties in confidence
regarding the proposals finalized in London, known as 3rd June plan.
Mr. Jinnah was invited to Delhi’s radio station, where he explained his
party’s point of view regarding the new scheme. At the end of his radio
broadcast, he said, outside his written text, ‘Pakistan Zindabad.’ Rest was a
formality. The date for the transfer of power was set at 15th August 1947.
Muslim League unanimously resolved to request Mr. Jinnah to be the
first head of the state: to be the first Governor General of Pakistan. The
Congress decided to bestow that distinction on Lord Mountbatten.
The Indian Independence Bill was introduced in the British
Parliament on 4th July, which also happens to be United States of America’s
Independence Day. It was adopted on 15th July and received the Royal
Assent on 18th July. On 5th August Mr. Jinnah met with Lord Mountbatten
and left for Karachi on 7th August, a week ahead of the ceremonial
transfer of power. These abrupt developments subjected India to worst
ever communal violence. Thousands of people were killed without any
remorse without even knowing why they were being killed. Mr. Jinnah
68 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

was disturbed over this madness. Syed Shamsul Hasan, a close aide of Mr.
Jinnah, has narrated Mr. Jinnah’s anguish and pain over the state of affairs
in his book ‘Plain Mr. Jinnah’ in these words:
“The Quaid was in Delhi, preparing to fly over to Karachi on
August 7, when I received his message, from 10 Aurangzeb Road,
requiring me to see him immediately.
On arrival at his residence, I was told by Khurshid that the
Quaid was waiting for me in his study; and I was promptly shown
in. Attired in white Kurta and Shalwar, the Quaid was reclining
in an easy chair, engrossed in studying some papers. Seeing me
enter the room, he put aside the papers; and removing his monocle
with his characteristic gesture, he inquired about the situation
prevailing in the city. I told him about the worsening communal
tension, and also apprised him of the apprehension of the Muslims
that an organized plan for their wholesale massacre was in the
offing.
The Quaid was deeply perturbed at this information, and
referred to the Hindu monstrosities in East Punjab where a planned
massacre of Muslims was deliberately being allowed to continue
unabated, despite the assurances given by Lord Mountbatten and
Pundit Nehru during their recent talks with him. He also referred
to the continuation of the curbs, which the Delhi Government had
imposed on DAWN in July 1947, restraining it from publishing
full accounts of Hindu-Muslim riots.
“I had never seen the Quaid so depressed and agitated. I tried
to pacify him by telling him that though the violence and sufferings
to which Muslims were being subjected were indeed inhuman,
they were, nevertheless, facing the Hindu atrocities gallantly in the
religious hope that what they were willingly sacrificing was but a
price for their new Homeland.”
 Makers of Modern Sindh 69

Blueprint of New State

The first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan met for the first time in
Karachi on 11th August. The Assembly elected Mr. Jinnah as its president
and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan as the Prime Minister designate. The
Assembly also moved a resolution to confer the title of Quaid-e-Azam on
Mr. Jinnah. It was on this occasion that Mr. Jinnah delivered that famous
speech which outlined the blueprint of the nature of the new state founded
by him.
He first thanked the Assembly for electing him as the President. He
then defined the future role of the Constituent Assembly in Pakistan: ‘The
Constituent Assembly has got two main functions to perform. The first is
the very onerous and responsible task of framing out future Constitution
of Pakistan and the second functioning as a full and complete sovereign
body as the Federal Legislature of Pakistan. We have to do the best we
can….’
He reminded the Assembly of the duties and responsibilities of the
government that the Assembly was going to give birth: “You will no
doubt agree with me that the first duty of a Government is to maintain
law and order, so that the life property and religious beliefs of its subjects
are fully protected by the State.” In his priority list, the second thing for a
government to do was to curb bribery and corruption: “one of the biggest
curses from which India is suffering…is bribery and corruption. That
really is the position. We must put that down with an iron hand and I hope
that you will take adequate measures as soon as it is possible.”
Another curse for a government to curb was black-marketing: “Black
marketing is another curse… I know that black-marketers are frequently
caught and punished. Judicial sentences are passed or sometimes fines only
are imposed. Now you have to tackle this monster which today is a colossal
crime against society, in our distressed conditions, when we constantly face
shortages of food…. A citizen who does black-marketing commits, I think,
a greater crime than the biggest and most grievous of crimes. These black-
marketers ought to be very severely punished, because they undermine the
entire system of control.”
70 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

For whole of his life Mr. Jinnah had believed in merit and was against
any kind of favoritism and nepotism. Accordingly, his advice to the new
legislative body on that day was: “it is a legacy, which has been passed
on to us… the evil of nepotism and jobbery. This evil must be crushed
relentlessly. I want to make it quite clear that I shall never tolerate any kind
of jobbery, nepotism or any influence directly or indirectly brought to bear
upon me.”
In those days there was a section of society that was in opposition to
the idea of creation of Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah chose this occasion to clarify
about the misgivings: “I know there are people who do not quite agree
with the division of India and the partition of the Punjab and Bengal.
Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted, it is the
duty of every one of us to loyally abide by it and honorably act according
to the agreement, which is now final and binding on all. But you must
remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place
is unprecedented.”
He continued: “But the question is, whether it was possible or practicable
to act otherwise than what has been done… A division had to take place.
On both sides, in Hindustan and Pakistan, there are sections of people who
may not agree with it, who may not like it, but in my judgment there was no
other solution and I am sure future history will record its verdict in favour
of it. And what is more, it will be proved by actual experience as we go on
that that was the only solution….Any idea of a United India could never
have worked and in my judgment it would have led us to terrific disaster.
May be that view is correct, maybe it is not; that remains to be seen.”
Mr. Jinnah gave guidelines for the future course of action in Pakistan,
saying: “Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this Great State
of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate
on the wellbeing of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor.
If you will work in cooperation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet,
you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a
spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no
 Makers of Modern Sindh 71

matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his
colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with
equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress
you will make.”
His address on that historic occasion also threw light on the role and
rights of minorities in Pakistan. He said: “You are free; you are free to go
to your temples; you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place
of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or
caste or creed -- that has nothing to do with the business of the State….
We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction
between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste
or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that
we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State. The people of England in
course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge
the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the government….
Today, you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do
not exist; what exists now is that every man is a citizen, and equal citizen of
Great Britain….all members of the nation.”

Creation of Pakistan
Lord Mountbatten came to Karachi on 14th August to formally
transfer the power to new Governor General of this newly formed state.
Mr. Jinnah accompanied by Miss Fatima Mr. Jinnah reached the Assembly
Building, where the Viceroy, on behalf of British government, transferred
power. This was the day of the fulfillment of the dreams that Mr. Jinnah
and the Muslims of the subcontinent had seen together. Perhaps, the best
tribute paid to Mr. Jinnah so far has been in the words of Professor Stanley
Wolpert, who writes: “Few individuals significantly alter the course of
history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be
credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammed Ali Jinnah did all three.
Hailed as ‘Great Leader’ (Quaid-e-Azam) of Pakistan and its first Governor
General, Mr. Jinnah virtually conjured that country into statehood by the
force of his indomitable will”.
72 Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

But, the joy of the establishment of a separate and an independent

homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent was overshadowed by the
pain, sufferings and slaughter of human beings all over the subcontinent in
the name of religion. Mr. Jinnah had to face tremendous pressures from all
sides. The first and foremost was to generate a state apparatus from almost
nothing. Then there were unending caravans of migrant Muslims coming
from various parts of India who had to be provided with shelter, food and
other basic requirements of life. The treasury was almost non-existent.
Worst of all a series of disputes with India started at state level, from
division of resources amongst the two states to accession of independent
states to one or the other country. However, Mr. Jinnah was able to face
all these trials and tribulations on the basis of the trust that he enjoyed
amongst the people of Pakistan.
Nevertheless, these matters took their toll in form of Mr. Jinnah’s
rapidly deteriorating health. On 1st July that year, he performed the
opening ceremony of the State Bank of Pakistan at Karachi. Those who
saw him there were shocked at the state of his health. Having fatal spots
on his lungs, he was rushed to the serene atmosphere of Quetta from
Karachi. But, the things were not improving much there as well. It was
then decided to shift him still farther to Ziarat, where he was housed in a
beautiful place called Ziarat Residency. By the end of July, his condition
further deteriorated.
One day before the first anniversary of Pakistan, he developed swelling
on his feet. His blood pressure also dropped to very low. The doctors
shifted him from Ziarat to Quetta. By the first week of September, the
condition further deteriorated and the doctors found very little chance of
his survival. On the fateful day of 11th September 1948, Mr. Jinnah was
flown in a Viking plane from Quetta to Karachi. Same day he breathed his
last, leaving the nation orphan at an age of just over a year!

Select Bibliography:
1. The Nation’s Voice’ three volumes edited by Mr. Waheed Ahmed and
 Makers of Modern Sindh 73

published by Quaid-e-Azam Academy.

2. ‘I Was The Quaid’s ADC’ by Ata Rabbani and published by Oxford
University in the year 1997.
3. ‘The Muslim Luminaries’ published by National Hijra Council.
4. ‘Pakistan in the Making documents and readings’ edited by Mr. Latif
Ahmed Sherwani and published by Quaid-I-Azam Academy in the year
1987.
5. ‘Mr. Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity The Search for Saladin’ by Mr.
Akbar S. Ahmed and published by Oxford University Press in the year
1997.
6. ‘Quaid-e-Azam Mr. Jinnah The Story of Nation’ by Mr. G. Allana and
published by Ferozsons (Pvt.) Ltd.
7. ‘The Sole Spokesman’ by Ms. Ayesha Jalal and published by Sang-e-Meel
Publications.
8. ‘Our Freedom Fighters’ by Mr. G. Allana and published by Ferozsons Ltd.
9. ‘Modern Muslim India and the Birth of Pakistan’ by S.M. Ikram and
published by Institue of Islamic Culture.
10. ‘Mr. Jinnah of Pakistan’ by Stanley Wolpert and published by Oxford
University Press.
11. ‘A Short History of Pakistan’ by I.H. Qureshi and published by University
of Karachi.
12. ‘Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Mr. Jinnah His Personality and His
Politics’ by Mr. S. M. Burke and Mr. Salim Al-Din Quraishi and published
by Oxford University Press in the year 1997.
13. ‘Role of Sindh in creation of Pakistan’ edited by Muhammad Ali Shaikh
and published by Sindh Madressatul Islam in the year 1997.
14. ‘Mr. Jinnah the founder of Pakistan’ edited by Mr. Saleem Qureshi and
published by Oxford University Press in the year 1998.
15. ‘Founding Fathers of Pakistan’ edited by Prof. Ahmad Hasan Dani and
published by Sang-e-Meel Publications.
16. ‘Plain Mr. Jinnah’ by Syed Shamsul Hasan and published by Royal Book
Company in the year 1976.
 TWO

Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

(1830-1895)

The credit for the establishment of Sindh Madressatul Islam goes

mainly to Hassanally Effendi. He was born on 14th August 1830 in a
respectable family of Akhunds in Hyderabad. While still very young, he
lost his father and was brought up by his elder brother. According to the
tradition of Akhund family, he was enrolled in a local Madressah to read
holy Quran and learn basics of Persian language. After completion of this
traditional education, Hassanally searched for employment and got a job
as a clerk in the office of the Deputy Collector of Naushera. It was over here
that he developed some acquaintance with one of his Christian colleague
who encouraged him to learn English. At that time, English was the most
hated language amongst the Muslim masses of the subcontinent. But, he
devoted all his leisure hours to the pursuit of learning English and acquired
reasonable proficiency in reading, writing and speaking English in a short
time.
In those old days, in the absence of railways, the only means of
communication were either land routes or the river Indus. As the land
routes were difficult and insecure, the British established a communication
76 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

system based on the river Indus. The town of Jherrick, in those days,
was an important river-port, which served as headquarter of the Indus
Flotilla. Here, large quantities of firewood were stacked for consumption
of steamboats. To keep an account of the incoming and outgoing quantities
of wood, some clerical staff was employed. Hassanally was offered a job
over there, which he joined as it offered him more free hours to improve
his English.
It was in the mid-sixties of 19th century that Mr Middleton, the Chief
Judge of Karachi (Chief and the only Judge of the highest court in the
Province, called “Saddar Court”) arrived for crossing the river by a ferry.
Because of certain circumstances, the judge decided to spend the night on
the boat and to cross the river the next day. After dinner, while on deck,
he saw Hassanally, who was a young man in his late thirties at that time,
reading an English book by the dim light of an oil lamp. The judge was
surprised to know that the man was a Muslim. He then talked to Hassanally
only to discover the bright mental outlook of the man. The British judge
was so impressed by him that he forthwith offered him appointment as
the Serishtadar and Translator of the District Court of Karachi on the
magnificent salary of sixty rupees a month. Hassanally accepted the offer
and shifted to Karachi to assume his new responsibilities in the court.
Soon afterwards, Hassanally impressed his benefactor Judge,
Middleton with his talent, dedication and devotion towards his job. Happy
with his performance, the Judge allowed him to practice law before the
court without passing any formal degree in Law. This was the turning point
in Hassanally’s life. At that time, there was not a single Muslim advocate
except him in whole of the province. Most of the lawyers were Hindus with
a few Englishman as well. Armed with the permission to practice as the only
Muslim Lawyer in the principal court of Sindh, Hassanally had to prove his
worth against such well-known professionals like, Mr Dayaram Jethamal,
Mr Wadhomal Oodhram, and Mr Udharam Mulchand. But, he took it as a
challenge and devoted each ounce of his energy to his new profession. His
interest and devotion towards the job did not go unrecorded and soon he
 Makers of Modern Sindh 77

was appointed as the Public Prosecutor. He was the first non-European in

Sindh to get that post, which he had the distinction to hold for fourteen
years.
Hassanally established his credentials in the legal profession to such
an extent that when the Commissioner-in-Sindh, the highest British
functionary in the land, asked for some seasoned and expert lawyer of
Bombay to deal with a very important case, the Government insisted on
engaging Hassanally; who in turn proved that his selection was right by
winning the case. In another case, a new Commissioner of Sindh wrote
to the Bombay Government that a suit against the Secretary of State for
India was to be contested and requested for nomination of some eminent
European lawyer as the case involved a big amount of money and very
complicated questions of law. But the Government declined the request
saying it had complete confidence in the skill and talents of the Public
Prosecutor, Hassanally.
Once established in his profession, Hassanally directed his energies
towards the greater cause of the welfare of his under-privileged people.
He formed an association under the name of ‘Anjuman-Islam Karachi’
and became its president. The main objective of the association was to
safeguard the rights of Sindhi Muslims and spread education amongst
them. During those days, a noted Hindu Lawyer, Mr Dayaram Jethamal
had also organized an association known as ‘Sindh Sabha’ for promotion
of education amongst Sindhis and other similar objectives. Hassanally
was offered by the organizers of that social welfare body to join them for
the collective good of the Hindu as well as Muslims of Sindh. He joined it
without any prejudice and became its Vice President.
It was the time when Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817-1898) appeared on
Muslim India’s horizons with his Aligarh Movement. Sir Syed was basically
a social reformer and considered education the only remedy for all the ills
and troubles of Muslim community. He had learnt throughout his career
and through personal experience that until and unless the Indian Muslims
availed the Western education, they would not be able to compete with
78 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

other educated communities of India. Sir Syed’s efforts resulted in the

establishment of MAO College at Aligarh. This aspect has been discussed
in the last article of this book.
Hassanally was highly impressed by Sir Syed’s experiment in the
Northern India and wanted to repeat it in the southwestern part also.
Fortunately, he found a number of sympathizers and like-minded people
in person of Mr. Allah Bakhsh Abojho and Mr Shamsuddin Bulbul from
amongst Sindhi Muslim community who wanted to set up an institution
of modern education, where the next generation of Muslims could be
educated. Hassanally embarked upon his journey to Aligarh in order to
study the working of the Aligarh institution and to seek further guidance
from Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. Sir Syed encouraged him in his pursuit but
advised him not to ‘think of a school only: aim at college to expand into
a university.’ At Aligarh, Hassanally also met the European principal of
the college, Mr. Theodore Beck and his assistant, Mr. Theodore Morrison.
These meetings helped him to clear the model of Sindh Madressatul Islam,
which he was to found with the help of other fellow Sindhi Muslims.
On his return to Sindh, he found that his Hindu friends in Sindh Sabha,
whose Vice President he was, had started a scheme for establishment of
a college in Sindh. At that time, there was not a single college in Sindh
and the matriculates of the province had to go to Bombay or Aligarh if
they desired to continue their studies. To Hassanally, the college was
basically a Hindu problem as there were just three Muslim matriculates
at that time. Hassanally and other Muslims’ point of view was that Sindhi
Muslims required first an Aligarh modeled school. When his Hindu
friends approached him to join the college movement, he declined on the
ground that he had already committed himself and his Muslim friends to
the cause of the Madressah. His Hindu friends could not appreciate him
under the impression that he had initiated the Madressah scheme simply
to oppose the college. This proved to be the parting of ways between the
two communities in Sindh. Hindus went ahead with their objectives to
establish Sindh Arts College, presently known as DJ Sindh college, while
 Makers of Modern Sindh 79

the Muslims decided to continue with the Madressah scheme under the
leadership of Hassanally.
However, only the Muslims of Sindh alone had insufficient means or
resources to establish an institution on their own. Luckily, Justice Syed
Amir Ali, another great oriental scholar and zealous supporter of Muslim
education, who was still a practicing lawyer in 1884, came to Sindh from
Calcutta in connection with an important case. Syed Amir Ali had founded
an organization under the name of National Mohammedan Association
with the objective of the uplift and advancement of the Muslims of the
subcontinent. Hassanally met him and apprised him of the problems they
were facing in the establishment of the institution. As a remedy, Syed Amir
Ali suggested that a branch of the National Mohammedan Association be
established in Sindh to look after the interests of Muslims in Sindh.
The suggestion was promptly acted upon and Sindh branch of
National Mohammedan Association was established, with Hassanally
as its President. To bring life to this association, Hassanally undertook a
tour of interior of Sindh. He personally went to prominent and well to do
Sindhi Muslims to get their support. His labour of love bore fruit and many
big Zamindars, Mirs, and Pirs joined the association. The central body of
the association committed to provide thirty-five thousand rupees from
its own account. The British government also provided substantial grant.
Remaining amount was collected from donations from the Muslim princes
of various states, as well as jagirdars, zamindars, mirs and pirs.
With sufficient moral and financial support from a well-established
organization, the problems should have ended for Hassanally in the
establishment of the institution, but it was not the case. Establishment of
an institution, where English education was to be imparted still remained
the most difficult task in those days. There was tremendous opposition
from the orthodox body of so-called ulamas (theologians), who saw every
sign of kufr (infidelity) in an institution imparting English education. It is
strange to note that throughout the history of humanity, every great idea
has been vehemently opposed by the very people, whose good it seeks. But,
80 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

the great men have always faced it with equal courage and determination.
In the final count, they have been always successful and people have
ultimately respected and loved them. Hassanally and his friends were not
different. They had to face opposition all around since a vocal section of the
people was determined to undermine and undo the association’s scheme
for the education of Sindhi Muslims.
In order to counter the opposition, Hassanally started a weekly
journal under title “Muowin-i-Majmai-Mohammadi”, on pattern of Sir
Syed’s “Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq”. Hassanally and his learned friends especially,
Mr Allah Bakhsh Abojho and Shamsuddin Bulbul, usually wrote articles
for the journal. The opponents sent him letters full of censure and abuse,
which he always chose to ignore. One such letter contained a volley of
abuse that began, “Oh Hassanally Wakil, Tokhey Khuda Kare Zalil” (O
Hassanally Advocate, may God disgrace thee!). Hassanally simply threw it
in the wastepaper basket and thought no more about it. With the passage of
time, the opposition grew feeble and a moment came when Muslim public
opinion became favourable towards the movement. Now, the next task
before him was finding a suitable place for the Madressah and the hostel
(boarding house), where the students from the interior of Sindh could stay.
Before the advent of railway service, the Karachi Municipality had
constructed a Qafila-Seraie over a large tract of land measuring about eight
and a half acres at the present site of the Madressah. The place served as
an abode for the camel-caravans coming to Karachi for trade from Faran
(Iran), Afghanistan and other farther parts of the subcontinent as well as
Central Asia. Inside the place, there were solid residential structures based
on stone pillars and covered with tiled roofs. They were open in front
and were backed with a wall on roadside. This room-like construction
was termed as Landhi. The whole complex formed a large quadrangle
and provided accommodation for a large number of people. The traders
stocked their goods in the Landhis and lodged nearby.
The gate of the Seraie (complex) opened on the Seraie Road (presently
known as Shahra-e-Liaquat). The top of this gate bore a carved stone block
A very well dressed Hassanally Effendi.
Main building of Sindh Madressah in 1890.
A view of the residence of Hassanally Effendi.
84 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

bearing the designs of a crescent and a star (Islamic sign). Next to the
residential complex on the western side was a spacious plot (present) site
of the main building of the Madressah) fenced round with barbed wire,
which served as the Camel Encamping Ground for the camels coming with
the caravans. Both the plots originally belonged to the Government and
were handed over to the Karachi Municipality, which used them as the
Qafila-Seraie and the Camel Encamping Ground. Being in the center of the
city, the facility had great value for the traders who paid a small amount of
money as rent. However, after the advent of Sindh-Pishin Railway service,
the traders began to prefer railways over camel caravans for transportation
of their merchandise to Karachi. Slowly and gradually Qafila-Seraie lost its
importance and became deserted.
While Hassanally was in search of a proper place for the Madressah
and the Boarding House, one day, he and his son, Wali Muhammad were
passing by the Seraie. Hassanally’s eye fell upon the design of crescent
and star engraved on stone installed over the entrance of the complex. He
alighted from his carriage and exclaimed to his son, ‘Insha Allah, we shall
have this place for our Boarding House’. His son reminded him that the
place belonged to the Municipality and they were hardly likely to give it. But
Hassanally was determined to get it. Next day, he applied to the municipality
for allowing the association to use the premises for the Boarding house of
the Madressah. Famous architect and engineer, Mr. James Strachen, who
served then as the secretary of the municipality was not very encouraging
to the idea in the beginning. But, Hassanally convinced him. Then they
approached another British gentleman, Mr. James Grant, who was holding
the charge of the president of the municipality. He also agreed with the
proposal.
But now the problem was that the approval for the proposal was to
be accorded by the municipality’s board, where Hindus were dominating.
Because of their opposition towards the establishment of the Madressah,
it was unlikely that they would be sympathetic towards the proposal.
Hence, it was decided by the two Britons and Hassanally that instead of the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 85

board the matter be brought before the managing committee, where they
enjoyed majority. The strategy went successful and the place was allotted
to the association on a monthly rental of seventy-five rupees. In order
to convert the Qafila-Seraie structure into a livable place for students,
certain modifications were required. The spaces between the pillars were
partitioned and wooden doors were installed in these makeshift rooms. In
addition to fifty-two dormitories for the boarders, few large rooms were
reserved to serve as Sunni Mosque, Shea Mosque, kitchen dining room and
a conference/meeting room. The place provided ample accommodation
for several pupils supposed to come from upcountry.
For holding the classes, Hassanally hired another double storied
building opposite the Boulton Market. The building was actually a godown
with two halls on the first floor and a few small rooms on the ground floor.
It was not a good place for a school but it was chosen on two counts: its
location; being central in the town, and its being near to the boarding house.
In those days, there was a huge scarcity of good buildings in Karachi. So
the above building, notwithstanding its defects as a school, was hired.
Next task was the recruitment of teachers. In those days there was
acute dearth of persons in Sindh, well versed in English. The total number
of graduates in Sindh was only three. They were Mr. Ali Muhammad
Effendi, Mr. Wali Muhammad Effendi and Mirza Sadiqali Beg. The former
two were the sons of Hassanally himself, while the third one belonged to
Mirza Kaleech Beg’s family. All the three were in the Indian Government
service and were not available for the service in the Madressah. It was then
resolved to bring qualified teachers for the institution from other parts
of India. A talent search took place throughout the India by Hassanally
and his friends. A galaxy of devoted and dedicated Muslims from various
parts of India came to Sindh to take up the sacred mission of teaching
their Sindhi Muslim brethren on nominal wages. They were people with
missionary zeal, having devoted their lives for the cause of education.
The most difficult task, however, was the enrollment of students,
for whom all these arrangements were being made. Hassanally and his
86 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

friends took up a tour of the interior of Sindh to convince the parents to

let their sons get education in the Madressah. Owing to blind prejudice
prevalent against English education, it was very difficult to convince them
to send their kids to such a far-off place like Karachi for sake of learning
infidels’ language (English). But, on persuasion, many parents expressed
their willingness to send their children to this institution for the sake of
religious instructions also that were being imparted here and not in any
other English school. Finally, some thirty students of interior enrolled
themselves bringing the Institution into operation.
With this the dream of Hassanally to open a school was about to
come true. Friends and well-wishers were invited to attend the opening
ceremony of the Madressah at Karachi on first of September 1885. The
ceremony was a very simple one. No more than three dozen of his friends
and co-workers were there. Among them were Seth Alibhoy Karimji, Seth
Ghulam Hussain Chagla, Seth Khalikdina Rahimdina and a few others
besides the teachers and the students. A speech was made by Hassanally
in which he described the backward condition of Sindhi Muslims and the
measures he and his friends were taking to remove the evil of ignorance.
Moulvi Taj Muhammad of Soldier Bazaar recited a Surah of Holy Quran
and the Madressah was declared open. Detailed account of opening of the
institution has been given in the article on the history of Sindh Madressah.
After the establishment of the institution, Hassanally next turned his
attention towards its consolidation. Qafila-Seraie boarding house was still
on rental basis. Hassanally wanted this place to be secured on permanent
basis. He again approached his European friends, Mr. James Grant and
Mr. James Strachen, who assured him of their sympathy towards the great
cause of the education amongst Sindh’s Muslims, two percent tax upon
the houses, which took water connections from Malir water, brought into
Karachi a few years back. A strong opposition was expected. It was arranged
that if Hassanally would get all Muslim members to vote for the tax, all the
European members would then vote for Seraie to be given free of charge
on permanent basis, for the boarding house of Sindh Madressah. To which,
 Makers of Modern Sindh 87

Hassanally agreed. Then, he and his friends went to the members belonging
to other communities to secure their support. Zoroastrians (Parsis) agreed
to support, Hindus decided to oppose.
The meeting of the board was held in the Frere Hall. Prominent Hindu
lawyer Mr. Dayaram Gidumal, who was also a municipal counselor, made
a spirited speech against the tax. He took quite a long time. The meeting
was adjourned at a late hour. At the next meeting, there were speeches
in favor of and against the proposal. But when the voting time came, all
the Muslims, Parsis and Europeans went on one side, while the Hindus
on the other. There were in all 32 members of the board. Of them, ten
were Muslims, eight or nine Europeans, three or four Parsis and the rest,
Hindus. Thus, they won the day against their opponents. After some time,
the adjoining Camel Camping Ground was also allotted to the institution
through hectic efforts and persuasion on part of the founding fathers. This
way, Hassanally and his friends secured the priceless premises for Sindh
Madressah as gift from the municipality.
Meanwhile, Hassanally and his friends had collected a handsome
amount through donations, grants and subscriptions for the construction
of building. Mr. James Strachen, the famous architect and engineer of
Karachi Municipality was assigned to draw the plans and drawings for
the new buildings. The plan and estimates were then submitted before the
association for the final approval. The Viceroy of India, Lord Dufferin was
invited to lay foundation stone of the building. On the other hand, the
Hindu dominated ‘Sindh Sabha’ body had been working on their college
scheme. They also approached the Viceroy to lay foundation of Sindh Arts
College, presently known as DJ Sindh College. The Viceroy decided to
perform the foundation stone laying ceremony of both the institution – the
Madressah and the college – on the same day, i.e. 14th November 1887. The
ceremony for Madressah was grand one. Commenting on the program,
Wali Muhammad Effendi wrote, “Almost the whole of Karachi attended
the function, the like of which I have not seen again in the city”. With this
the construction work started under the supervision of Mr. Strachen. His
88 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

interest and dedication towards Sindh Madressah can be gauged from the
fact that he did not charge even a single rupee as his professional fees.
While, the Madressah building was still under construction, the
classes were regularly held in the rented place under direct supervision
of Hassanally Effendi. By 1886, one of the great educationist of his time
Mr. W.W. Hunter came to Sindh. He paid a visit to the Madressah also.
The standard of education of the institution highly impressed him. His
favourable remarks on the performance of Sindh Madressah brought its
importance to the notice of the British authorities as well as the general
public. Sometime later, Dr. Pollen, the popular Assistant Commissioner of
Sindh, who was popularly known as ‘Gharib-Ka-Palnewala’ (subsistence
provider of the poor) also paid a visit. Towards the end of the year,
Madressah had its first annual inspection conducted by Mr. Hart Davis,
who later became session judge of Karachi. The inspection resulted in
fullest satisfaction of the authorities. The work of Hassanally and his friends
won laurels from the government as well as public. This was the time when
the government decided to provide regular grant-in-aid to the institution,
recognizing it as an aided school.
By 1887, within two years of the establishment of the institution,
Hassanally and his friends took decision to re-designate the title of the
head of the Madressah from Headmaster to Principal. In those days,
schools used to have the head master, colleges the Principals. It was a
remarkable deviation from the custom. Initially, the Madressah started
with Moulvi Umerddin as the first headmaster in 1885, who served the
institution for almost one year and left for a better position elsewhere. He
was replaced by another headmaster, Mr. Sajid Mirza, who also served
for about one year. These short tenures at the top of the institution were
hampering its consolidation. But, the problem was that the number of
well-educated and qualified persons in those days was very small and
opportunities for them abound. The founding fathers wanted to make the
post more attractive. Perhaps, the dream of developing the institution to
college level also helped in taking that decision. Secondly, the association
 Makers of Modern Sindh 89

decided to fill the upgraded post of the Principal with some government
officer on deputation basis. This paved the way for coming of Hassanally’s
son Mr. Wali Muhammad, who was in the Education Service of Bombay
Government at that time, as the third head and the first principal of Sindh
Madressah in 1887.
Mr. Wali Muhammad was not only the Principal, but also the Personal
Assistant to his father. Hassanally used to supervise all the matters relating
to the institution including the correspondence. Principal Wali Muhammad
prepared drafts of the important letters, which were then placed before
Hassanally for his approval. Once, Hassanally asked his son to draft a letter
for donation to a millionaire of Bombay. After putting much of his effort in
it, Wali Muhammad took the draft to his father the next morning. When
the letter was read to him, he took it from his son and said, ‘Although you
have received university education, but you can hardly draft’. The letter
was dictated afresh by Hassanally himself and handed over to his son for
dispatch. This was the degree of interest in the matters of the institution on
part of Hassanally.
The first prize distribution ceremony for the students of Sindh
Madressah was held in 1887. The Governor of Bombay, Lord Reay, who
had come to Karachi on his first visit, was requested to be the Chief Guest
on the occasion. The British Education Inspector, Mr. HP Jacob strongly
recommended the request. Hence, the Governor agreed. A beautiful
dais was erected for the occasion. The Muslim gentry of Karachi fully
participated in the program. The proceedings began with the recitation of
Surah Al-Rehman from the holy Quran. It was followed by a Sindhi verse
to welcome the honourable guest. In the welcome address, the deplorable
condition of Sindhi Muslims was brought before the Governor. The efforts
of the association to improve their condition by the establishment of
Sindh Madressah were also highlighted. The Governor then took over the
dais for his remarks. He thanked the association for the welcome address
presented to him and highly appreciated the services that the Madressah
was rendering towards the uplift and advancement of Muslim community
90 Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi

in Sindh. He stated his belief that the institution was destined to play very
important role in the coming years. He recognized the need for financial
assistance and announced a recurring grant of six thousand rupees per
annum for the institution from the Government of Bombay.
The British Government, fully satisfied with the work of Hassanally for
the cause of education of Sindhi Muslim, conferred upon him the title of
‘Khan Bahadur’, in year 1888. Then, during the war between Turkey and
Russia, he collected a lot of funds for Turkish soldiers. In appreciation of his
services for the cause of his Muslim brethren in Turkey, he was appointed
as the Honorary Consul of Turkey and was conferred the Turkish titles of
‘Bey Majidi’ and ‘Effendi’ in 1889. In addition to that, he was elected as a
municipal councilor of Karachi in early eighties, and was elected as the
member of the Council of the Governor of Bombay in 1891; the position
he retained till his death. Hassanally was a man of rare talents. He had a
fairly good knowledge of foreign languages like Persian, Arabic, English,
Turkish, Latin and French. He offered prayers regularly at proper times.
After the construction of mosques at Sindh Madressah, Hassanally made
it a point to offer his Friday prayers every week regularly till his death. All
his life he faced the difficulties and opposition, but he never lost his heart.
His magnetic personality, integrity of character and iron have enabled him
to surmount the difficulties. In private life, Hassanally observed a routine
throughout his life. In summer as well as in winter, he had a habit to get
up at five o’ clock in the morning. After having bath and offering prayers,
he read holy Quran for a while. Then, he would go for a morning walk in
his garden, where the news of the day was read to him. At nine o’ clock he
would engage himself in learning a foreign language. After this, he used to
dress up and had his breakfast. On his way to the court, he would drop in the
Madressah or its boarding house for a while to give necessary instructions.
His nights were devoted to rest only, seldom did he allow any serious work
to interfere his sleep, which he considered the restorer of consumed energy.
A full night’s repose always made him look fresh again in the morning and
ready to go through the duties of the day with renewed vigor. This schedule
 Makers of Modern Sindh 91

helped him a lot not only in keeping him healthy throughout his life, but
also enabled him to contribute extraordinarily towards the betterment of
his Muslim brethren in Sindh.
By 1895, with the untiring efforts of Hassanally, the institution had
fully developed into a very well-functioning high school with three
primary branches of Sindhi, Urdu and Gujrati. The Quran classes were
conducted regularly in the prayer halls. A group of highly dedicated
teachers, like Mr. Wali Muhammad, Khawaja Ali Muhammad, Mr. Tejani,
Mr. Parshotam, Moulvi Allah Bakhsh and others, had evolved themselves
into a dedicated and devoted team. With the first batch of six students
passing the matriculation examination from the University of Bombay
in 1892, institution had already started producing the generation of
educated Sindhi Muslims. Seen his dream come to realization and his
objective accomplished, Hassanally, one of the most remarkable men of
Sindh, breathed his last in the afternoon of 20th August 1895, at an age of
sixty-five years, at Hassanally Hall situated at the Mcleod Road (presently
known as I.I. Chundrigar Road) of Karachi. He had always desired to be
buried in the garden of his Hyderabad residence, known as Effendi Bagh.
Considering his wish as his last will, his body was taken by a special train
from Karachi to Hyderabad, where he was laid to rest in midst of thousands
of the mourners. With his demise, a glorious chapter of Sindh’s history
came to a close. May Allah bless his soul.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘Sindh Madressah: A Journey Through Times’ by Prof. Muhammad Ali
Shaikh, published by Sindh Madressatul Islam in 1995.
2. An article ‘History of Sindh Madressah-tul- Islam’ by Khwaja Ali
Mohammad in Sindh Madressah Chronicle 1939.
3. Various articles published from time to time on Hassanally Effendi in
Sindh Madressah’s Chronicles.
4. Old record of Sindh Madressah.
 THREE

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

(1928-1979)

Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was one of the most popular and charismatic
leader in Pakistan’s history, after the founder of Pakistan, Qauid-e-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. His greatest contributions to Pakistan was to bring
politics out from drawing rooms to streets, framing of the constitution of
1973, infusing new spirit in the dormant Muslim world by holding Islamic
Summit Conference, developing close relationship with China, helping
US and China to connect with each other, and strengthening Pakistan’s
defense capabilities by initiating its nuclear program.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s association with Sindh Madressatul Islam has been
multidimensional. Primarily, he served as an honorary professor at S.M.
Law College, which was part of this institution’s educational enterprise at
that time. Moreover, he saved the institution from the brink of extinction
by declaring it as national institution and taking over its control under the
Federal Government in capacity of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, and an
other of his association was, his father, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, who was an
alumnus of the institution.
How much Bhutto cared and revered SMI could be gauged from his
94 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

statement, wherein he said: “I consider it a great opportunity to address the

teachers of this great institution which has played the most significant role
in shaping our destiny. This institution has been the greatest force in the
advancement of Muslim education and now its usefulness has increased
manifold with the course of time. It has shaped the lives and characters
of thousands of young men who have achieved all kinds of successes in
different walks of life. My affection for this institution is deep rooted as
my late father was one of its alumni and was always keenly interested in its
progress.”
Shaheed Bhutto was born on 5th of January 1928. Zulfikar was just six
years old when his family shifted to Bombay. Young Zulfikar was admitted
in the city’s most prestigious Cathedral High School.
A seventeen-year-old Zulfikar wrote a letter to Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah in April 1945. He wrote: “You, Sir, have brought
us on one platform, under one flag, and the cry of every Muslim should be
onward to Pakistan. Our destiny is Pakistan. Our aim is Pakistan. Nobody
can stop us. We are a nation by ourselves and India is a subcontinent. You
have inspired us and we are proud of you. Being still in school, I am unable
to help the establishment of our sacred land. But the time will come when
I will even sacrifice my life for Pakistan.”
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah wrote back young Zulfikar,
from his Mount Pleasant Road residence at Malabar Hills of Bombay on
1st of May 1945, advising him as follows: “I was very glad to read your
letter of 26th April and to note that you have been following the various
political events. I would advise you, if you are interested in politics, to
make a thorough study of it. But, don’t neglect your education, and when
you have completed your student’s career, I have no doubt that you will be
all better qualified if you study thoroughly the political problems of India,
when you enter the struggle of life.”
A year later, Zulfikar enlisted himself as a political activist and
strategist for the cause of Pakistan under the command of Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was the time when India’s political landscape
 Makers of Modern Sindh 95

was infused with unprecedented heat and fury. The conflict amongst the
three main parties, the British, the Congress and the Muslim League, had
intensified to almost no-return level.
On Quaid-e-Azam’s desire, Bhutto successfully organized a
demonstration in his college in Bombay on Direct Action Day. Next
day all the leading newspapers of the city carried the news of successful
protest demonstration and closure of the college in response to the direct
action day called by Mr. Jinnah. Quaid-e-Azam was very pleased over the
successful strategy and operation by young Zulfikar.
After passing his Senior Cambridge, Zulfikar got admission in the
University of Southern California in the United States and became the first
person in his family, who go for foreign education. It was September 1947
and just a few days had passed since the new country, Pakistan, had appeared
on the map of the world. Always an active and socialising man, he quickly
adjusted himself in his new environs and took up his studies. He was fond
of reading books and his special interest was in history. He had read almost
the entire literature available on history and economics. Coupled with his
interest in his studies was his active participation in the co-curricular
activities. Since his student days, he had very strong communication
skills. In university, he joined the debating team and emerged as one of the
most remarkable and outstanding speakers, becoming a most sought after
person amongst his friends and fellows.
Even in the foreign lands his love and reverence for Jinnah remained
unaffected. For him he used to say, ‘That is my man! That is my idol, the man
I respect’. Shortly after Quaid-e-Azam’s death in September 1948, he wrote
a letter to Pakistan’s ambassador in United States Mr. Hassan Isphani, who
also was one of Jinnah’s closest friends. Zulfikar wrote: “(We) have been
orphaned at this crucial moment when we needed more than any other
the force, the torrential magnanimity of our beloved leader.... Though the
Quaid is no longer with us, yet his pure virgin spirit will remain forever
fertile in our mind. His entire life was a struggle for the betterment and
emancipation of his people.”
96 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

During his summer holidays, when the rest of his fellow students
preferred to have fun, Zulfikar chose to spend his free time as a volunteer in
the Pakistan Embassy in Washington, DC. One of the papers he wrote there
was about Jinnah. He wrote: “Jinnah is solely responsible for the creation
of a state for those whom he led in the struggle for the emancipation of
their lives. His dream of creating a Muslim homeland, Pakistan, was a
great dream, and the realisation of his dream has been nothing short of a
miracle, for it has been an achievement carried out single-handily. He led
people who were thoroughly derelict, disunited and depressed. He was a
God-inspired Man, a man with purity of heart, with unbelievable audacity
and unique courage and determination.”
After spending a little less than two years at the University of Southern
California, in June 1949, Zulfikar moved to Berkeley for his further studies.
It was here that he contested the first election of his life by running for the
seat of Representative-at-Large on the Students’ Council. He was the only
non-American candidate out of seven in the contest. He won the election
with quite a good margin.
In 1950, he went to England to study jurisprudence and law at
Oxford’s Christ Church College. His chosen subjects required three years
of learning at the university. Always eager to do things ahead of time, he
wanted to do it in two years. When his counselor knew that he did not
have any background in Latin, a compulsory subject and prerequisite for
understanding the Roman Law, he advised Zulfikar to do it in three years,
telling him, “You know even our own best boys would not be able to do it
in two years.” Zulfikar replied that he would do it in two years, “because
of what he had said and I had to show him that I had the brains as good
as the British boys, if not better,’ he recalled later. And he did the course in
two years!
Zulfikar returned back to Pakistan in 1953, the year his daughter Benazir
was born. He joined Karachi Bar and also lectured at S.M. Law College,
which was part of the Sindh Madressatul Islam’s educational edifice, on
honorary basis. But, his primary interest was in the Constitutional issues
 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto addressing a public meeting.

ZAB and Arab leaders together. Interacting with eminent Arab personalities.
 ZAB is credited with bringing women in mainstream politics. His wife
Begum Nusrat Bhutto performed very active role in public affairs in capacity
of the first lady.

ZAB with Indian Prime Minister Indra Gandhi and his daughter Benazir
Bhutto in Simla 1972.
 ZAB with Indian Prime Minister and others on an occasion.

A historic moment when he signed Simla Agreement with Indian Prime

Minister Indra Gandhi.
With his dearest daughter Benazir Bhutto, whom he groomed in politics and
diplomacy.

With his family members, in a hospital.

Some relaxing moments with his spouse and all the four children during a
family recreation.

He was a people’s man, always interacting with people around him.

He was one of the most prolific advocate for the rights of the Kashmiri
people, whom he gave voice at the international forums.

One of his official portrait.

 Makers of Modern Sindh 103

facing the country. This was the time when the first constituent assembly
was still striving to arrive at some Constitutional formula agreeable to
all the five federating units, more importantly two wings of the country,
East and West Pakistan, separated by a thousand miles of Indian territory.
The task was difficult in view of their cultural, ethnic, regional, racial and
linguistic differences. Zulfikar wrote articles in the leading newspapers
suggesting a framework for the future Constitution. Though at that time
the exercise did not bore fruit, but two decades later culminated in form
of the Constitution of 1973, unanimously agreed and approved by the
Parliament, when he himself was the elected leader of the country.
In 1957 Zulfikar was chosen to represent Pakistan at the United
Nations General Assembly. It was a singular achievement for somebody
less than thirty years old, to be called to represent his country at the highest
international forum. Zulfikar’s grip on his subject, style of presentation,
logic and vision highly impressed his listeners at the world assembly
that November. Next year, he was offered to be a Central Minister in
Government of Pakistan. He accepted the offer and was entrusted the
portfolio of Commerce Ministry, becoming the youngest cabinet member
the country ever had. This placed a great deal of responsibilities on his
shoulders. But, as hard working and devoted person he was, he dedicated
himself to his work. On the basis of his outstanding performance, he was
entrusted about half a dozen more ministries and divisions to look after in
the federal government.
Few years later, Zulfikar was appointed as the foreign minister of the
country. “[He] was well qualified to fill it on account of his penchant for
foreign affairs, his abilities, and his academic background… Tall, dashing,
flamboyant and brilliant, he seemed to be cut out for the job,” opined
Hamid Yousuf in his book Pakistan: A study of Political Developments
1947-97. As the Foreign Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto brought much
needed moderation in the foreign policy of the country, especially bringing
about a balance in the country’s relations with the then two superpowers.
Another bold initiative by him was his support for China’s admission in the
104 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

United Nations. He was very popular amongst the international political

leadership. During one of his official visit to Washington in October 1963,
he called on President Kennedy in the White House. When the meeting
ended, President Kennedy shook foreign minister Bhutto’s hand and
remarked, ‘If you were an American you would be in my Cabinet’. Bhutto
sharply retorted: ‘Be careful, Mr President, if I were American, I would be
in your place’. At which they both laughed heartily.
By 1966, Shaheed Bhutto developed serious differences with the
government of President Ayub over post war handling and resigned from
the cabinet. This proved to be the beginning of Bhutto’s career as the most
popular leader of the country. He saw two opposite phenomenon taking
place simultaneously in his political life. While, on one hand his conflict
with the government brought him under the establishment, which used
every possible means -- threats, murder attempt, false cases – to subdue his
will. On the other hand, he tasted for the first time the great mystic love of
the common people for taking a principled stand. When, after quitting his
cabinet position, he reached Lahore on the night of 20 June 1966, he saw a
sea of people to welcome him and see a glimpse of his. He was garlanded,
his hands were kissed, and he was lifted onto shoulders by thousands of
his admirers. The handkerchief, with which he wiped his tears, was later
on sold for thousands of rupees. Following months and years witnessed
the country in the grip of political turmoil. East Pakistan had exploded
in an open rebellion. West Pakistan was groaning under the weight of an
unpopular dictatorship, which was fast losing its grip on power. Zulfikar’s
popularity grew by leaps and bounds. He had emerged as the only hope to
most of the Pakistanis.
In November-December 1967, he founded Pakistan Peoples Party
(PPP), at Lahore, where he addressed the delegates and presented the
manifesto of the new party. The delegates approved the proposal and the
PPP came into being with him as the founder Chairman.
“The first floor of our house at 70 Clifton, Karachi, began to serve as a
branch office of the PPP,” remembered his daughter Benazir Bhutto, who
 Makers of Modern Sindh 105

would succeed him as the leader of the party. The party launched its offices
all over the country -- in huts, small shops and modest houses of PPP
workers -- where unending crowds gathered to secure the membership
and pay the nominal subscription fees. Very soon, whole of the country
was in the grip of an unprecedented agitation and unrest against Ayub
Khan’s government. There was not a single day when there would not be
a procession or a public meeting somewhere in the country. Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto addressed numerous rallies, fearlessly attacking the policies of the
Ayub government. When this became unbearable for the government, an
unsuccessful attempt was made on his life.
When this could not intimidate to dauntless Zulfikar, he was arrested
and sent to Mianwali Jail, one of the worst prisons in then Pakistan, where
he was kept in solitary confinement. This gave birth to violent agitation
in the country. President Ayub could speak nowhere in public without
causing a riot or disturbance. Everywhere people demanded an end to his
rule and release of Zulfikar. Finding no other way, in February 1969, the
government decided to shift him from the jail to his Larkana house, where
he was placed under house arrest for some more time before being released.
Finally, by March 1969, President Ayub decided to step down. But, instead
of handing over power to the political leadership, he invited the army chief
General Yahya to take over the control of country, who proclaimed martial
law, bringing the country under another martial law.
The military government headed by General Yahya Khan undid the
One-Unit scheme, which had amalgamated four provinces of the West
Pakistan into one unit. But the other policies of the martial law regime
deepened the already existing gulf between the two wings of the country. In
this backdrop Pakistan was going to have general elections that December,
for the first time in a quarter century of its history. Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples
Party was one of the major contenders in the election, with an agenda to
provide basic necessities of life, Roti, Kapra aur Makan (Food, clothing
and shelter) to all the citizens of Pakistan. The election took place on 7th
December 1970. PPP won a majority in the western wing, securing 82 of
106 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

138 National Assembly seats. Bhutto himself won five seats of National
Assembly from various constituencies and from different provinces. Most
of his party candidates had defeated big feudal lords as well as wealthy
and influential political rivals, setting a new trend in the country’s politics.
However, things were different in the eastern wing of Pakistan, where
Awami League had captured, almost unopposed, the entire bloc of seats
on the basis of its ‘Six-Points’ agenda, which envisioned a loose federation
close to concept of confederation.
Two wings of the country, separated by a thousand miles of Indian
Territory, had developed two totally divergent ideological grounds. It was
a conflict like that between the North and South American States in 1860s,
when two slogans and two ideologies -- United States of America and
Confederate States of America -- pulled the country down. The country
was in for a crisis as at this most crucial hour of Pakistan’s political history
an army general of mediocre intellect presided over the destiny of the
country.
The tension between the two wings increased by every passing day.
East Pakistani leadership hardened their stance on their confederal
formula, while West Pakistani leadership led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto insisted
for federalist structure. The Awami League went for agitation in the East
Pakistan and effectively took control of the entire wing. Instead of finding a
political solution, the nervous government opted for military action in the
wing, which further alienated the local population.
At this juncture India intervened and sent army in East Pakistani,
resulting in on all-out war. A war broke out. Pakistani army was fighting
against heavy odds, the most important being the alienation of the people
of East Pakistan. Soon the separation of East Pakistan became evident. At
a belated stage the Generals turned towards Zulfikar for their salvation,
to help saving what could be saved of the country. There was not a single
Pakistani leader except Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, as Dr. Henry Kissinger later
noted, who could match the stature, caliber and influence of the Indian
leaders. He was to win the losing battle at the negotiation table of United
 Makers of Modern Sindh 107

Nations.
Just few days before the war was formally over, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
designated as the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister to represent
Pakistan at UN and safeguard the remaining Pakistan. He immediately
rushed to New York and engaged himself immediately in damage-control
efforts. By then, East Pakistan had virtually gone out of hand, while West
Pakistan was most vulnerable to the Indian advances. He initiated his
diplomatic endeavours with his meeting with Dr. Kissinger at the house of
the then US Ambassador to United Nations, Mr. George Bush, who later
became US President. Recalling his meeting with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that
December, Dr. Kissinger wrote:
“The next morning, still in New York City, I met for breakfast
with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had been appointed Deputy Prime
Minister a few days before, in the elegant apartment of our UN
Ambassador at the Waldorf Towers… Elegant, eloquent, subtle,
Bhutto was at last a representative who would be able to compete
with the Indian leaders for public attention.... I found him brilliant
charming, of global stature in his perceptions. He could distinguish
posturing from policy. He did not suffer fools gladly. Since he
had many to contend with, this provided him with more than the
ordinary share of enemies. He was not really comfortable with the
plodding pace of Pakistan’s military leaders... But in the days of his
country’s tragedy he held the remnant of his nation together and
restored its self-confidence. In its hour of greatest need, he saved
his country from complete destruction.”
Despite his best efforts, Zulfikar could only ensure integrity, security
and intactness of the present Pakistan. In East Pakistan the Pakistani army
commander surrendered before his Indian counterpart and the wing
became an independent country Bangladesh. The news of the separation
of East Pakistan and army’s surrender resulted in mass rallies and
demonstration all over the country. The demand for immediate transfer of
power to elected civilian leadership grew louder and louder. An incident
108 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

in National Defence College, where the young officers hooted upon and
hurled abuses on the army chief compelled the General to transfer power
to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
He was still away from the country when he received the cable from
home to reach immediately and take over reigns of the remains of the
country. As soon as he arrived, he was rushed to the Presidency, where
he was handed over the power of remaining Pakistan. He had to ‘pick up
the pieces, very small pieces,’ as he said in his televised broadcast. ‘We will
make a new Pakistan, a prosperous and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan
free of exploitation, a Pakistan envisaged by the Quaid-e-Azam. I want the
flowering of our society... I want suffocation to end... This is not the way
civilised countries are run. Civilisation means Civil Rule... democracy ...
We have to rebuild democratic institutions ... We have to rebuild hope in
the future,’ Bhutto, shared his ideals with his countrymen.
The first task before Bhutto after assuming power was to get the country
back to normalcy. Pakistan’s international image had nose-dived due to
the alleged atrocities of military action in the former East Pakistan. Then,
India held more than 93,000 Pakistani soldiers as the prisoners of war
and occupied 5139 square miles of Pakistani territory. On the other hand,
Pakistan held only 637 Indian personnel and 69 square miles of India’s
territory. The balance of power had never been that heavily tilted in favour
of India since 1947. Defeated and dismembered Pakistan wanted to regain
on negotiation table what the country had lost at the battleground. On the
other hand, India wanted to extract maximum advantage out of its position
as the victor of the war. The stage was set at Indian hill station Simla for a
diplomatic encounter between the two celebrated political leaders of their
respective countries, Mrs Indra Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Before leaving for Simla, Bhutto visited fourteen Muslim countries in
the region and obtained public assurances of their support for the cause of
Pakistan. At home he consulted the opposition leaders, industrial workers,
students, teachers, lawyers, journalists, religious leaders, and the military
commanders. Hence, he was going to India as a sole spokesman of his own
 Makers of Modern Sindh 109

country as well as Muslim nations. This tactical move enhanced his strength
to match that of victor India. At Simla, the negotiations were initially
deadlocked. But, thanks to his diplomatic skills, the situation was saved
and the two countries were able to sign an agreement that has ushered the
longest spell of peace between the two countries since their independence.
The provisions provided that the territories occupied by either country
along the recognised international border would be vacated. This for
Pakistan meant that its more than five thousand square miles in its two
key provinces, Sindh and Punjab, would be freed from Indian forces,
allowing hundreds of thousands of Pakistan’s uprooted people to return
back to their homes. On the other hand, Pakistan had to vacate less than
seventy square miles that its army had captured during the war. Regarding
the release of Pakistani prisoners of war, though it was not settled in
the agreement, the India in principle agreed to release them after to the
concurrence of Bangladesh: the concurrence that came after sometime
when Pakistan formally recognised Bangladesh. Even his critics regard the
Simla Agreement as one of the greatest achievement of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
The next most important contribution by Bhutto to Pakistan was
providing the country a Constitution framed by the representatives
of the people. It was irony that since its independence the country had
been without a Constitution. Two dictatorial regimes had tried to provide
constitutions in 1956 and 1962, but both of them had disappeared with
the disappearance of their authors. Since his assuming the power, Bhutto
focused his attention to the task of Constitution framing. On 17th April
1972, he appointed a parliamentary committee to prepare the draft. But,
the task of preparing an agreeable draft for all the divergent ethnic, cultural
and ideological groups in the country was most difficult one. There was a
chronic controversy regarding the form of the government: presidential
or parliamentary. Then, there was a conflict on the division of powers
between the federation and the federating units. All these issues had made
the framing of the constitution, a Herculean task.
110 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

Finally, through his efforts and after long discussions amongst the
parliamentary committees, public debates, and candid discussions spread
over about a year, on 10th of April 1973, the National Assembly adopted
the Constitution without dissent. Under the new constitution, the country
had to have a federal parliamentary system with a bicameral legislature
and a constitutional head. The executive power was to vest in the Prime
Minister. The four provinces were to have statuary powers. It provided
for adult franchise as the basis of election for the national and provincial
assemblies. This is the Constitution, which is still intact in Pakistan. Even
his worst enemies and the dictatorial regimes including his executioner,
General Zia, did not abrogate it; they only suspended it for time being.
Another feather in his cap is holding Islamic Summit Conference at
Lahore in February 1974. This was the most important assembly of the top
leaders from all the thirty-eight independent Muslim nations, comprising
one fifth of the mankind. They included King Faisal of Saudi Arabia,
President Anwer Saddat of Egypt, Colonel Qaddafi of Libya, Shaikh Mujib
Ur Rehman of Bangladesh, Chairman Yassar Arafat of Palestine Liberation
Organization and almost every other monarch, president and prime
minister of the Islamic World. This unprecedented large assembly lasted
for three days and took stock of all the important issues relating to Islamic
nations the world over. At the end of the Conference, Bhutto was elected
Chairman of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC).
Bhutto was standing at the pinnacle of his popularity and power,
when he decided in the beginning of 1977 to hold national elections in
March that year. “I am going to call for additional land reforms,” he told his
daughter Benazir. “And I am also going to call for elections in March. The
Constitution doesn’t require elections until August, but I see no need to
wait. The democratic institutions we have installed under the Constitution
are in place. The parliament and provincial governments are functioning.
With a mandate now from the people, we can move on more easily to the
second phase of implementation, expanding the industrial base of the
country, modernising agriculture by sinking new tube-wells, increasing
 Makers of Modern Sindh 111

seed distribution and fertiliser production,” he shared his vision of a

forward looking and prosperous Pakistan.
All the independent observers agreed that Prime Minister Bhutto
was riding on the crest of his popularity. The Opposition was in complete
disarray, which comprised the parties, ranging from religious right to
outright leftist. But, just a day after the announcement of the elections, nine
political parties and splinter groups formed an alliance namely Pakistan
National Alliance (PNA) to confront PPP of Bhutto.
The worst of all, the chief of army staff General Zia ul Haq was
nourishing secret ambitions to get the power in his hands, as two of his not
very distant past predecessors, Ayub and Yahya, had done. Outwardly, “Zia
of course, continued to behave as deferentially as ever toward the prime
minister, smiling, bowing, quietly accepting whatever Bhutto told him
with the seeming humility for which he was to become famous the world
over,” wrote Bhutto’s biographer Stanley Wolpert. Zia had leanings towards
a very well organized and very well funded religious political party, which
served as backbone of the opposition alliance. The opposition and army
chief alliance was set for a big showdown with Bhutto and the democratic
forces.
To gain the public support, the PNA decided to run their election
campaign on the slogan of Islam, promising that they would return back the
system of governance and the society to Islamic model of fourteen centuries
earlier. The PNA launched its campaign with two basic ingredients: Islam
and hatred for Bhutto. ‘If PPP won the elections,’ they held openly, ‘they
would never accept the results.’ The language became harsher and harsher
with open death threats for Bhutto in the oppositions public meetings.
On the appointed day, some seventeen million eligible voters cast
their votes for their representatives in the National Assembly. The PPP
received a little less than sixty percent of the popular vote, while the PNA
secured more than thirty-five percent of the votes. There were certain
complaints about stuffing the ballot boxes or rigging of the elections in
certain constituencies. Making them a base the PNA adopted course of
112 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

agitation while agitation went on, the negotiations also started between the
government and PNA, which reached to an agreement in the late hours
of 4th July. This was against the desire and wishes of army Chief General
Zia who wanted to take over and impose martial law. “One day, when he
(Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) returned from the office, on the dinner, he looked
agitated,” recalled Benazir. “He said that General Sharif [Chairman of
JCSC] had just come to meet him and had alerted him that General Zia ul
Haq was up to no good, and might be planning some kind of coup.” When
ZAB inquired from his ISI chief, he showed his ignorance and attributed
the warning to his ill will towards General Zia; because General Sharif was
not made the army chief. But, the ISI chief was wrong. General Zia had fully
prepared his plan for removal of the elected government of Bhutto. The
General had already sent his family out of the country. Lieutenant General
Faiz Ali Chishti, the Corp Commander of 10th Corp, the area covering the
federal capital later wrote in his book: “When Gen. Zia ordered me to take
over and execute the ‘Operation Fair-play,’ he may well have feared for the
security of his family in the event of an abortive coup. In any event, Gen.
Zia’s family was not in Pakistan on July 4/5. He had shifted his family to UK
during negotiations, under the plea of his daughter’s operation. Two sons
and three daughters along with his wife were all abroad.”
Not only this, the General had also prepared very well to flee from
the country, in case of any such eventuality. General Chishti narrates an
interesting tale: “On the night of the coup, my Corps Intelligence Chief told
me that there was one ‘Puma’ helicopter ready to take off at short notice from
Dhamial. It could have been for the PM or for Gen Zia. But it was unlikely
to have been for the PM because he did not know what was happening, and
secondly he would not leave his family behind. In any case he had nothing
at stake. It could have been for Gen. Zia, because he had everything at stake.
What would happen to him if Operation Fair-play had failed? I recollected
his last sentence to me after giving orders. ‘Murshid, do not get me killed.’
So I ordered my Intelligence Chief to keep an eye on the helicopter and not
let it take off. It did not matter who the passenger was going to be.”
 Makers of Modern Sindh 113

The ambitious army chief had not taken into confidence most of
his senior colleagues. The senior army command, unaware of such
development, was called at an odd hour, 11.00 p.m. on 4th July for a meeting
with the army chief at the General Headquarters. “When the invitees
inquired about agenda for discussion, Brigadier Khalid Latif Butt, Personal
Secretary to General Zia, had a stock reply: ‘No preparatory work is needed
for the meeting,’ wrote General Zia’s most confidant colleague, his Chief of
Staff, General KM Arif. A little after midnight, the army contingents took
over the important installations including Bhutto’s official residence, where
he was sleeping along with his family, unaware of any eventuality. He did
not resist the coup and saved his family and him from perhaps immediate
execution as had happened in Bangladesh few years back.
Years later, the executioner of the coup, Corps Commander General
Chishti wrote: “Just one recoilless rifle or tank could instantly kill the PM
and his entire family… I have been blamed by some for not killing Mr
Bhutto the night the army took over. I have also been blamed by some for
installing Gen. Zia as CMLA after the successful execution of the coup. I
have no regrets on both counts.”
With imposition of martial law that night, the country ushered into
a Dark Age once again. Bhutto was taken into custody and shifted to the
nearby Murree. The General promised that the army was there just for
ninety days, to hold impartial and fair elections. Next day the General told
the nation on radio and television “My sole aim is to organize free and fair
elections which would be held in October this year. Soon after polls, the
power will be transferred to the elected representatives of people. I give a
solemn assurance that I will not deviate from this schedule.” Eventually he
would hold his first elections, that too on non-party basis, in 1985, after
ninety months!
After some time, the military government released Bhutto from the
protective custody, believing that his charisma was over. But, this was a
grave miscalculation. As soon as he came out, hundreds of thousands
people came out to greet him, and to pledge their unflinching support for
114 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

him. It was quite evident that in case of holding elections Bhutto would
return back to power, with more votes than he had got in the past. This was
not acceptable for Zia. Less than two months of the imposition of martial
law, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was re-arrested on 3rd September 1977, this time
charged with conspiracy to murder a political opponent. Within no time
an upright high court judge granted him bail and he was set free. He was
arrested again.
The huge crowds, which the PPP was getting all over the country,
were phenomenal. Zia countered it by launching an ‘accountability
process,’ a whipping horse every Pakistani establishment has flogged. The
Government released a number of ‘White Papers’ telling the people how
‘bad and unworthy of their love’ Bhutto was. But, all this propaganda could
not bring the desired results. Instead of decreasing, the size of the crowds
increased. The outcome of the promised polls was evident before their
actually taking place. The government cancelled the elections that had
been promised to be held in October. The country had entered into a dark
tunnel with dead end for the next eleven years.
Under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s directives the PPP filed a petition in the
Supreme Court, challenging the imposition of martial law. A court ruling
upholding the Constitution would have in effect made Zia liable to a charge
of high treason. But, the court found a rescue in the ‘Doctrine of Necessity.’
The proceedings in the murder case against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto began
in the Lahore High Court, where Moulvi Mushtaq, a Zia-appointed judge,
worked as the ‘acting’ Chief Justice. The only outstanding qualification
of the man was that he belonged to Zia’s native district, Jallandhur in
the Indian Punjab, coupled with his hatred for Bhutto. National and
international observers were astonished to observe the degree of hatred
and animosity being shown by the presiding judge of the bench towards
the ‘accused.’ As was expected, the bench on 18th March 1978 declared
him guilty and sentenced him to death. Whole of the case depended just
upon the statement of a State-Approver, a former Director General of
Federal Security Force (FSF). In a most bizarre way, even the ‘witnesses
 Makers of Modern Sindh 115

were briefed on what they should say,’ noted Ian Talbot in his book on
history of Pakistan.
Following decision of the Lahore High Court, an appeal was filed in
the Supreme Court. A nine-member bench was constituted to be presided
over by Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and included Justices Qaiser Khan,
Waheeduddin Ahmed, Muhammad Akram, Dorab Patel, Muhammad
Haleem, Ghulam Safdar Shah, Karam Ellahi Chauhan and Nasim Hassan
Shah. Though Zia had appointed some of the judges on the bench, still
the old guards over-weighted the newly inducted ones. The proceedings
prolonged and one of the senior judges retired, while the other was declared
‘incapacitated’ following his illness. The majority was reduced to minority.
Out of the remaining seven, three senior judges, Justices Muhammad
Haleem, G. Safdar Shah and Dorab Patel, acquitted Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
honorably. While the chief justice along with three other judges, two of
whom were the latest entrants, found the appeal not maintainable and
upheld the death sentence for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The ratio that might have
been 5 to 4 had become 3 to 4. Zia’s CGS, General K.M. Arif later wrote,
“The judgment might have been different if those two judges had still been
on the bench at the time of decision.” The narrow majority decision was
delivered despite the fact that the death sentence was unprecedented in
cases of abatement to murder. It is perhaps because of the dubious nature
of the verdict that it has never been reported as a judicial precedent or
reference anywhere in the world during last four decades.
Following the death sentence, whole of the world leadership arose
in unison to appeal the military leader not to carry out the punishment.
Zia was not saying no to any of the foreign government, but had decided
to execute Bhutto. Bhutto’s daughter Benazir and his wife were detained
at Sihala Rest House at that time. It was a solitary confinement during
which they were effectively cut off from the rest of the world. Suspended
in a balance of hope and horror, both the females prayed for a miracle to
happen.
116 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

But, it was destined to be otherwise. In most unprecedented haste, Zia

rejected all the mercy petitions received from all over the world to Bhutto’s
life. On 3rd April 1979, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s wife and eldest daughter
Benazir were informed that they were to be taken for the last meeting with
him in Rawalpindi Jail. Both the daughter and the wife, ash-faced, were
taken into a speeding jeep from Sihala Police Camp to Rawalpindi Prison.
They were taken to the cell, where Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, unaware of this new
development, was sitting on a mattress on the floor. He was surprised to see
them both at same time, because his captors had never allowed both of his
daughter and wife to see him together.
Just half an hour was available to them to meet for the very last time.
“Half an hour. Half an hour to say good-bye to the person I love more than
any other one in my life. The pain in my chest tightens into a vice. I must
not cry. I must not break down and make my father’s ordeal any more
difficult,” Benazir later wrote in her biography.
His other three children, Murtaza, Shahnawaz and Sanam were out of
the country. “Give my love to the other children. “Tell Mir and Sunny and
Shah that I have tried to be a good father and wish I could have said good-
bye to them,” Zulfikar Ali Bhutto conveyed his last regards. None of the
two of his listeners could reply. “You have both suffered a lot,” he addressed
them. “Now that they are going to kill me tonight, I want to free you as well.
If you want to, you can leave Pakistan while the Constitution is suspended
and Martial Law imposed. If you want peace of mind and to pick up your
lives again, then you might want to go to Europe. I give you my permission.
You can go.” Benazir was unable to reply. Her mother could hardly speak.
“No. No. We can’t go. We’ll never go. The General must not think they have
won. Zia has scheduled elections again, though who knows if he will dare
to hold them? If we leave, there will be no one to lead the party, the party
you built.” Benazir also declined to leave the country “I am so glad. You
don’t know how much I love you. You are my jewel. You always have been,”
a happy father told his daughter.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 117

Time was up by then. The last meeting had ended. It was time to say
goodbye to each other, for the last time. The time to depart. How much
they wanted to hug each other, the most loved-one. But, the iron bars stood
in between them. Benazir asked the jail superintendent, standing close by,
to open the door just for a moment so that she could embrace her father for
the last time! Her request was declined. Bhutto brought his hand out of the
space from within the bars and kept it on his daughter’s head. He gave her
his good wishes for the last time! The meeting was over.
Hours later, by middle of the night, he was martyred.

(The above biographical account has been developed from the author’s books
on “Benazir Bhutto: A Political Biography” and “40 Years of Pakistan People’s
Party” which should be consulted for references etc.)
 FOUR

Benazir Bhutto
(1953-2007)

The greatest distinction of Benazir Bhutto is that she was the first
woman to be elected as Prime Minister of any Muslim country in the
world. She also had the distinction of being the youngest Prime Minister in
the history of Pakistan. When she took the oath of that office in December
1988, she was just the age of 35. She is remembered for her heroic struggle
for the cause of democracy in Pakistan, fighting with two military dictators,
General Ziaul Haq (1977 to 1988) and General Musharraf (1999 to 2008).
Her association with Sindh Madressatul Islam was two-fold. Firstly,
it was her commitment to elevating Sindh Madressatul Islam to the level
of the university, which was fulfilled by her party’s government after her
martyrdom. Secondly, she had an association with the institution through
her grandfather and as well as her husband’s great-grandfather. Elaborating
this, she in her handwritten note on 13th March 200 wrote: “Dear Prof.
Shaikh and Shaista, I am privileged that you chose to write a biography on
me. All the more so that it was done as Principal of a prestigious government
school. The biography is well researched and enriches academia and
history. I see this biography as an omen of good fortune opening doors
120 Benazir Butto

and opportunities for both of us in our respective fields. I wish you good
luck in life.”
Earlier in 1995, while she was serving as the Prime Minister of Pakistan,
she expressed her sentiments for the institution in these words: “The Sindh
Madressatul Islam has every reason to feel proud of the achievements of its
former students. Some of them even helped alter the course of history in the
Indo-Pak subcontinent in securing for the Muslim a separate homeland.
The most eminent of them, of course, is the father of nation Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Any school could justly be proud of having such
a name on its honor board. I have a personal affection for this institution
as my grandfather Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto was one of its alumnae and was
always keenly interested in its progress. I urge the teachers and taught of
the Sindh Madressatul Islam to keep up the banner of high ideals for which
the institution is so well known. May I ask you to chart your goals in life
which is both lofty and sublime and to acquire and develop that blend of
a dream, dedication, and hard work which automatically lifts one to his
goal. These indeed are the values we need the most, today, standing at the
threshold of the 21st Century. May the Sindh Madressatul Islam and all
those associated with it grow and prosper to serve the community even
better.”.
Benazir Bhutto was born in Karachi on Sunday, June 21, 1953, as the
eldest child of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Begum Nusrat Bhutto, a Pakistani
of Iranian background. She was given name ‘Benazir’, literally meaning
‘without a match.’ At the age of three, she was enrolled in the Lady Jennings
Nursery School, Karachi. Subsequently, she attended the Convent of Jesus
and Mary in Karachi, the Presentation Convent, Rawalpindi and the
Jesus and Mary Convent at Murree. She passed her O-level examination
at the age of 15 and after a brief spell at Karachi Grammar School for
her A-level, she flew to the USA in 1969 to attend Radcliff College in
Cambridge, Massachusetts, where she obtained a bachelors in Comparative
Government in 1973.
Her father continued her political training throughout these years:
 Makers of Modern Sindh 121

sometimes through writing her letters on important international political

events and on other times personally involving her in them. One such
occasion was her father’s talks with Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indra
Gandhi, in June 1972, at Simla in India for Simla Accord. She had just
returned from the US for her vacation at home when her father told her to
accompany him to Simla for the summit.
Apart from the political significance of the event, it was for the first time
in her life that she experienced public attention and media. “Every time I
left the Himachal Bhavan, the former residence of the British governors of
Punjab,” recalled Benazir, “people lined the streets to stare at me.”
On her outings, the crowds grew so huge that the traffic stopped.
Indian newspapers printed her photographs and news. One such story was
released by UPI news agency with the headline: ‘Benazir Goes Shopping,
Bystanders Cheer’ and read: “SIMLA, June 28: Miss Benazir Bhutto today
went shopping while her father, President Bhutto was holding talks with
Mrs. Indra Gandhi. The 18 years old Benazir went to the fashionable
shopping center, the Mall, and bought three books. She was cheered by
bystanders as she went through the bazaar”
Her coverage was not confined to the regional press only. The ‘Tribune’
covered her in its issue and stated: “Though dressed in a modern manner
Miss Benazir’s behavior is typically Oriental. No high-pitched talk, no
open-mouthed laughter, no giggles, but a pleasant smile played on her lips
and eyes. She is quite reserved but highly observant and understanding.”
Describing her visit to the Himachal Government Emporium, the ‘paper
wrote that as she came out of the emporium, ‘Miss Bhutto stood up on the
steps to acknowledge the greetings of the huge crowd. ‘Khuda Hafiz’ she
said and slipped into the car.”
Letters and telegrams piled up welcoming her to India. One even
suggested her father appoint her as Pakistan’s Ambassador to India! This
much attention and media gaze made her feel “quite uncomfortable” at that
time.
A year after Simla’s experience, in 1973, she moved from Cambridge to
122 Benazir Butto

Oxford University in England to read politics, philosophy, and economics

at Lady Margaret Hall. While studying here in December 1976 she was
elected president of Oxford Union, becoming the first Asian woman to
head the prestigious debating society. “I had been told I couldn’t win the
student presidency at Oxford,” she told Suzanne Wright. “I overcame my
fear, I took a risk and I became the first female and the first Muslim to hold
that office. I learned to take greater risks, to face greater obstacles.”
On completion of her studies, she returned back to Pakistan in June
1977, just days after celebrating her 24th birthday at Oxford. It was the
time when the country was going through opposition’s agitation against
alleged rigging of elections held in March that year. However, due to parlays
between the government and opposition the agitation was subsiding.
However, General Ziaul Haq, ambitious chief of the army staff had
his own plans to assume power by imposing martial law and dispensing
with the democratic order in the country. The fateful night came when
the army took over power and arrested her father. She with the rest of the
family was shifted to Karachi. In that hour of hardship, when many of the
senior stalwarts of the party had disappeared due to fear of the martial
law authorities, the Central Executive Council of the Party requested
her mother to take up responsibilities of the Acting Chairperson till her
husband was released. Benazir was designated as the political secretary to
the acting chairperson.
Due to the popularity of her father, she was greeted by overwhelmingly
large crowds of the Party’s supporters whenever she went. To stop her
mobilizing the masses, she was arrested for the first time in Sahiwal during
one of her visits to that place. She spent the next eighteen months till her
father’s martyrdom in and out of detentions and imprisonments. However,
all her struggle and efforts, however, could not stop her father’s martyrdom
at the hands of the generals and the judges on the night of 4th April 1979.
At that time, she was in solitary confinement at Police Camp in Sihala.
After her father’s martyrdom, her mother was designated as the
Chairperson and she continued as her political secretary. But, her ordeal
 Makers of Modern Sindh 123

had yet not come to an end. In fact, she was arrested nine times and was
held in detention or prison for more than five and a half years, between July
1977 and January 1984. Describing the conditions in one of the prisons, she
wrote in her autobiography: “The summer heat turned my cell into an oven.
My skin split and peeled, coming off my hands in sheets. Boils erupted on
my face. My hair, which had always been thick, began to come out by the
handful. Insects crept into the cell like invading armies. Grasshoppers,
mosquitoes, stinging flies, bees and bugs came up through the cracks in
the floor and through the open bars from the courtyard. Big black ants,
cockroaches, seething clumps of little red ants and spiders. I tried pulling
the sheet over my head at night to hide from their bites, pushing it back
when it got too hot to breathe.”
Whenever she was out of detention and imprisoned, she was back
to perform her duties as a political worker and as an assistant to the
Chairperson of the Party. In that capacity, she had to write letters, do the
schedules, do the meetings, write the statements to be released on her party’s
behalf, and assist her during the interviews. When Begum Bhutto went
abroad regarding her medical treatment, Benazir was designated as the
acting chairperson to run the affairs of the Party with the help of a steering
committee. Subsequently, she was made co-chairperson, chairperson and
finally as the life-chairperson of the Party.
One of the most outstanding political attainments of Benazir Bhutto
during these troubling times had been her role in the formation and
then successfully launching the Movement for Restoration of Democracy
(MRD) in early 1983s. Her political maturity is evident from the fact that
she got engaged in her party in a constructive dialogue with many erstwhile
opponents of the PPP and brought them on board to struggle against the
dictatorship. As a result of this movement, in 1983 for the first time in
the history of Pakistan, the rural people of Sindh came to the forefront
of agitation against General Zia and his dictatorship. These strains had
taken their toll in the form of her deteriorating health. In the wake of
international pressure, in January 1984 the regime allowed her to go abroad
124 Benazir Butto

for treatment. She decided to use this opportunity to launch her political
struggle against dictatorship from abroad, where her apartment in London
became the headquarters of her Party. The first and foremost task before
her was to reorganize the Party as to make it an efficient organization,
capable of putting a challenge to ruling junta. She also traveled widely to
present her Party’s case against the dictatorship, informing the international
community of its violations of civil and human rights in Pakistan. Due to
her efforts, international public opinion started exerting its pressure on the
General to hold elections and restore civil liberties in the country.
She with a team of dedicated workers worked extensively, writing
articles, posting letters, meeting people, dispatching reports about torture
and excesses on political workers in Pakistan to international organizations.
The result of these measures was that the military regime was forced to
announce the holding of elections in 1985, though on the non-party basis
as to exclude her Party’s entry in the Parliament.
She returned to the country briefly by mid-1985, after the tragic and
mysterious death of her brother Shahnawaz, accompanying her brother’s
body for burial. On her return back to London, the intensity of her party’s
efforts increased. Finally, the military regime lifted martial law on 30th
December 1985 and installed a civilian government elected through the
non-party election. But the irony of this new setup was that the chief of
the army staff General Zia also kept occupying retaining the position of
the President of Pakistan, with the power of dissolving the Parliament and
dismissing the government at his discretion.
Without losing much time, she decided to return back to Pakistan
on 10th April 1986. She, with the advice of the leadership of her Party,
selected Lahore for her landing. Despite all the efforts of the regime, the
people of Lahore celebrated her return as a festivity. Giving an account
of the preparations to accord her a welcome, a night before her arrival,
the newspaper reported: “In the walled city of Lahore, mothers who had
lost their sons in the MRD’s agitation were garlanded and presented with
sweets. Young girls lit candles in memory of their lost brothers and many
Accompanying her father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as a part of delegation to
Simla, where she met the then Indian Leadership.

A young and determined Benazir Bhutto.

 With her husband Asif Ali Zardari and their first child Bilawal Bhutto
Zardari.

Taking oath as a Prime Minister of Pakistan, as first ever Muslim woman to

have attained this distinction.
Years of adversity: with her three young children outside Karachi
Central Prison, where her husband was detained.

A family portrait with her three children.

She was people’s queen: always on move among the masses.

A proud mother with her first born.

Benazir Bhutto with the author at his official residence in Sindh Madressah.
Benazir Bhutto with the author at her residence, Bilawal House,
in December 2017 few days before her martyrdom.
Waving to crowed: minutes before her assassination in December 2007.
132 Benazir Butto

among the unemployed borrowed indiscriminately for the celebrations in

hope that they would soon find employment and be able to pay back their
loans. Printing presses worked through the night to produce posters and
handbills. Self-styled revolutionary poets, who could until then recite their
poetry only to extremely limited circles, and that too in hiding, openly
sat by roadside with crowds of excited party workers gathered around
to applause their verses. Throughout the night, groups of workers and
followers made their way to the airport with torches held aloft.”
The next day when she landed, the crowd was so big that Daily Dawn
reported: “The cameras could not capture it all, nor can all superlatives in
the dictionary.” Independent estimates put the figures at one million people.
Noted journalist Lahori of Dawn remarked: “I have not seen anything like
it before. Benazir Bhutto had the city at her feet the moment she landed at
the Lahore airport on Thursday.” During the next two years, she kept on
putting political pressure, both domestic and international to usher real
democracy in the country. Due to her pressure and host of other reasons,
the gulf between Zia and his hand-picked Prime Minister Mohammad
Khan Junejo increased and in May 1988 General Zia dismissed the civilian
government, packing up assemblies in the process. The new elections
were announced to be held on 16th November that year. He tried to bring
back the clock back to July 1977, with all powers concentrated in him, but
Nature had its own design and he died in a plane crash in August 1988.
This was the time when she, after getting married to Asif Ali Zardari in
December 1987, was expecting her first child, Bilawal, who was born on
21st September 1988.
The biggest challenge before her was to confront the state apparatus,
as the dictator was dead but his apparatus was alive. Within no time the
‘establishment’ erected an alliance of the parties opposed to her party,
under the name of ‘Islami Jhamhoori Itehad” (IJI). All the state resources
were directed to help this alliance and cut short the chances of success of
her party. Years later a top leader of Jamait-e-Islami and the then IJI, Prof.
Ghafoor Ahmed, disclosed in his book about the secret meeting called by
 Makers of Modern Sindh 133

the General Zia’s successor General Aslam Baig at his official residence
in Rawalpindi on 24th October, state’s security agencies, all the four chief
ministers, her rival IJI chief, senior members of the federal cabinet as well
as other senior officers were present. He stated that a detailed presentation
was given by General Hameed Gul, the then Chief of ISI, telling the
participants that PPP was considerably ahead of the IJI in three most
populous provinces, Punjab, Sindh, and NWFP and there was a need to do
more to ‘fix’ the elections. The participants agreed to do more.
This group of state functionaries and her political rival IJI leaders
once again assembled at the same place on 6th November, where General
Gul told them that despite their efforts, his intelligence had reported that
PPP was still leading overwhelmingly. Prof. Ahmed reported that in view
of this situation, the meeting decided to create a special cell to deal with
the circumstances arising after the elections. The establishment wanted to
doubly ensure to block her way to power through manipulations, even if
she and her party won the elections.
She accepted this challenge began her election campaign on 30th
October by addressing public meetings in Karachi. Within the next two
weeks, she traveled through the length and the breadth of the entire country,
closing her campaign in Peshawar on 14th November. Wherever she went,
she was greeted with big crowds, assuring her of an overwhelming victory
for her in the elections. Despite all the resistances and hindrances created
by the establishment, the election results brought her party to victory
capturing the single largest bloc of seats in the National Assembly, in the
first open election held in the country in more than a decade. This victory
at polls led the establishment to a series of unsuccessful maneuverings
to block her way to power. However, on their failure, the stage was set
when she took the oath of office of the Prime Minister of Pakistan on 2nd
December 1988. With it, she stepped on the pedestal of history as the first
woman Prime Minister of an Islamic country in the world. And an added
distinction for her was that she was the youngest head of government in
the history of Pakistan!
134 Benazir Butto

However, the circumstances in which she had to operate as the elected

leader of the country continued to be least conducive. The power-center of
the country was divided into a number of pieces. Since 1977’s martial law,
the army chief had assumed an extremely domineering role in the civil and
political affairs of the State. Then, the amended Constitution of 1985 had
given enormous powers to the President, including the power to dissolve the
elected assemblies and government on his sweet will. Though the position
of the Prime Minister was re-introduced in the body-politic of the country
since 1985, it was the weakest position amongst the trio of top officeholders
in the country. This division of authority and her disadvantageous position
continued downwards. The Senate continued with the dead military
dictator’s hand-picked men. In the National Assembly itself, her party had
been denied an absolute majority through the state agencies’ machinations.
The provinces inherited their governors from the caretaker set up and the
President argued that the power to change them rested with him. As if this
was not enough, the hostile government in Punjab with Nawaz Sharif as an
all-powerful chief minister adopted an extremely adverse attitude towards
her government. The government of Balochistan was also out of the folds of
PPP. This clipped the wings of her government in a big way to bring about
any meaningful social or political change in the country as she would have
wanted to bring after eleven years of suffocating rule of General Zia.
Notwithstanding these constraints, she decided to lead her country
in its transition from military dictatorship to democracy. She orders the
immediate release of political prisoners and restores fundamental rights.
She also removed restrictions on the media giving them immense freedom.
Her government gave a high priority to social sectors like health, education,
provision of clean drinking water, sanitation and energy, for which the
budgetary allocations were increased
Her measures aimed at controlling drug-trafficking and its traffickers
earned her admiration all over the world. During her government’s first
six months in power, sixteen heroin laboratories had been dismantled. The
poppy growing in the NWFP had been brought down to about a hundred
 Makers of Modern Sindh 135

tons compared to the previous year’s double of that figure. Where it won
her international admiration, it earned her deadly enmity of the most
powerful and resourceful Drug-Mafia.
She took measures aimed at the betterment of women. Under her
orders, the country’s national airliner, PIA, inducted, for the first time, two
women pilots. In addition to that, under her directive, a women’s bank,
The First Women’s Bank (FWB), was established to provide loaning and
other financial facilities to women. A woman police force was raised and
women police stations were established in order to save hapless women of
the highhandedness of under-educated male police officers. A fixed quota
for women was reserved in the sparsely represented government service.
In the realm of international affairs, her biggest success was the
normalization of relations with neighboring India. In response to Indian
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s letter of felicitation, she ably spelled out her
government’s policy towards India, stating: “The democratically elected
Government of Pakistan attaches the highest importance to developing
good neighborly, co-operative and friendly relations with India. We
believe that the people of both countries want this. It is essential for peace
and stability in our region. The historic Simla Agreement signed by your
mother and my father provides an excellent basis for strengthening bilateral
relations. I was with my father at the time of its signing, and as I look
back over the past sixteen years, there is satisfaction from the knowledge
that this Agreement has enabled us to avoid conflict and indeed, to make
progress in some areas of cooperation.” These gestures of goodwill and
commitments were reinforced with summit meetings between the Prime
Ministers of the two countries. Setting a record, the Indian Prime Minister
visited Pakistan two times in a year to hold parlays with her. This greatly
helped in easing the tensions between two South Asian rivals.
These developments were beyond the expectations of the civil-military-
religious ruling oligarchy of Pakistan, described as ‘establishment.’ They had
tied her hands and were least expecting her to deliver on such a wide range
of fronts. They got moved a vote of no-confidence against her through her
136 Benazir Butto

political rivals in the National Assembly. But, through timely intervention

through and counter political moves, she defeated that attempt. Finding no
other democratic option, the president went for straight action against her,
dismissing her government and dissolving the assemblies under the powers
acquired by the former military dictator. Immediately, her husband, Asif
Ali Zardari was arrested and imprisoned, where he would remain for over
two years. A ‘state of emergency’ was imposed, forfeiting the fundamental
rights of the citizens. Her rivals were inducted into caretaker governments
at the federal and provincial levels. Former chief of IJI and politician from
Sindh, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, who had not been able to secure his own seat
in the general elections against her candidate, was sworn in as the caretaker
Prime Minister. Sindh chief minister’s slot was filled by Jam Sadiq Ali, one
of the most controversial figures of the country.
On her dismissal, she called a press conference that evening in the
Prime Minister’s House. She was angry but confident. “The Dissolution
Order is arbitrary and with ulterior motives,” she began with a short,
prepared statement. “It is unfortunate that an elected people’s Government
has been sacked and an unrepresentative government installed,” she said.
She refused to accept the decision and called it “a constitutional coup d’etat.”
But she told her party cadres to remain calm and composed and not to
react, so that “they do not get an excuse to bypass the political process.” She
dismissed the charges “as a pack of lies.” “They talk about accountability.
They must be made accountable for their deeds of the last 12 years,” she
thundered.
At this juncture, a ‘game’ of references was initiated against her and her
party cadres. Day in and day out, references were filed in different courts,
located in the different parts of the country. In those crucial days, when
elections were just above the head, she was receiving the show cause notices
and personal appearance notices from different courts. If one day she was
to appear in a court in Lahore, the other day she had to appear in a court in
Karachi. She faced this onslaught and finally after hearings spanning over a
period of about two years, she was acquitted in all these cases by the courts.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 137

The elections held on 24th October 1990. While the difference in the
percentage of votes obtained by her party and Nawaz Sharif led IJI was less
than one percent, her party could secure only 45 seats as compared to IJI’s
115 seats in an assembly of 207! Years later, Lieutenant General (retired)
Asad Durrani, who headed the ISI in 1990, admitted in 1996 that he had
distributed 140 million rupees from the Mehran Bank to various politicians
to influence election results in favor of Nawaz Sharif. The army chief of that
time also submitted a written statement in the court confirming that the
agency had supported ‘certain candidates’ during the 1990 elections.
However, she decided to face these adverse circumstances with courage
and calmness. In a meeting of her party’s central executive council, it was
decided that the party would discharge its duties as an Opposition in the
legislature. Having got a free hand, both the pillars of the establishment,
the President and Prime Minister came to loggerheads within an infight
within the establishment. As a result, the president packed the government
of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and new elections were called.
The elections of 1993 returned her to power in a stronger position than
ever before. Besides the National Assembly, she this time got a comfortable
number of seats in the Punjab assembly as well, where she formed a
coalition government with other parties. She had been able to bring the
president of her choice. However, there was a set of problems as well. The
first and foremost was that the country was on the verge of being declared as
a ‘Terrorist-Sponsoring Nation’, due to reckless support to fundamentalism
during the tenure of her predecessor. She projected Pakistan’s image as a
modernizing Islamic State, where democracy prevailed and where a female
ran the government as an elected prime minister. Secondly, the country
was plagued with a chronic power shortage. She focused on attracting
foreign investment in this sector. In this respect, the beginning was made
with the official visit of US Energy Secretary at the head of a delegation of
international power producers (IPP). The result of this policy was that the
country could produce enough power to meet its needs.
Thirdly, the international aid and trade channels to Pakistan had
138 Benazir Butto

almost dried up. The International Monetary Fund had imposed stringent
conditions for the release of the aid installment. In the past, the governments
had resorted to heavy borrowings from the international aid agencies in the
name of development loans. This had increased the country’s repayment
obligations to the breaking point. About half of the total annual earnings
went away to meet the debt repayment obligations alone. Besides, defense
expenditure consumed more than three fourth of the remaining economic
cake of the country, leaving an extremely meager amount for health,
education, and development of the social sector. In these circumstances,
the country needed the release of aid on soft terms. Through successful
negotiations with international financial institutions, she was able to avert
immediate cash problems.
In order to improve the economy on sound footings, she formulated
her strategy based on foreign “Trade, not Aid.” During her visit to the US,
she was invited as the keynote speaker at the investors’ conferences in New
York and Los Angeles. She went there equipped with projection charts
and billboards to convince American businessmen to invest in Pakistan.
During her visit a signing ceremony of the memorandum of understanding
was arranged, where more than two dozen chief executives of the leading
American companies came to sign the papers in her presence for intending
investment. “Bhutto managed to win $6 billion worth of tentative U.S.
business commitments to invest in Pakistan,” wrote TIME magazine. Four
secretaries of US administration also attended the ceremony, marking a
high level of renewed US interest in Pakistan.
One of her contributions had been the relative restoration of peace in
Karachi. The urban terrorism in Karachi had become a chronic issue of the
country, During Nawaz Sharif ’s rule, in 1992, the army was given absolute
control of the province to stem out the terrorism and lawlessness. But even
this could not deliver the desired results. She did not want the army to
meddle in policing duties for long, as she thought it would be counter-
productive for both the army and the civilian institutions. She decided
to restore the law and order in the province and its metropolis, Karachi
 Makers of Modern Sindh 139

by having a selective civilian action against militant elements who were

arrested and the insurgency died down.
In addition to that, her second tenure in the government saw many
developments taking place in the realm of socio-economic development of
the masses, Pakistan under he took the first steps on the path of evolving
information technology. She supported the initiatives aimed at controlling
population growth through family planning and attended the Cairo
Conference.
While this was going on, a jolt came in form of the assassination of her
brother Mir Murtaza Bhutto, in mysterious circumstances, at the hands
of police in Karachi on 20th September 1996. How it happened and who
was behind it, is still shrouded in mystery. The unfortunate incident was
followed by a storm of accusations and counter-accusations mainly against
her spouse. The curtain on her second government fell on 5th November
1996 when the President sacked her government. She later said it was part
of a conspiracy: “To kill a Bhutto and to blame a Bhutto.” This was followed
by elections in February 1997. Again entire administration stood against
her and supported her rivals. This time her party could capture 19 seats
against 135 of Nawaz Sharif in a house of 207. In the Punjab provincial
assembly, it was declared to have secured only three seats. It was only in
Sindh, where her party had secured the majority.
She attributed these results to ‘Computer Rigging’. In an interview with
Time magazine in March 1997, she said: “If the elections had been fair,
free, and impartial, the Pakistan Peoples Party would have won on the basis
of the development work we have done, on the basis of restoring peace, of
increasing education and health expenditures, bringing the deficit down,
repaying debt and bringing peace to Karachi. The results were engineered...
The whole thing was a fraud for the people of Pakistan.”
In April 1999, with permission from the Court, she left for abroad.
A few months later, in October 1999, there was yet another change of
government in Pakistan. The army had again taken over with General
Musharraf leading it. Under the orders of the Supreme Court, the military
140 Benazir Butto

regime held elections in October 2002. This time, the regime introduced a
new amendment to Pakistan’s constitution, banning prime ministers from
serving more than two terms. This was aimed at disqualifying her from ever
holding the office of Prime Minister again. In addition, the regime enacted
another legislation that prohibited her from holding any party office as well.
She decided that her Party should participate in the election as she did not
want to leave the political space open her rivals. Under new arrangements,
a wing of the Party under the nomenclature of Pakistan Peoples Party
Parliamentarians (PPPP) participated in the elections. Despite all these
handicaps, her party secured the highest number of votes (28.42%) and
eighty seats (23.16%) in the national assembly. The situation emerged in
such a manner that her support was needed to the establishment’s nominee
to form a government. But, the establishment helped break away some of
the elected members of the parliament from her party, to help form the
new government.
The year 2007 was the year of election in Pakistan as the previous
Parliament elected in 2002 was to complete its five-year term (later-on the
date was fixed for 8th January 2008). She declared her intention to return
to Pakistan in October 2007. Accordingly, she returned after eight years,
on 18th October 2007. En route to a rally, two powerful bomb explosions
occurred, killing about 150 persons and injuring another 500. The
government of General Musharraf immediately attributed targeting her
procession to the religious extremists. When she was asked to comment on
that, she said: “The extremists need a dictatorship, and dictatorship needs
extremists”.
The attack could not deter her from reaching to people, for whom she
had come back to Pakistan. Wherever she went, from the shores of the
Arabian Sea in Southern Pakistan to the mountainous regions in Northern
Pakistan, she was greeted by welcoming mobs. Initially, the government
of Pervez Musharraf tried to maintain a façade of neutrality. But, when
the General declared a state of emergency in the country on November
3, hardly two weeks after her return to Pakistan, she opposed it with full
 Makers of Modern Sindh 141

force. In fact, she had gone to Dubai. The government could not sustain the
move and had to withdraw the emergency on 15th December 2007.
One of the milestone achievements on her part was politically forcing
General Pervez Musharraf to remove his military uniform, which he had
likened as his ‘skin’. Standing in complete isolation, Musharraf handed over
his army command to General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani on 28th November
2007. She had been citing the dangers to the security of her life for a long
time. But, the government under General Musharraf never paid any heed
to them. Less than two weeks away from the scheduled elections, she had
been having a very busy schedule of addressing rallies for 27th December
at Liaquat Bagh of Rawalpindi. After her moving speech when she was
leaving the venue, a band of suicidal attackers, armed with guns and
bombs, attacked her, martyring her and several other innocent workers of
Pakistan People’s Party as well as injuring many more.
This generated one of Pakistan’s gravest crises when hundreds of
thousand people came out on roads in open defiance to mourn her death.
Amidst widespread protests all over the country, her coffin was brought
to her ancestral graveyard in Garhi Khuda Bukhsh and buried alongside
her father, ending one of the most legendary chapters of Bhutto family, at
a tragic end.

(The above biographical account is based on the contents of the book “Benazir
Bhutto: A Political Biography” by Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh, published by
Orient Book Publishing House in the year 2000. The reader is requested to
consult the book for the references given there.)
 FIVE

Fatima Jinnah
(1893-1967)

Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, popularly known as Madre-e-Millat (Mother

of Nation) and Khatoon-e-Pakistan (Lady of Pakistan) was Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s closest confidante and his youngest sister. She
chose a political career sacrificing both her personal and professional
lives. She served as a rare role model for early twentieth-century Muslim
women of the subcontinent who advocated women’s right to education as
well as personal freedom. She was a proponent of liberal social outlook
and struggled for economic and democratic rights of downtrodden people.
The peak in her political career came in 1964-65 when she challenged all-
powerful President General Muhammad Ayub Khan in the elections for
Presidency.
She had a deep association with Sindh Madressatul Islam, which she
visited several times. She was one of the administrators of Quaid-e-Azam’s
last will in which he had bequeathed one-third of his entire property to
Sindh Madressah. In that capacity, she was instrumental in transferring
the bequest of Quaid-e-Azam to SMI. During one of her visit to the
institution’s constituent college on Sindh Madressah in March 1954, she
said, “The Sindh Muslim College which I have the privilege of addressing
today is the offspring of the Sindh Madressah which as you know has the
distinction of having Quaid-e-Azam as one of its alumni.”
144 Fatima Jinnah

Her Brother’s Sister (1893-1948)

Fatima Jinnah was born on 31st July 1893. At the time of birth, her
eldest brother Mohammad Ali Jinnah was in London pursuing his
education in law at Lincoln’s Inn, where he was admitted in June that year.
She was the youngest amongst her siblings, baring her brother Benday Ali
who died during infancy. She was very young when her mother died during
childbirth. This was also the time when her father was going through the
failure of his business and financial crisis. She was less than three years
old when her eldest brother, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, briefly returned to
Karachi in 1896 and convinced their father to shift to Bombay with family.
On shifting to Bombay (presently Mumbai), Fatima lived with the rest
of her siblings, which included three sisters and one brother, with their
father in a place arranged by Mohammad Ali who had started practicing
law and lived separately. Under her brother’s tutelage, she was admitted to
the Bandra Convent School of Mumbai. When she was about eight years
old, in 1901, her father died. Mohammad Ali took up her guardianship
and she started living with him in his place till 1918 when he got married
to Rattan Bai. A year later in 1919, she got enrolled at the University of
Calcutta’s Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College for her education in dentistry. She
returned to Bombay four years later in 1923 and started her practice as a
dentist from her private clinic.
This pattern of life changed in 1929 when Rattan Bai died at a young
age leaving behind her daughter Dina. Mohammad Ali Jinnah needed
someone to look after him, his young daughter as well as household
matters so that he could concentrate on his political and professional
matters. Fatima took up this role and shifted to her brother’s house, closing
her clinic and ending her professional life as a dentist. She consoled him
during the years of distress and uncertainties. This role continued for the
next nineteen years until the death of Quaid-e-Azam in 1948. She got
endeared so much to Quaid-e-Azam that he remarked: “My sister was like
a bright ray of light and hope whenever I came back home and met her.
Anxieties would have been much greater and my health much worse, but
for the restraints imposed by her.”
In addition to looking after the household affairs of her brother’s home,
Portrait of Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah.
With her dearest brother and her leader Quaid-e-Azam.

With her brother and niece in a delightful mood.

One of her picture with her brother at Seafield, where Quaid-e-Azam
usually stayed in Karachi.

She was her brother’s sister who accompanied him everywhere.

 In one of social gatherings with her brother.

A historic moment: outside Pakistan Constituent Assembly in August 1947.

 In one of the programs with the then Mayor Karachi, Hakim Muhammad
Ahsan, who was also an alumnus of Sindh Madressah.

Fatima Jinnah and Quaid-e-Azam were greeted by the Prime Minister Liaquat
Ali Khan and first lady at Prime Minister’s House for an official reception.
Icons of dignity: the eldest and the youngest among siblings had the closest
companionship and friendship.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 151

Fatima fully participated in the social and political activities of the Muslim
League and remained her brother’s closest confidante and companion. Her
active role in political and social spheres continued even after the creation
of Pakistan. At the time of partition in 1947, she helped form the Women’s
Relief Committee to redress the problems faced by women during their
migration to Pakistan and help them settle in the new country. This
organization later turned into the All Pakistan Women Association at the
hands of Rana Liaquat Ali Khan.

The Nation’s Teacher (1948-1964)

After the death of Quaid-e-Azam in 1948, she adopted the role of a
moral teacher who stood for the highest values of life and reminded the
nation about the ideals set by Quaid-e-Azam for various walks of life. In
her own words: “I must tell you that we are passing through very critical
times. The supreme interests of the country demand that everyone should
curb personal ambition and dedicate himself to the cause of integrity and
stability of Pakistan.”
Her greatest emphasis had been on the provision of education to the
younger generation. In this regard, she often visited various educational
institutions and emphasized the importance of the right type of education
for national development. In her address to the faculty and students of
Islamia College for Women, Lahore in November 1957, she echoed these
thoughts: “The aim of education is to cultivate, develop and discipline the
mental, spiritual and physical faculties of the youth. The other aspect of
education is to build character to train the youth for useful citizenship and
for their rightful role in the cultural advancement of the nation.”
To her, the aims and objectives of education were most important in
setting the destiny of a newly created country. In one of her addresses to
students of Islamia College, Lahore, in December 1957, she said: “The
system of education must be able to equip the people with a burning zeal for
selfless and devoted service in the cause of Pakistan. They must be trained
and inculcated with the quality of leadership in all spheres of public and
private life whether civil or military, technical, or academic, high or low”.
Another subject of utmost importance with her was the role of women
152 Fatima Jinnah

in preparing the new generation. She shared her thoughts with young
female students, saying: “You have it in your hands to make or mar a whole
generation. If you respect your cultural heritage and nurture it with the
light and knowledge you again, your culture will blossom into a living
organism that will satisfy all your inward urges, provide a fruitful channel
for your creative impulses and win you a proud place in the comity of
nations”. At another place, she said: “The woman by common consent is
the custodian of a sacred trust, namely the best elements in the spiritual
and cultural heritage of the nation.”
As Pakistan moved away from the path to social justice and passed on
the way to dictatorial rule in the 1950s, she became increasingly critical of
the ruling classes. She also loathed the indifference of masses towards the
loot and plunder of their country by its so-called leaders. In her message
on Quaid-e-Azam’s birthday in 1963, she told the people: “Your difficulties
are due partly to the deviation of leaders and parties from the principles
and ideals of the Pakistan movement and partly to your own indifference
and neglect”.
Her independent thinking and her role as the nation’s moral teacher
were never liked by the ruling classes. Soon after the demise of Quaid-e-
Azam, the government of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan banned her
from addressing the nation till 1951. When it was restored, it was done
with heavy censorship. Even when she wrote a biography of Quaid-e-Azam
under the title “My Brother” in 1955, it was not allowed to be published
in Pakistan for several decades till 1987, when its censored version was
published by Quaid-e-Azam Academy. At one point in time, she was even
accused of being anti-nationalist, but she faced all these accusations and
tribulations with forbearance.

Presidential Candidate (1964-65)

In the mid-1960s, her role as a revered national teacher transformed
into a challenger to President General Muhammad Ayub Khan’s
presidency. When the presidential elections were announced for January
1965, there were five major opposition parties in the country. However,
they were bitterly divided amongst themselves and were unable to agree
 Makers of Modern Sindh 153

on any candidate from their folds. Compromise amongst them reached

on the name of Fatima Jinnah as their joint candidate to be fielded against
General Ayub from the platform of Combined Opposition Parties of
Pakistan (COPP). They also agreed on a nine-point program primarily
aimed at the promotion of democracy in the country.
The significance of her nomination as a presidential candidate lied in
the fact that a female had been fielded for the position of the head of state
and government in a traditional Islamic society. The orthodox elements had
always held that a woman was not eligible to head a state or government.
However, ultra-right religious political party Jamaat-e-Islami, under its
ideologue Maulana Maududi, supported her candidature in contravention
of the party’s earlier ideological position.
Her candidature was received warmly by the people of Pakistan. Her
receptions and public meetings set new records as far as the attendance
of people was concerned. For instance, an estimated two hundred and
fifty thousand people participated in one of her rallies in Dacca in East
Pakistan. It was also a record when about a million people lined up on her
way from Dacca to Chittagong just to catch her glimpse. In West Pakistan
also, Karachi and some other cities were her strongholds.
In order to counter her, the government came out with their set of
tricks. Firstly, an influential section of religious scholars was persuaded to
declare the candidature of a woman for the position of the head of state as
un-Islamic. Then the rules of the election were set in such a way that they
benefited sitting president Ayub Khan the most. The biggest flaw of the
electoral process was that the elections were not direct ones, but an electoral
college of about 80,000 ‘Basic Democrats’ had to elect the president. The
government was able to manipulate this group of people who got General
Ayub elected as the president for another term. Though she lost elections
from a narrow margin, she exposed the hollowness of the government,
which collapsed a few years later under its own weight.

This remarkable lady of Pakistan breather her last on 9th July 1967
at an age of 74 at her residence in Karachi. The official cause of her death
was cited as cardiac arrest. She was buried next to his dearest brother with
whom she had lived most of her life as his closest companion.
 SIX

G.M. Syed
(1904-1995)

Syed Ghulam Murtaza Shah, popularly known as GM Syed, was a

great scholar-cum-political leader. At one stage of his political life, he was
one of the greatest proponents of the idea of Pakistan and close aide of
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was through his effort that the
Sindh Assembly passed the most crucial Resolution in favour of Pakistan
in March 1943, achieving the distinction of being the first legislature in the
entire subcontinent to have done so.
Syed was not only a political leader, but a social reformer and
intellectual par excellence. He established several organizations and
actively participated in initiatives aimed at the betterment of the people of
Sindh, particularly the weaker segments of the society. On the intellectual
side, he authored several books and had command over several subjects,
from history to philosophy and from ancient religions to mystic poetry.
Syed’s political journey went through various phases. He started his
political career from Pan-Islamism when he actively participated in the
Khilafat Movement. Afterwards, he shifted to Indian nationalism and
joined the Indian National Congress. Disillusioned with Congress policies,
he became one of the most ardent supporters of Pakistan movement and
156 G.M. Syed

emerged one of the topmost leaders of All India Muslim League in Sindh.
Later, he developed differences with Muslim League leadership on the
issues of provincial autonomy and emerged as an ideologue and one of the
strongest proponents of provincial autonomy in Pakistan.
He remained associated with Sindh Madressatul Islam as member of
its management board as a nominee of Karachi District Local Board. In
that capacity, he encouraged youth from rural areas of Sindh to enrol at
this institution. One such student who got enrolled at SMI through him
was Mohammad Ibrahim Joyo, who subsequently emerged as a great
scholar in his own right.

Early Life (1904-1938)

Syed was born on 17th January 1904 at Sann, a small town on the right
bank of the Indus river in present district Dadu of Sindh. Syeds trace their
ancestry with the descendants of Prophet Muhammad and highly revered
in Sindh due to that association. Syed’s family migrated to Sindh from
the Middle East during the early fifteenth century and settled in the town
of Matiyari, in the vicinity of Hyderabad. Subsequently, the family was
granted a Jagir (a piece of agricultural land) near Sann, hence shifted there.
Syed was just over a year old when his father, Syed Haider Shah, lost
his life in a local feud. This reduced Syed to an orphanage at a young age.
However, as per family traditions, he was admitted to a local Madressah
(religious school) where he learnt the basics of religious education under
the tutelage of Akhund Mian Saman, a noted scholar of the region. After
getting basic religious education, Syed was admitted to a local high school
where he learnt English and other contemporary subjects.
During his teenage, he developed an interest in politics. It was the time
when the Khilafat Movement was at full swing the subcontinent. Sindhi
press, particularly newspapers like Al-Waheed, Al-Amin and Al-Haq were
in forefronts to mobilise the public support in favour of this movement.
In February 1920, at sixteen, Syed attended one of conference relating to
Khilafat movement in Larkana. He was impressed with the ideology of Pan-
A portrait of G.M. Syed.
 G.M. Syed sitting with former Chief Minister Sindh,
Syed Abdullah Shah, and Syed Yar Muhammad Shah.

With his friend from KPK (then NWFP) Bacha Khan.

 In pleasant mood with Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, who was also an
alumnus of Sindh Madressah, Nawab Yousuf Talpur and Iqbal Tareen.

In pleasant mood
A graceful G.M. Syed during one of his old age picture.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 161

Islamism, as symbolized by Khilafat Movement, and shortly afterwards

organized one such conference in his native town of Sann.
In addition to political activities, Syed’s interest lied in the social
reformation of his people. In this regard, he founded an organization
aimed at creating awakening among Muslims of Sindh under the title of
‘Al-Muslimeen’ in 1919. A few years later in 1924, he was instrumental in
organizing an educational conference at Hyderabad which was attended
by leading educationists of Sindh, including the founder of Hyderabad’s
famous Noor Mohammed High School and political leaders, like Ibrahim
Rahmatullah, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto and Syed Miran Mohammed Shah.
One of the main concerns of Syed throughout his life was the plight of
Sindh’s peasantry. As a young man, he observed that the worst victim of
the system were the farmers who were exploited by either Hindu money
lenders or big Muslim landholders. In order to highlight these matters,
he convened the Sindh Hari Conference in Mirpurkhas in 1930, which
was attended by a large number of leaders including Jamshed Nusserwanji
Mehta. He was also instrumental in founding the ‘Lower Sindh Cooperative
Bank’ in an effort to free peasantry from the shackles of moneylenders.
Syed joined Indian National Congress, though he never contested
elections on its ticket. The differences with the Congress developed when
the party became part of the province’s ruling coalition, in the aftermath
of separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency. Syed tried his best that
Congress should play its role in the enactment of some legislation to reduce
the plight of Sindhi Muslims peasants at the hands of moneylenders. But
he was appalled by the negative attitude of Sindh’s Congress members, led
by Dr Chotihram, as they drew support mostly from the moneylending
class.
He complained against this attitude to the central command of the
Congress, which sent Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sardar Vallabh
Bhai Patel to examine and resolve the issue. However, this intervention
could not work as Congress members of Sindh assembly were not ready to
162 G.M. Syed

annoy their constituency. This prompted him to rethink his belief in Indian
nationalism and decided to leave the Congress in 1938 once for all.

Leader of Muslim League (1938-1945)

General elections for the seats of newly created Sindh Assembly
followed the separation of the province from Bombay Presidency in 1936.
At this stage, the Muslim League was almost non-existent in Sindh and
had no representation in the provincial assembly. Most of the prominent
Muslim leaders of Sindh had contested the elections on their own, though
they were formally affiliated with one or the other Sindh-based political
outfits.
The election results showed that out of total sixty seats, Congress
won only seven seats but were power brokers as the Muslims mandate
was fragmented in various groups. Taking advantage of this situation, the
Congress was able to wield enormous influence as the governments were
made with their support. The result was that the assembly could not pass any
legislation aimed at redressal of the grievances of Sindh’s underprivileged
classes. This annoyed Syed immensely.
In these circumstances, with blessings of Jinnah, diverse Muslim
members including Syed converged to form the Muslim League Assembly
Party in Sindh in 1938. One thing in common amongst them was their
resentment against the attitude of the Congress members towards the
problems of rural Sindh.
In October 1938, All India Muslim League Conference was held in
Karachi with Jinnah in the chair. It was on this occasion that the provincial
body of the League was announced. Syed was designated as one of the two
vice presidents with Abdullah Haroon as their president. Through efforts
of this body, a resolution was passed in the conference against the policies
of Congress, which they termed as the ones aimed at establishing Hindu
Raj and suppressing Muslim culture.
For the next five years, Syed devoted himself fully to the organization
of the Sindh Muslim league. He travelled a lot throughout the province
 Makers of Modern Sindh 163

to popularize Muslim League amongst rural as well as urban masses.

The pinnacle for his political career as the leader of Muslim League and
proponent of the idea of Pakistan came on 3rd March 1943, when he
introduced the Pakistan Resolution in Sindh Assembly. The resolution
presented by him, in fact, was an affirmation of the Pakistan Resolution
already passed All India Muslim League at Lahore three years back, in
March 1940.
The importance of this resolution was that it was for the first time that
an elected assembly of any province in the subcontinent had demanded
the creation of an independent homeland for Muslims of India. This
endeared him to the central leadership of the League, particularly Jinnah,
and won appreciation from his party colleagues in the other provinces. A
few months later he was elected president of Sindh Muslim League in June
1943, in the presence of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.
The same year in December, he organized the annual session of the
All-India Muslim League in Karachi. He mobilized the entire Muslim
community of Sindh towards the successful organization of this mega
event, which proved to be a testimony of his organizational capabilities.
He delivered a heart-warming speech wherein he proclaimed that Pakistan
would be comprised of the Indus Valley that included Kashmir, North-
West Frontier Province, Balochistan, Punjab and Sindh. He wholeheartedly
invited Muslims coming from other parts of India to invest their money
and expertise in Sindh giving them the assurance that people of Sindh
would facilitate them.

Champion of provincial autonomy

(1945 onwards)
However, this honeymoon with the Muslim League did not last
for very long and he parted his ways in 1945-6. The issue that brought
out this confrontation was the award of Muslim League party tickets to
the candidates in Sindh for elections of 1946. Syed was president of the
164 G.M. Syed

provincial set up of the League and recommended a set of candidates to the

central leadership for the award of party tickets.
However, his rival group in Sindh Muslim League, led by Sir Ghulam
Hussain Hidayatullah, could muster support for their set of candidates
from the central leadership of the League. This brought Syed in open
rebellion against the central command, prompting Jinnah to expel him
from the League. In the ensuing elections, Syed’s group won four seats and
was joined by three independents, making a group of seven. Combined
with Congress, they were in a formidable position to defeat Muslim League
in the assembly and form government, had not the assembly been dissolved
by the Governor on the pretext of a technical issue.
After the creation of Pakistan, Syed emerged as a champion of the
socio-economic and political interests of native Sindhis. He vehemently
opposed the separation of Karachi from Sindh, when the city was declared
as the federal capital. He was also opposed to the policy adopted by the
government for dispersal of evacuee properties, which favoured the
immigrants over the natives. Similarly, he was highly critical of the
government policy regarding allotment of barrage lands, which favoured
people from upstream regions. He was also pained at relegation of Sindhi
to a secondary status in Sindh as well as erosion of provincial autonomy.
However, his strongest opposition was against the one-unit scheme,
which amalgamated all the provinces of the then West Pakistan including
Sindh in one administrative unit. He mobilized the masses in entire Sindh
and developed public opinion against this scheme. He also contested and
won elections for a seat in the West Pakistan Assembly in 1954 and joined
Opposition benches from where continued his efforts to undo the scheme. In
1955, he formed Anti-One Unit Front, bringing all the anti-scheme parties
to one platform. Due to his efforts and initiatives, a resolution against one-
unit was overwhelmingly passed by the West Pakistan Assembly. Despite
this, it took about fifteen years till 1970 when this unnatural scheme stood
dissolved.
Syed’s non-conformist attitude brought him to the eyes of the storm
 Makers of Modern Sindh 165

throughout his life. Because of his opposition to officially adopted

ideologies as well as opposition to the government, he was often arrested,
detained, or placed in confinement at his home. But all these trials and
tribulations at hands of both authoritarian and democratic regimes could
not bend his will. Instead, he utilized his time during such detentions and
confinements in reading and writing books.
The last chapter of his eventful life came to an end in 1995 when he
breathed his last in a state of detention at his home.
 SEVEN

Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

(1888-1957)

The most outstanding accomplishment of Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

is the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency in 1936, providing
the Muslims of the subcontinent the essential launching ground from
where the movement for an independent and free Muslim State was later
launched. The next decade witnessed it as an autonomous province which
played the most crucial role in the creation of Pakistan. It was in this
background that Stanley Wolpert wrote that the separation of Sindh from
Bombay Presidency through the efforts and leadership of Sir Shahnawaz
Bhutto, was ‘the single-most-important economic-political coup won by
an Indian Muslim, … eclipsed only by Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah’s subsequent
victory more than a decade later in winning his suit for a separate nation
statehood for Pakistan.’ In addition to that, Sir Bhutto played pivotal role
in the construction of Sukkur Barrage, which brought an agricultural
revolution in the province. As the Divan (Premier) of Junagadh State, he
was instrumental in getting signed the instrument of accession of that state
in favour of Pakistan in 1947.
Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto was born on 3rd of March 1888 in Garhi Khuda
Bukhsh town of Larkana district in the family of Mir Ghulam Murtaza
168 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

Khan Bhutto, one of the biggest landlords of Sindh. In 1898, when Sir
Shahnawaz Bhutto was just ten years old, his father died. Being the eldest
son, he was nominated as the next head of the family, in accordance with
the customs of Sindh. There were enmities amongst the land-owning
families at that time and certain influential Zamindars wanted to harm
this young Zamindar and his family. But the British Collector of Larkana,
Mr. Mules took upon himself to look after the welfare and interests of this
young boy and his family.
After completing four-year schooling in vernacular learning, Sir
Bhutto was admitted for English education in Larkana’s New Zamindar
School (later named as Larkana Madressah). This school was founded by
the district’s Assistant Collector Mr. Tarapat and imparted education up
to middle standard’s level. When Shahnawaz passed his fifth standard of
English, completing his nine years schooling in Larkana district, search for
a higher educational institution began. The choice fell on Sindh Madressah
of Karachi, where he was enrolled on 12th November 1906.
Young Shahnawaz Bhutto’s intellect and manners impressed the British
principal Mr. Thomas Henry Vines to such an extent that he offered him to
live with him in his Bungalow, where he was allocated two spacious rooms
on the ground floor of the beautiful stone building serving as the official
residence of the principal. Shahnawaz remembered Mr. Vines and his wife
as ‘kind people’, who were ‘sympathetic to Muslims’. During his stay at
the Madressah, he developed fondness for hockey that had recently been
introduced in Karachi. His stay at Sindh Madressah left deep impressions
on his mind. Remembering the Madressah, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto wrote
in 1935:
“I still cherish lively memories of the very happy days I spent
in this splendid institution and I know that it has endeared itself
to all other old boys who had the good fortune of receiving their
education there. The unique and valuable feature of the Madressah
has always been to inculcate in its alumni all that is best in the old
and the new methods and systems of knowledge: The love of the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 169

old tradition and ideals which made the name of Islam glorious
throughout the world and thirst of modern knowledge which is so
essential for material progress. This harmonious combination has
achieved remarkable success as proved by careers of thousands of
old boys who have risen to positions of high eminence by their
learning as well as character … In my opinion this institution has
been the greatest force for the advancement of Sindhi Muslims and
I feel sure that its usefulness will increase with the course of time
until the Muslims of Sindh occupy the leading position among the
people of India.”
Before Shahnawaz could complete his education, fate unfurled another
design for him. In December 1908, when he was enjoying his usual vacation,
he received the news of his uncle-guardian Illahi Bukhsh Bhutto’s death at
the young age of 28 years. It was a great shock for Shahnawaz, who had to
assume the responsibilities of a family head of not only his own family but
that of his deceased uncle also. Few months later, in March 1909, at the time
of attaining the age of twenty-one years, Shahnawaz was also given back the
charge of his father’s estate by the Court of Wards. He then started his active
public life with certain cardinal principles, to become the torchbearer of
Bhutto family in politics. “My services were available to the common man
from morning to night”, recalled Sir Bhutto in his unpublished memoirs.
“I ran an open house at Garhi Khuda Bukhsh Bhutto without distinction
and without motive. I tried to help the people who came …. I tried to give
them good advice … I was courteous to the common man and rarely did
my temper lose… I spared no efforts to cultivate and befriend the masses”,
he remarked. In fact, Sir Bhutto was the first ever leader of Sindh who
introduced this populist approach in politics. Before him, it was mostly a
drawing-room affair of land owning aristocracy.
In October 1913, the Muslim community leaders (Wadero) of Sindh
took first united political step to safeguard the interests of Sindhi Muslims.
The meeting took place at Hyderabad and was very well attended by
the community leaders from all over the Sindh. Shahnawaz was highly
170 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

respected because of his intellect, social position and his open stand
against the exploitation of Muslim population. During these meetings, he
emerged as the unanimous leader of the Muslims of Sindh. In 1919, at the
age of thirty-one years, he won the elections for the only seat for Sindh at
Delhi’s Imperial Legislative Council. This victory was very important, as
the council was the highest forum in the British India. After coming to
Delhi, he devoted all his attention and energy to the cause of the separation
of Sindh from Bombay Presidency and development of Karachi. Later on,
he recalled his first impressions of Delhi in these words:
“On coming to Delhi, the thought crossed my mind on how
I could get the Council to pay more attention to the development
of Karachi. I believed that with the development of Karachi, the
hinterland of Sindh, would not escape the benefits. I therefore
chose to concentrate on Karachi. Whenever I went to other places
and particularly to Bombay, I tried to learn how to improve
Karachi. Bombay was much bigger city but I looked upon it as a
rival of Karachi.”
The year 1920 was an important year for Sir Bhutto as well as the
rest of India. The British Government introduced the famous Montague-
Chelmsford Reforms in form of Government of India Act 1919. Sir
Bhutto was elected as the member of Bombay Legislative Council along
with thirteen other Muslims and three non-Muslims from Sindh. He was
immediately chosen as the Leader of Muslim bloc in the Council, the
position he retained till Sindh’s separation from Bombay Presidency in
1936. In his home district also that year, he was elected as the President of
District Local Board, Larkana; the position he retained till 1934. He ran the
Board very efficiently and successfully. Khan Bahadur Mohammed Ayub
Khuhro, an illustrious freedom fighter belonging to Larkana district, who
also remained the Chief Minister of Sindh for record three times, described
Sir Bhutto’s tenure in these words: ‘He was a very successful Administrator
and therefore the administration of the District Local Board, Larkana,
was best run under his presidency. He enjoyed great respect and even the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 171

British district officers of the imperial Service used to call on Sir Bhutto,
which they never did in the case of other Presidents of he local boards in
Sindh’.
Around 1925, Sir Bhutto took over as the president of Sindh National
Mohammedan Association, the first ever socio-political organization of
Sindh launched by Hassanally Effendi in 1885. Khan Bahadur Muhammad
Ayub Khuhro became the Vice President, while Hassanally’s son KB Wali
Mohammed assumed the charge of General Secretary.
At this stage of time, Sir Bhutto had already emerged as model
personality for the budding political leaders of Sindh. Syed Miran
Muhammad Shah, who later became the Speaker of the Sindh Legislative
Assembly for ten most crucial years of Sindh and the subcontinent’s recent
history, from 1938 to 1948, admired Sir Bhutto in these words: ‘All these
young Politicians who came in contact with him in those good old days
and who subsequently took prominent part in the affairs of their Province
learnt their first lesson in public life from Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto who was
admittedly their political godfather. I was one of those youngsters whom
this all-Sindh leader took under his wings for training.’
Syed Miran Muhammad Shah has given an account of an event, in
which he learnt lesson of self-respect from his benefactor. In his words:
“In those early days of British Raj a horse and cattle show was held
at Jacobabad where seats were provided for the invitees in the order of
precedence determined by the head of the police department. Once Mr.
Omanny, D.I.G. police, put the chairs of the Members of the Bombay
Legislative Council, including that of Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, behind the
row where district officers where seated. Shahnawaz Khan Bhutto and
his colleagues on arrival noticed this relegation. The sense of dignity and
self-respect urged him to revolt against the indignity and he along with
his other followers boycotted the horse show. He also sent a strong note
to the Governor of Bombay protesting against the treatment meted out
to the representatives of the people of Sindh by the local British offices.
This move came as a happy surprise to the people of Sindh, who prior to
172 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

that incident, had never known that the public could protest against the
conduct of a British officer. The result of this protest was that Mr. Omanny
had to apologize to the elected representatives of the people and he was
also shortly afterwards transferred from Sindh”.
Sir Bhutto first met Mohammad Ali Jinnah in Larkana in 1928, the year
his son Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was born, who later became the first popularly
elected prime minister of Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah, then a practicing lawyer,
shared many similarities with Shahnawaz Bhutto. Both of them were born
Sindhis. Both of them were educated at the same school in Karachi—Sindh
Madressatul Islam and both of them had the interests of Muslim community
deepest in their heart. Jinnah had been invited by Sindh Mohammedan
Association, over which Sir Bhutto presided. Jinnah stayed with Sir Bhutto
in the Bhutto family’s grand house Al-Murtaza in Larkana. This meeting
proved to be the beginning of a long and harmonious association between
the two Muslim leaders with sole objective of the welfare and well being of
their community.
Sir Bhutto emerged as an ardent supporter of the Muslim cause. At
all the political forums of British India, he presented the point of view
of the Muslims living in the subcontinent in general and those of Sindh
in particular without any fear or favour. One of his speeches, delivered
in the Bombay’s Legislative Council on 17th March 1932 on the Indian
Succession Amendment Act, is noteworthy. The Finance member
(Minister) of the Government of Bombay had moved an amendment in the
Indian Succession Act 1925, whereby he proposed to impose fresh taxes
on Muslims of Bombay Presidency in matters arising under the council’s
jurisdiction.
Speaking on behalf of the Muslim members of the council, Sir Bhutto
opposed this move and said:
“Sir, I had no mind to take part in this debate, but my
colleagues have insisted that I should say only a few words in order
to make the position of Muslim members of this honorable House
clear: Sir, it is very difficult for honorable members like Mr. Petit to
Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto with his family. The baby boy on the extreme right is his son Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,
who later became the President and the Prime Minister of Pakistan.
 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto is sitting in the center surrounded by the British Governor of Sindh and his wife. Prominent
amongst others in the photograph are the Talpur Mir of Khairpur Mirs (sitting third from right) and Mr. Muhammad
Ayub Khuhro (standing third from right).
Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto (sitting in chair) with Sindh’s members of the Bombay Legislative Council, at it’s last session in
1935. Former students of Sindh Madressah including Khan Bahadur and Mohammad Ayub Khuhro were also there.
A view of Hardley House of Karachi, where Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto lived as
the Chief Advisor to Governor, to advise him on separation of Sindh from
Bombay Presidency.

The grave of Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto in his ancestral graveyard in Garhi

Khuda Bakhsh in Larkana District.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 177

realize our difficulties. It is only Muslims who know fully well their
religion and the rights, privileges and the obligations of Muslims.
The succession question, so far as the Muslim community is
concerned, is governed by our Holy Book and Mohammedan
law is based on Shariah and the exceptional cases are governed
by personal law, and it makes the case so clear that there is no
difficulty whatsoever to avoid litigation. We cannot agree to pay for
probate certificate, before one can be legally considered heir, when
our Shariah entitles us automatically to succession. The particular
difficulty with Muslims is that even their ladies and other different
relatives are entitled to a share in property. Once a bill like this is
passed, it will create such a complication that there will be bogus
claimants springing up, unless one guards oneself by means of a
certificate”.
The third decade of the last century started with events of far reaching
consequences for Sir Bhutto as well as the Muslim community of India. The
British government was worried over the political situation prevailing in
India and attempted to resolve key issues through Round Table Conferences
in London during 1930-33. King George V himself inaugurated the first of
these conferences on November 12, 1930, at which fifty-eight Anglo-Indian
leaders, officials, princes, politicians, and sages of many sorts sat around in
an effort to agree on the solutions of intricate constitutional and political
issues confronting India. One of these issues was the separation of Sindh
from Bombay Presidency. There were sixteen Muslim delegates to take part
in the proceedings including Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Sir
Muhammad Iqbal, His Highness Aga Khan and other important leaders of
Muslim India. Sir Bhutto was invited there to represent Sindh.
The Conference formed a sub-committee headed by Lord Earl Russell
to deliberate upon the issue of the separation of Sindh in detail and forward
its report. The sub-committee passed a resolution, almost unanimously,
recognizing the just demand of the people of Sindh. But, at the same time
the sub-committee also recommended the detailed examination of financial
178 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

and administrative aspects of the issue before taking a final decision.

Accordingly, the Government of India appointed another committee
headed by Sir Miles Irving to study in detail the financial aspects of the
separation. The committee under the influence of anti-separation lobby
reported that the separated Sindh province would start its career with an
initial deficit of Rs. 108.45 Lacs. This negative report created a big hurdle
in the autonomy of Sindh province.
The second session of the conference was devoted to the future Federal
Structure of India. Sir Bhutto addressed the session on behalf of Sindh,
arguing strongly in favour of the separation. He said: “I now turn my
attention to the separation of Sindh, the Province I come from. It is difficult
to offer any detailed criticism on the Report of the Finance Committee
on the separation of Sindh. It is clear, however, that the Committee have
exaggerated the amount of the deficit that Sindh would be incurring if
separated from Bombay. In coming to their conclusions, they have failed
to take into account the world conditions of the last three years. With
improvements in these conditions and reductions in the present costly
administration, Sindh would soon find itself on its own legs. When one
considers that at present all the provinces are showing a budget deficit,
too much importance to this aspect would only cloud the real issues. On
the other hand, Bombay, with its own commitments, is already a deficit
province, and to keep the burden of Sindh on its shoulders would only
augment its liability. Self-determination is the keynote of our deliberations
and its would be an anomaly if that principle were lost sight of in considering
the separation of Sindh”
On this occasion, Sir Bhutto also brought before the forum the
problems and the miseries of the agricultural class, which was pre-
dominantly Muslim in composition. The Hindu money-lending class,
at that time used to charge exorbitant rates of interests from the needy
Muslim landowners. In case of the inability on part of the landlords to pay
the highly accumulated amounts, their properties were taken over by the
Baniya or the Hindu moneylender. The land was the only means of the
livelihood for most of the rural-based Muslims.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 179

This state of affairs had brought unprecedented degree of anxiety

among the Muslim masses. Sir Bhutto, giving voice to these feelings said:
“Sir, I come from an agricultural class of people who form 85 percent of
His majesty’s subjects in India, and venture to think, can have claim to
some knowledge of their needs and difficulties. It is very hard for many
here to conceive the state of things in the countryside. I am told that the
Congress represents this class of His Majesty’s subjects too. I seriously ask
them if they have devoted any attention to be amelioration of the condition
of these people. Is the stirring up of an agitation at Bardoli and the rising of
the Hindu tenants against their Muslim landlords in the united Provinces
an indication of their interest… Sir, the state of these people has been
daily growing bad to worse since the reforms. Taxes have risen, poverty is
rampant among them, and their land has already slipped out of their hands
into the hands of the moneylenders and the capitalists, who charge 35 to
50 percent interest. What is the good of responsible Government, if these
conditions cannot be improved? It is only by making the administration
cheaper, purer and more sympathetic towards their needs that you can
bring contentment and prosperity”.
The recommendations of the Round Table Conferences, which also
carried the separation of Sindh issue, were embodied in a White paper,
published in March 1933. It was then debated in Parliament where it
was referred to a Joint Select Committee of both the houses of British
parliament. The Committee sat from April 1933 to November 1934, and
finally reported to Parliament on November 22. It was again debated in
Parliament in December and approved by the House of Commons on
12th December and the House of Lords on 18th December. The second
reading took place in February 1935. After the final reading and the Royal
Assent, finally, the Bill reached the statute book on 24th July 1935 as the
Government of India Act 1935. With the passage of this act Sindh achieved
success in her quest since 1847. Its small port town Karachi was about to be
elevated to the provincial status at par with Bombay, Calcutta and Madras.
The Muslims of India got the most significant Muslim majority province
since the annulment of partition of Bengal in 1911.
180 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

Winning over the cause of separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency

was the crowning political achievement of Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto and his
friends-in-cause. His single-minded efforts finally bore fruit after sheer
struggle of fifteen years since 1920. For the Muslims of India, this was the
first major achievement since the founding of Muslim League in 1906. In
the history of struggle for Pakistan, the separation of Sindh is considered
as the second most important event next only to the creation of Pakistan
in 1947.
While Sindh’s separation had been agreed upon in London, it was
not to take effect till election could be held under the new Government
of India Act. The Governor Lord Braboune invited Sir Bhutto to join his
cabinet, as he wanted Sir Bhutto’s experienced advice on all matters relating
to the Muslims of Sindh. Sir Bhutto along with his family left Karachi for
Bombay on a P&O liner. Modalities were sorted out. Decisions were made.
Elections were held. Sir Bhutto’s party won an overall majority in the new
Sindh Assembly. But, due to his preoccupations at Bombay regarding the
issues relating to the birth of new province, he could not concentrate on
his own election from Larkana. Hence, he the top leader of the party could
not return to the assembly.
On 1st of April 1936, Sindh regained its provincial status after a little
less than a century since 1847, when the British rulers had swiped it away. It
was realization of a dream for Sir Bhutto. He issued the following message
to the people of Sindh on the eve of this historic occasion:
‘Today has been accomplished one of the greatest wants in the
history of the subcontinent and Sindh is free and separated. On this
unique occasion I deem it my proud privilege, as a humble servant
of the people to send forth to all my message of congratulation and
good will.’
‘From henceforth commences a new era in the life of our
province, and it is my unbending and firm conviction that Sindh
has a great future before it. With Karachi as an ever-growing sea
and airport and the undoubted prosperity which the Barrage is
 Makers of Modern Sindh 181

bringing in, I see our beloved province destined to play her own
important part in the affairs of the Empire at no distant date. Let us
therefore infuse new ideas into our thoughts and actions in steering
the barge of the new province through new waters. The controversy
about the separation is now happily dead and I congratulate the
Hindu community on gracefully accepting Separation as a settled
fact and offering their co-operation in the great task that lies before
us. Let the past bury its own head. Our pride and happiness of
life now depends on having a prosperous and contented province
of our own and today, therefore, is an auspicious day which has
brought us nearer to the place which we are soon to take among
the free and self-governing provinces of India.’
Appealing to his Muslim brothers to take stock of the big responsibility
befallen on them to run the province on their own, he advised them: ‘To
my co-religionists, I might take the liberty to say that it is time they realize
the great responsibility that is now to fall on their shoulders in running
the future of Sindh and although safeguarding the interest of minorities
has been left to the care of the Governor they should really make this
responsibility their own and earn the confidence and good will of other
communities.’ Similarly, asking Hindus to shun off any negative feelings
towards this Muslim majority province, Sir Bhutto said: ‘may I also appeal to
the great Hindu community to extend a little more tolerance to their Muslim
brothers and be less distrustful of them. Hindus and Mohammedan have
lived in the past in bonds of closest friendship and have much in common
between them through association of many centuries. It is my fervent hope
that this province will be the first to set a lesson of unity to other provinces
in sinking communal differences. Nor can both the communities do much
without the co-operation and good will of the other minorities who have
played their own important part in shaping the destiny of this province.
Let us, therefore, sink off our differences and lead our beloved province
to the glorious place that is now her own and invoke the blessings of the
Almighty in one common pursuit to that end.’
182 Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto

By 1937, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto was offered membership on the

prestigious and powerful Public Service Commission for Bombay and
Sindh, a post he held for nine years. During these years Sir Bhutto and
Jinnah met often at the house and office of their common friend and
physician Dr. Patel in Bombay. Jinnah had developed fatal spots on both
of his lungs. It was Dr. Patel’s professional silence about the X-rays he had
taken of him, that Jinnah’s illness remained a secret till the end. The doctor
was especially indebted to Sir Bhutto, who as Bombay’s minister of health
had accelerated the doctor’s promotion.
In 1946, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto enlisted his support for Pakistan
movement by resigning from his substantial Public Service Commission
chair and moved to the state of Junagadh to assume the charge of Divan
(Prime Minister) of that state. He was there, when Pakistan appeared on
the map of the world as an independent nation on 14th August 1947. The
autonomous province of Sindh played the pivotal role in creation of this
Muslim nation-state. With the birth of Pakistan, surfaced the issues of the
accession of certain princely states like Junagadh, Kashmir and Hyderabad
(Deccan) etc.
Junagadh, where Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto was serving as Divan, was a
small maritime state, five hundred kilometers down the coast of Karachi. It
had an area of more than eight thousand five hundred square Kilometers
and a population of about seven hundred thousand. Most of the population
of the state was Hindu and the ruler was a Muslim who wanted accession
with Pakistan. In case of Kashmir, another princely state, the composition
was just the opposite. Here, the majority of the population was Muslim
while the ruler was Hindu, who wanted accession with the India. In August
1947, the state of Junagadh announced its accession with Pakistan. This
move had a great tactical importance. It was thought that if the Indian
government acquiesced, admitting the legal right of the ruler to decide
which way to go, the precedent of a Muslim prince taking a Hindu-majority
state into Pakistan could also be applied to other states like Hyderabad. If
the Indian Government did the opposite, it would have to allow Kashmir
to join Pakistan.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 183

By the middle of September, the Indian government sent its minister

Mr. V. P. Menon to Junagadh to persuade the state to join India. The Nawab
told the Indian emissary to meet Sir Bhutto. Menon threatened Sir Bhutto
with grave consequences, if he did not change his position on this very
important question of accession. Sir Bhutto remained unmoved and told
the Indian representative that the decision was already made which could
only be altered if the governments of Pakistan and India could evolve a
mutually agreed formula to solve all such cases, including that of Kashmir
on regional basis. India decided to annex the state by force. Finding odds
heavily posed against him, the Nawab of Junagadh left his State for Karachi
by the end of October. Without the legitimate ruler, Sir Bhutto was not in
a position to do anything and hence was directed to come back to Karachi.
Accordingly, he left Junagadh for Karachi on 8th November 1947.
Back to his home, Sir Bhutto completely retired from politics. He had
played his inning. Now, it was for others to play. The last ten years of Sir
Bhutto’s life were the most peaceful. By mid fifties his son Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto had already entered in the realm of politics. Finally, this great son
of the soil breathed his last amongst his own people in Larkana on 19th
November 1957. His progeny provided Pakistan with the first popularly
elected Woman Prime Minister of an Islamic country; his granddaughter
Benazir Bhutto.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times’, by Stanley Wolpert and
published by Oxford University Press Karachi in 1993.
2. ‘Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto’ published by Mr. Hussain Shah Rashdi on
occasion of National Seminar held on 8th March, 1998.
3. ‘Shah Nawaz Bhutto’ (article) by M.A. Khuhro in Daily Dawn Karachi
19th November, 1960.
4. ‘Shah Nawaz Bhutto’ (article) by Syed Miran Mohammad Shah in Daily
Dawn Karachi 19th November, 1961.
5. Interview of the author with his granddaughter Mohtarma Benazir
Bhutto
 EIGHT

Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

(1872-1942)

Sir Abdullah Haroon was a great philanthropist and a front ranking

leader of the Pakistan movement. He was one of the closest confidants of
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah during the most turbulent periods
of Indian Subcontinent. He owes the credit for successful organization of
Sindh Provincial Muslim League Conference in 1938, which proved to be
the precursor for 1940 Lahore Resolution of Pakistan. His services for the
cause of Indian Muslims were to the extent that Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed
Ali Jinnah cited him as “one of the greatest pillars of the Muslim League”. In
addition to that, Sir Haroon was a preeminent philanthropist, and founder
of several educational, religious and social welfare institutions. He was a
successful businessman who took pleasure in spending his money for the
betterment of the people.
Sir Haroon was born on 7th November 1872 in the family of Seth
Haroon at Karachi. His forefathers were traders by profession and originally
belonged to Cutch. Towards the middle of nineteenth century, Abdullah
Haroon’s father decided to settle in Karachi. Abdullah was born as the
youngest of three children after a sister Zulekha and a brother Osman. He
186 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

was just four years old when his father Seth Haroon died of heart failure
in 1876 at a young age of forty. With the passing away of the only bread-
earner, the family faced difficult times. But, Abdullah Haroon’s mother
Hanifabai, who was only eighteen years old at the time of demise of her
husband, faced the circumstances with courage and determination. She
managed for young Abdullah’s basic education at home.
At age of fifteen years, on 3rd November 1887, Abdullah Haroon was
admitted to Sindh Madressah Islam, vide General Register No. 131. His
place of birth has been mentioned as Karachi; caste as Memon; and date
of birth as mentioned in heading. He was placed in Standard II, where
‘Muhamedali Jinnabhoy’ also enrolled himself in December same year,
when he joined Sindh Madressah for the second time. This shows that
the two giant future-leaders of the Muslim community of Indo-Pakistan
subcontinent studied in same class at the Madressah. However, after some
time, while studying in Standard III, Abdullah Haroon had to leave school
on 19th of March 1888, on account of personal problems. But, his stay at
the Madressah had profound effect on his mind. Sindh Madressah’s impact
and influence on him can be measured by his words expressed in “Sindh
Madressah Chronicle of March 1915 on page 18:
‘I remember those days clearly when this great and grand
Madressah blessed a poor student like me with enlightenment
of education. Whatsoever education I acquired from Sindh
Madressah is the ornament of my life. I can never bring those days
to oblivion. I think it is my prime duty to serve this institution.”
After leaving the institution, circumstances forced this great man to
start his career as a hawker on the pavements of Karachi. After some time,
he joined service in his brother-in-law’s company at a monthly salary of
four rupees. He learnt the realities of life the hard way. The same year, while
sixteen years old, he along with his mother went to Mecca to perform Hajj.
This proved to be a unique experience of his life that changed his mental
outlook completely. After returning from Arabia, he joined the firm of his
 Makers of Modern Sindh 187

maternal uncle. The job took him to far away places in the sub-continent in
connection with the firm’s business. With the passage of time, he got a fair
knowledge of trade and commerce, with particular reference to export and
import business and dealings with foreign countries.
A stage came when the entrepreneur within him urged him to set up
his own business instead of serving for others. His mother came to his help
with whatever money was available with her; and Abdullah Haroon at the
age of twenty-four years started his business career in sugar. He opened a
shop in Judia Bazaar where he worked as his own clerk and cashier. It was
a new field for him. He saw many ebb and flows in the initial years. Slowly
and gradually, things started to settle down and the business flourished.
Within few years, he was known as the ‘Sugar King’ by his friends in Sindh.
By 1909, the business of this thirty-seven years old young man had
expanded manifold. The number of employees of his business concerns
also increased proportionally. This necessitated the shifting of his office
to a bigger place in the Dossalavi buildings on Napier Road. Next year, he
bought a property for the first time in his life in Ranchore Lines. He also
bought a horse and carriage for the convenience of his mother to move
around in the city. In the evenings, the same carriage was used to bring
him home from the office, whereas he used to go by train in the mornings.
In 1911, Abdullah Haroon bought a bungalow for residential purpose at
Victoria Road, the locality, where affluent natives used to reside.
Once established in his business career, Abdullah Haroon took up the
cause of general welfare of the society by extending financial and moral
support to various educational institutions and social welfare organizations.
The first such institution to attract his attention was, of course, his Alma
Mater Sindh Madressah, where he offered to bear the annual expenditure
of poor boarders from 1909 to 1910. He also contributed for Poor Boys
Fund, Endowment Fund and for the Library of the institution. As a mark of
respect for this contributions and affection for the Madressah, in year 1912,
he was taken on the board of management of the institution, headed by the
188 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

then Commissioner-in-Sindh, the highest British functionary in Sindh. He

remained associated with the affairs of his Alma Mater for many years.
In April 1913, Abdullah Haroon contested and won, for the first time,
a seat on the Municipal Committee of Karachi. His leadership qualities
and desire to serve the people of his town helped him to retain the seat till
1934, except for a period of four years from 1917 to 1921. In addition to
that, he also took interest in India’s national politics. Like Jinnah, he was
also member of Indian National Congress, as it was the only prominent
political forum for the people of India. However, when the Muslims of
Sindh formed Sindh Muslim League, for the first time, in November 1917,
at a public meeting held at Khaliqdina Hall of Karachi, Mr. Haroon was
appointed along with Mr. Yousfali Alibhoy Alvi, Mr. GH Bhurgury, and
Mr. Ghulamali G Chagla.
This was a crucial period in Indian politics. The tranquil political life
in the country was being replaced by awakening amongst the Indians in
respect of their rights and status in the British Empire. The First World
War had ended and the Indians were eagerly waiting for the political and
constitutional reforms, promised to them by the British Government
during the War. Various proposals were being mooted and the political
climate of the country was ripe for a change. Mrs. Besant had already started
her Indian Home Rule League. Mr. Jinnah was actively engaged in parleys
between the Congress and the Muslim League in order to bring a degree
of harmony between the two prominent political forces of India. Because
of his initiative and efforts, the Lucknow sessions of the Indian National
Congress and All India Muslim League were held simultaneously and
agreement was reached between the two parties, known as the Lucknow
Pact. This was the background when Mr. Montague took over as the
Secretary of State for India with mandate from the British Government to
suggest constitutional measures for gradual development of self-governing
institutions and progressive realization of responsible government in India.
Ten days after the formation of Sindh Muslim League, Mr. Montague
Pakistan movement’s distinguished leader, Sir Abdullah Haroon and his wife
Begum Nusrat Haroon in London.
Sir Abdullah Haroon with Quaid-e-Azam at Haroon’s Karachi residence ‘Seafield.’
Abdullah Haroon with Sir Agha Khan at ‘Seafield.’
Sir Abdullah Haroon with the members of Sindh Administrative Committee in 1933.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 193

arrived in India on 10th November 1917. During his visit of Sindh in

December that year, Sindh Muslim League presented a memorandum to
the visiting Secretary on 13th December 1913. The memorandum, drafted
by the office bearers of the League including Abdullah Haroon was very
comprehensive that depicted very well the political realities of not only
Sindh but also of the whole of India. The memorandum stated that while
much had been done by the British Government for the uplift of India, very
much more remained to be done. It said that the fault lied in the existing
system of government and that the people of the country should have been
given a more effective role in the business of governing their country.
The memorandum also appreciated the positive aspects of the British
rule in India. The most prominent plus points described in the presentation
related to security and education, especially on scientific subjects. Mindful
of the new change, which was coming to India, it extended its support to
the scheme of reforms, which had been prepared by the Indian National
Congress and the All-India Muslim League as a ‘first installment’ towards
‘self-government’. The use of phrases like ‘first installment’ and ‘self-
government’ as far back as year 1917 is noticeable. This speaks of the
far-sightedness and vision of the drafters of the memorandum. It further
added that Indian National Congress and All-India Muslim League were
the real representatives of the people of India, and urged the Secretary of
State to consider and accept the reforms suggested by the Congress and
the League. Commenting on the political acumen of the authors, Mr.
Mazhar Yousuf says, “I have read the memorandum many times over. It is
my considered belief that the drafters of this memorandum, including of
course, Haji Abdullah Haroon, were men of vision, with an abiding interest
in the people inhabiting this country and with a soft corner for the poor
in Sindh”.
Soon after the end of World War I, Abdullah Haroon acquired his
new house named ‘Seafield’, facing the prestigious Victoria Road, presently
called Abdullah Haroon Road. Before the war, the areas of Civil Lines and
194 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

the Cantonment were considered exclusive British areas, where no native

was allowed to acquire property. The house named Seafield was located
in the Civil Line, and had been in use of General Seafield, from whom
it derived its name. Prior to acquiring of this palatial home, Abdullah
Haroon used to live with his family in a house located in the Saddar Bazaar
Quarters, at the other end of Victoria Road, the area inhabited by affluent
natives. However, after the war, the policies changed and the natives were
also allowed to acquire property in the once exclusive British areas of
Karachi. The Seafield, later provided hospitality to several of Sir Haroon’s
prominent guests including the Quaid-e-Azam and Miss Fatima Jinnah.
By 1919 the subcontinent witnessed the emergence of Khilafat
Movement’. Prior to the war, the Muslims of India were aligned with the
Sultan of Turkey, who was also the ‘Caliph’ of the Muslim world. When
the World War broke out in Europe, Turkey sided with Germany, against
the allied powers. After the end of the war, the victorious allied powers
including Great Britain decided to dismember the Ottoman Empire and
forced Turkey to abandon the institution of Khilafat. The Muslims of India
started the Khilafat movement and asked the Indian Government to put
pressure on European powers to restore the Caliph to his seat. Sir Abdullah
Haroon was one of the most prominent leaders of the movement in Sindh.
In October 1919, Sindh Provincial Khilafat Committee was formed and
Abdullah Haroon was elected its president. Under the directives of the
committee, Khilafat Day was observed on 21st October 1919. A public
meeting was held under the presidency of Sir Haroon at Khaliqdina Hall
of Karachi.
The meeting passed resolutions for the restoration of this religio-
political institution of the Muslim world. The first resolution said: “That
this public meeting of the Mussalmans of Karachi held under the auspices
of Sindh Provincial Committee, after prayers for the continuance and
permanence of the temporal power of the Khilafat tul Muslimeen, approves
and adopts the proceedings of the All India Muslim Conference held at
 Makers of Modern Sindh 195

Lucknow on 2nd September 1919 and expresses its greatest anxiety over
the threatened dismemberment of Turkey and removal of the holy places
of Islam from the Caliph’s control, and trusts that the British Minister will
secure fulfillment of the pledge of R.H Lloyd George given on behalf of
the British Empire regarding Turkey, for otherwise an upheaval will be
created among the Muslims threatening alike the peace and progress of the
world in general, and giving rise to strong and deep rooted discontentment
within the British Empire in particular.”
The meeting also established a fund for helping the cause of the Turkish
Khilafat. The meeting resolved: “With a view to safeguard the integrity of
the Turkish Empire and maintain the Ottoman Khilafat’s necessary control
over the holy places of Islam by means of carrying an effective propaganda
in England and elsewhere, including the proposed organ of the Muslim
opinion in London, this public meeting of Mussalmans resolves that fund
for the proposed object be started and appeals be made to all brethren-
in-faith and their sympathizers to make liberal contribution towards the
same”.
For the next five years till 1924, Haji Abdullah Haroon held this office.
Under his leadership, a number of conferences were held all over Sindh
throughout these years. He also generously donated for the Khilafat Fund
and his family boycotted all foreign materials in response to the call made
by the movement leadership. In 1920, he launched “Al Waheed” a Sindhi
daily newspaper, as a spokesman for Sindhi Muslims. The same year he
became president of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League. By 1923, he
was elected as a member of the Bombay Legislative Council. In 1926, he
was elected Member of the Central Legislative Assembly, the forum he
was returned to for three terms. In 1927, he was elected President of the
Central Khilafat Committee. In 1932, he stated work on the reorientation
of Muslim politics. At that time, two of the great Muslim leaders; the Aga
Khan and Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah had taken up residence in London. He
appealed to them to return back and take part in guiding Muslim politics.
196 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

One of his most important contributions towards the freedom movement

was his organizing of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League conference
in Karachi in October 1938. He was nominated as the chairman of the
Reception Committee. This event was particularly important as it passed
the resolution -- for the first time in the entire subcontinent -- that became
the precursor for the future 1940 Pakistan Resolution passed in Lahore
eighteen months later. The guests were invited from all over India to attend
the proceedings of the conference. A special train was hired to carry
around five hundred delegates from each province of the subcontinent, led
by the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah himself. The conference was
presided over by the Quaid-e-Azam, and earlier, for some time, by Shaikh
Abdul Majeed Sindhi.
In his address of welcome, Sir Abdullah Haroon said, “It is indeed
a matter of proud privilege to me today to be in a position to offer you
all distinguished gentlemen, a hearty welcome on behalf of the Muslim
community of this province. I can only assure you that we fully realize the
magnitude of the obligation you have done by being in our midst in order
to give us guidance at this great hour of anxiety, and I should even say, our
adversity.
Sindh had been separated from Bombay Presidency by then and
Karachi had acquired the status of a provincial capital. Highlighting the
importance of Sindh in future, Sir Haroon informed his thousands of
guests in that October, “We are meeting today in the capital of a province
which, although in area equals England without Wales, is geographically
and historically, the capital of Sindh and the nearest port to Europe, by
land, air and sea. Historically, the latest discoveries have unfolded to the
world, the buried treasures of its ancient civilization and splendor, which
point to its surprisingly great past. For the Muslims of India particularly, it
has some significance from the religious point of view as well. No Indian
Muslim will, I am sure, ever forget that it was through this province that the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 197

first caravan of Islam passed on its way to the other parts of India, and as
such I, even on these sentimental grounds, feel emboldened to claim your
support in the solution of the problems which confront us. As a matter of
fact, I am sure, that your meeting here on this occasion will not only help
us in the solution of our internal problems, but will result in the formation
of a new caravan conveying the commodity of Muslim unity, solidarity and
strength to the rest of India. I long to see that happy day, and hoping as I
do, that it is not distant, I am sure I will be able to see it even though it is
now the evening of my life”.
Sir Abdullah Haroon, in his speech, further recounted the efforts on
the part of the distinguished Muslim leaders in the course of the last fifteen
years to arrive at a settlement with the majority community and pointed
out that it had not been possible to reach to a solution ever since the
emergence of the problem. He was critical of the attitude of the majority
Hindu community in this regard. Haroon was of the view that the sole
impediment standing in the way of a permanent solution of the problem
was the reluctance on part of the Congress leadership to appreciate the true
situation and face it squarely. “As long as the majority community failed to
recognize the deep-rooted suspicion of the minorities that their interests
were not safe in the hands of the majority, unless they were afforded
adequate safeguards and protection, there was no prospect of a solution of
the problem.”
He foresaw the emergence of an independent country of Muslims in the
subcontinent if Hindu majority did not mend its ways. “And if the patience
of Muslim India is tried to its utmost capacity, it might have no alternative
left but to seek their salvation in their own way in an independent federation
of Muslim States”, he cautioned. The very culture, religion and the existence
of the Muslim community were in jeopardy and they had been despaired
of getting any justice at the hands of the majority community. We have
nearly arrived at the parting of the ways and until and unless this problem
198 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

is solved to the satisfaction of all, it will be impossible for any body to save
India from being divided into Hindu-India and Muslim-India both placed
under separate federations”.
He criticized the so-called nationalists and stated that “the Muslims are
wide awake today and no effort to dupe or coerce them will bear any fruit.
On the contrary, those who have chosen to masquerade under the cloak of
nationalism must know that nationalism which believes in depriving the
minorities of its inherent rights is not going in any way to accelerate the
freedom of India. Muslims have left no stone unturned to strengthen the
fight for India’s freedom, although at no time will it be possible for them to
agree to any proposition involving a mere change of masters”. He assured
the minorities in Sindh, on behalf of Muslim community that if they played
their part rightly, the Muslims would afford them all the facilities to have
their legitimate rights safeguarded.
The conference adopted several important resolutions on important
national and international issues concerning the Muslim Ummah at that
time, like ‘the cancellation of the mandate and full independence for the
people of Palestine, efforts to organize All India Muslim League, socio-
economic uplift of the Muslims, and like-wise. But the most important
resolution of the conference was the Resolution No.5 on the subject of
‘Communal Settlement’. It said:
“Whereas it (Congress) has deliberately established purely
Hindu rule in certain provinces by forming ministries either
without Muslim ministers or with Muslim ministers having
no following among Muslim members, in direct and flagrant
violation of the letter and spirit of the Government of India
Act 1935, and the instrument of instruction … Whereas the
ministries so formed have established a sort of rule which has
for its aim the intimidation and demoralization of Muslims, the
extermination of the healthy and nation-building influences of
Muslim culture, the suppression of Muslim religious customs and
 Makers of Modern Sindh 199

their religious obligations and elimination of their political rights

as a separate community … Whereas Congress has superimposed
the authority of its high command, a sort of fascist dictatorship,
over the working of the Congress ministries, to prevent the
healthy growth of parliamentary conventions and establishment
of constitutional traditions, to deprive the Muslims of their due
share and have refused to reconstitute ministries in consonance
with the constitution, having due regard to the rights and interests
of Muslim.”
The other part of the resolution asserted that the Muslims were a
“separate nation” and India, in reality, was not having just one, but two
nations. It also called upon Muslim League to help devise a new constitution
for India. It reads:
“Whereas the evolution of a single united India and a united
Indian Nation inspired by common aspirations and common ideals
being impossible of realization on account of the caste-ridden
mentality and anti-Muslim policy of the majority community,
and also on account of acute differences of religion, language,
script, culture, social attitude and outlook on life of the two major
communities and even of race in certain parts, this Conference
considers it absolutely essential in the interests of an abiding peace
of the vast Indian continent and in the interests of unhampered
cultural development, the economic and social betterment, and
political self-determination of the two nations known as Hindus
and Muslims, to recommend to All-India Muslim League to
review and revise the entire question for what should be the
suitable constitution for India which will secure honorable and
legitimate status due to them, and that this conference, therefore
recommends to the All-India Muslim League to devise a scheme
of Institution under which Muslims may attain full independence.”
It is significant to note that it was for the first time that the Muslim
200 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

League had formally defined political India as ‘two separate nations --

Hindus and Muslims, and at the same time advanced the claim of political
self-determination as a legitimate means for the achievement of separate
nationhood. The resolution marked a new phase in the League thinking,
which prepared the way for the formal declaration, seventeen months later,
in 1940, of the League’s ultimate goal of Pakistan. It was in this respect, a
forerunner to the historic Lahore Resolution of 23rd March 1940. In the
words of Pir Ali Mohammed Rashdi, “I have no doubt that it (Resolution
No.5) will serve as a prelude to the Muslims declaring finally to go in for a
separate federation of their own and will thus get Sindh a very conspicuous
place in the history of new India … Sindh has on many occasions in the
past given the lead to the whole of India and I will be pardoned if I say that
even on this occasion, and in the matter of the Muslim League movement
she has given a lead to the rest of India”.
After the passage of the resolution, the Hindu press criticized it
vehemently. Abdullah Haroon in an interview published in the ‘Muslim
Voice’, clarifying certain points and answering the criticism, said that “they
(Hindus) have given great stimulus to the idea underlying it. They have
begun talking of Pakistan and this must catch the notice of Muslims, and
set them thinking. More they oppose it, more they would popularize it
among the Muslims. We have no press of our own to propagate our idea
through; thank God the Hindus themselves have begun doing the job for
us”.
Stressing for the need to complete the spade work before Pakistan
could come into being, Sir Haroon said, “Our goal being Pakistan (in
one form or another) that is independent status for Mussalmans under a
separate federation of their own. We have now to find out an organization
through which we might work for it. Our first choice must fall on the
Muslim League and give it our utmost trial. Happily, Mr. Jinnah has now no
other alternative left; Hindus themselves would force him on that course.
But before that stage is reached, a good deal of spadework is to be done.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 201

We have to create a batch of workers who would devote themselves to the

achievement of this ideal, we have to influence the various sections already
in the Muslim League in favour of it, we have to educate the Muslim league
in favour of it, we have to educate the Muslim masses, we have to make the
general Indian, as well as British public opinion familiar with this idea by
means of literature and press propaganda, and when we have sufficiently
progressed along these lines, a stage would be reached when it would be
easy for us to induce the Muslim League to adopt it as its own basic ideal”.
This move on part of the Muslim Community had shaken up the British
Government also. The watchful eyes of the secret agencies were focused on
the leader of Muslim Community, Sir Abdullah Haroon and his colleagues-
in-cause. In a dispatch to the higher authorities dated 26th November 1938,
the Director of the Intelligence Bureau, Home Department, Government
of India, wrote from Delhi:
“When the Sindh provincial Muslim League Conference
met at Karachi in October, Sir Abdullah Haroon, as president of
the Reception Committee, spoke in favour of separate Muslim
federation, and a resolution to the same effect was later passed in
the Conference with enthusiasm.
The Karachi presentation of the idea of a separate federation
goes further than the “Pakistan” scheme, and provides for the
inclusion of all the states and provinces in which Muslims are in
a majority in India, and, if necessary, of those beyond the Indian
frontier also. A reported detail of some interest in the scheme is to
the effect that the Muslim federal unit will be prepared to accord
to its minorities the same treatment as is accorded to the Muslim
minority in the Hindu unit. Many regard the plan as impracticable,
but there are those also who argue that the present general tendency
in the world, especially as exhibited in recent events in Europe, is
for every cultural unit to have its own geographical home.
The latest development is revealed in letter addressed by Sir
202 Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon

Abdullah Haroon to certain states, including all those of size and

importance, in which he has invited consideration of his scheme
in the light of the attitude of the Congress towards the states, and
of the scheduled castes towards congress. It is interesting to learn
also that H.H., the Maharaja of Bikaner is believed to have written
to Sir Abdullah Haroon for more details of his scheme and to
have inquired whether it could be so modified as to accommodate
Hindu States; Sir Abdullah’s reply is reported to have been to the
effect that modification of the scheme which was only tentative,
was possible, but not so as to convert a Muslim majority into a
minority”.
To Abdullah Haroon, the salvation of the Muslims of the subcontinent
lay only in Pakistan. He was one of the most trusted friend of Quaid-e-
Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, who included him, in 1939, in the most
important committee, that had to work for the Pakistan Movement. The
other members in the committee were Mr. Ghulam Rasool Mehr, Nawab
Sir Shah Nawaz Khan of Mamdot, Mr. Rizwanullah of Lucknow, Dr.
A.H. Qadri of Aligarh, Dr. Abdul Latif of Hyderabad (Deccan), Mr. M.A.
Punjabi of Lahore, Mr. Akhtar Hussain and Pir Ali Mohammad Rashdi
from Sindh.
The political commitments and responsibilities did not deter Sir
Haroon from social welfare work. He opened an institute for providing free
education to the poor children in Lyari. He also opened up an Orphanage
House, the Jamia Islamia Yateemkhana, in Lyari. In 1940, he established
a charitable trust for the welfare of downtrodden masses of the region. In
addition to that, he extended generous assistance to a number of welfare
associations. In fact, by 1942, the year he left this world, there was hardly
any Muslim Association or institution in Sindh in the social, economic
or educational spheres, which was not receiving moral and material help
from him.
Finally, this great son of the soil breathed his last on 27th of April
 Makers of Modern Sindh 203

1942 at Karachi. Although he departed five years before the realization

of his dream, the creation of Pakistan, his vision and vigor enabled those
left behind to make Pakistan a reality under his most trusted and beloved
friend and leader the Quaid-e-Azam.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘Muslim Politics in Sindh’ by Muhammad Qasim Soomro and published
by Pakistan Study Centre University of Sindh Jamshoro.
2. ‘Growth of Muslim Nationalism in Sindh’ by D.A. Pirzada and published
by Mehran Publisher, Karachi in 1995
3. ‘Haji Sir Abodoola Haroon: 1887- 1942’ Sponsored on the occasion of
the 57th death anniversary of Haji Sir Abodoola Haroon by the Abdullah
Haroon memorial Committee on 27th April 1999.
4. Dawn Supplement on ‘53rd Death Anniversary of Haji Sir Abdullah
Haroon’ Sponsored by Abdullah Haroon Memorial Committee &
Pakistan Heritage Foundation 27th April, 1995.
 NINE

Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah

(1879-1948)

Sir Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah has the distinction of being the
first Governor of Sindh after creation of Pakistan. He was the only ‘native’
Governor of any province in the newly created Pakistan in 1947 as all the
rest were Britons. Besides, Sir Hidayatullah has another distinction of
being the first Chief Minister of Sindh after the province was separated
from Bombay Presidency.
He was born in January 1879 at Shikarpur in a Zamindar family of
Sindh. After receiving his early education at Shikarpur, he was enrolled at
Sindh Madressah, from where he did his matriculation. He moved on to DJ
College for his graduation and finally got his law degree from Government
Law College in Bombay in 1903.
After completing his education, he started practicing law at Hyderabad
by 1904. Once established as a lawyer, he entered public life and become
the Vice President of Hyderabad Municipality. Soon, he was designated
as the first non-official President of Hyderabad District Local Board. In
1912, he was selected to represent all the local boards of Sindh division at
Bombay Legislative Council. He continued this for eight years till 1920.
206 Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah

After the Minto-Morley reforms, Sir Hidayatullah was elected from

Larkana constituency to Bombay Legislative Council. In 1921, he was
made a minister in the Bombay Government: the position that he retained
till 1928. Subsequently, he was elevated to the Bombay Governor’s
Executive Council, where he also served as the Vice President. In 1934,
he was nominated as a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council and
in 1935, he was elected to the Central Indian Legislative Assembly from
Sindh Jagirdars and Zamindars constituency. Here, he joined the Quaid-e-
Azam’s Independent Parliamentary Party.
In the meantime, during the Round Table Conferences held at London,
he represented the Muslims of the Bombay Presidency, along with Sir
Shahnawaz Bhutto, Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro and Syed
Miran Muhammad Shah. He, along with other representatives of Sindh,
successfully advocated the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency
by proving its economic and administrative viability as an independent
provincial unit. Finally, due to combined efforts of all the Muslims of the
subcontinent, the British Government decided to grant autonomy to Sindh
Province with effect from 1st April 1936. On that occasion, the members
of the Bombay Legislative Council passed a resolution, bidding farewell to
their departing colleagues from Sindh. The resolution said:
“That this Council, in bidding farewell to the Members from Sindh on
the occasion of the creation of the province of Sindh, places on record its
regret on the termination of a long and harmonious association with them,
its good wishes for the future happiness and prosperity of the new province
and its appreciation of the valuable service rendered to the Presidency of
Bombay by Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah and the Honorable Sir Shah
Nawaz Khan Bhutto during their tenures of office.”
The first elections for Sindh provincial Assembly were held in February
1937. At that time there were three major political parties representing
Muslims of Sindh. These were the United Party with Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto,
Sir Abdullah Haroon and G.M Syed as its prominent leaders; the Sindh
Muslim Party dominated by Sir Ghulam Hussain and Khan Bahadur
 Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah with his family.

Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah (extreme right) at Simla with Viceroy Lord
Wavell and other participants of Simla Conference.
Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, the premier of Sindh at his alma mater Sindh Madressatul Islam. Others in the photograph
are: Principal Harrison(second left), Pir Illahi Bakhsh (first left), commissioner of Karachi (second right) and Mr. MH Gazdar
(first right).
 Makers of Modern Sindh 209

Khuhro, and Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi’s Azad Party. Although, the
United Party won the majority of Muslim seats but its two most prominent
leaders, Sir Bhutto and Sir Haroon, could not return to the assembly.
The absence of the top leaders left their party rudderless in the
assembly. The result was a phase of intense struggle for the top slot i.e.
the Chief Minister of Sindh (called Premier in those times). Finally, as a
result of political developments, Sir Hidayatullah got elected to the office
of the Chief Minister and was entrusted with the responsibilities to lead
the first provincial government of autonomous Sindh. The following years
saw intense politicking taking place in the province, resulting in frequent
charges in the compositions of government. However, being a shrewd
politician, Sir Hidayatullah was able to remain in the driving seat of the
provincial politics for most of the time.
In 1945, he along with Quaid-e-Azam and Hassan Imam represented
the Muslim League at the Simla Conference, convened by the Viceroy Lord
Wavell to discuss the constitution of a new Viceroy’s Executive Council,
comprising Congress and League members. However, the conference ended
without any result, as agreement could not be reached between the two
major parties. On 26th June 1947, while Sir Hidayatullah was the Leader
of the House, Sindh Assembly voted to join Pakistan. After establishment
of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam appointed him as the first Governor of Sindh.
Sir Hidayatullah had deep respect for his Alma Mater, Sindh Madressah.
Even at the peak of his career, he frequently visited the institution and did
his level best to serve it. How he regarded his Alma Mater is evident from
his message sent on occasion of Sindh Madressah’s Golden Jubilee in 1935.
The message reads:
“Today is the Golden Jubilee of the Sindh Madressah. It is,
indeed, a red-letter day in the annals of Mohammedan education
in this province. It is a day of pleasure and pride to all those who
have had the good fortune of being associated with this Institution.
It is not half a century since this school saw the light of day.
It was that great son of Islam, the Late Khan Bahadur Hassanally
210 Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah

Effendi who brought it into existence. It was he who first realized

the sad plight of our community in the matter of education, and
the crying need of doing something to improve it in that direction.
His memory will long be cherished by everyone who has passed
through the portals of this Institution. And the Mohammedans of
Sindh can never forget the debt they owe to him for the great work
he has done for the uplift of the community.
Most of the older generations of Mohammedans of Sindh have
received their education in this school, and most of the younger
generations too are receiving it today in the same Institution. Those
who have been in it always remember with gratitude the first great
improvement it made in their lives. And those who are in it now
will also in their time cherish the same feelings towards it.
In a few months more, Sindh will be a separate Province, and
new responsibilities and opportunities will be ours. It is for us all
to rise equal to them, and thus to prove ourselves worthy of the
new Reforms. Indeed, the success of the new province will depend
very largely on the extent to which we have fitted ourselves for the
great work before you.
Our first and highest task is to cultivate the spirit of
independence in thought and action. We must learn to think and
act for ourselves and form our own opinions and decisions. Unless
our education has taught us this it will have been wasted. For the
purpose of all education is to form the mind and to shake the will.
Our one endeavor must be to stand on our legs, and not to
learn on outside props. We must try to deserve what we want
and to ask for it in a medical spirit. This lies at the very root of all
education, which must teach us the principle and practice of self-
dependence.
Another duty of ours is the duty of self-sacrifice both in our
private and public lives. Selfishness and self-seeking have never
done any good in this world, and we must all learn to practice the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 211

great precept “Do unto others as we would that they do unto us.”
While still in office, on 4th October 1947, he expired. He was buried
with full military honors at Karachi.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘Growth of Muslim Nationalism in Sindh’ by D.A Pirzada, published by
Quaid-e-Azam Academy, Karachi.
2. ‘The Sole Spokesman’ by Ayesha Jalal, published by Sang-e-Meel
Publications.
3. ‘Muslim Politics in Sindh’ by Mohammad Qasim Soomro and published
by Pakistan Study Centre University of Sindh Jamshoro.
4. An article ‘Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah: 1879-1948’, published in
the Friday Times, Lahore issue August 8 - 14, 1996.
5. Sindh Madressah Chronicle 1935
6. Articles ‘Inside Sindh Assembly’ by Mr. Ahmar Mustikhan, published in
Daily The News, dated 21-22 March 1995
 TEN

Raees Ghulam Mohammad Bhurgri

(1878-1924)

Raees Ghulam Mohammad Bhurgri is one of the earliest leaders of

Sindh during the colonial period. He was contemporary and one of the
closest aide of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Like him Bhurgri
was also associated with both the Indian National Congress and All India
Muslim League. The role of both these leaders was to bridge the differences
between two major political parties of India as well as the religious
communities. The highest points of his recognition at national level came
in March 1923 and February 1920 when he chaired the session of All India
Muslim League held in Lucknow and All India Khilafat Conference held in
Bombay, respectively.
Ghulam Mohammad was born in 1878 at in a Baloch family who had
migrated from “Bhurgarh” place in Dera Ghazi Khan to present Mirpur
Khas district of Sindh. His father Mian Wali Mohammad Khan Bhurgri
was a landowner and cultivator. According to family traditions the services
of a religious teacher were hired for teaching Persian and reading of Holy
Quran to Ghulam Mohammad during his early age. However, education in
those days at the hands of religious teachers always used to be associated
214 Raees Ghulam Mohammad Bhurgri

with severe beatings. Ghulam Mohammad went through such ordeal when
he was tied with trunk of a tree by his teacher and flogged mercilessly,
which resulted in a life-long scar on his forehead.
After his initial education, Ghulam Mohammad studied at Mission
School and N.S. Academy in Hyderabad for his formal education in
English. Around that time his father died and he being minor at that time
was taken under the protection of government-controlled Court of Wards.
He was then sent to SMI in Karachi for his further education. During his
studies at SMI, he had some altercation with English Principal Percy Hide,
which forced him to leave the institution and complete his matriculation
from Aligarh.
After his matriculation and attaining maturity, he was given back
the control of his family property. He was looking after his agricultural
property when another incident forced him to go to England to study law
at Lincoln’s Inn from 1905 to 1908. On his return, he started his practice
as a lawyer at Hyderabad, where his office became a center for the freedom
leaders from all over India. He also founded Sindh Zamindar Association
that worked for the rights of Sindh’s landlords during the period of British
rule as well as tried to reform the fraternity.
In 1909 he started working for both the Indian National Congress and
All India Muslim League. In the Reforms of 1909, Sindh had been given
four seats in Bombay Legislative Council. Ghulam Mohammad was one
of the four elected members from Sindh. He attended the first session of
the Council on 4th January 1910 at Bombay and continued representing
his province for ten years till 1920. During these years he played very
important role in highlighting issues being faced by Sindh at that time. His
utmost concern was the state of education, health, infrastructure, roads,
irrigation and most importantly the highhandedness of colonial masters
and bureaucracy.
He also presented Muslim Education Cess Bill in the assembly.
According to this Bill, landlords were to contribute one percent of their
income for education. But the Bill was rejected as landlords of Sindh
 Makers of Modern Sindh 215

opposed the promotion of education as they thought education amongst

lower economic classes would end their social and economic domination.
He was the person who opened a branch of All India Muslim League
in Sindh in 1918. Hence, he could be termed as founder of Muslim League
in Sindh.
This great man passed away on March 9, 1924 and was given eternal
abode at his ancestral graveyard in village Dengaan in district Mirpur
Khas. As a mark of respect, the Taluka Jamesabad encompassing his village
was renamed as Kot Ghulam Mohammad after him.
Although he could not live to see the day of independence, like
Allama Mohammad Iqbal and Sir Abdullah Haroon, his services would be
remembered by succeeding generations.

(Based on his biographical account given in G.M. Syed’s book “Janab

Guzariyum Jun Seen” (Sindhi) (page- 140- 163) published by Sindhi Adabi
Board, Hyderabad, Sindh, Pakistan, in 1979.)
 ELEVEN

Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

(1901-1980)

Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro was one of the founders of

Muslim League in Sindh. He has the distinction of getting elected as the
Chief Minister of Sindh thrice: a record not broken yet. He served as the
first Chief Minister of Sindh after the creation of Pakistan. He was a man
of principles and sustained hardships in his life with courage, including
losing his job as the Chief Minister. He was a good administrator and was
popularly known as the ‘iron-man’ of Sindh.
Khuhro was born on 14th August 1901 at village Akil, four miles
east of Larkana town, in a prominent land-owning family of the area. He
was the eldest son of Shah Mohammed Khuhro. The family was well-to-
do and owned agricultural lands in districts of Larkana and Khairpur. In
accordance with the local custom, young Khuhro was sent to the village
school for primary education. He learnt there the reading of Holy Quran
and fundamentals of Sindhi language. Usually, most of the families in rural
Sindh ended their children’s education at that stage. But, Shah Mohammed
Khuhro was an enlightened person who knew very well the significance
of modern education. He decided that his eldest son should get modern
education and learn English in addition to the customary local learning.
218 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

Fortunately, by then an English-cum-Islamic educational institution

named Larkana Madressah had been established in the district under
the supervision of a Board headed by the Collector, an Englishman, and
having Muslim notables of the area as its members. At the time of Khuhro’s
enrolment, the board of management of the school included Sir Shahnawaz
Bhutto and Seraie Shah Muhammad Lahori. Because of the collective
efforts of the community, the standard of education was quite high and
the students were provided quality education. Impressed by the reputation
of the institution, Shah Mohammed chose it for the education his son.
Hence, Khuhro was enrolled in this school for his secondary education.
He studied there for five years and passed his fifth standard. Then, he was
admitted in the Municipal Middle School of Larkana where he studied for
about one year.
In year 1918, while still studying in Larkana, seventeen years old Ayub
Khuhro had a chance to see and listen to great Muslim luminaries of that
time like Abdul Kalam Azad, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jauhar, Maulana
Shaukat Ali Jauhar, Maulana Abdul Bari and many more like them. The
occasion was a conference in connection with the Khilafat Movement. All
these leaders who had come to address the Muslim community brought
awareness in young Khuhro about the plight of Muslims in the subcontinent.
So deep were the imprints of these early impressions that he remained
an ardent supporter of the cause of Muslims, throughout his life. Soon
afterwards, Khuhro proceeded to Karachi for acquiring higher education
and was enrolled in the most prestigious residential school for the Muslims
of Sindh; the Sindh Madressatul Islam. After passing his matriculation
examination, he was admitted in Dayaram Jethmal Sindh Arts College at
Karachi in June 1920. That year, eighty-five students secured admission in
the college, and only five of these were Muslims. While Mohammed Ayub
Khuhro was still studying in the first year, his father died on 21st of March
1921. He immediately returned back to Larkana. Being the eldest, he was
supposed to assume the responsibilities of looking after the lands and the
family in place of his deceased father. In these circumstances, he had to
 Makers of Modern Sindh 219

discontinue his college studies at Karachi, and instead joined local politics.
His political career started with his election to the District Local Board
of Larkana and the Larkana Municipality in year 1922. This provided
Khuhro an appropriate forum for bringing the problems and grievances
of people, especially those of the agricultural class, before the concerned
authorities of the government. Soon, he was elected the Vice President of
the City Municipality. In addition to his political engagements, Khuhro
also started a journalistic venture and launched a newspaper with title
‘Sindh Zamindar.’ He worked as the Chairman of the Editorial Board. This
publication played very important role in championing the cause of Sindh’s
Muslim community. In later years, while, Khuhro continued to remain the
Chairman, Pir Ali Mohammed Rashdi and his brother Pir Hussamuddin
Rashdi became its editors.
In November 1923, at the age of just twenty-two, he achieved another
distinction when he was elected to the Bombay Legislative Council. At
that time, the Council had just fifteen seats for the representatives of the
people of Sindh. Out of them, the district of Larkana, which also included
major portion of present day Dadu district, had a share of three seats. The
other two representatives of the district in the Council were seasoned
politicians, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto and Khan Bahadur Karim Bukhsh Jatoi
of Mehar. In the Council, Khuhro had an agenda for the amelioration of
the conditions in Sindh. In this agenda, he had given top priority to get
relief for the indebted farmers of Sindh. He also made great efforts to get
adequate representation of Muslims in the government service. For twelve
consecutive years, from 1924 to 1936, while Khuhro remained the Member
of the Council, the voice of Sindhi People was effectively raised in the
corridors of power in Bombay.
The most important political problem of the people of Sindh at that
time, which had direct bearing on the socio-economic conditions of the
region, was the separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency. The British
government, under influence of Hindu lobby, was not in favor of granting
provincial status to Sindh. The Hindus, and in particular those of Sindh, who
220 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

were a minority in Sindh, felt comfortable under the Bombay Presidency,

having predominantly Hindu majority. Policies adopted by the Presidency
were usually in favor of Hindu money lending classes, in utter disregard to
the interests of majority Muslim agriculturist classes. The Muslims all over
India were in unison to demand separation of Sindh in order to have at
least one Muslim majority province in the entire subcontinent. The Muslim
politicians of Sindh in general and Muslim members of Bombay legislative
Council, in particular, were in forefront in this political battle. Khuhro was
one of the front-ranking leaders of the Muslim cause.
Khuhro realized that under Bombay Presidency, the Muslims of
Sindh, in spite of being in majority could not get their rights and their
progress was thwarted because non-Muslims dominated every walk
of life. In 1927, when the British Government appointed a Statutory
Commission under the chairmanship of Sir John Simon, popularly known
as Simon commission, to review the working of the earlier reforms and to
make recommendations for a new constitution for India, it was Khuhro,
who presented the case of his people for the separation, in front of the
Commission. The Commission did not agree with this demand. Finding
no other course, Khuhro launched a movement and wrote a number of
books and pamphlets including the famous pamphlet ‘The Sufferings of
Sindh’ in 1930. He led several deputations to the British authorities in
this connection. In 1933, he went to London in order to appear before
the Joint Parliamentary committee in London as the sole representative of
the Muslims of Sindh. Finally, the Government declared Sindh a separate
province through the Government of India Act 1935.
During all those years, Khuhro had not confined himself to the field
of politics only. The education Muslims in Sindh were also a matter of
prime concern to him. Muslims of Sindh had established an association, in
late nineteenth century, with the name Sindh Mohammedan Association,
under the leadership of the founder of Sindh Madressah, Khan Bahadur
Hassan Ali Effendi. One of the prime objectives of this body was the
promotion of education amongst the people of Sindh, particularly the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 221

Muslims. The association had not only survived, but had been playing a
very active role for safeguarding the rights of the community. By the year
1924, Khuhro was chosen the Vice President of this association with Sir
Shah Nawaz Bhutto working as the President and Shaikh Abdul Majeed
Sindhi as the Secretary.
Another very important event of Sindh, in the late twenties, in
which Khuhro fully participated, was the Masjid Manzilgah movement.
There was an old mosque in Sukkur named Manzilgah Masjid. It was in
a locality, mostly inhabited by Hindus. They objected to the offering of
prayers in the mosque on the ground that it violates the privacy of female
Hindu devotees who came to pray at a nearby temple. Under the powerful
lobbying of Hindus, the mosque was closed down. This sent a wave of
resentment amongst the Muslims of Sindh that flamed communal violence
in the entire area. This was for the first time in the history of Sindh that
the peaceful relationship between the Muslims and Hindus came to an
abrupt end. Hindus of Sindh were quite resourceful people and provided
legal as well as monetary help to those Hindus involved in the riots. On
the contrary, Muslims, mostly uneducated, though in majority, were ill
equipped to face that onslaught. In these circumstances, Khuhro emerged
as a champion of Muslim cause and provided maximum legal as well as
moral help to the affected.
Khuhro and other Sindhi Muslim leaders increased their efforts for
the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency, especially after the
Masjid Manzilgah episode. After many years of struggle, the British started
realizing the significance of his just demand. Finally, their labors bore fruit
and the government through the Government of India Act 1935, granted
provincial status to two new provinces; one of them being Sindh, while
other being Orissa. This way a long-seen dream of Khuhro was realized.
The Government wanted to make the transition trouble-free. Hence an
Advisory Council under the Governor was also on it. In 1937 Legislative
Assembly, Khuhro was returned to the Assembly from his Larkana
constituency.
222 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

By 1938, Khuhro and his friends invited Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed

Ali Jinnah to come to Sindh in order to organize the Muslim League.
Jinnah formally inaugurated Sindh Muslim League in 1938, nominating
Khuhro the Vice president, with Haji Sir Abdullah Haroon as the President
and Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, Secretary. Khuhro undertook the
organization of the party at grassroots level. He undertook extensive
tours of the province and helped in popularizing the party amongst the
common people of Sindh. Two years later in March 1940, Muslim League
formed a coalition government in Sindh, in which Khuhro was included
in the cabinet with portfolio of Irrigation and Development (P.W.D.). In
the same month, he was part of the delegation of Sindh Muslim League,
which participated in the historic session of the All India Muslim League
at Lahore, which passed the famous Pakistan Resolution on 23rd of March
1940.
After the demise of Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon in 1942, Khuhro was
made the President of Sindh Muslim League. History was made when
the League formed the government in Sindh, for the first time in any of
the provinces of United India. Khuhro was included in the cabinet as
the deputy premier of Sindh. The League decided that no person would
hold the position in the government and the party simultaneously. The
high command desired him to retain his government position, leaving the
party slot for G.M Syed. He was also one of the organizers of the Muslim
League session of 1943 that was held in Karachi and was one of the most
spectacular of the Muslim League gatherings. In the crucial elections of
1946, the results of which would decide the creation of Pakistan, the role
Khuhro was instrumental in making the League triumphant in Sindh. He
was given the position of Deputy Premier with the portfolios of P.W.D. and
Post War Development, a position he held till 15th August 1947.
In August 1947, Khuhro became the first Premier of Sindh after
independence of Pakistan. He was present in the first meeting of the
Pakistan Constituent Assembly on 11th August 1947, which had the task of
electing the Quaid-e-Azam as President of the Assembly. Khuhro was one
Khan Bahadur Mohammad Ayub Khuhro and his wife Begum Fatima
Khuhro in 1933.
 Muslim leaders of the region, many of them were former students of the Sindh Madressah, at Sindh Conference in 1932.
Sir Abdullah Haroon (first from right), Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto (fourth from left) and Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro
(second from left).
 A group photo of Pakistan movement’s leaders in Bombay in 1942.

Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro with Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali

Jinnah, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan and other prominent Muslim leaders at
meeting of the Muslim League’s working committee at Bombay in 1942.
 Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro with Khan of Qalat.

Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ayub Khuhro with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

 Makers of Modern Sindh 227

of those who proposed the name of the Quaid and made a congratulatory
speech which not only praised the leadership of the Quaid in the struggle
for freedom waged by the Muslims of India but also looked forward to the
lead he would give in the framing of the new constitution:
“Sir, I rise to congratulate you with all the sincerity at my
command, on behalf of myself and my worthy colleagues and
peoples of this province on this very happy occasion when, Sir, you
have been unanimously elected by this august body to be its head
to conduct the deliberations on this greatest and most important
occasion of framing the constitution of Pakistan Dominion. I have
had honour of being associated with you in the great organization
of Muslim League for the last 10 years and I can say, Sir that you
are the greatest leader that the Muslim world had ever produced.
“It is, Sir due to your untiring zeal and sincere efforts that we
have achieved our dream of life in that this Pakistan Government
has been established and it is a fact today. I remember, Sir, that
when in the year1940 you presided at the All-India Muslim League
Session at Lahore and this goal of Pakistan was for the first time
decided upon – Pakistan to be an independent State and India to
be divided – many people considered then that it was dream which
was never perhaps to be realized. Within these 6 or 7 years…
without any bloody war and without any serious sacrifice of that
kind, you have been able to get this Pakistan for Mussalmans of
this part of the country. It is because of your sagacity and your
unparalleled statesmanship that you have achieved it and now we
are proud to say that the Pakistan is one of the most important
States in the world and rightly the fifth State in the area as well as
in population in the world today.
“Sir, we are sure that under your able guidance we shall be able
to frame the constitution which many may well envy…”
He prepared Karachi as the capital of the new country and also
managed the difficult feat of receiving hundreds of thousands of refugees by
228 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

sea and air, from the troubled parts of India. It was a big task to help them
in settling down in the province. That year most parts of the subcontinent
were in flames. As the chief executive, it was the responsibility of Khuhro
to safeguard the life and property in his province. He was a very good
administrator, popularly known as the Iron-man of Sindh, hence was able
to uphold the rule of law in those trouble times. He was also hopeful that
by following the democratic norms the country would establish stable
institutions and ensure a just federal system in the country. On the occasion
of an address by the Karachi Municipal Corporation he expressed his faith
in democracy.
“Historically, local self-government institutions have been the
bedrock of representative democracy and at once the beginning
and the bridge leading to parliamentary government…
“In the task of fitting our people for self government and
training them to work the complex and delicate machinery of
parliamentary democracy, our local self government institution
and in particular this corporation play an invaluable part. Many of
our future parliamentarians and popularly elected representatives
will, I hope learn, digest and assimilate the theory and practice of
parliamentary institutions. Thus also will Sindh and Pakistan at all
times produce democratic leaders who can successfully confront
the crises which overtake the world from time to time and thus
meet the challenge from forces of reaction and fascism which are
always ready to capture power in order to destroy freedom and
democracy and plunge the world into war and chaos.”
When, after some time, most of the serious problems confronting the
newly born country subsided, a new series of intrigues started. The Central
government wanted to make Karachi federally administered area, cutting
its links with Sindh. Khuhro along with most of the political leadership was
not in favor of such a move. Sindh Muslim League and Sindh Legislative
Assembly gave mandate to Khuhro to resist any such move on part of the
Central government that severed Karachi from Sindh. Finding no other
 Makers of Modern Sindh 229

way, the Governor of Sindh dismissed him from the office of the Chief
Minister in 1948. He became the leader of Opposition in the Assembly.
When in the afternoon of 2nd May 1948, the Minister of Interior, Khawaja
Shahabuddin, introduced the bill in the Constituent Assembly to take over
Karachi from Sindh, Khuhro strongly opposed the bill and pointed out the
unreasonableness of such a move:
“Sir, I consider that the decision by the Government of
Pakistan by asking the Honorable Minister for Interior, Khawaja
Shahabuddin, to move this Resolution, is rather hasty decision and
I should say ill-conceived decision. We got only two days’ notice
that this Resolution would be coming before the Constituent
Assembly on Saturday. The matter of such vital importance
should have been given adequate time, and adequate thought
and consideration before a Resolution of such a far-reaching
consequence was allowed to be tabled and, furthermore, to be
rushed through in this manner through this Honorable house.
After all, Sir the Government of Pakistan and the Pakistan State
were formed only about nine months ago. And at the time when
the State was about to be formed, Sindh Government had their
headquarters temporarily located in Karachi because there was
no other place where the Pakistan Government could have taken
their Capital, considering the circumstances as then existed.
“Sindh Government showed the best example of hospitality by
evacuating all their office and residential buildings and putting them
at the disposal of the Government of Pakistan. Sindh Government
got so many blocks and hutments constructed in a remarkable
hurry to house officers and families of the Pakistan Government
personnel. May I ask in all seriousness where the urgency of this
decision is? Only nine months have passed when Pakistan was
established. The Honorable Members are aware and the Honorable
Khawaja Shahabuddin is himself aware more than anyone that in
Calcutta there was a dual Capital of the Provincial Government of
230 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

Bengal and also the Government of India for more than 50 years.
Was it decided in a few months that the Capital of mighty India
Government was to be shifted from Calcutta elsewhere? No, Sir. It
took them more that 50 years to decide this all-important question
and during all that period the administration of Calcutta remained
in the hands of the Provincial Government.
“And Sir, the latest instance of Simla is there. The Government
of India had their residence in Simla every year for six to seven
months for climate reasons and yet the administration of
Simla remained in the hands of the Government of Punjab,
and the Government of India never thought of taking away the
administration of Shimla from the hands of the Government of
Punjab. For more than six months every year they had to stay there
for reasons of climate. It is not necessary that the Government of
Pakistan must choose some big city for their Capital. If that were
really and ideal thing to do, the American Federal Government
would be in New York and not in Washington and instances like
that could easily be multiplied.
“Sir, considering the geographical position of Karachi City, it
is not at all an ideal place for being the permanent capital of the
Government of Pakistan. I was really very much surprised when
the Honorable mover of this Resolution got up here and said that
we have had discussions with the Government of Sindh but we
want to keep it a guarded secret and we do not want to take this
House into confidence about the nature of the discussions that
took place between the Government of Sindh and Government
of Pakistan and he referred to his experience. I really do not
know what that experience is and what compels him to keep
those discussions a secret. The Honorable Member from Karachi
has rightly pointed out that it was the legislature of Sindh which
passed only two months ago a unanimous resolution to the effect
that Karachi must remain a part of Sindh, because Karachi was the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 231

life and soul of Sindh and without Karachi Sindh will be nowhere,
it will be definitely and permanently deficit Province. It is well-
considered opinion of the Members of Muslim League party of
the Sindh Assembly and the Opposition members too. All joined
and a unanimous resolution was passed by the Provincial Council
of the Muslim League on that issue. So, Sir, all people of Sindh
are unanimous on this point and there was clear mandate given
to the Minister – Whatever the Ministry be, whether it was my
Minister or it may be of anybody else’s Ministry – the mandate is
of the Legislature and equally binding on any and every Ministry.
Therefore, Sir, not only the people of Sindh are entitled to know
about reactions of the Sindh Government on this question, not
only the people of Sindh are entitled to know but the Members
of this Honorable Constituent Assembly are entitled to know
the reactions. I therefore, earnestly appeal to the mover of this
Resolution and Honorable Prime Minister that they must disclose
the nature of discussions that have taken place because, Sir, Sindh
is very vitally concerned in this matter.
“I do not give out any secret when I say that Karachi is definitely
a surplus city from the revenue point of view and anything nearing
a crore of rupees is the net surplus annually – or is going to be the
net surplus annually – from the City of Karachi for the Provincial
Government. By losing Karachi within the course of few years
we shall be losing at least a crore of rupees as annually recurring
income for the Province. May I ask as a representative of Sindh
in this House: Have you definitely given an undertaking to the
government of Sindh that you are going to use, the buildings that
you have got and you are going to take over; they are the property
of the Provincial government. Has the value been fixed of these
assets; Have you definitely committed yourselves to giving full
compensation for these assets to the Provincial Government? If
you have not given any such undertaking, how is it possible for
232 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

the Sindh Government to go and build its own headquarters and

buildings anywhere?”
The Central government went ahead and took over Karachi and
also enacted the Public Representative Disqualification Act (PRODA) to
intimidate and punish the politicians who would not toe their line. Khuhro
was disqualified from politics for a number of years under this law against
its retrospective clause. The new dispensation could not last long. Within
a period of three years -- from 1948 to 1951 -- three Chief Ministers
changed. In 1951, Khuhro got his disqualification set aside through the
courts and was once again chosen by the Legislative Assembly as its leader.
Once again the forces, which did not like him to continue as the Premier
of Sindh, succeeded and he was dismissed again. But, Khuhro decided
to fight back and got his disqualification set aside, to become the Chief
Minister for Sindh, for third time, in 1954, setting a record for becoming
the Chief Minister three times. In October 1955, the Constituent Assembly
of Pakistan passed the ‘One Unit’ bill, unifying all the four provinces of
West Pakistan into a single administrative unit. Khuhro was the premier
of Sindh at this time and in his speech in the Constituent Assembly he
gave a detailed exposition of the economy, welfare and position of Sindh.
He spoke about the considerable progress the province had made in the
building up of its infrastructure and the steps that the government had
taken to protect the cultural heritage of Sindh. He recorded the conditions
and safeguards that his government had negotiated with the Centre before
agreeing to come into the One Unit:
“During the entire period of British rule of the last 100 years,
Karachi was the capital of Sindh, and whatever even the Bombay
Government has spent, it was spent mainly in Karachi. Then later,
after its separation from Bombay from 1936 onwards, Sindh itself
had spent a lot on Karachi… Sindh has today financial interests
of about 96.5 crores in Karachi itself. The cost of buildings which
was promised by the Central Government to be given to the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 233

province of Sindh was about 96 and odd crores which comprised

the cost of land, surplus income and other things which have not
been capitalized … there are certain safeguards which must be
considered during the course of the passing of the Bill regarding
the Province of Sindh and for that, methods will have to be devised
as to how these safeguards can be fully assured…300 thousand
acres will be reserved for the landless haris in the province of
Sindh. In the rest of the land also, which is about 6 lakhs of acres,
the indigenous population must have priority and preference…
The question of the allocation of water for these [Sindh] Barrages
will be the paramount interest of the unfilled legislature and the
Government of West Pakistan should see that the present water
supplies are fully preserved and safeguarded.
“In the matter of services, I do not want to say much, because
the present arrangement by the Administrative Council as far as
the present services are concerned has been satisfactory. For the
future the proposal of the Administrative Council is that as far as
sub-ordinate or Class II services are concerned, the recruitment
shall be from within the divisions themselves… The people do
want very rightly that the proper ratio of population should be
reflected even in the Superior Service…”
Khuhro also pleaded for the preservation of the democratic system:
“It is the desire and a very strong desire of the people of
all Provinces, and it should be the desire of all the Provinces in
West Pakistan who are coming in One Unit that there should be
a democratic form of government. Nobody likes Section 92-A
administration and we are one with you the Honorable Members
that it must go as early as possible…”
Khuhro was taken as a Minister in West Pakistan cabinet (that included
whole of the present-day Pakistan). He held that position till 1956. In 1958,
he became the Minister for Defense in the Central Cabinet of Pakistan
234 Khan Bahadur Muhammed Ayub Khuhro

and held that post till the time Iskandar Mirza, the then President of
Pakistan and General Mohammed Ayub Khan, the then commander in
Chief of Pakistan Army, declared martial law on 7th October 1958. Twenty
days later on 27th October, General Ayub seized power through a coup,
removing Iskandar Mirza from the political scene forever. During the
dictatorship regime of President Ayub Khan, Khuhro sided with Miss
Fatima Jinnah when the elections were held for the post of President. In
1970, he contested for a seat in the national Assembly of Pakistan from
Larkana constituency, against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but could not return.
In his later life, Khuhro assumed the role of an elder statesman. The
last years of his life were full of peace and tranquility. He kept the routine
of dividing his time into three parts, one of which he used to spend at
Larkana, one at Karachi, and one at his agricultural lands. He had kept that
routine even during the most uneven times of his life. ‘He continued to
do his public work, meeting people and taking notice of any government
action or ordinance that might seriously effect the country,’ wrote his
daughter Dr. Hamida Khuhro in his biography.
He was available for his sincere and experienced advice whenever was
asked for the same. When he was asked for his advice by the then President
of Pakistan on the appointment of an Ombudsman, Khan Bahadur Khuhro
wrote him in an unambiguous manner that if elections were held regularly
and a democratic process was allowed to continue unabated, there would
be no need for an Ombudsman, as the elected representatives would act
to prevent injustices. Although as a strict observing Muslim, he did not
favour the theocratic ideals of Pakistan, as were being pursued during the
rule of General Ziaul Haq.
Khuhro had been to Hajj twice in this life. During the last days of his
life, he once again wished to go to Mecca to perform Hajj yet again. But,
before he could have gone there, he breathed his last peacefully, amidst his
family, in the evening of the day of Eidul Azha, on 20th of October 1980.
He was buried in his ancestral graveyard in village Akil, where he was born
seventy-nine years earlier.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 235

Selected Bibliography
1. ‘Muhammad Ayub Khuhro: a life of Courage in Politics”, by Hamida
Khuhro, published by Ferozsons (Pvt.) Ltd.
2. ‘Muslim Politics in Sindh’ by Muhammad Qasim Soomro and published
by Pakistan Study Centre University of Sindh Jamshoro.
3. ‘Growth of Muslim Nationalism in Sindh’ by D.A Pirzada and published
by Mehran Publisher, Karachi in 1995.
4. Un-published material as provided by Dr. Hamida Khuhro
 TWELVE

Kazi Fazalullah

Kazi Fazulullah is one of the alumni of this institution, who rose to

the position of Chief Minister of Sindh. He belonged to a middle class
family and had to struggle a lot as to reach the position of chief executive of
province through fear competition from feudal lords and moneyed classes.
Though his period as a chief minister was confined to less than a year but
he proved his development oriented mindset coupled with administrative
capabilities during that brief stint in power.
Mr. Kazi was born in Nausheroferoz in the family of Mr. Ubaidullah,
who was a teacher. He received his early education from a local primary
school and was sent to SMI in Karachi for his secondary education. After
his studies at SMI, he graduated and chose law as his career. After getting
his degree in law, he started practicing as an advocate in Hyderabad in 1930.
Subsequently, he moved to Larkana to practice law over there. Mr. Kazi
had developed interest in politics since his student days. He participated in
Khilafat Movement led by Moalana Mohammad Ali Johar and then joined
All India Muslim League.

(Further authentic record about his life is not available at this stage, which is
being searched. His complete profile shall be added in the subsequent edition.)
 THIRTEEN

Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

(1889-1978)

Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi was a great leader of Sindh in the pre-
partition era. He was the man who organized anew the Sindh branch of
All India Muslim League in 1936, which later played the pivotal role in
the creation of Pakistan. Besides politics, the main contribution of Shaikh
Sindhi was in the field of Muslim journalism, wherein he remained editor
of the most popular newspapers of those times, Al-Waheed, Al-Amin
and Al-Haq. His writings inspired the people of Sindh to great extent and
infused in them the spirit to stand up for the cause of the Muslims of the
subcontinent. A newly convert to Islam, Shaikh Sindhi devoted whole of
his life to his mission. He was sent to various prisons of India a number of
times, but these trials and tribulations could never dampen his spirits.
Shaikh Sindhi was born in a Hindu family of Thatta on 7th of July 1889.
He was named as Jethanand. His father Lilaram was working as a Munshi
(clerk) in the revenue department. It was a typical joint Hindu family,
where Lilaram lived with his two younger brothers, Diwan Tilumal and
Diwan Tirthdas, along with their families in a house in Tindsur Mohalla
of Thatta town. Jethanand was the fourth child of his parents. One of his
sisters had died before his birth. The remaining three children grew up
with their several of cousins.
240 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

After a certain age, in 1895, Jethanand was sent to a Vernacular School

at Thatta for his primary education. He was in the initial stage of his
primary education when the family decided to shift to Karachi because
his father was appointed as a Tapedar in Karachi Municipality and his
uncle Tilumal got an offer of a job with some Trust at Karachi. The family
hired a rented place in Kharadar area and Jethanand was enrolled in a local
primary school, just opposite Bolton market.
He was still in class one of the primary, that plague broke out in the
city. It was perhaps for the first time that city experienced the epidemic
with such high intensity. The people started fleeing the city. The family
decided to shift to Bath Island area of Karachi, which was relatively safer
from effects of the epidemic. But, when the family lost two boys, cousins
of Jethanand, the children including Jethanand were rushed to the relatives
in the town of Mirpur Sakro in Thatta district. This rural place was at quite
safe distance from plague-hit Karachi. Jethanand was again admitted in a
Mirpur Sakro school for few months, until his entire family returned back
to their original place in Thatta. The cycle came to an end and Jethanand
rejoined his old Thatta Vernacular School in the same primary class, he
had left some time ago.
But the tribulations were hardly over; the family had hardly resettled
at Thatta that Jethanand lost his grandmother in 1896. Two years later the
family lost its only bread earner, Jethanand’s father, Lilaram. This was the
worst shock for this nine years old class three student. ‘I remember to have
wept and cried over his bier’, recalled Shaikh Sindhi more than sixty years
later. With the passing of the father from this world, the family faced an
economic crisis. His father had died a poor man and the eldest brother was
still studying in a secondary school. Finally, the relatives came forward and
the deceased Lilaram’s brother and a sister agreed to contribute each fifteen
rupees a month to the family.
By the year 1900, the eldest brother passed his fifth standard in English,
two years short of matriculation, which used to be seven years of study
course in secondary schools. Luckily, he obtained a job in Karachi. The
economic condition of the family improved a little bit. The elder brother
 Makers of Modern Sindh 241

called the younger Jethanand, who had by then completed his fifth standard
in English at Thatta, to Karachi in 1905 in order to further his education.
Jethanand was enrolled in a local school at Karachi in the 6th standard. But
the most important phase of his life had already started. This was the phase,
which changed the outlook of his life completely, his personality, and his
entire thinking. The result was that he was unable to clear his examination
of the 6th standard that year.
The most important event of his life was his embracing of Islam.
His family had been living in Thatta for quite a long time. Thatta was
considered as a center of Islamic Sufism. There were innumerable mazars
of Sufi saints (Mystics) all around the town. The Islamic way of life as the
young Jethanand saw over there had a profound impact on him. A number
of questions arose in his mind. Narrating an incident Shaikh Sindhi
later wrote in his memoirs how he developed doubt about his own faith,
Hinduism. He says:
“Before dawn, my sleep was disturbed by some unearthly
voices. When I awoke, I found that mice were fighting over some
eatables which used to be placed daily before Mata (deity/idol in
Hindu households) as offering. This ‘Mata’ was the name given to
certain stones, which used to be worshiped by my mother. They
had been brought from Benares, the sacred place of pilgrimage for
the Hindus. I began to ask myself, why does my mother worship
these pieces of stone as god incarnate? My sister told me an eternal
truth that God is One who neither eats nor drinks.
“Why this precious food is thrown away before stones to be
eaten by mice? I now began to think like a Unitarian although I
was still looking upon myself as a Hindu and Hindu only.”
This was the time, while he was still living with his family in Thatta
and studying in the school over there. There was a Hindu teacher Diwan
Nirmaldas, who used to teach students the subjects of Persian and Arabic.
The teacher was considered as a scholar as he had studied various religions
of the world including Islam. While, Jethanand was studying in the fifth
Standard in English, the teacher Divan Nirmaldas took their Persian class,
242 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

which was a compulsory subject during the fourth and fifth standards of
secondary education (then called English education). During the course of
lecture, explaining a Persian poem, the teacher started praising the Prophet
Mohammad (SAW). Shaikh Sindhi, still a Hindu youth, was astonished.
He later recalled:
“He (his Hindu teacher Divan Nirmaldas) was the first Hindu
from whose lips I heard the praise of the Holy prophet Mohammed
(May peace be upon him). He gave us the short description of the
life of the Prophet saying that he was the wisest of all men. He was
speaking to that of the Hindu boys of tender age and I was one
of them, hardly fourteen years old. For a few seconds a thought
entered my mind that showering so much praise on a Muslim
Prophet! But, immediately I consoled myself with the idea that the
teacher might have very good reasons for saying so.”
With this mental outlook towards Islam, he had come to Karachi in
1905. In these older days, there used to be religious conferences and open
debates on religions, locally called ‘Munaziras’, where the exponents of
different religions used to debate on the truthfulness and divinity of their
respective religions. At Karachi, his brother introduced him to one of his
Muslim friends, Taj Muhammad who was working as an Inspector in the
Karachi Municipality. Through him, young Jethanand obtained a chance to
witness these debates. The message of Islam had deep effect on his mind.
He wrote:
“What impressed me the most was the Islamic belief in the unity
of God, as against idolatry of Hindus and Trinity of Christianity!
The other thing that impressed me was the brotherhood of the
Muslims as against the caste system of the Hindus and colour
prejudices of the Christian people. The third thing that I admired
was the daily five-time prayer enjoyed by Islam. From Hindu
friends, I had already heard that the Muslims were brave people
and never spoke lies. The promise made by a Muslim should
always be relied upon.”
To leave one’s religion and to join another is perhaps one of the most
 Makers of Modern Sindh 243

difficult things in one’s life. This means cutting ties with one’s older life, with
family connections, with mother, sister, brothers, friends, and relatives and
with almost everyone. It is the end of one life and start of another. So, it
was definitely not an easy decision. Jethanand, though highly impressed
by Islam, was still not sure whether he should embrace Islam or continue
with his ancestral faith. He asked his friend Taj Muhammad to give him
a translation of Quran. The friend obliged and gave him the English
translation of the Holy Book by Shell. He had already read the Bible and
the holy scripture of Sikhism, ‘Jap Sahib’. But for him, the Quran proved to
be the most beautiful.
The thirst still increased. He bought more books on Islam. ‘More I read
about Islam the more convinced I became about the universal teachings of
Islam. I became thoroughly convinced about the truth of Islam… The love
of the Holy Prophet of Islam entered the very recesses of my heart. I read
his biography by Syed Amir Ali. His ‘History of Saracens’ gave me insights
into the glorious history of Muslims. I began to regard Islam as an ideal
religion and as a world’s great religion.’
He could not withstand any more his love and longing for Islam. He
converted to Islam, but secretly. ‘I began to offer prayers and keep fasts in
the month of Ramzan’ he recalled in his memoirs. ‘But, I was still a Hindu
for all outward purposes and had no intention of openly professing Islam
so long as my mother and sister were alive with a view not to do anything
which might injure their feelings’. But one day a thought came to his mind
about what would happen to him in case of his death without declaring
his true religion i.e. Islam. The answer was horrifying. The Hindus were
to burn his body in accordance with their faith. This proved to be the last
straw on the proverbial camel’s back and Shaikh Sindhi decided to embrace
Islam openly without further delay. In his own words:
“It was night-time. I was returning from Victoria Garden,
which is now called Gandhi Garden, and going to my house with
Taj Mohammed. We got down from the Tram and we began to walk
on the Mission Road. If I mistake not, full moon was shining in the
sky and smiling on me. A sudden feeling seized me that suppose
244 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

I die tomorrow; Hindus will burn my body into ashes… I had no

desire to die a Hindu. I want to die the death of a Muslim and
buried in a Muslim graveyard. Of course, my mother, sister and
my younger brother would weep and wail over my conversion. But
if I were alive I would assuage their feelings by being serviceable
to them as far as practicable. Some such were the feelings and
emotions, which overtook me on the road. I told my friend Taj
Muhammad that I have decided to embrace Islam tomorrow. But,
Taj Mohammed told me that Hindus were a very powerful and
vocal community and that I would be unnecessarily persecuted if I
did so at Karachi. I asked my friend if it was not possible for me to
do so at Hyderabad. He readily assented.”
But, obviously the decision was not an easy one in the Hindu dominated
society of those days. It meant severing of ties with the loved ones. Shaikh
Sindhi had great love for his mother and sister. He adored them. He knew
that once he declared his conversion to Islam, he would never see his
mother and sister during the remaining days of his life. He wanted to see
them for the last time. So, the decision was postponed for some more days.
‘I went home but had no sleep for the night. Rather I kept on shading tears
in my bed on the thought that I had after all to leave my mother and other
relatives for good. I could not eat my meal which mother kept before me
when the thought came that it was perhaps my last meal. In India of those
days, and even now I should say, it is not possible for a Hindu to embrace
Islam and at the same time to live in the same house with your own mother,
sister and brothers’.
Finally, this great man of his times converted to Islam on 8th February
1908, at the age of nineteen. Thus, ended the two-year war within himself,
which had shattered him to pieces. During those two years, he had not
been able to concentrate at all on his education. In order to support himself
economically, he had joined the job of a clerk in a local law firm since his
failure in the studies. That job was the only means of livelihood for him.
But, now with his conversion to Islam everything was gone including his
job. A floodgate of trials and tribulation opened for him.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 245

Those, who were the nearer and dearer ones, turned overnight into
worst adversaries. His elder brother lodged a case against his conversion
in the court of a British magistrate, Whittle, who was the city’s Deputy
Collector. Fearing persecution, Shaikh Sindhi had already left for Lahore.
From there he went to Ludhiana in the present Indian Punjab. In that period
of concealment, he came to Karachi and had his Islamic circumcision in
the month of May. This hide and seek continued for quite some time. By
July 1908, he met Ghulam Mohammed Bhurguri, a former student of
Sindh Madressah and a leading lawyer of Sindh. In August, Bhurguri’s law
firm defended him in the court of the magistrate.
The verdict of the magistrate’s court was not favorable to Shaikh Sindhi.
After all, the Hindus of Sindh were a very powerful community. They
enjoyed total domination of media, economy of the government services
and the socio-politico scene of the province. But, Shaikh Sindhi was also a
determined man who was not going to be coerced by all such intimidation.
Thus, an appeal was filed in the court of Judicial Commissioner against the
decision of the subordinate court of the magistrate. After due proceedings,
the Court of the Judicial Commissioner, presided over by a Crouch set
aside the orders of the lower court. This was December 1908. Almost a
year had been passed in the legal process to defend his right to become a
Muslim.
Bhurguri had been very kind to Shaikh Sindhi. In July, when he met
him, he not only extended legal help to this poor newly convert to Islam,
but also offered him a job of a clerk in his own law firm. Shaikh Sindhi was
without a job since February. So, he readily accepted the offer and joined
the firm M/S Bhurguri and Company, that month. That lifted much of the
burden off the shoulders of Shaikh Sindhi.
Once out of the phase of problems, by July 1909, he decided to resume
his course of study once again, from where it was interrupted in 1906. He
had cleared fifth standard from Thatta in 1905 and was enrolled in the sixth
standard at NJV School at Karachi the following year, but had not been
able to clear it. So, it was once again the sixth standard, in which he had to
seek admission. By that time, he was twenty years old, quite an older age
246 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

for admission in a secondary school. But, in those old days the practice was
not that uncommon. So, this was not a matter to be ashamed of.
The school selected this time was Sindh Madressatul Islam. He was
admitted in the Madressah in Standard VI on 24th July 1909. His entry has
been recorded vide General Register (GR) No. 358 at page 18 of Register
No.3. The name has been mentioned as ‘Shaikh Abdul Majeed Lilaram’
Date of birth as 7th July 1889. Place of birth: Thatta. Caste: Shaikh. Previous
Institution: NJV School. He studied well and passed the examination.
Next year, while he was in Standard VII, an unfortunate incident took
place, which resulted in his expulsion from the school. Actually, he had a
quarrel with his class teacher, who wanted him to place his books on the
ground. Shaikh Sindhi refused to obey the orders on plea that God’s name
was written on the books. The Madressah was famous for its discipline. He
was penalized by his expulsion from the Madressah’s hostel. This infuriated
him further and he applied for school leaving certificate stating that he
wanted to join Sukkur High School. His application was accepted and he
left the Madressah on 2nd June 1910.
Instead of Sukkur, he went to Peshawar; he obtained admission in the
Islamia School in July that year. The Institutions of Peshawar used to be
affiliated with the Punjab University, while, those of Sindh were affiliated
with the Bombay University. Shaikh Sindhi appeared in the matriculation
examination from that school, but could not pass the matriculation
examination. He failed in the subjects of Urdu and mathematics. But, these
times brought in him a lot of political insight and maturity. It was during
this period that he met Sir Allama Mohammed Iqbal at Lahore; heard the
lectures of Allama Shibli Nomani at Peshawar and visited almost all the
important places in the subcontinent.
However, his failure in the examination and botheration of living away
from his people brought in him a degree of self-realization. He came back to
Karachi and requested T.H. Vines, the Principal of Sindh Madressah, for his
readmission. The misunderstanding was cleared and the Principal ordered
for readmission of Shaikh Sindhi in Standard VII of Sindh Madressatul
Islam on 6th July 1911. His readmission has been recorded vide General
 Makers of Modern Sindh 247

Register (GR) entry No. 731, at page 37 of Register No.3. Details are almost
same as at the time of his first admission. This time, he successfully passed
his matriculation examination and left the Madressah on 18th January
1912. After passing his matriculation, he joined the Junagadh College, but
could not succeed in the first year due to his serious illness. He returned
back to Karachi and joined DJ Sindh College in 1913. But, after attending
classes for first term, he decided to give up studies once for all on account
of his poverty and political feelings.
The end of his educational career was the start of his political as well
as journalistic career. He took up a tour of subcontinent to familiarize
himself with the political realities of the country. He went to Lahore,
Ludhiana, Jullundher, Sirhind, Lucknow, Allahabad, Benares, and Sialkot.
On his return he joined Al-Haq Press, some time in 1913. He attended
the Karachi session of the Congress also. When a movement of Muslims
started under the title of Khudam-e-Kaaba Movement, he joined it. He was
instrumental in collecting funds for the Cawnpore Mosque case. As if this
was not enough, he associated himself with Red Crescent Society of Sindh,
Home Rule Movement, Muslim League, the Indian National Congress
and the Muslim Revolutionaries in Kabul, who pledged to work for India’s
independence.
This restless soul could not continue for long with Al-Haq and left
it in 1914. He then opened a Madressah for poor boys of the Lyari in
Karachi. But, soon got disillusioned with it and severed connections with
it very soon. Later, he started another School for poor boys at Ram Swami
Quarters and then handed it over to Moulvi Taj Mohammed, very soon.
One can imagine the psychological condition of Shaikh Sindhi in those
days, who had severed all his relationships just for the cause of embracing
Islam. Again it was Bhurguri, who came to his rescue and offered him a job
in his office, which he accepted. Same year he began to edit Al-Haq and one
other newspaper at Hyderabad.
Bhurguri introduced Shaikh Sindhi to Maulana Shaukat Ali in
Bombay, on their way to Poona. He also attended the All India Muslim
League session where he met Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad for the first time
248 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

in his life. Back at home, in 1915, he was entrusted to co-edit yet another
newspaper ‘Al-Amin’, brought out by Bhurguri. Next year, he once again
took a tour of the subcontinent along with his friend Shaikh Abdul Rahim.
Their destination was Lahore where they met Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, who
had already emerged as a great Islamic philosopher by then.
On his return, he was accused of taking part in so-called ‘Reshmi
Roomal’ conspiracy and was arrested in November 1916. He found the
most proper use of his prison days. He devoted himself to the study of
religious and historical works. He himself started writing books on history
and translating those of others. During those days, he wrote a treatise on
disastrous waste of wealth on account of the observance of social customs,
which he estimated to be around seven hundred million rupees annually
by Indian Muslims alone. Some of those books written by Shaikh Sindhi in
the jail were published in newspapers like Tauheed and Al-Wahid.
After more than two years term in the prison since November 1916,
Shaikh Sindhi was released in February 1919. Jail had very little effect
on the spirits of this highly enthusiastic person. Just after a week since
his release, he participated in a Khilafat Conference and an educational
conference at Sukkur. The bells started ringing in the minds of the British
rulers. He returned back to Karachi and resumed his work at Bhurguri’s
office. Editing job of ‘Al-Amin’ and English weekly ‘Sindh Muslim’ also
started simultaneously. The Muslims of Karachi were planning to organize
Sindh Provincial Khilafat Committee conference in Karachi, under the
leadership of Haji Abdullah Haroon and Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti.
He was co-opted by these two in the organizational work of the meeting.
But, within three months of his release from the prison, he was arrested
again in May 1919 at Hyderabad Sindh, in connection with his nationalistic
activities. After two months, in July 1919 he was called by the highest of
the high British officers in Sindh, the Commissioner-in-Sindh, personally,
who warned him in no uncertain terms, not to repeat such activities in
future. On the orders of the commissioner, he was released on bail for ten
thousand rupees. Now, the British followed another strategy to counter the
Khilafat Movement. They got started an ‘Anti-Khilafat Movement’ at the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 249

hands of their sympathizers headed by Moulvi Fazlul Kareem. But, Shaikh

Sindhi was able to successfully foil these designs aimed at the division of
Muslim community.
By the close of 1919, he went to Amritsar to attend the sessions of All
India Muslim League and the Khilafat Conference, where he met Maulana
Mohammed Ali Jauhar and Hakim Ajmal Khan for the first time. Maulana
Shaukat Ali, whom he had already met, was also there. After few months,
in the beginning of 1920, he had a chance to meet Mahatma Gandhi and
Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, at Bombay, where he had gone to attend the Central
Khilafat Committee’s meeting. He moved still further to Delhi to attend the
Muslim Conference at Delhi, which was presided over by Moulvi Fazlul
Haq of Bengal.
He attended hundreds of meetings and scores of Muslim gatherings
in the next few years, including the Allahabad Leaders’ Conference,
annual sessions of the Congress, Khilafat Conferences as well as All
India Muslim League session. He himself organized and participated in
Khilafat conferences throughout the length and breadth of the province.
In the meantime, he was offered to edit Al-Wahid newspaper, which had
already appeared in 1919. He edited it for some time but closed it when the
British authorities imposed a fine of rupees ten thousand for publishing
‘undesirable’ material. He refused to pay that amount as security under
the Press Act. The government forfeited two thousand rupees already
deposited therefore the paper closed down.
The British Government could not tolerate any more resistance and
he was once again arrested on 2nd September 1921 from Hyderabad. Next
day, he was convicted and sent to jail. For the next two years until June
1923, he was sent to different jails of India, from Hyderabad Prison, to
Dongri Jail, to Ratnagiri Jail, to Thana Jail and so on. On his release, his
activities remained the same. He was appointed the President of Sindh
Provincial Khilafat Committee. He brought out the report on the Khilafat
Movement in Sindh. He quickly reorganized Al-Waheed newspaper and
again attended countless meetings and conferences besides delivering
speeches and meeting people.
250 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

This was again intolerable for the colonial rulers, who arrested him in
November 1923 for the fourth time. He was asked to furnish securities for
good conduct in future under Section 108. He refused to meet the condition
and was sentenced to one-year imprisonment. How long could have they
lodged him in Jail? Finally, they released him in December 1924 and he
was re-elected as the President of Sindh Provincial Khilafat Committee. In
1925, he decided to revive his newspaper Al-Waheed. For this purpose, he
collected funds and put the newspaper in circulation.
He then took time out to perform Hajj that year. On return from
pilgrimage, he published his newspapers and articles in a book form under
title ‘Tanzemi Programme for Sindh Muslims.’ He also enrolled himself
in the struggle for separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency that year
by moving to Aligarh. Next year, due to his efforts, the resolution was
reiterated at the Delhi session of Muslim League. He also tried to win over
the support of Sindh’s Hindus regarding the separation. Besides this he had
due share of conferences and meetings all over India.
In May 1927, he attended the meeting of All India Congress Committee
at Bombay along with Sir Haroon to present the case of Sindh’s separation.
Next year, the Congress held its session at Madras and appointed a sub-
committee, known in history as Nehru committee, to prepare a scheme
for the Indian constitution. This sub-committee convened an All-Party
conference at Bombay, where Shaikh Sindhi was also invited to attend
the proceedings as a Muslim delegate. In the following years, he was fully
mobile to get the status of an autonomous province for Sindh. In this
respect, he presented the case of the Muslims of Sindh very effectively at
every forum throughout the nook and corner of the subcontinent.
In 1929, Shaikh Sindhi contested an election from Hyderabad
constituency for the Bombay Council in the by-election to fill the vacancy
caused by Sir Ghulam Hussain, who was made Executive Councillor. His
rival was Syed Miran Muhammad Shah, who won the election. But, Shaikh
Sindhi managed to secure the second highest number of votes, amongst
the remaining candidates. In 1930, Shaikh Sindhi attended the famous
session of Muslim League held at Allahabad with Allama Iqbal, where this
 Makers of Modern Sindh 251

great visionary presented the idea of a separate homeland for the Muslims
of India.
In 1931, Shaikh Sindhi again decided to contest election for the
Bombay Council, but this time from Karachi district. He secured the
highest number of votes and was declared successful in the contest. In
an All-Parties Conference at Delhi that year, he proposed representation
on population basis for all communities in all the provincial legislatures
of British India. Though, the resolution was defeated by a few votes, his
speech was highly appreciated by Dr. Sir Mohammed Iqbal and Sir Shafi,
who both were there and had supported the resolution. Shaikh Sindhi had
by then emerged as a Muslim leader of all India stature. So, when Maulana
Shaukat Ali, who served as the spokesman of the Muslims of India, left for
America, Shaikh Sindhi was put in his place.
During the following years, the tempo of the Indian politics quickened
manifold, Shaikh Sindhi’s engagements and preoccupation also increased
with that speed. From 1931 to 1935 he attended a large number of meetings
all over the India, met almost all the great leaders of that time, presented
the point of view of the Muslims in a variety of forums. During this time,
he was honored by his Alma Mater Sindh Madressah by his nomination
as a member of the management body of the institution. Another major
event was his founding a new party under the title of Sindh Azad Party.
In 1935, he took a major decision to resign from the Bombay Council in
protest against the police firing on a mob at a Muslim leader’s funeral.
Then, perhaps to show his strength, he sought his re-election to the same
Bombay legislative Council.
The year 1936 proved to be a year of far-reaching consequences
both for Sindh and Shaikh Sindhi. Sindh finally attained the status of an
autonomous province of British India, severing its links with the Bombay
Presidency. Shaikh Sindhi who was editing Al-Waheed newspaper seized
this opportunity and launched the Sindh Muslim League. G. Allana has
thrown light on this in these words:
“Shaikh Sahib thought of establishing a Sindh Branch of
the All India Muslim League. With this end in view, he called a
252 Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi

meeting of a few politically conscious Muslims of Karachi in his

house in Ram Baugh, Gari Khatta, opposite the Memon Masjid
in that quarter of Karachi. His house was on the second floor of
a stone house, consisting of two rooms only. This meeting was
held sometime in 1936… I was one of the persons invited. In all,
about twelve persons attended this meeting. Shaikh Sahib did not
have twelve chairs in his house, and we all sat on the floor. Shaikh
Sahib explained to us the importance of organizing a branch of the
All India Muslim League in Sindh. He made out a very forceful
and convincing case for it. We all agreed with his proposal. We
unanimously elected Shaikh Sahib to be the President of the newly
created Sindh Muslim League.; This is how the party was launched;
though it was not linked as yet with the All India Muslim League,
led by Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah at the central level.”
When the elections for the new legislative assembly of Sindh were held
in January 1937, Shaikh Sindhi contested a seat from Larkana, which he
won to the surprise of many. He then merged his Sindh Azad Party with
Sindh Muslim League Parliamentary Board by April of that year. Later, he
contested for the position of Speaker of Sindh Legislative Assembly against
a Hindu contestant Bhojsingh. But, Shaikh Sindhi lost that election, largely
due to considerable numerical strength of Hindus in the assembly and
disunity amongst the Muslims.
In October 1938, he was there in the first Sindh Provincial Muslim
league Conference held at Karachi under the chairmanship of Quaid-e-
Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Later in December, he went to Patna to
attend the 26th annual session of All India Muslim League. Succeeding
years saw him very actively participating in the meetings of the League.
In March 1940, just four days before the passage of the historic Lahore
Resolution, Shaikh Sindhi was sworn in as a cabinet member in the
Sindh. He then went to Lahore to attend the 27th annual session of All
India Muslim League, known in history as the Lahore session, as one of
the representatives of Sindh’s Muslims there. After about a year, he left the
Sindh cabinet. The march towards independence continued on and on. He
 Makers of Modern Sindh 253

participated in that struggle to best of his capabilities and judgment. On

the way there were certain disagreements, certain frustrations and certain
disappointments. But the direction remained unchanged, and that was the
greater welfare of the Muslims of the subcontinent. Finally, due to combined
efforts under the dynamic leadership of Jinnah, Pakistan appeared on the
map of the world. After the creation of Pakistan, Shaikh Sindhi dissociated
himself from the main arena of politics. The latter happenings in the
country proved to be contrary to his vision and belief. Finally, this great
man of the Indus Valley breathed his last on 24th May 1978 at an age of 89.
As per his desire, he was buried in the Makli Graveyard of Thatta.

Select Bibliography:
1. Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi edited by Khan Mohammed Panhwar,
published by Shaikh Abdul Majeed Academy Hyderabad.
2. ‘Muslim Politics in Sindh’ by Muhammad Qasim Soomro and published
by Pakistan Study Centre University of Sindh Jamshoro.
3. ‘Growth of Muslim Nationalism in Sindh’ by D.A Pirzada and published
by Mehran Publisher, Karachi in 1995.
4. Articles published in various newspapers.
 FOURTEEN

Kazi Khuda Bukhsh

(1894-1944)

Kazi Khuda Bukhsh was the first Muslim who rose to the position of
the Mayor of Karachi. He was one of the prominent leaders of the Muslim
community of Sindh. He belonged to legal profession and was considered
as one of the top-ranking lawyers of the region. He was a social reformer
who rendered outstanding services for the cause of education. He also
remained associated with his Alma Mater and served as Secretary to its
management board. It was during his tenure as the Secretary, that Sindh
Madressah was upgraded to level of college at the hands of Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammed Ali Jinnah.
Kazi Khuda Bukhsh was born on 1st August 1894 in a religious family
of Moro town in Nawabshah district. His father Kazi Nabi Bukhsh was a
scholarly figure of his area and ran a Madressah. People trusted him and
made him an arbitrator for resolving intra-community disputes. Khuda
Bukhsh’s elder brother Kazi Abdul Khaliq was a noted Hakim (physician)
as well as a novelist, whose novel ‘Sundri’ was quite popular.
256 Kazi Khuda Bukhsh

Kazi was initially admitted to his father’s Madressah. Afterwards,

he was enrolled at a local primary school for his basic education. After
completing his primary education, he moved to Karachi and was admitted
in Sindh Madressah for his secondary education, on 3rd March 1908. His
entry was recorded in the Institution’s general register number two at page
number 10 and serial number 187. He studied here for little less than seven
years under Principal T.H. Vines. Finally, in December 1914, he passed his
matriculation from Sindh Madressah and was placed in the first division
by the University of Bombay with only five others to share that distinction
that year.
After passing his matriculation, Kazi’s next academic destination was
the Aligarh Muslim College in the North of India. There he emerged as
one of the most talented and brightest students. He had already established
his command over English language. The conducive atmosphere of that
premier Muslim College of those days further sharpened his skills and he
emerged out as one of the most prominent and well-known orators of the
college. These qualities earned him the presidency of the students union of
the college; a position reserved for only outstanding students.
The turning point in Kazi’s life came when Maulana Mohammed
Ali Jauhar and his friends-in-cause came to Aligarh in connection with
their political mission. Young Kazi was highly impressed by these great
personalities of those times. Maulana was also impressed by the talents of
this young man and offered him to join Maulana in his travels to various
parts of India in order to enlist support of the masses for the Khilafat
Movement. This young and energetic student left his education in the
middle and joined the Maulanas entourage. The inevitable struck soon and
Kazi was sentenced to prison for a year for delivering anti-Government
speeches. These were hard times. But, young Kazi faced them with courage
and boldness.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 257

After his release from the Thana Bhawan prison, he decided to

resume his studies and sought admission in the Meerut Law College. In
1926, he passed his law examination from Allahabad University, again in
the first division. He, then returned back to Karachi and started his law
practice over there. Firstly, he joined the chambers of famous Barrister, Sir
Elephantine as his junior advocate. His talents and legal acumen could not
remain concealed for long and within no time he began to be counted as
one of the leading lawyers of the city.
Once established in his career, he diverted his attention to local
politics. In 1934, he decided to contest election for the position of Karachi
Municipal Councilor. Initially, Sir Abdullah Haroon was his opponent in
the contest. But, then Sir Haroon himself withdrew from the election in
order to provide a chance to this enthusiastic young man. Hence, Kazi was
elected councillor unopposed. The same year he was elected as the Deputy
Mayor of Karachi. The year 1935 brought laurels for him, when he was
elected as the first Muslim Mayor of the Karachi Municipality, defeating a
well-known figure of the city, Mr. Hatim Alvi.
In the seat of Mayor of Karachi, Kazi’s top most priority was education,
especially in the less developed and under-privileged areas of the city. Lyari
got special attention. He gave his days and nights to the uplift, progress
and the prosperity of the people of this cosmopolitan city. During this
time, an extreme earthquake shook up the town of Quetta in Balochistan.
This catastrophe reduced the city to ruins. Kazi, on behalf of the citizens of
Karachi, moved ahead to help rehabilitate the calamity-hit people of Quetta.
The hospitality was so good that many of them decided not to return back
to Quetta even after the normalcy returned back in their area. It was on the
basis of these contributions that the British Government bestowed upon
him the honour of ‘Kaiser-e-Hind’ in a Garden Party arranged in Karachi
and attended by the Viceroy of India.
258 Kazi Khuda Bukhsh

Kazi was highly revered by the Muslim youth because of his untiring
efforts aimed at promotion of the cause of Muslims living in the subcontinent
in general and in Sindh in particular. Mr. Justice Abdul Hayee Qureshi,
who was a student at that time, remembered Kazi sahib in these words:
“Although, it may appear to be personal but I had the fortune
of knowing the Late Kazi Sahib from very close angle. I remember
him in the early thirties when he was residing on Kuchhery Road,
in a building next to the one in which I resided. While I was a
child, he was a fully-grown up man who had already made his
mark in legal practice. What I recollect of him was that he was a
kind-hearted, noble, loving and helping man. He was particularly
attached to his neighbors and their children. He was genuinely
interested in their education and in their upkeep. This was a part of
his general makeup. He, in that spirit of helping others, contested
the elections to the Karachi Municipal Corporation and was also
the foremost office-bearer of the Sindh Madressah Board. As
Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Karachi, he had the interest of the
down trodden people of Lyari foremost in his mind.”
In addition to that, Kazi had also a stint in journalism, as the editor of
famous Sindhi daily Al-Waheed. Being an active citizen, he was an ever-
sought person in the social, cultural and political circle of the city. He was
also on the governing bodies of innumerable social welfare organizations.
Sindh Madressah, being his Alma Mater, received his utmost attention. As
Secretary, he was the foremost office bearer of the management board and
worked late hours.
Too many engagements cost him his health and he developed high
blood pressure. On 20th February 1944, while he was arguing a case in
the Chief Court, the present High Court of Sindh, he got a brain stroke.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 259

He passed away the same night and buried in Mewa Shah Graveyard of
Karachi. The citizens of Karachi acknowledged his services by naming a
road (behind Sindh High Court) after him. A school is also working in his
name in the Soldier Bazaar area of Karachi.

Select Bibliography:
1. Agoona Namyara Sindhi (Sindhi Book), By Ummerdin Bedar, published
by Sindhi Academy, Karachi.
2. Hand-written material provided by Kazi Khuda Bukhsh’s Daughter Mrs.
Saliha Chana
 FIFTEEN

Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

(1886-1968)

Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi was a great scholar of Islam. He has
the distinction of being the founder Vice Chancellor of the University of
Sindh. It was because of his dedicated efforts that the University of Sindh
became one of the best universities of the country and started producing
young scholars in different branches of learning. He was the philosopher
par excellence, and was well-versed in classical literature, history and
science with particular reference to psychology, society, anthropology and
other branches of natural sciences. He was a great source of inspiration
for the Muslim youth of Sindh, who value him next only to the great Sufi
poet Shah Abdul Latif Bhitae. He was a great educator, who did not confine
himself to the conventional classroom method of teaching. He adopted the
medium of mosque as the center of educational activity through his famous
“Friday Sermons.” He was the person who practiced what he preached.
Allama was a Sufi (Mystic) in the true sense of the word. His selflessness
and attitude towards life influenced the mental outlook of thousands of his
pupils, who preferred spiritual advancement to materialistic benefits.
Allama Imdad Ali was born on 9th of April 1886 in the family of Mr.
Imam Ali Kazi at Hyderabad, Sindh. The family originally belonged to
262 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

the small town of ‘Pa’at’, situated at the right bank of river Indus; about
thirty kilometers to the north of Dadu, near Qalander Lal Shehbaz’s abode
Sehwan Sharif. The elders of Allama sahib were Kazis and the disposition
of justice was their vocation. His father Imam Ali was himself a great
scholar of his time, who had joined the British Government service as the
City Magistrate and Municipal Commissioner of Hyderabad, where he was
born as the second son from the second wife.
Even as a child, Allama’s behaviour was noticeably different from
the children. His father realized that his son had spiritual bent of mind.
Therefore, at an early age, instead of sending him to an ordinary primary
school, his father made special arrangements for his son’s education and
appointed Akhund Abdul Aziz Matyari (A place of Islamic learning near
Hyderabad) as his full-time tutor. Though the environment around young
Imdad Ali was affluent one; where nothing sad or ugly was allowed to fall
near him, his concentration remained focused on acquiring education. The
result was that at an early age, he mastered Persian, Arabic, Sindhi, Urdu,
and the study of Holy Quran. The study of Quran and Hadith affected his
mind to such an extent, that he would get up each night of Tehjud prayers,
and then sit in the Muraqba or contemplation until dawn. He would
then recite the Azan; calling the faithful to the Fajr prayers at the mosque
situated next his house.
In the evenings, he used to go out in the company of his tutor Akhund
Abdul Aziz. At one such occasion, he came across a group of yogis or
sanyasis. He became curious and inquired from his tutor, who these yogis
were. His tutor explained to him that those people, clad in saffron colour
dresses were those who had renounced the world and lived only for the
quest of truth. Young Imdad was deeply impressed, and within him the
desire grew for the ‘Truth’, by himself. He chose a place on the bank of
river Indus, near Gidu; where he would sit down under the huge Banyan
tree, close his eyes to observe the Mystics’ majestic silence. Most of his
time was spent in the company of mystics, studying and reciting poetry of
Shah Latif Bhitae, Roomi and Hafiz. This aspect of Allama’s early life left
 Makers of Modern Sindh 263

deep imprints on his personality and his outlook towards the life. In the
meantime, his formal education also continued.
In 1904, he was admitted in Sindh Madressatul Islam. Though his stay
at the institution was not very long; the imprints were deep. Later, while
writing about his stay at Sindh Madressah, Allama Kazi wrote:
“It was in 1904 that I was a boarder at Madressah. Principal
Vines was good enough to allow me to reside in the lower part
of his bungalow. He always occupied the upper half, and very
considerably allowed a student or two to have rooms on the ground
floor of his bungalow, although the house was given to him for his
personal use, and there was no need for him to make any sacrifice”.
(Message sent on occasion of Platinum Jubilee of Sindh Madressah
and published in the chronicle of 1960).
By the year 1905, Allama passed his matriculation examination as a
private candidate from the University of Bombay. His family then made
immediate arrangements for his higher education at Mohammedan Anglo
Oriental College Aligarh. He went to Aligarh in the year 1906 but soon
came back disappointed, as the course being taught over there had already
been studied by him. He found no point wasting his time and energy in
this useless pursuit. He, then, thought of going abroad for higher studies.
His parents agreed on the condition that one of his maternal cousin would
also accompany him to Europe. Consequently, in 1907, both the cousins
left for London from the port of Bombay.
Once in London, he registered himself with the famous Lincoln’s
Inn to qualify for the Bar. In addition to that, the subject of psychology
took him to Dr. Arnold, who accepted him as his student. He also studied
sociology under Prof. Hobhouse. As it was not enough, he also undertook
the study of physics and biology, privately. He learnt German and Arabic
languages besides English in order to read the rich literature of Europe.
Goethe and Carlyle became his favorites. Though, extremely busy in his
studies, he still did not forget Islam and Quran. He carried out a study of
Holy Quran in company of the Egyptian scholars, who happened to be in
264 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

England at that time. He developed appreciation for Islamic philosophers,

amongst whom he liked Al-Ghazali the most. As a mark of appreciation
for his work, he was nominated for the fellowship of the Poetry Society and
Life Membership of the Philosophical Society of England.
While in Europe, in 1910, Allama Kazi married a German lady Elsa
Gertrude Loesch. It is said that the couple met by chance in London, two
years before their marriage. Allama Kazi and his cousin were hurrying
down the platform of London’s underground Tube Station to catch the last
train. They were just in time and Allama’s cousin boarded the train. But,
before Allama could climb, the train gave departing whistle. He rushed in
the nearest compartment before the doors would close. He found himself
in the presence of a young lady, being the only other passenger sitting in
it. Instead of taking his seat, he kept standing away from her on account of
his shyness. The lady felt embarrassed at his behavior. He did not sit down
in spite of being repeatedly asked by the lady to do so. He instead kept
apologizing for having entered in her compartment. This was extremely
innocent and strange behaviour for a woman of the west.
The young lady in the compartment was not an ordinary woman. She
was Elsa Gertrude Loesch, a philosopher, writer and a poet of high caliber,
in her own right. She had already got published a collection of poems in
the German language. After coming to London and acquiring proficiency
in English, she had also started writing her poems and stories in English.
She was also interested in fine arts and could paint portraits in oil, in the
style of Leonardo-da-Vinci, whose paintings she had studied in Louvre’s
Art Gallery in Paris. When she saw such strange behaviour by a person
in a city like London, she was highly impressed by this strange man’s
manners and disposition and developed an immediate liking for him. She
followed him up to his lodging and this is how an intellectual friendship,
that matured into life long love started between the two. In the company
of Allama, she got an opportunity to understand Islam in a better way.
She took up the work of translating Shah Latif ’s poetry and philosophy in
Allama Imdad Ali Kazi with his beloved wife Mrs. Elsa Kazi.
The tomb of Allama I.I Kazi and his wife in Sindh University Jamshoro, where they are buried together.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 267

English. One of the Shah’s verses translated by her from ‘Sur Sammund’
(sailing) was like this:
Offer not precious stones to those,
Who know not gold from brass; to true jewelers in exchange,
Your jewels, you may pass.
Ah! Those who deal in gold,
Mass of metals base, they spurn.
One year after Allama’s marriage with Elsa, he was called to the Bar.
The newly wed then decided to return back to Sindh. When they reached
Hyderabad, the couple received a very warm reception at the hands of
Allama’s parents. All comforts were provided to them including an exclusive
furnished bungalow in the most prestigious part of the city, the Civil Lines.
After about a year or so, Allama and his wife retuned back to London. After
some time, in 1914, the First World War broke out. With this the passenger
traffic between England and India came to halt. The couple was stranded in
England for the entire period of war until the armistice was signed on 11th
November 1918. Soon after, Allama and his wife returned to Sindh. By that
time, Allama’s father Kazi Imam Ali had retired from government service
and had died soon thereafter.
Allama decided to join the government service. He was Bar-at-Law
from one of the most prestigious institutions of England, so he had no
problem in getting an appropriate service in the judicial branch of the
British Government. He was offered the post of a Civil Judge at Tando
Mohammad Khan, near Hyderabad, which he accepted. The very first
case that came up for hearing before him was regarding a dispute between
two Hindu families. Allama’s scholarly judgment, based on the prevailing
Hindu Law, highly impressed his superiors in the judiciary. Hence, the very
next year, in 1921, Allama was sent on deputation as District and Sessions
judge to the princely state of Khairpur Mirs.
The state of Khairpur and its ruler were going through a crucial phase
of their life at that time. It was the explicit policy of the British Government
in those days to discredit the Indian rulers in order to justify taking over
268 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

of the administration of the native states. The Mir of Khairpur was also
encouraged to spend as much as possible on activities, unbecoming of a
ruler. The prince brought one Iqbal Bano and her family from Lahore and
spent lavishly on them. When the State went bankrupt, the Government
of India declared the prince unfit to rule. A Regency Council consisting
of the Political Agent as the administrator with four members was
formed to rule the State until the crown prince attained maturity. Allama,
being the Sessions Judge, was nominated as the Member (home) of the
council. The position equaled to that of the Home Minister. He came to
know of conspiracy of the government functionaries to render the crown
prince unfit, also, in order to permanently annex the state to the Bombay
Presidency.
It was unlikely of a person like Allama to be a part of such a conspiracy.
On account of this, he resigned from the membership of the Administrative
Council of Khairpur State and returned back to his native place, Hyderabad.
There, he started his legal practice as an associate with a well-established
Hindu lawyer. Soon afterwards, another offer came from the government
for the post of Public Prosecutor of Tharparkar District at Hyderabad.
Allama joined it but soon found that the post offered hardly any intellectual
independence. He was just required to take stand in state matters as desired
by the legal department. By 1930, he was utterly dissatisfied with this rut
and decided to go back to England. He proceeded on long leave and sent
his resignation from the post from London.
The next decade of Allama’s life was spent in intellectual pursuits. He
devoted himself completely to the study of Holy Quran. Reflecting over the
message of Divine Book, he reasoned that the life was created by the Divine
Being in form of single cell organisms. Through the process of evolution,
the life attained ultimately the present form and style. He believed that
the religions of the world had also undergone a long process of evolution,
before attaining the finality in form of Islam. In those days, famous English
author George Bernard Shaw published his book ‘Adventures of a Black
Girl in search of God’. Allama sahib prepared its philosophical reply that
was published from London in 1933, under title ‘Adventures of a Brown
Girl in Search of God’.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 269

At that time there was just one mosque in London. The management
of the mosque was entrusted with the Ahmadiya Mission, the group of
people, which did not subscribe to the finality of the Prophet Mohammad
(SAW). Allama and other right-thinking Muslims found it unacceptable to
offer prayers in company of these misguided people. Hence, Allama and
his likeminded Muslim friends, coming from various parts of the world,
founded an association named ‘Jamait-ul-Muslimeen’, to build a mosque for
the followers of Prophet Mohammed (SAW). Donations and contributions
were collected and a Mosque was built in the area of East End. Allama
delivered his ‘Khutbas’ (lectures) on Fridays before the prayers at the East
End Mosque.
Around 1935, Allama and his wife came to Sindh, for a brief period on
request of the Talpur ruler of Khairpur Mirs, who wanted his advice and
guidance in some important matter. Allama stayed at his Karachi residence
at Britton Road. When the members belonging to ‘Anjuman Tabligh
Islam’ came to know of Allama’s presence in the city, they called on him
and requested him to be the president of the Anjuman. Allama, unaware
of the divisions amongst the orthodox community, accepted the offer. A
meeting of the Anjuman was convened at Karachi under the chairmanship
of Allama. To his astonishment, he saw the so-called ulemas (scholars)
quarreling for three consecutive days on petty issues. Seeing this state of
affairs, Allama was so disappointed and disgusted that he decided to curtail
his stay over here and to go back to the East End Mosque London, where he
had the company of enlightened Muslims. By 1936, he and his wife found
a cozy little cottage with old English garden full of fruits and flowers, in the
suburbs of London. The place was very peaceful. Allama kept himself busy
with his intellectual activities and Friday lectures at the mosque, while Mrs.
Kazi wrote poetry and painted portraits and flowers.
Though, Allama had a very peaceful and loveable life in those
beautiful surroundings in the company of his soul mate, his wife Elsa, he
wanted to spread the light of knowledge amongst his ignorant brethren
living thousands of miles away in his own country. He realized that mere
270 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

publication of his books in London was not enough. He wrote to all his
friends in Sindh, urging them to make efforts to eradicate illiteracy and
ignorance from the land. He wanted his affluent and well to do friends to
establish an institute of science and technology, along with a mosque, where
Muslim youth could be awakened and informed of their glorious past: He
wanted the younger generation, to acquire knowledge and understand
Islam properly and then to guide and lead the Muslim world to glory.
With this end in view, by April 1938, Allama and his wife returned
back to Karachi and landed at Keamari Port. The luggage accompanying
them consisted of seven trunks full of books. After settling down, Allama
made a beginning of his mission with the Friday Khutbas at the mosque
of Sir Leslie Wilson Muslim Hostel (now known as Jinnah Courts). Prior
to this, a paid Pesh-Imam used to recite the Azan and deliver Khutbas.
Naturally, a very limited number of people took interest in listening to
these unimaginative sermons. But, when Allama took his place as the
Imam, things started changing very rapidly. The inquisitive young men,
who were either studying or serving at Karachi, made it a point to come to
the mosque on Fridays. They came long before the appointed time in order
to find a nearer place to Allama. The discourses enlightened them with the
true sprit of Islam and made them proud of their rich heritage. Even great
scholars of Islam hastened to be in the mosque on Fridays, whenever they
happened to be in Karachi.
In addition to that, Allama sahib invited the students, who desired
and had the right aptitude, to his residence to help them in learning and
understanding the spirit of Islam and the Holy Quran in a better way.
One prominent student amongst them was Mr. A. K Brohi who in those
days was studying philosophy at the DJ Sindh College, besides serving as
a teacher at Sindh Madressah. He was quite close to Allama, who liked
him very much. This group of students started publishing a monthly
magazine ‘The Muslim Student’, which was distributed at a nominal cost.
This mission to light the candle of scholarship amongst the Muslim youth
of Sindh continued unabated for many years. But he realized that without
 Makers of Modern Sindh 271

proper institutionalizing the whole concept, the individual effort would not
be very helpful. The help in building this institution was not forthcoming.
Hence, after spending ten long years in the preaching of Islam, Allama left
for London to live there for a couple of years.
During all these years, the immense love he had for Elsa can be gauged
from the fact that he did not like to live any longer once Elsa departed from
this world. But, how much she loved him can be seen from her letter to him
on his birthday on 9th April 1950. This letter is perhaps the most beautiful
tribute a wife can present to her husband. The letter reads:
My Sweet Darling Imdad,
May this day on which you came to life, to prove a blessing for
me and for so many others, return with ever greater measures of
health and joy, ever and ever again!
What would have become of me had not God’s kind directive sent
you to me?
May be I would be dead long ago.
Like a crooked negative I came to your hands and you have
developed me, up righted me!
Like a green queer seed, I dropped into your life which, Yes, with
greatest care, with tears and sorrows and sacrifices you unfolded
this obstinate seed. You gave me the food of instruction and of
guidance until I, the seed, opened a tiny flower.
May God grant that too this flower can make a seed again, a fruit
worthy of your divine being! A fruit which may find favour in the
Eyes of God.
Today, with deepest gratefulness, I pray that God may keep us
united not only in this life but also in afterlife too so that we as one
entity may travel onward to our grand destination and reach our
Creator both at the same time.
This is the wish and the prayer every night of your
Devoted, loving, grateful and humble wife, Elsa.
God bless and protect you ever more.
272 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

By 1951, while Allama was still in London, he was offered the

august position of the Vice Chancellor of Sindh University. A little
background would help the readers to understand the role of Allama in
the establishment of the University in Hyderabad. Before 1936, Sindh was
part of Bombay Presidency and the educational institutions of Sindh were
affiliated with the University of Bombay. In the year 1936 Sindh attained
the status of an autonomous province. However, the schools and colleges of
Sindh continued to remain affiliated with the University of Bombay for ten
more years. In April 1947, the first ever university of the new province was
established in its capital Karachi. The university, which was an examining
body only for the examinations of matriculation, intermediate and degrees,
was housed in the building of Sindh Madressah and that of another school
building. Professor A.B.A. Haleem, a former Pro Vice Chancellor of
Aligarh Muslim University, was appointed as its Vice Chancellor.
After independence of Pakistan, Karachi was made the federal capital
of Pakistan. A new university, with the name of ‘University of Karachi’ was
established in the city in early 1950s. Prof. A.B.A Haleem, the VC of Sindh
University was offered the post of VC Karachi University, which he accepted
vacating his previous position. The vacant post of VC Sindh University was
offered to Allama, who accepted it and retuned back to Karachi to assume
the charge of Vice Chancellor of Sindh University on 9th of April 1951,
on his 65th birthday. The University of Sindh, that had been in existence
for about four years by then still functioning as an examining body only.
With opening up of the University of Karachi, the number of affiliated
colleges and schools of Sindh University drastically decreased. Observing
these conditions, Allama decided to reform and re-establish the university
as a full-fledged teaching institution for higher education at Hyderabad.
Plans were prepared and within a month the scheme was presented to the
government, which agreed to the proposal.
Thus, within a month of Allama’s assumption of the office of the Vice
Chancellor, University of Sindh was moved from Karachi to Hyderabad.
The assets of the University included twenty-four chairs, ten tables and
 Makers of Modern Sindh 273

a heap of files in a truckload. The university that was still an examining

body was housed in an evacuee trust school building. With this, Allama
began working on his next objective that was to convert the university into
a full-fledged teaching institution on the style and pattern of Oxford and
Cambridge universities. Speed of the work was so fast that the first teaching
department was opened in September same year. It was the department
of ‘teaching’, where teachers were to be produced. Addressing the trained
teachers of this established institution, Allama said:
“And unless you make a khuloos niyyat (clean intention)
that you are going to do something to serve God’s purpose in
this world, your will not be able to teach your little children in
the right way…. But most of us do not hear. We hear from one
ear and let it pass out from the other ear. And that is what Quran
says” ‘They have eyes but they see not, they have ears but they hear
not’. Even now if you do not want to hear, you will never hear. So
where should I start the matter and where should I end! These
are serious times for us. If we are not going to hang down our
heads before the world, we have to be in earnest. At present, we
are a laughing stock. Wherever I went, I had to hang down my
head. Ours was the third degenerated generation; this process of
degeneration has continued on and will continue on unless you
teachers have determined to change it. So, put forth the sincere
efforts to raise your nation’s children to become men of learning,
men of light, and men of God.
You have heard Iqbal pleading; ‘Be like candle that by burning
itself provides light to all and sundry”. That is the condition
precedent. Unless you burn yourselves, you cannot enlighten
anybody. This old province of Sindh was ‘Babul Islam, the first
doorway from where Islam entered this sub-continent. The idea of
selfless service for the sake of God had been ingrained in the minds
of the people from a very long time. This was the land where men
had spent their lives to dispel darkness and spread enlightenment.
274 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

Shah Abdul Latif says: ‘Those who burnt themselves to enlighten

the dark. I will not lie without them’… In fact nothing can live long
without such an action. So, you have to make life worth living and
diffuse light. But you cannot give light unless you are ready to burn
‘yourselves’. It was, therefore that we used to honour our teachers.
Now nobody honours teachers, because teachers do not honour
Truth and Light. Buddha, Christ and Mohammed (SAW) were all
teachers. They came to teach humanity. So to be a teacher is a great
thing, but a teacher has to live up to his professional ideal. He has
to be a teacher and not make a show of a teacher. Therefore, my
request to you is: ‘do not think only in terms of loaves and fishes;
realize the seriousness of the job and try to do your best’. You must
continuously keep the ideal before yourselves. For you cannot
deceive God. He knows what you really ask. Pray to Him for light
and you will receive it. So, God bless you.”
The university was expanding rapidly. This necessitated the acquisition
of space, where the institution could find appropriate place for growth.
Allama kept thinking for the suitable site for an additional campus. The
financial constraints had limited his choice. Finally, he selected Jamshoro
hills, about fifteen kilometers away from Hyderabad, on the other side of
the river Indus. The place was picturesque and peaceful. The architects
were hired from Germany to design the university buildings. Physics and
chemistry department buildings were erected in the first phase. Within a
period of eight years, Allama was able to bring the number of the teacher
departments of the university to twenty-four, equal to number of chairs
he had brought from Karachi in 1951. In addition to that a grand library
and an auditorium were added. With all his administrative engagements,
he continued his mission of diffusion of knowledge amongst his own
people. Every week on Friday he used to lecture the teachers, students and
intellectuals in the library hall of the city campus. The lectures used to be
very educative. On one such occasion, Allama said:
 Makers of Modern Sindh 275

“Evolution, according to the teacher of the Quran meant

also religious evolution, and the contention was that down the
ages several prophets had been sent to perfect the education of
the human race till we come to the advent of the personality of
the last prophet in human history. Religion is now perfected
with the Divine Declaration to the prophet of Islam: “This day
have We perfected your religion” (the Quran). Several prophets
have been sent down for the guidance of humanity and some of
them have been named in the last Book: some have not even been
named. The Christian writers oppose religious evolution in this
sense. In his book “Evolution of Religion” Edward Caird has no
scruples to place Christ as the last of the prophets in the series
of prophets, thus misrepresenting the obvious historical position
that prophet of Islam is the last prophet in line of the evolutionary
development of religious teaching. Of course, Edward Caird
placed Islam earlier than Christianity for reasons, which is not
possible to comprehend. But his book is not the only book that
engages itself in this distortion on historical evidence. This is
typical of European scholarship. By and large European scholars
have been able to countenance all manner of criticism against their
culture and civilization. But once the name of the Prophet of Islam
is mentioned and the claim is made concerning what he did for
humanity one would find all manner of sophisticated arguments
being put up by them to avoid facing the truth.”
Allama was a strict disciplinarian. He firmly believed that the Vice
Chancellor was the main person responsible for smooth running of the
administration and academics of a university. For eight years, he and the
university enjoyed the intellectual independence. However, in late 1958,
Martial Law was imposed on the country. The army officers performing
the martial law duties took upon themselves to evaluate and correct the
functioning of various institutions within their jurisdiction. The University
of Sindh could not be saved from this interference and a group of officers
276 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

landed in the office of the Registrar, demanding for certain records. The
Registrar reported this happening to the Vice Chancellor, who decided to
resign, as the atmosphere in the country was no more conducive for the
intellectual freedom. In May 1959, after a little more than eight years of his
tenure as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Sindh, Allama resigned
from that office, quietly and without any protest.
This was the beginning of a new epoch in Allama’s life. Away from
worldly affairs, he and his wife were the most contented souls on this earth.
During his tenure as the VC, he used to take a fraction of his official salary
that was just to cover for his necessary expenses. He had hardly any savings.
After retirement, he had to effect further economy in his living and reduce
still the day to day expenses. His devoted admirers including Mr. Brohi
continued to see him regularly. They wanted to help Allama financially.
But, they dared not to express their desire, in view of Allama’s self-respect.
In these circumstances, Mr. Brohi thought out a plan. His eldest daughter
Masooma’s wedding was to take place shortly. He and his wife went to
Allama’s home and Mrs. Brohi presented a set of gold jewelry to Mrs. Kazi,
stating that she had got three such sets made, one for her daughter, one for
herself and one for Mrs. Kazi. Elsa did not feel good about it and told Mrs.
Brohi that she had never in her life worn such jewelry. She returned the
set to Mrs. Brohi. To this Allama intervened and advised his wife to accept
the gift without further argument. Next day, Mr. Hamza Khan Qureshi,
another disciple of Allama visited Mr. Brohi at Karachi and returned the
jewellery set to him with Allama’s message that “Do you want that after our
death any gold or jewellery should be found in our belongings. And can we
bear such a thing to happen?”
Besides being a great man and a great educationist, Allama was a
scholar of the highest order the Sindh has ever produced in recent times.
He was a prolific writer who wrote a number of books. Professor Ameena
Khamisani has reviewed some of his English works in her book, ‘Sindh’s
Contribution to English’. She writes:
“The first book in English written by Allama I.I Kazi is ‘The
 Makers of Modern Sindh 277

Brown Girl in Search of God’ published in the 1934. It is the

outcome of the combined efforts of Allama I.I. Kazi and Mrs.
Elsa Kazi, being inspired by Bernard Shaw’s book, ‘The Black Girl
in Search of God’ which had appeared a little earlier. Whereas,
Bernard Shaw has treated Christianity as the best religion and
Jesus Christ as the greatest of all teachers so far sent to humanity
whose teaching contains highest good, greatest virtue and utmost
spirit of self-sacrifice that man is capable of, the revered Allama
and Mrs. Kazi have shown the superiority of Islam over all other
religions of the world and our Prophet (peace be upon him) as not
only the best teacher and guide but also the ideal man who gave his
idealism a practical shape and whose footsteps one can follow in
one’s life resulting in a balanced personality and a well-knit social
order.
“The Brown Girl in Search of God is a cavalcade of man’s march
forward towards civilization from dawn of his appearance on the
surface of this earth. During this march forward at its different
stages, different kinds of messengers, prophets and teachers were
sent that would suit humanity at the particular stage through which
it was passing. When humanity had gone ahead from that stage, and
then that prevalent mode of worship was outdated: hence the need
of a new teacher and reinterpretation of the message that would be
acceptable to humanity at that particular stage of civilization. That
each religion had its own value and usefulness at the particular
stage of the caravan of life and each was outdated in turn. Man
began with the worship of snakes, of sun, moon, lighting, water
and other forces of nature, in fact whatever he feared and whatever
he found more powerful. To appease the wrath of these gods of
his, he first offered human sacrifices, which were later replaced,
by animal sacrifices as the parable of prophets Ibrahim and Ismail
expounds. But slowly man learnt that by knowledge and wisdom
he could make all these forces serve him and so they no longer
278 Allama Imdad Ali Imam Ali Kazi

were his masters. On the contrary, he became their master to a

great extent.
Allama I.I Kazi’s next book, “Shah Abdul Latif: An Introduction
to His Art”, published in 1961, is a classic on the evaluation of the
poetry of Shah Abdul Latif. It is written in a style that is terse,
clear and convincing with frequent allusions to the great writers,
poets and musicians of the Western world. Whereas, in the past
all the critics of Shah Abdul Latif have focused their attention on
his philosophy, Allama Kazi sahib has for the first time taken into
serious consideration the art of Shah Latif applying to it the criteria
of great literature, recognized and admitted by the modern literary
world. These criteria take into consideration choice of subject,
viewpoint, unity in art, dimension of art, technique, inspiration,
from and unity in the work of art. Shah Abdul Latif ’s work, whom
our revered author fondly refers throughout as ‘Latif ’ is brought to
the touchstone of each of these criteria and is found up to the mark
in every detail. It conforms to the criteria to which all creative art
must conform. Allama Kazi Sahib concludes that Shah Abdul Latif
was a poet born and not made, which truly he was. The book ends
with the translation of a few selected verses of the poet for the
benefit of those readers who are not acquainted with his poetry in
its original.
“Allama Kazi Sahib also re-arranged SHAH JO RISALO by
adding some more verses and by deleting others which were not
considered by him to be the work of Shah Abdul Latif. In addition
to this, an up-to-date glossary of it has been prepared by him. Some
of the verses were given a new and more plausible interpretation
in the light of the research work so far done on the poet. Allama
Kazi’s main contribution lies in his lucid, thought provoking and
scholarly lectures, which almost all have been taped and carefully
preserved. Much of his written work lies in manuscript form and
it is hoped that in course of time all of it will be published. Very
 Makers of Modern Sindh 279

recently, the Sindhi Adabi Board has published some of his works
and it is hoped that more will follow shortly for the Board has
undertaken this work upon itself.”
The Life of this great scholar and Madam Elsa Kazi was moving in tune
with the Divine rhythms, when, on 28th May 1967, his life long companion
Mrs. Elsa Kazi died of kidney failure. This left Allama alone in this world.
But, he confined his shock and agony to himself. Those who visited him did
not find any outward sign of loneliness. He discussed various issues with
them with same zeal and enthusiasm and presence of mind as before. He
had firm belief in the life hereafter. He considered death mere a transition
from this world to the life hereafter. But, one change had taken place that
now most of his time was spent in ‘MURAQBA’ or meditation. He used to
sit on prayer rug in his bedroom to observe this mystic practice. Finally, a
little less than one year of the departure from this world of his beloved wife,
Allama breathed his last on 13th of April 1968. He and his wife are buried
at Jamshoro within the confines of the University of Sindh, which he built.
Thousands of girls and boys, from different parts of the world come to the
university to seek knowledge. This must be satisfying to the soul of Allama
that his mission continues unabated, even after his physical disappearance
from this world.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘An Adventure in Self-Expression’ A.K. Brohi, published by the A.K. Brohi
Foundation, Karachi.
2. ‘Allama I.I. Kazi’ by Justice (Retd) Mushtaq A. Kazi
3. ‘The Quest: Allama I I Kazi’, compiled by Ali Ahmed K. Brohi, published
by Sindh Graduates Association.
4. Sindh Madressah Chronicle, 1960 published on occasion of Platinum
Jubilee Celebration of the Institution.
5. Newspaper articles on life of Allama I I Kazi
 SIXTEEN

Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

(1896-1958)

Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota is one of the most prominent

educationist and scholars the soil of Sindh has produced. Starting from a
humble background, this man of very limited means achieved distinction
in scholarly pursuits on basis of his sheer merit and hard work. He has
the distinction of remaining the head of Sindh’s education department for
over eleven years during which the province’s education system saw two
major transitions: firstly, after its separation from Bombay Presidency in
1937, and secondly after the independence of Pakistan. He was the person
who planned and laid the foundation of the new educational system in
Sindh after independence and is rightly considered as the architect of the
system, which produced great men during the first few decades after the
establishment of Pakistan. He also enjoyed the distinction of being the
youngest Principal of his Alma Mater Sindh Madressatul Islam, which he
held just ten years after passing his matriculation from the same institution.
He also remained the Caretaker Vice Chancellor of Sindh University. In
the field of Orient Studies, Dr. Daudpota’s name is like a shining star. He
282 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

had command over a number of languages like Sindhi, Arabic, Persian,

English, French, German, Latin, and Spanish.
This great man of his times was born on 25th of March 1896 in the
family of Mohammed Khan son of Abdul Mutallib at village Talti of
Sehwan subdivision in Dadu district of Sindh. He was the eldest child
of his parents. He was sent to the mosque-school to receive his primary
education. As the family was not very well-off financially, the question of
sending him to Larkana for middle education kept on being postponed for
some time. But, finally at a relatively higher age he was admitted in the then
newly established Larkana Madressah. At age of around nineteen years, in
1951, he was sent to the Madressah at Nousherferoze, where he studied for
one year. He, then sought admission in Sindh Madressatul Islam of Karachi
in year 1916 in the pre-matriculation class.
Daudpota’s brilliance and intelligence highly impressed the British
Principal Mr. Thomas Henry Vines, his Vice Principal, Mr. Kotwal, and
senior teacher, Mr. Ali Mohammed Khawaja, who was also working as the
Boarding House Superintendent. Because of his poverty, he was offered
free-boardership by the school administration. But, the problem with this
young lad was that he had to support his family also at village, in addition
to spending on his own self and education. Thus, simply free boardership
was not solution to his problems. Being a self-respecting person, he did
not mind stringing bed-cots and cleaning the lamps of his fellow students
residing in the Boarding Houses of the Madressah. With all this, when
he appeared in the Bombay University’s matriculation examination in
year 1917, he secured first position amongst all the candidates appearing
from Sindh. It was for the first time in the history that a Sindhi Muslim
had achieved this distinction as it was always the privilege reserved for
the Hindus to top the list. Giving his impressions about his stay at Sindh
Madressah, Dr. Daudpota wrote:
“Of all the institutions in which I have received my education, I
 Makers of Modern Sindh 283

love Sindh Madressah best. Years roll on, but my love for it remains
unabated. I went to it as a rustic lad in rags; it gave me shelter, food
and raiment. In it, the stage for my future success was set. In it, dint
of work and industry, I won the love and regard of the teachers and
the taught. In it, I had the advantage to learn under teachers like
Vines, Kotwal, Ghulam Dastigir, Shirazi, Nihalchand and Safavi.
In it, I was given the lessons of self-help, and I was one of the very
few who refused to accept the uniform and the Railway Fare from
the Free Boarders Account. Having been brought up in the school
of adversity, I had already learnt some of the rural professions,
such as carpentry, cot-weaving, bookbinding etc. All these stood
me in good stead Mr. Vines our ideal Principal and Mr. Khawaja
Ali Mohammed sahib, our noble Superintendent entrusted to me
the work of stringing the Boarding-House cots and cleaning the
electric lamps, and for that I was handsomely compensated. I feel
rejoiced when I look back upon those days. How sweet and happy
were they”.
(Sindh Madressah Chronicle, Golden Jubilee Number 1935)
In year 1917, because of his remarkable performance in the matriculation
examination, young Umer was awarded two scholarships at a time. They
were the ‘Government Scholarship’ and ‘Sindh Merit Scholarship’. In
addition to that, the Principal of Sindh Madressah arranged a part-time
teaching job for him at the Madressah with a reasonable remuneration.
This eased the financial difficulties of Daudpota, who now got admission
in the DJ Sindh College in pursuance of higher education. At that time the
DJ College was the only college in the province of Sindh, which served as
the center of intellectual pursuits of the people of Sindh. Great scholars like
Prof. Hotchand Moolchand Gurbukhshani and Mohammed Raza Shirazi
were on the faculty of the institution. His intelligence and hard work soon
drew the attention of these great teachers of the institution, who developed
284 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

liking for this young man. Two years later, Daudpota proved his merit
when he secured a much-coveted award, the ‘Norman Hey Prize’ for his
best performance in academics, especially in the subject of mathematics.
After four years’ study in the college, while continuing teaching at
Sindh Madressah, Daudpota appeared in the BA (Hons.) examination of
Bombay University in year 1921. Once again, he had the privilege to get
the first position amongst the successful candidates of Sindh province. He
was once again the first Sindhi Muslim in the history of Bombay University
to achieve such distinction. He continued his studies for Masters Degree
and did his MA in Arabic with first class in 1923. He was awarded the
Chancellor’s Gold Medal; again, the first ever Sindhi Muslim to receive
such an honor. He was offered lectureship at DJ College, which he accepted
as a stop-gap measure.
In those days of British Raj, the government services, especially, those
associated with the revenue administration were considered very attractive.
Mostly, the British officers with degrees from Great Britain were offered the
higher positions in the department. However, with the passage of time, the
government liberalized that policy and the natives (Indians) of exceptional
caliber and qualifications were also allowed to compete for the posts. But
the number of such officers was very small and almost all of them were
Hindus. In filling few posts of Deputy Collectors (DC), young Daudpota
aspired to occupy one of them.
He was well on his way to become the Deputy Collector, when during
the interview for the post, Mr. Mountford, the then Commissioner in
Sindh, observing the extraordinary brilliance and potentials of this young
man, advised him to go for PhD from England, instead of indulging in the
rut of government service. Daudpota informed him that though he was
motivated to pursue higher education in England, he was unable to do so in
view of the lack of financial resources to support such a costly programme.
The Commissioner promised to help in securing some scholarship for
 Makers of Modern Sindh 285

this purpose. After some time Daudpota was awarded the prestigious
Government of India scholarship for doing his PhD, in England. Travel
expenses from Karachi to London were borne by a philanthropist of Sindh,
Khan Bahadur Mir Ghulam Mohammed Talpur of Tandobago. Finally, he
sailed for England in October 1924.
Daudpota was enrolled in the Emanuel College at Cambridge
University for the doctorate program. It was for the first time that he had
been away in a foreign land. But as was his characteristic, he lost no time in
burying himself in the work for which he had traveled that far. In a period
of less than three years, he successfully completed his work in form of a
thesis on the subject of ‘The Influence of Arabic Poetry on the development
of Persian Poetry’. The work was accepted and the Cambridge University
awarded him the degree of Ph.D. Thus, Dr. Daudpota became the first ever
Sindhi Muslim to obtain a PhD degree.
While Dr. Daudpota was acquiring education in England, his Alma
Mater Sindh Madressatul Islam was going through difficult times in
Karachi. Following the demise of the British Principal Mr. Thomas Henry
Vines in 1922, the institution became prey to internal strife and politics.
The management of the institution could not bring a proper successor
to Mr. Vines and the charge of the Principal was entrusted on temporary
basis to the Vice-Principal. This ad-hoc arrangement, which lasted for a
little less than three years, had adverse effects on the functioning of the
institution. Finally, when in 1925, the new incumbent Mr. A. M. Mathew
was brought in, he proved to be the most improper choice. Within two
years of his tenure, the deterioration and decline in all branches of the
administration became evident. The academics touched the lowest ebb and
the financial position of the institution went from bad to worse. Because
of these conditions, it was decided in 1927 that the institution should have
a new Principal. The choice fell on Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota,
who was still in England, giving final touches to his doctorate thesis at
Cambridge.
286 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

By then, he was just thirty-one years’ old who had done his matriculation
from that very institution just ten years earlier. It was definitely a matter of
pride for him that he was selected for such an honour. On receipt of the order
of appointment, he sailed back to Karachi and touched the dock on 17th
September 1927. His old teacher, Dr. Gurbukhshani was there to receive
his favorite old student. It was beginning of glorious era for him. The day
he landed at Karachi, the Government of Bombay nominated him on the
Senate of the University of Bombay. The people of Karachi in collaboration
with the Muslim students of DJ Sindh College, NED Engineering College,
SC Shahani Law College and Sindh Madressah arranged a rousing reception
in his honor on the lawns of Zoological Gardens in order to welcome this
first Sindhi Muslim for his outstanding accomplishments.
Dr. Daudpota assumed the charge of the Principal at Sindh Madressah
on 21st September 1927, and directed all his attention towards the
improvement of various branches of the institution. The first and foremost
objective before him was to arrest the trend of decline in academic
standards. In order to improve matriculation examination result, he
adopted a novel strategy. The class was divided into two sections A & B:
the section A containing twenty-seven best boys. A group of four senior
teachers including him were selected to provide full concentration to the
studies of his select group. He himself used to take twenty-seven periods
a week. The strategy proved successful and twenty-three out of twenty-
seven boys were declared successful by Bombay University in 1929; with
fifteen getting distinctions and one securing the prestigious Frank Souter’s
Scholarship.
As an administrator also, Dr. Daudpota contributed a lot towards
improvement of his Alma Mater. The biggest challenge before him was
the paucity of funds. The Government provided an annual grant-in-aid
of rupees sixty thousand, against an expenditure of rupees one hundred
thirty-five thousand. The local bodies contributed generously towards the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 287

institution in form of annual donations. School fees and other charges

from the students also contributed some amount to the kitty. But, still the
deficit to the tune of rupees thirty thousand was looming large. This had
subjected the Madressah to a very uncertain situation. Dr. Daudpota took
up a tour of the interior of Sindh in order to collect donations and was able
to get a handsome amount for the institution, bringing it out of financial
problems.
Dr. Daudpota owes additional credit for starting commercial classes in
the school. He realized the need for training the younger generation in the
vital fields of commerce related vocations. This section imparted training
in typewriting, shorthand and bookkeeping. He also revived the activities
of Vines Union Club. Ever since he took over the charge of the institution,
he never missed a single lecture or debate held under the auspices of the
Club, which trained the students in public speaking and in building self-
confidence. Because of all these developments, the number of students
increased to twelve hundred. All the four Boarding Houses were full to
their capacity. Its Cricket, Football and Hockey Teams received a new
momentum. And the institution was once again on the rails to progress
and prosperity, ready to play its due role in the advancement of Muslims of
Sindh in socio-economic fields.
At this juncture of time, the circumstances at Sindh Madressah
compelled Dr. Daudpota to seek service somewhere else. He was not
willing to part away with his Alma Mater, but the air of intrigues and
internal politics that he had faced for three long years convinced him to
join government service. He talked to Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, who was also
an old student of Sindh Madressah like him and was working then as a
Minister in the Bombay government. Sir Bhutto introduced this scholar
of Sindh to the Education Minister of Bombay Presidency, Moulvi Sir
Rafiuddin. At that time, a new college, Ismail Yousuf College, had just
started functioning in the Jogeshwari area of Bombay City. The Education
288 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

Minister was in search of an appropriate candidate for the post of Arabic

Professor. He found his choice in person of Dr. Daudpota, and offered him
to join the Bombay Government’s Education Service as a Professor. The
post carried many other fringe benefits and attractions, associated with the
first-class posts in Government Service. Dr. Daudpota accepted the offer.
Consequently, he shifted from Karachi to Bombay, which was not
only capital of Bombay Presidency (including Sindh), but also one of the
most urbanized centers of undivided India. He acquired residence in posh
locality of Bard, in the suburbs of the city. The college, where he was posted
had been raised through the financial assistance of a philanthropist and
had started working in June that year. Dr. Mohammed Fazl-ur-Rahman
was working as its Principal. The atmosphere was very congenial and
academic-oriented. Dr. Daudpota adjusted himself within no time in the
new environment and took up his teaching assignment. Good teacher, as
he was, so within no time he emerged as one of the much sought-after
scholars of Bombay. His presence was considered as essential in the major
literary gatherings, conferences and social functions in the city. He served
there for a little less than nine years when he was chosen to serve in Sindh
as the head of Education Department.
In 1936, Sindh was separated from Bombay Presidency and was
awarded the status of an autonomous province. The Director of Public
Instructions headed the department of education in those days. This
post was usually filled with some eminent educationist. When the post
fell vacant in the beginning of 1939, search for an appropriate scholar to
fill the post began. Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, the leading politician of the
province, was in knowledge of this great man of Sindh, posted in Bombay
at that time. He proposed his name to the concerned authorities, which
agreed and appointed Dr. Daudpota to that post. Hence, fifteen days before
celebrating his forty-third birthday, on 10th of March 1939, he assumed
the charge of the head of Education Department of the newly established
province of Sindh.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 289

The first and foremost task before Dr. Daudpota in Sindh was to
reorganize and re-structure the outlook of educational system of this newly
separated province. His leadership provided the department with a new
and vigorous spirit, which became one of the most efficient departments of
Sindh. Policies were framed. Strategies were formulated. Strict observance
of schools under government as well as the local bodies was carried. When
he found that the schools working under local boards and municipalities
were not working well, he managed to take them under direct control of
the government. Primary education was declared compulsory. An Arabic
University was established in Hyderabad in 1940. Muslim Educational
Cess was introduced. Because of these efforts, the very complexion of
education in Sindh changed. As a mark of respect towards his services, the
Government bestowed upon him the honor of Shamsul-Ulema (Sun of the
Scholars) in the year 1941.
Dr. Daudpota was still working in his capacity as the head of Sindh’s
education department, when in 1947, Pakistan came into being. This
brought before him a series of new challenges. The biggest problem was that
the majority of Hindu teachers, which constituted the single-most teaching
community of the province, migrated to India. This produced a vacuum
that needed to be filled immediately. Further, a number of institutions
managed by non-Muslims in pre-partition days were rendered abandoned
because of the departure of their ex-managers and masters. They were to be
revived. As if these problems were not enough, a flood of refugee Muslims
coming from the troubled parts of India were accommodated in the camps
established mostly in the school buildings. This multitude of problems
brought the education machinery and system to a grinding halt. This all
demanded re-erection of the system in place of the old one. Dr. Daudpota
responded to the need of time and devoted all his energies in building up
the best suitable system of education for an independent Muslim country.
After serving for eleven years as the head of Education Department
290 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

in Sindh, Dr. Daudpota was appointed as the Member of Sindh Public

Service Commission. After some time, on the instance of Dr. Shaikh
Din Mohammed, the Governor of Sindh at that time, Dr. Daudpota also
assumed as the Caretaker Vice Chancellor of University of Sindh for a
brief period. In 1953, the Government of Pakistan nominated him as a
member of a Cultural Mission to Iran. In early 1954, when the renowned
scholar Maulana Syed Suleiman Nadvi died, Dr. Daudpota was offered the
position of the Corresponding Member of prestigious FAUD Academy
of Linguistics, Cairo, Egypt. In 1955, he along with his wife performed
Hajj. During the trip, he also visited a number of Middle Eastern cities
like Damascus, Beirut, Jerusalem, Cairo, Baghdad, Najaf, Bahrain etc. He
also visited the tombs of great saints and met eminent scholars of Muslim
world. Everywhere he was received cordially, on account of his reputation
as a leading scholar of Pakistan, and also on account of his ability to express
himself in Arabic as well as Persian.
Besides being a great educationist, Dr. Daudpota was a scholar of the
highest order. He wrote a number of books on various topics. Professor
Ammena Khamisani has reviewed some of his English works in her book
‘Sindh’s Contribution to English’. She writes:
‘Dr. Daudpota has written books in English, Sindhi, Arabic and
Persian. Some of his books are prescribed as school textbooks. He
wrote “Tarikh Mausumi” and “Chachnama” in Persian and helped
Dr. Gurbuxani in compiling shah-Jo-Risalo in three volumes with
comprehensive footnotes and a complete glossary. He has also
written his autobiography in Sindhi. Books written in English by
Dr. Daudpota are:
1. The Influence of Arabic Poetry on the Development of Persian
Poetry.
2. A Survey of Mass Education in India.
3. A Brief Plan of National Reconstruction.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 291

‘Dr. Daudpota’s book, ‘The influence of Arabic Poetry on the

Development of Persian Poetry’, was originally submitted to the
university of Cambridge for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in 1927, and was later published in Bombay in 1934, when Dr.
Daudpota was a Professor of Arabic in Ismail College, Jogeshwari
(Bombay). Very little has been written on this subject before this
book. Only one chapter exists in Shibli Numani’s book on Shirul
Ajam and Professor Browne makes few incidental references in
his Literary History, Vol. I, Dr. Daudpota has tried to trace the
influence of Arabic poetry on the development and growth of
Persian and similarly, the influence of Persian life and poetry on
Arabic poetry. For this purpose, large number of parallel passages
have been selected from the Arabic and Persian poetry showing
what a vast number of ideas have been borrowed by the Persian
poets from Arabic poetry. Thus, the debt which Persian poetry
owes to Arabic poetry is immense.
‘The parallel passages presented in the book include three
separate sections, the Panegyric, the Didactic and the Descriptive
poetry. Each section shows how different writers at different
periods, expressed ideas, which were typical.’
‘The passages of Arabic poetry selected for this purpose have
been taken from the Islamic time to the age of Mutanbi (A.D. 965),
passages of Persian poetry quoted for the purpose include those
poets who lived before the sack of Baghdad by Halaku Khan in
A.D. 1258. Only those poets have been left out for the reason as the
author tells us that it would require separate treatise to deal with
them. The book is written in the usual scholarly manner of which
Dr. Daudpota was a master. Its language is chaste and simple and
has a grace of its own. The subject is a difficult one but it is handled
with great care by the author, revealing his wide scholarship and
deep understanding of it.
292 Dr. Umer Bin Mohammed Daudpota

Dr. Daudpota’s second book written in English ‘A Survey of

Mass Education in India’ was published in 1937. It not only surveys
mass education in India but also gives practical suggestions for the
extension of Adult Education in the country. Since the problem
of Adult Education is nearly as acute now as it was then, the
suggestions are worth consideration and deserve to be given a
practical shape.
‘A Brief Plan of National Reconstruction is a booklet published
in 1956 in which proposals are made for national reconstruction.
According to these proposals, nation is to be made strong by
controlling the growth of population, achieved by raising the
age of marriage to 25 years in case of males and 20 in case of
females and by limiting the number of children. Since democracy,
otherwise an ideal from of government has not produced desired
results, for 20 years to come, there should be a dictator assisted
by a Privy Council consisting of wise, learned, selfless and honest
men, which should be substituted for a government which is a
fine blend of democracy and autocracy and ultimately to have
a government of the aristocracy of intellect. The army, the navy
and the air forces are to be strengthened. Conscription is to be
introduced and industries and agriculture are to be improved.
More schools and colleges are to be built. Education is to be
made free and compulsory till matriculation, medical relief is to
be increased and the living condition of the common man is to
be raised. Dr. Daudpota suggests one legislative assembly for the
whole of Pakistan but at the same time feels that each unit should
be a self-contained linguistic ethnic entity as integration though
ideal but is not practicable on account of the diversity of people.
Thus, nation is to be made strong and reformed, efficiency in
administration and services are to be restored and country is to be
made prosperous.’
 Makers of Modern Sindh 293

The Government of Pakistan appointed this great scholar as the

Member of West Pakistan Public Service Commission in November 1955.
He was chosen to preside over the All Pakistan Historical Conference
in Karachi on 6th January 1965. The same year he formally retired from
government service, but remained quite active in his scholarly pursuits and
interests. Even just few weeks before his demise, Dr. Daudpota had fully
participated and presided over the deliberations of the Arabic Conference
at Hyderabad, in October 1958.
Finally, on Saturday, 22nd November 1958, Dr. Daudpota died of heart
failure at the Jinnah Central Hospital, Karachi. He was buried at Bhitshah,
the eternal abode of the great Sufi poet of Sindh, Shah Abdul Latif Bhitae.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘Sindh Contribution to English’ by Prof. Ammena Khamisani and
published by Institute of Sindhology University of Jamshoro.
2. ‘Sindh Madressah Chronicles’ of 1927-1930 when Dr. Daudpota was the
Principal of the institution.
3. ‘Sage of Sindh, (article) by Dr. Arifshah C. Syed Gilani, published in The
Platinum Jubilee Book of Sindh Madressah (1960).
 SEVENTEEN

Allama Ali Khan Abro

(1888-1954)

Allama Ali Khan Abro’s greatest service towards the people of this
land has been his translation of the Holy Quran along with Tafseer,
explaining the Holy-Text in most readable Sindhi language. He was a
scholar par excellence. His biggest contribution has been in the field of
Islamic literature, principally on the life of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH),
the message of Quran and the ways and means to get rid of the common
social evils prevailing amongst the Muslims of subcontinent. His book
‘Islam and Communism’ is considered as a remarkable piece of literature
on the subject. Allama had command over many languages, the prominent
being Arabic, Persian and English. He was a dedicated teacher, who
devoted whole of his life, talent, skills and resources for spreading the light
of knowledge.
Allama Ali Khan Abro was born in the family of Mr. Umer Khan,
a self-cultivating landowner, in village Sangi of taluka Mehar in district
Dadu (then district Larkana). During his childhood, Allama showed signs
of an extra-ordinary child. Noticing his exceptional qualities of head and
296 Allama Ali Khan Abro

heart, his father took an unusual decision to take his young son all the way
to Karachi and got him admitted in Sindh Madressatul Islam.
Allama quickly absorbed himself in his studies and emerged as one of
the top most students of the institution. Side by side with his academics,
Allama was also a keen player of cricket. Within no time this young boy
highly impressed his teachers at the Madressah with dint of his merit and
his outstanding qualities. His capabilities did not go unnoticed and the
Principal Mr. Thomas Henry Vines developed special love for this boy,
who soon became one of his most favorite students.
The test of his abilities and capabilities came at the time of his
matriculation examination. To the great surprise of everyone, this boy
of thin and short stature secured first position in the entire Bombay
Presidency, which comprised of not only Sindh, but also Balochistan,
Rajasthan, Gujarat, Cutch, Kathiawar, Baroda, Maharashtra, Bombay and
Poona. It was definitely, a proud achievement for Sindh Madressah, which
honored young Ali Khan Abro by putting his name on the top of the list
of honours.
After his matriculation, to seek college education, he went to the
Princely State of Junagadh, where Nawab Mahabat Khanji, the prince of
the State had made college education free. This decision to go to that for
college education was taken in view of the stringent financial conditions
of Allama’s family, which could not bear the expenses of higher education.
At Junagadh also, within no time, he established his credentials as one of
the topmost students. He left such an imprint of his talent and character,
that twenty years later when his son Mr. Shamsuddin Abro joined the same
college at Junagadh, everyone that mattered, asked him if he was the son of
Allama Ali Khan Abro.
In his intermediate as well as his BA examination, Allama Abro
secured first position in the entire Bombay University. Impressed by his
 Makers of Modern Sindh 297

educational record, the university, of its own accord, offered him to serve
as its fellow. He accepted this offer and went to Bombay, where he stayed
for the next two years, doing his masters as well as discharging his official
responsibilities at the university. Again in his masters, he secured the first
position.
Once, having completed his education, he decided to return back to his
home province, to take up the mission of spreading education amongst his
own Muslim brethrens. His friends at Bombay discouraged him to go back
to that backward place called Sindh and instead try for prestigious Indian
Civil Service examination, which would have ensured his inclusion in the
most exclusive and privileged class of Indian society. But, this man had
great ideals before him. He preferred the life of a simple teacher amongst
his own people, over that of glamour, pomp and power in the metropolises
of the subcontinent.
Soon afterwards, he returned back to his homeland in order to start
his mission of providing education to his fellow brethren. He was a
teacher with a mission. His mission was to educate the masses. His life
was now devoted to his mission. He started with the people of his own
village. The circle of his efforts kept increasing everyday. He patronized the
establishment of schools in other areas and at the hands of other people.
He was available to every institution to help them in getting the financial
aid from the government.
He introduced the scheme of Mullah-Schools. He traveled on camel
back to faraway places in order to spread his message of learning amongst
the masses. He trained the untrained teachers. He motivated the parents
to send their children to schools. He encouraged students to study hard.
His word for spreading the education was highly appreciated and the
Government offered him the title of Khan Bahadur. But, he did not want any
298 Allama Ali Khan Abro

earthly benefit for his most dedicated efforts. So, he gracefully declined the
offer. Besides being an educationist and a teacher, Allama was an inspired
and dedicated social reformer. He launched a vigorous and a persistent
campaign against social evils. He played this role boldly, dauntlessly and
with full dedication till the last breath of his life. For this, he delivered
lectures, published essays and articles in the newspapers and periodicals of
that time, and also wrote books.
Another dimension of Allama’s personality was his role as a writer.
Firstly, he used to write textbooks for guidance of teachers and students
on a variety of subjects, like history, geography, science, mathematics,
grammar etc. This was his labour of love, as he did not charge any royalty
on publication of his works. He allowed two prominent publishing houses
of that time, Pakardas and Sons of Sukkur and Jhamatmal and Sons of
Larkana, to publish his books without his prior permission at the lowest
possible price for the benefit of students.
However, he devoted the last years of his life to writing books on Islam
and Seerat-e-Nabvi. His monumental works are his Tafsir of the Holy
Quran and his book titled “Islam and Taraqi” in four volumes. The author
has himself been reading the translation and Tafsir of Holy Quran, written
by Allama Ali Khan Abro. I have found his work most beautiful. He has
not only given the background of all the narration of the Holy Book but
has also discussed the same with reference to the social evils prevailing in
the sub-continental society. Without any doubt, his work is one of the most
authentic works on the subject of Quran.
Allama devoted more than forty years of his precious life to writing on
various subjects. Many of them are still unpublished and need the attention
of those at the helm of affairs to do the needful. All his writings need to
be collected, consolidated and compiled. This great man of unblemished
 Makers of Modern Sindh 299
character breathed his last on 16th July 1954 and lies buried at the shrine of
Syed Qaim Shah Bukhari at Larkana. May Allah bless the soul of this great
oriental scholar of this region.

Select Bibliography:
1. Life Sketch of Allama as given in his monumental ‘Translation and
Tafsir of Holy Quran’ by Allama Ali Khan Abro, published by Sindhica
Academy, 1998.
2. The old records of Sindh Madressah.
3. Interview with his son Mr. Jamaluddin Ali Khan Abro.
4. Material provided by his son Mr. Jamaluddin Ali Khan Abro.
 SEVENTEEN

Ghulam Ali Allana

(1906-1985)

Mr. Ghulam Ali Allana, commonly known as G. Allana was a

multidimensional personality of international repute. His basic claim to
fame remains because of his iAmmense contribution in the field of history
and literature, wherein he authored about twenty-seven books. Despite the
fact that English was not his mother tongue, he produced original poetry
in that language. His English poetry was in tune with the literary trends
of his times and themes of his poems were translated into several other
languages. But this was just one aspect of his introduction. Mr. Allana also
won distinctions in a variety of fields, ranging from politics to diplomacy
and from business to general administration. In politics, he started his
career as the General Secretary League in 1930s. After the creation of
Pakistan, he was made the Central Finance Secretary of Pakistan Muslim
League. He also rose to the position of the Mayor of Karachi. He was also
elected as the member of West Pakistan Legislative Assembly.
In diplomacy, Mr. G. Allana had the distinction of being elected as
the Chairman of the United Nations Commission on human rights as well
302 Ghulam Ali Allana

as the Chairman of the United Nations Working Group to investigate the

situation regarding human rights in Chile. He held his position for four
years. In 1979, he was elected Chairman of the United Nations Trust Fund
to render financial assistance and legal relief to political victims in Chile.
In recognition of his meritorious services to the international community
in the field of Human Rights and World Peace, he was awarded United
Nations Peace Award in 1976. The Human Rights Organization of Pakistan
also conferred upon him the Human Rights Medal in 1978.
This great scholar of his times was born on 20th August 1906 in Karachi
in an Ismaili Khoja family of Mr. Allah Dino Khoja. His mother was an
educated and sophisticated lady. She used to recite the poetry of Shah Latif
to her young son Allana. This shaped the mind of this great literary giant in
the coming days of his life. Allana’s family was in the field of business. They
were watch manufacturers and dealers by profession. He received his early
education at Sindh Madressah, which he left while studying in standard-
II English in 1920. After matriculation, he joined DJ Sindh College. Later
on, he was enrolled in Poona’s Ferguson College. After completing his
education, G. Allana also joined his family profession. But, his business
activities could not stop him from his other interests, the foremost being
Muslim politics of the stormy 1930s. Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, whom
G. Allana called his political Guru, was in fact his mentor in journalism
and politics.
G. Allana had developed special affinity with Shaikh Abdul Majeed
Sindhi, who used to be editor of the most popular Sindhi Daily of that
time Al-Waheed. The newspaper was in the forefront for the cause of the
separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency. The office of the newspaper,
which was situated in one corner of the press, used to be the headquarters
for firebrand nationalists, who wanted their province to be a separate
entity. G. Allana was one of them. One day, Shaikh Sindhi told his friend-
disciple, G. Allana, to bring out an English newspaper, as he thought Al-
 Makers of Modern Sindh 303

Waheed’s voice being in Sindhi was not reaching those who mattered. G.
Allana resisted the move for some time on the ground that the requisite
funds for the enterprise were not available.
But, finally, he had to oblige his senior friend and an English weekly
‘The Sindh Sentinel’ came into being with G. Allana as both editor and
publisher. The copies of this periodical were sent free of cost to all the
important office holders in British India, the members of Legislative
Assembly of Bombay and as far as the members of the House of Common
as well as the British cabinet in London. The voice of Muslims of Sindh
effectively reached the echelons of power all over the world, thanks to G.
Allana’s command over English, his communication skills and his financial
sacrifices. This venture came to an end in 1938, after eight years of regular
publication, only after the objective of Sindh’s separation was achieved in
1936.
The tale of G. Allana’s entry into politics as the General Secretary of
Sindh Muslim League is also very interesting. In his own words:
“Elections to the Sindh Legislative Assembly were to be held for
the first time under the Government of India Act 1935 in February
1937. There was not a single political party of the Muslims of
Sindh, while the All India National Congress was well organized
and powerful in India, as also in Sindh. The only Muslim party, of
an all India character was the All India Muslim League, of which
Quaid-e-Azam was the President. Shaikh Sahib (Shaikh Abdul
Majeed Sindhi) came to the conclusion that Muslims should fight
the elections to the Sindh Assembly on a party basis, and not on an
individual basis, as was the practice in Sindh.
Shaikh Sahib thought of establishing a Sindh Branch of the All
India Muslim League. With this end in view, he called a meeting of
a few politically conscious Muslims of Karachi in his house in Ram
Baugh, Ghari Khatta, opposite the Memon Masjid in that quarter
304 Ghulam Ali Allana

of Karachi. His house was on the second floor of a stone house,

consisting of two rooms only. This meeting was held sometime in
1936.
I was one of the persons invited. In all, about twelve persons
attended this meeting. Shaikh Sahib did not have twelve chairs in
his house, and we all sat on the floor. Shaikh Sahib explained to
us the importance of organizing a branch of the All India Muslim
League in Sindh. He made out a very forceful and convincing
case for it. We all agreed with his proposal. We unanimously
elected Shaikh Sahib to be the president of the newly created
Sindh Muslim League. The question arose as to who was to be the
Secretary General of the Party. It was agreed among us that the
choice should be left to Shaikh Sahib himself.
To my great surprise, Shaikh Sahib upon this said, “In my
opinion Mr. G. Allana should be our choice to be the Secretary
General of the newly formed Sindh Muslim League.” So, there I
was Shaikh Sahib had by this decision launched me in a big way in
my political life.”
Allana remained very active socially as well as politically during
the Pakistan movement days. He was closely associated with Quaid-e-
Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah during the decisive and final phase of the
establishment of Pakistan. Even after the appearance of Pakistan on the
map of the world, Allana continued to work for his party and became
the Finance Secretary of All Pakistan Muslim League. During the days
of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah at the helm of affairs as the
Governor General of the newly created country, Allana was appointed as
Chairman of the Press Commission of Pakistan. In the year 1949, Allana
founded the Islamic Chambers of Commerce & Industry, of which he
continued to be president for many years.
In addition to that, for nine continuous years, he was on the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 305

Governing Body of the International Labour Organization. In 1956, he was

unanimously elected as the President of the International Organization
of Employers, Brussels. He also remained the Vice-Chairman of the
Economic committee of the Untied Nations and Leader of Pakistan’s non-
official Goodwill Trade Mission to about eleven different countries. G.
Allana also represented Pakistan at scores of international conferences and
committees. As a mark of respect, he was presented the customary golden
keys of the cities of San Francisco, Philadelphia, Paris, Rome, Buffalo,
Patterson, Prague and Geneva.
Allana’s prime claim to fame is his work in the field of literature.
Professor Ameena Khamisani, a great scholar in her own right and
renowned teacher of English literature, has reviewed some of important
works by Mr. G. Allana in hr book ‘Sindh’s Contribution to English.’ To
give the readers a gist of G. Allana’s work, few words are reproduced here:
‘Our Freedom Fighters contains the biographies of twenty-
one patriots of the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent who struggled
bravely and persistently to free the country from the subjugation
of the British. The writer had opportunity to meet some of these
heroes; hence personal reminiscences have been narrated. These
lives are presented in a chronological order and reveal the thought
pattern of Muslims of India in the social, economic and political
fields, which gradually were crystallized and formed expression
and their ultimate destiny as a nation. All the important events
and movements which hastened the onward march towards this
goal have been recorded from the days of Mujaddid Alif al-Thani
to the inception of Pakistan. His book of verse, INCENSE AND
ECHOES is a great contribution to the world of modern poetry. It
got him crowned “Honorary Poet Laureate Anthologist: He is the
first Asian poet to be conferred with this title of world distinction
by the United Poets International, a society of the world’s Poet
Laureate and equivalents.
306 Ghulam Ali Allana

‘Incense and Echoes consists of hundred selected poems of

Allana. They have a wide range of subjects which are universal
in their scope and have a powerful impact, written with an ease
and a great command over a foreign language, they reveal him as
great poet and thinker. He views the world as a stage of human
drama with himself at times as an observer and at other time as a
subjective commentator. Many of his poems reveal a mind deeply
imbued with oriental philosophy of life touched by mysticism. He
deals with the metaphysical problems of life like all great poets.
Subjects like, the source of life, God, truth and the life hereafter,
are dealt with in a manner deeply mystical. The poems are more
a series of calm reflective statements than subjective expression.
There is a religious fervor in them. At the same time, they reveal
a strong social consciousness. The diction is modern, somewhat
like that of T.S Eliot, but at times, there is a mixture of Keatsian
imagery.’
In recognition of his literary genius, the international literary
community honored him with a number of awards and distinctions.
He was taken as the fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, London; Vice-
President of United Poets Laureate International and Poet Laureate of
Pakistan (in English). The President of Philippines awarded him a gold
medal for poetry. Laureate Crown for poetry by Poets Laureate Intonation,
Certificate of merit by Centro Studi-Scambi International, Rome, and a
medal for outstanding contributions to Literature and culture by the same
body.
He left this world on 8th March 1985, at the age of 79.

Select Bibliography:
1. Sindh’s Contribution to English by Professor Ammena Khamisani,
 Makers of Modern Sindh 307

published by Institution of Sindhology, university of Sindh Jamshoro

(1975)
2. Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi by Khan Mohammed Panhwar, published
by Royal Book Company, Karachi. (1984)
3. Our Freedom Fighters (1962-1947) by G. Allana published by Ferozsons
Ltd (1985)
4. Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah: The Story of A Nation by G. Allana, published by
Ferozsons Ltd. (1988)
5. Article in Daily Barsat Magazine on life of G. Allana
 NINETEEN

Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

(1915-1987)

Mr. Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi, commonly known as A. K. Brohi is

regarded as one of the top most legal luminaries of this county. He rose to
the level of a Central Minister to the Government of Pakistan. He remained
Pakistan’s High Commissioner (Ambassador) to India during Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s Government in New Delhi. It was due to the
efforts of Mr. Brohi that the two countries, India and Pakistan, signed the
famous ‘Indus Water Treaty,’ ending a long-standing international conflict.
He was instrumental in the official visit of Indian Prime Minister to
Pakistan. In addition to that, Mr. A. K. Brohi was one of the most eminent
scholar and philosopher of this region. He was, in fact, continuation of
Allama I. I. Kazi’s school of thought in philosophy. He has to his credit, few
of the most beautiful and thought-provoking books on his philosophical
thought, besides, of course, books on law. Throughout his life he remained
genuinely associated with the field of education. Starting his career as
a teacher in his Alma Mater, Sindh Madressah, he ended as the Rector
of International Islamic University, Islamabad. He was an exceptional
310 Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

orator, whose scholarly discourses attracted people from near and far. The
Government of Pakistan also appointed him as the Chairman of National
Hijra Council.
Mr. A. K. Brohi was born on 24th December 1915 in an educated and
respectable Brohi family of Garhiyasin in the then district Sukkur of Sindh.
His father was in the government service. Because of the higher education
background, the family was reverently called as Munshi family, next only to
Syeds in esteem. Mr. Brohi was admitted for his primary education in a local
Vernacular School of the town. After completing his studies over there, his
family sent him to Karachi to seek admission in Sindh Madressah Islam’s
standard one (English), on 28th July 1926. His entry in the institution has
been recorded at page number nine of General Register No.4
At Sindh Madressah, he followed his academic program without
any break for the next seven years. During this time, he saw Dr. Umer
Muhammad Daudpota and Mr. HFLT Harrison working as Principals.
Finally, in 1933, he passed his matriculation from Bombay University,
to which Sindh Madressah was affiliated in those days. Afterwards, Mr.
Brohi moved to Bahaudddin College of Junagadh, a princely state of India
spending some time in between at CS College of Shikarpur. Later on, he
graduated from DJ Sindh College of Karachi in Law and Philosophy. He
then joined the faculty of Sindh Madressah as a teacher, while continuing
his studies for his Master’s degree in Philosophy. His stint at Sindh
Madressah as a teacher was one of the most productive periods of his life.
He was an extraordinary teacher who was highly revered by his students.
Mr. Brohi also took up the responsibilities as Editor of Sindh Madressah
Chronicle during his teaching stint at the Madressah. During his days,
the Chronicle emerged as one of the best literary and philosophical
magazines of Sindh, where not only students of Sindh Madressah, but also
the renowned men of letters felt pride in getting their articles published.
Though, he was in his mid-twenties at that time, his editorials used to be
 Makers of Modern Sindh 311

beautiful pieces of composition. He used to take serious subjects for his

writing. In the Chronicle of March 1938, Mr. Brohi chose to write on ‘The
Nature and Functions of Religion,’ wherein he contemplated that religion
was the source of science and civilization. This man of twenty-three years
of age wrote:
“Religion springs from psychological reactions. The savage
mind reacts to its environment, which it hardly understands.
Here intellect inquiries for explanation and Religion comes to
rescue and harmonizes the mind of the savage by solving for the
solution of the riddle propounded. It satisfies the longing of the
intellect to solve the problems of human existence and destiny
by giving to each nation or people, according to the state of its
culture, a satisfactory answer as to the cause of the working and its
relation to that cause. It also gives forth satisfaction to his moral
and emotional nature by holding out and actually promising an
ideal world elsewhere in which every impulse and longing which
is unsatisfied here will be given full and complete satisfaction. It
seeks to satisfy actual feeling … by creating for it a picture of some
imagined future where all our worldly wounds will be dressed and
all our hopes will be fulfilled. For those who has been trodden
down with all their endeavors to the contrary, this serves as the last
solace of earthly misery and for those who are fed up with their
own power and consider none as greater then themselves, religion
serves to put the last restraint of Divine wrath and engenders in
them a dread for that ultimate day when their accounts will be
audited with merciless severity.”
Similarly, in September 1940, he wrote on the miseries of war as well as
an article on ‘The Sage as a Statesman.’ During those years, he successfully
did his MA and LLB. He then joined as Fellow of D. J. Sindh College
and taught Jurisprudence and Constitutional Law. In 1941, at the age of
312 Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

about twenty-six years, he finally decided to join the legal profession as

a lawyer. Within the next decade, he established his credentials as one of
the most leading jurist of the country. In 1951, as soon as he completed
his mandatory legal practice of ten years, he was appointed as Advocate-
General of Sindh. Then, he was appointed Chief Prosecutor on part of the
Government in famous ‘Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case.’ By then, he had also
become member of the Constituent Assembly o Pakistan.
In April 1953, while he was a little more than thirty-seven years of age,
he became the Minister in charge of Law, Constitutional and parliamentary
Affairs and of Information and Broadcasting in the Central Government
of Pakistan. After about a year and a half, in October 1954, he resigned
from the cabinet and rejoined the Bar as a practicing lawyer. In 1955, he
attended the United Nation’s General Assembly session as Vice-Chairman
of Pakistan Delegation. In 1958, he led UNESCO delegation to Paris.
While, he was representing the country at various international forums,
he continued to practice law. His practice grew from strength to strength.
But, in 1960, he had to suspend his professional activity, because of his
appointment as the High Commissioner of Pakistan in India. Those were
very crucial days in the relationship of the two countries. At the personal
request of President Ayub Khan, Mr. Brohi sacrificed his personal gains
and left for New Delhi. The Indian Prime Minister Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru,
himself a savant of no mean value, accorded highest regard to Mr. Brohi.
Due to his efforts, the tensions between the two countries eased and the
Indian Prime Minister himself came to Pakistan to sign the Indus Water
Treaty. Once the task was accomplished, Mr. Brohi returned to Pakistan
after resigning from his diplomatic position in 1961.
Back home, he resumed his legal profession. Thenceforth, he took
up some academic assignments in international institutions. In 1962, he
lectured at The Hague Academy on Public International Law. From 1963
to 1964, he lectured at the Graduate Institute of International Law in the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 313

University of Geneva. In the same year, he attended Deles Symposium.

The fame of his scholarly genius spread to such an extent that in February
1965, he was especially invited by the United Nations Secretary General
to deliver a lecture in New York on ‘International Cooperation’. He was
the only person invited from the whole of Asia and remarkably as one of
the seven persons from the whole world. Mr. Brohi enjoyed an excellent
professional reputation. He was considered as a man of principles and of
impeccable integrity. When he was assigned the famous case of Shaikh
Mujibur Rahman, the Aga Khan wrote him a letter on 22nd August 1971
from Paris, saying;
My dear friend,
Yesterday the Paris edition of the New York Herald Tribune
reported that you have been chosen to defend Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman.
While the news carried by the western press concerning
Pakistan is rarely correct, knowing you as I do has convinced me
that you have accepted what must be without doubt one of the
most delicate missions any Pakistani has assumed in the history
of the country. Because the trial is being held in camera, there is
a strong feeling in Western Europe that the trial will be unfair.
This, unfortunately, will further damage Pakistan’s reputation
abroad as it is evident that only those who know you personally
can be certain that you would not accept a mission unless you are
convinced that the normal process of law will apply.
I assume that there are security reasons for the Government
having decided to hold the trial in camera and in any case, it really
would not be to Pakistan’s advantage that the dirty linen between
the East and West wings should be washed in public.
On many a previous occasion we have discussed Pakistan’s
poor pubic image and I hope that in the contacts, which you
314 Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

will necessarily have with the Government, you will be able to

encourage them to give sufficient information concerning the trial
to the international media to ensure that world opinion does not
remain convinced that the case and the verdict against Shaikh
Mujib have been rigged. In due course it is you yourself who will
be the person to whom the representatives of the international
media will turn in order to gather information and I ardently hope
that the trial will have taken place in such a way that you yourself
will be able to say that a fair process of law has been applied.
I hope and pray that during and after this trial, no more blood
will be spilled. The wound in Pakistan is so deep in the hearts and
minds of its men and women that the process of healing can, in my
view, only be begun if the Government and particularly the Army
show publicly that they do have ultimate respect for the sanctity
of life. Sheikh Mujib’s trial is certainly the right occasion. All my
thoughts and prayers are with you and your mission and I hope it
will not be long before we meet again. With my most affectionate
thoughts, Aga Khan
Mr. Brohi has written a number of books, important being, An
Adventure in Self-Expression (1954), ‘Fundamental Law of Pakistan’
(1957), ‘Islam in the Modern World’ (1969), ‘Testament of Faith’ (1973)
and ‘Strategy of Human Action in History’. Professor Ameena Khamisani
has reviewed first two works in her book “Sindh’s Contribution to English”.
Her comments are reproduced as under: -
‘His (Mr. A.K. Brohi’s) book, ‘An Adventure in Self Expression’ was
published in 1954 and is humbly dedicated to Allama I.I Kazi and Mrs. Elsa
Kazi, author’s spiritual parents who introduced him to various writers and
thinkers that left a strong impression on his ever-probing mind. The book
is a collection of essays and address delivered on various occasions, both
containing his oft-recurring yet growing thoughts on diverse subjects. The
 Makers of Modern Sindh 315

twenty-three essays included deal with matters; philosophical, metaphysical;

reflections on Moen-jo-Daro, on Lahore, on Press, on Shah Abdul Latif ’s
Poetry, on U.N.O., on Communism, on Capital Punishment, Bernard
Shaw, on Avicenna, on Pakistan and its national character and on some
other topics. Though the unconscious influence of essayists like Montaigne
and others is there, the case of Mr. Brohi’s mind is an original one, in spite
of his modest avowal to the contrary. The essays as he tells us are desultory
and disconnected but they are the sincere and accurate expression arising
out of one’s inmost being, revealing the essential characteristics of one’s
self ’. In this sense, the book can be termed the spiritual autobiography of
its author, not as he says of the subjective self but of that self which has
become attuned with nature, transcending personal limitations.
‘The preface to this book is itself a very valuable exposition of what
creative art is, how a creative artist works and what is the purpose of such
an art. It forms a very important part of the canons of criticism and needs
a careful study by the prospective artists and teachers of art and literature.
‘The essay further reveals a familiarity and a thorough study of modern
and ancient poets, writers, philosophers, mystics, sages, and the holy books
of the East and West. More than all this, it reveals Mr. Brohi’s profound
study and deep attachment to the teaching of the Holy Quran. Indeed,
herein lies the originality of his essays which are profusely sprinkled with
Quranic references and quotations, applicable to the various aspects and
stages of life.
‘His next book, Fundamental Law of Pakistan, published in 1957 is
written to serve the purpose of an elementary textbook on Constitutional
Law. It states in a simplified form the principles of comparative jurisprudence
and then offers a critical analysis of them, as they are applicable to Pakistan’s
Constitution. The book further is to serve the purpose of creating a spirit of
inquiry among the students so as to lead them to more comprehensive and
authentic works dealing with the subject of Constitutional Law.
316 Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

‘Brohi treats Law as a Social Science and not as an isolated branch of

study, which is of interest to the lawyer, the statesman, the administrator,
the journalist, the historian and also to the common man with his right
to vote. He is to be made a fuller and a better man by his awareness of the
basic principal of law. The book thus is to serve the general purpose of
enlightening the people of Pakistan on Constitution.’
Brohi was also an orator of exceptional order. In 1954, he was invited
to deliver a talk on ‘Freedom of Information and the Responsibility of the
Press’ under the auspices of the United Nations Programme ‘Building for
Peace.’ Brohi said:
“Freedom of information necessarily implies freedom of
expression, just even as the concavity of the shield implies its
convexity all, of course, depending on the perspective from which
the matter is viewed. Freedom of expression assumes diverse
forms; it may reflect itself in the spoken or the written word or
be embodied in other media of publicity. Of the important media
of information, mention must be made of newspapers, of news-
broadcasts and newsreels. Freedom of speech has had, down
the ages, to reckon with the shackles and restraints placed upon
it by national Government or by other agencies like the Church.
There has always been an attempt by those who wield political or
economic power within the State to suppress the expression of
opinion on the part of those who are not of power; and that is
done with the obvious intention of perpetuating their own hold
and authority on the people.
“In the earlier stages of human history we find that it is the
oppressed minorities who, by resort either to an open declaration
of their hostility to vested interests, or by recourse to some
subterranean device of making their opinion felt and heard, bring
up to the surface of society opinions which attract the attention of
 Makers of Modern Sindh 317

others and by their dissemination ultimately come to undermine

the foundations of the established power within State. In later
times, however, the cause of freedom of expression triumphed
because of the general acceptance of the philosophic truth that
no progress in any direction is possible unless the people are
allowed to express their opinions freely. In a given society, if the
religious, political or economic order continues to prevail, it is
solely because idea, which contradict the premises on which, have
been reared the foundations for that order have not, as yet, gained
currency. As soon as the light of a true idea emerges, the night of
ignorance and falsehood disappears. Little wonder, therefore, that
men in authority shudder in the face of a powerful idea-although
they might be prepared to ignore the march of a powerful army
across their frontiers. The authors and publishers of new ideas
are, therefore, exposed to penalties of all kinds-penalties like the
deprivation of library, forfeiture of their property, involvement in
social disgrace, and sometimes even death.”
Brohi had the honor of remaining the President of Pakistan Bar
Association from 1964 till his death. In 1977, he was again invited by the
Government of Pakistan to lead Pakistan Delegation to the United Nations
General Assembly. Same year, he became a member of International
Commission of Jurists based in Geneva. He was also taken as a member
of Advisory Council of the American Bar Association. For next two years,
from 1977 to 1979 he was appointed as the Cabinet Minister for the
portfolios of Law and Religious Affairs in the Government of Pakistan.
In 1979, he left the Ministry and opted out for the position of the
Rector of International Islamic University, Islamabad, the position that he
retained till 1982. In addition to that since 1979, he was also appointed as
the Chairman of National Hijra Council, which he retained till his death.
Throughout these years, he remained the Ambassador at Large of the
318 Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi

Government of Pakistan. During his legal career, he contested countless

cases. Some important being Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani’s Case, Adam
Smith’s Case, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Case, Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case
and Asma Jilani Case.
He had great love and reverence for his Alma Mater, Sindh Madressah.
Throughout his life, he remained associated with this institution in a
number of ways. Whether he was Ambassador, or the Federal Minister, or
whatever he was, he used to regularly come and show his sincere interest
in the affairs relating to Sindh Madressah. He used to say that whoever he
was, it was because of what he learnt at Sindh Madressah. In 1985, at the
time of centenary celebration of the Madressah, he was instrumental in
bringing both the President of Pakistan and the Prime Minister of Pakistan
to attend the proceedings. On his initiative and behest, the Government of
Pakistan approved a number of development schemes, including the up-
gradation of Institution to the college level.
Professor Ameena Khamisani summed up the personality of Mr. Brohi
in these words: “Mr. Allah Bukhsh K. Brohi is a figure of world renown. He
is a genius in the true sense of the word. Born in a humble family, he has
risen to be a great intellectual leader, which this region has produced. He
is a philosopher and a great orator. It was as an orator that he impressed
himself upon the world first. In his even calm and logical manner, there
is great conviction. He believes what he says and this sincerity goes to the
heart of the listeners. His speeches leave an indelible impression on the
minds of his listeners who feel that some change has come upon them while
they have listened. Brohi can talk with great ease on his subject, however
uncommon and difficult and refer and quote amply, without ever tiring
his audience. Speech flows from his lips as naturally as water flows from a
brook and what a flow of learning and wisdom it is!”
Finally, this great philosopher and eminent lawyer expired on 13th
September, in a hospital in London, where he had gone for his treatment. He
 Makers of Modern Sindh 319

was buried with honors at Army Cemetery in Karachi on 14th September

1987.

Select Bibliography:
1. Sindh’s Contribution to English by Professor Ammena Khamisani,
Published by Institute of Sindhology, University of Sindh, Jamshoro.
2. Sindh Madressah Chronicle, March 1938
3. Sindh Madressah Chronicle, September 1940
4. The Platinum Jubilee Book of Sindh Madressah 1960
5. An Adventure in Self Expression by Mr. AK Brohi
 TWENTY

Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah

(1918-1999)

Professor Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah was an illustrious teacher of

this land, who taught selflessly many generations of Pakistan. He devoted
his life to serve in education. He remained a teacher, a principal, and a
director of education, a vice chancellor, and then a federal minister for
education. In all theses capacities, he worked most devotedly for the
cause of education. His prime contribution was the development of Sindh
University’s new campus in Jamshoro. It used to be said that Allama I. I.
Kazi was the founder of Sindh University, while Prof. Shah was the builder
of the university. In addition to that, Professor Shah remained an editor of
Sindh Quarterly, a scholarly publication for about a quarter of century. He
was a great scholar, who wrote a number of excellent books on a variety of
subjects.
Professor Shah was born at Sijawal in District Thatta in 1918 in the
family of Syed Ghulam Ali Shah. After his primary education at his native
place, he was enrolled at Sindh Madressah, from where he matriculated in
1937, securing first class in the examination conducted by the University
of Bombay. He was a very active student of his days and was one of the
322 Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah

most favorite of the British Principal, Mr. Harrison. He was also very
good at his studies. He obtained distinction in Mathematics and stood
first in the whole of Sindh. This entitled him for award of the prestigious
Bombay University’s scholarship. After his matriculation, he joined DJ
Sindh College, Karachi, from where he passed his Intermediate in Science
in 1939. Again, he showed exemplary performance and was able to secure
first position amongst the Muslim students of the Presidency.
Professor Shah then went to Aligarh to join Muslim university for his
further studies. He did his bachelors in 1941 in first class and was placed
third in the order of merit in the university. He continued his studies
onward and obtained his master’s degree in Political Science in 1943 as well
as LLB in the same year. This was the time, when his Alma Mater, Sindh
Madressah was upgraded to college level at the hands of Quaid-e-Azam
Mohammed Ali Jinnah. When the Sindh Madressah required services of its
brilliant son, he responded to the call and took up his teaching assignment
at the college as an Assistant Professor.
In 1946, one year before the creation of Pakistan, the Government of
India selected him for research-oriented degree programme in England.
He remained there for two years and was awarded the degree of [Link]. from
the University of Durham in 1948. By this time, the partition had already
taken place and he returned to Pakistan. On his return from the United
Kingdom, he joined Government service and was appointed as a professor
in Government College, Hyderabad. His love for Sindh Madressah
compelled him to come forward again to serve it. Consequently, in 1950, he
moved on deputation from the Government service to assume the charge
as the Principal S. M. College. He remained the Principal of the college
for a record nine-years till 1959, and served his Alma Mater with great
distinction. Afterwards, he was posted as the Assistant Director of Public
Instructions of West Pakistan (present Pakistan), at Lahore. Subsequently,
he was posted as the Director of Education in various regions of Pakistan
including Hyderabad, Karachi and Lahore. During that time, he also
traveled widely and visited a number of places including the Middle East,
 Makers of Modern Sindh 323

Western and Central Europe, U.S.A., Canada, India and Ceylon, where he
delivered lectures and represented Pakistan at various forums.
In 1969, he was appointed as the Vice Chancellor of the University
of Sindh. It was the time when the university’s new campus at Jamshoro
was still in an embryonic stage. During the next four years, he devoted
his fullest attention to the physical as well as academic development of the
campuses of the university. The barren hills of Jamshoro soon turned into
green lawns and beautiful gardens bearing colorful flowers. His tenure as
the Vice Chancellor was one of the most activity-oriented periods of the
university. Later in his life, he joined politics also and was entrusted the
portfolio of Education Ministry as the Cabinet Member of Prime Minister
Benazir Bhutto’s first term in office, from 1988 to 1990.
Professor Shah remained keenly interested in the development and
advancement of Sindh Madressah, throughout his life. He was elected
life-member of the Sindh Madressah Board, the parent body of Sindh
Madressatul Islam. For ten long years, he also worked as the President of
the Board. When he became the Federal Minister for Education, he played
pivotal role in getting Sindh Madressah liberal development grant from the
federal government. Professor Shah was very good at expression, verbal
as well as written. He has written a number of books, important being,
Towards Understanding the Muslims of Sindh (1943), A Principal’s Papers
(1960), British in the sub-continent (1964) and Legacy of Britain (1972).
Besides the above-mentioned books in English, Prof. Shah has also written
books in Sindhi and has contributed countless articles in Sindhi and
English to various journals and newspapers in and outside the country.
Professor Ameena Khamisani has reviewed some of his English works in
her book “Sindh’s Contribution to English”. She writes:
‘Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah’s book British in the Sub-continent is
a brief political and constitutional survey of the British in India. There
are very few books written on this subject by Muslims. Those that have
been written before are mostly by the English authors who have naturally
eulogized their rule and believed that they gave peace, order and prosperity.
324 Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah

They have painted a bleak picture of the conditions as they found at the
time of their arrival. Other books written by Muslims or Hindus reveal a
tendency of anti-British propaganda, but Professor Ghulam Mustafa Shah
has tried to depict a factual picture, praising the English for good work they
did and exposing them wherever their motives were biased and whenever
they were hypocritical, insincere and dubious minded. Praise and criticism
are given according to their due, thus he strikes a balance between the two
types of writers mentioned above.
‘It has been said about Milton that he is in every line that he writes. The
same can be said about Professor Ghulam Mustafa Shah whose convincing
reassuring voice and inspiring personality, the reader seems to hear and
feel as he goes through the book. His tone is conversational and his styles
fresh and vigorous, with his personality pervading everywhere. Great
pains are taken to present the historical perspective with facts and figures
that transmit a new meaning and a fresh interpretation. According to our
author, all work of planning and construction can only bring about the
desired results if undertaken against full consciousness of this perspective
as the present depends upon past and the past, present and the future are
all linked together. The book thus evaluates the consequences of the British
rule in India saving valuable and scattered information which otherwise
would have sunk into oblivion. This material is collected from sources
impartial and objective and is presented with a balanced thought and a
sense of promotion.
‘Though our author is writing a book on History, he makes frequent
allusions to the sayings and works of great literary figures of English
literature especially Shakespeare. This gives an added charm to his style
and reveals his great command over the use of words.
‘Towards understanding the Muslim of Sindh is a scathing analysis
of the Sindhi society by one who knows its wharf and whoop. Professor
Ghulam Mustafa has traveled throughout the length and breadth of Sindh
and knows it from all its angles. Like Mathew Arnold’s divisions of English
society into Barbarians, Philistines and the Populace, the dissection of
Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah ( extreme left), as a student of Sindh Madressah and an office bearer of Vine Debating Society,
with his principal Mr. Harrison and other office bearers of the society.
 Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah(extreme left) at Sindh Madressah. Other prominent old students of the institution including
Mr. Justice Tufail Ali A. Rehman, Hassanally Abdur Rehman, Mr. Mohammed Hashim Gazdar and Mr. AK Gabor can also be seen.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 327

Sindhi society reveal three classes; the Aristocracy, the Middle class and
the poor. The aristocrats, namely the Jagirdars and big Zamindars due
to heir apathy to culture, progress and advancement of learning here
too are the barbarian of Matthew Arnold. They take care to see that the
poor remain poor and ignorant as this makes their exploitation easy. It
is a notoriously conservative, out-dated, parasitic class some of whose
members are more like social beasts and who transmit foolishness by
heredity. They have money and no education, power and no sense. They
are cruel and oppressive. Factual examples of their indifference, lack of
sense of sympathy for the sufferings of the poor and of their apathy to
education, are given. Although so wasteful of their money otherwise, when
asked for the subscription for poor Boys Fund of Sindh Madressah, the
highest contribution received by the author in 1943 was Re. 1-00 by the
wealthiest and the most squandering.
‘The Middle class is called “the sandwiched class”, sandwiched between
the rich but foolish Zamindar and the poor, ignorant peasant. This class is
mostly concerned with earning its bread. It consists of men who are honest,
hard working and sincere, who possess some social and political views.
They feel for the poor but lack funds for any programme to improve their
lot. It is in the middle class that hope is placed for a rejuvenated society.
But then, even they are afraid of displeasing the aristocracy because of
their influence. The poor are too poor to think of anything else, except how
to keep their bodies and souls intact. Political consciousness or initiative
cannot be expected from them. Harrowing examples are cited of their
poverty, ignorance and ill treatment.
‘A Principal’s Papers is a selection from the speeches and writings
of Professor Ghulam Mustafa Shah, delivered and written on various
functions and occasions during the period that he was Principal of S.M.
College, Karachi. These selections are collected and edited by the then
Secretary of the English Society, an ardent admirer of his Principal, as
the prologue reveals him to be. In fact, Mr. Sidat’s prologue is a great
tribute to the sincerity, untiring devotion, and unwavering determination
328 Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah

which characterize all tasks undertaken by Professor Ghulam Mustafa

Shah and which combined with his dynamism, form the key-note of all
his achievements. Professor Ghulam Mustafa Shah was the principal of
S. M. College for eleven years and according to Mr. Sidat, the institution
took colour from his personality “for he alone was the stabilizing force,
the dignity and decorum of the institution. Indeed, it would not be an
exaggeration to assert that he was the life-blood of the institution.”
‘The selections reveal his oratory, vehemence and conviction with
which he presents his ideas before his audience. They further reveal a
tremendous command over the English language. We learn from them the
respect in which the teacher is held by him and the sympathy that he has
for the students which enables him to understand them thereby winning
their confidence, besides inspiring them with love and devotion for the
College. He himself is deeply attached to it as in one of his speeches he says,
“this College has claim on me and does actually possess the whole of me”.
According to him, teacher’s significance is that of the ruler and the purpose
of college education is ‘to lead to a higher human life”. He recognizes the
role that the institution has to play in bringing about a moral, intellectual
and aesthetic renewal and re-establishment of Islamic traditions through
education. Education must reach the masses for they are the basis of our
community. These selections further reveal his faith in intellectual and
political freedom. He believes in discipline but not in repression for he
says, “discipline creates stability, generates spirits of curiosity and wonder
are the indispensable states of mind for the acquisition of knowledge
and education.” He believes in freedom of discussion, “freedom to teach
and freedom to draw conclusions are sacred things”, and a great teacher’s
supreme qualifications are “objective rendering of subject and freedom
from dogmatic discussions”.
‘According to him, “class room discussions conducted in the sublime
spirit of teaching and without any expression of final verdict in over-
confidence on any aspect of discussion is the principle of teaching in
colleges.” The end of all education, he believes is social, for education is
 Makers of Modern Sindh 329

nothing but a training for prefect citizenship. He agrees with Plato when he
says in one of the speeches, “intellectuals and thinkers are the real leaders
of the world. The greatness of a nation is estimated not from the wars it has
won and territorial conquests it has made but from the contribution it has
made to arts, to literature, and to science.” Professor Ghulam Mustafa Shah
thinks in terms of whole humanity and not of any particular class or clan
when he further says that intellectuals are a possession of the whole world,
they transcend geographical boundaries.
‘The selections are pervaded throughout with Professor Ghulam
Mustafa Shah’s forceful and convincing style and with his diffusive and
genial humor.’
This great scholar and academician left this world in October 1999 at
an age of 81 years. His death was widely mourned in the country. May
Allah bless his soul. Ameen.

Select Bibliography:
1. ‘A Principal’s Papers’ edited by Mr. Sidat and published by S.M. College
Karachi in 1960.
2. ‘Sindh Then and Now’ by Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah
3. ‘Sindh’s Contribution to English’ by Prof Ammena Khamisani and
published by Institute of Sindhology University of Jamshoro
4. C.V and personal bio-data of Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah
 TWENTY ONE

Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah

1933-2017

Justice Sajjad Ali Shah is the only student of Sindh Madressah, who
reached the highest position in the judiciary i.e. the Chief Justice of
Pakistan. During his entire career as a judge, he had ruthlessly tried to
emancipate the judiciary from the influence of the executive branch of the
government. During troubled times, he provided the fearless leadership
to the legal fraternity. Justice Sajjad Ali Shah owes the credit for several
important verdicts throughout his career as a judge.
Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah was born on 17th February 1933, Karachi,
in the family of Syed Roshan Ali Shah, who had also been associated with
the judiciary and risen to the position of the Registrar of Sindh High
Court. Syed Roashan was also a former student of Sindh Madressah.
In his career in the judiciary, he enjoyed the reputation of being a very
courageous man, who did not succumb to any pressure in discharge of
his duties impartially. An incident is reported in this respect that when
the then Governor General of Pakistan Mr. Ghulam Muhammad dissolved
the country’s Constituent Assembly, Moulvi Tammezuddin, the Speaker
of the defunct assembly wanted to file writ petition against the dissolution
332 Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah

order in the High Court of Sindh, then called the Sindh Chief Court.
The Government was not in favour of allowing this petition to be filed.
Therefore, the concerned District Administration was directed to forestall
any such move on part of the Speaker.
The District Administration, with the help of police cordoned off the
High Court building in order to stop Moulvi Tamizzuddin from entering
the premises of the Court. The Speaker of the defunct assembly, finding no
other way clad himself in a ‘burqa’ (veil) and reached the Registrar Syed
Roshan Ali Shah’s office. When the appeal papers were being presented
to the Registrar, police came to know of such development and raided the
Registrar’s office in hurry to arrest the Speaker. Syed Roshan Ali Shah took
very serious exception to this, and immediately informed the British Chief
Justice of the high handedness of the police, who talked to the Governor
General and protested in strong terms. Consequently, the police were
pulled back and the appeal was filed. This was the environment in which
young Sajjad Ali Shah started learning the first lessons of his life.
At the age of six years, Syed Sajjad Ali Shah was enrolled in Haji
Abdullah Haroon Madressah in Lyari for his primary education. After five
years of initial learning, he was admitted in Sindh Madressah at the age
of eleven years on 06 April 1944, vide General Register No. 507 on page
No.12 of school register (1943-52). He was placed in standard 1-A. During
his stay at the Madressah, he was considered as an intelligent, confident
and smart student with least absences. He was well conversant in English
besides other local languages like Sindhi and Urdu. The duty of bringing
chalk from the Principal Mr. K. I. Thomas’s office was entrusted to him,
who liked and trusted him very much. Important teachers, who taught
him at the Madressah and left deep imprints on his mind, included Mr. K.
I. Thomas, Mr. Noor Muhammad Shaikh, Mr. Abdul Hakim Abbasi, Mr.
Muhammad Hassan Sheikh, Mr. Khair Muhammad Soomro, Mr. Abdul
Karim Pirzada, Mr. Juma Khan, Mr. Nasir Hussain and many others.
It was during his stay at the Madressah in 1947, that another former
student of this institution, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammed Ali Jinnah founded
Justice Sajjad Ali Shah taking oath as the Chief Justice of Pakistan in 1994.

Justice Sajjad Ali Shah with a delegation of judges from Kazakhstan in

November 1994.
Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Sajjad Ali Shah with the then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto at the
opening ceremony of Supreme Court building in Islamabad in 1994.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 335

Pakistan. With the creation of new country, a flood of refugees started

pouring in from the troubled parts of India. He, along with his other
schoolmates took up the cause of serving the uprooted people with utmost
devotion and dedication. This group of committed and caring school
students took upon themselves to look after the refugees and provide to
them whatsoever relief was possible.
In 1951, after studying at Sindh Madressah for seven years, Sajjad Ali
Shah passed his matriculation examination with distinction. Five years
later, in 1956, he did his graduation from the University of Karachi, in the
subjects of Political Science and General History. Afterwards, he decided
to pursue his studies in the field of law. Following the footsteps of Quaid-e-
Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, he left for England for higher studies.
Again, in another alma mater of his leader and co-alumnus, Mohammad
Ali Jinnah, the famous Lincoln’s Inn, from where Mr. Shah was called to
the Bar in year 1959.
Back in Pakistan, in 1960, he was enrolled as an advocate of the
High Court and he started his legal practice in Karachi. After three years
of brilliant career as an advocate, he was appointed as District Public
Prosecutor and Government Pleader at Lasbella District with headquarters
at Karachi.
In 1967, at the age of thirty-four, he started his career as a judge when he
was appointed as the District & Session Judge against the vacancy reserved
for the members of the Bar. From the very beginning of his judicial career,
Syed Sajjad Ali Shah emerged as a righteous, just and an honest judge.
How upright, fiercely independent minded and committed to principles
he was, may be inferred from an incident that took place in 1969 during
the military regime of General Yahya Khan. By then, he had completed just
two years in judiciary and was still on probation as the District & Sessions
Judge at Bahawalnagar District of Punjab.
Following the imposition of Martial law in 1969, the martial law
authorities were keen on establishing their superiority over all other
state institution and their functionaries including the judiciary. They
336 Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah

wanted full compliance with their orders and demanded to be shown

proper protocol. Thus, when the Sub Martial Law Administrator visited
Bahawalnagar, all the district authorities were directed to be present there
at the railway station. All obliged except the District and Session Judge who
was noticeably absent. This unwarranted act on the part of him was taken
as an act of great disobedience by the martial law authorities.
Perhaps, with a view to demonstrate their authority over the judiciary,
the Martial Law authorities dispatched letters to the entire District &
Session Judge, asking them to submit reports showing the number of
cases pending in their courts. But District & Session Judge, Syed Sajjad Ali
Shah did not respond. On the contrary, he informed the Registrar of the
concerned High Court of this development, intimating his point of view
that the martial law authorities should better correspond through the High
Court. He took exception to the interference from the Military Authorities
and was against any dictation from any quarter.
The martial law authorities insisted on compliance, but Syed Sajjad
Ali Shah refused to provide the requisite information. As a result, he was
warned, indirectly, through the District Administration that he could be
arrested for his willful default. But he did not relent. When the lawyers’
community came to know of his stand, they all came forward to his support
and decided to court arrest, in case the District & Session Judge is arrested.
Meanwhile, the Chief Justice of the High Court took up the matter
with the Martial Law authorities and deputed a judge of the High Court in
order to resolve the matter. Good sense prevailed and the higher martial
law authorities instructed their subordinates in Bahawalnagar to call off
any further action in the matter. This principled stand taken by Syed Sajjad
Ali Shah was highly appreciated by the members of the legal fraternity and
also had a favourable impact on the military authorities, in as much as they
started showing due deference to the courts.
In 1974, when Syed Sajjad Ali Shah was still serving as the District &
Session Judge, he was appointed as Joint Secretary in the Federal Ministry of
law and Parliamentary Affairs. Three years later in 1977, he was appointed
 Makers of Modern Sindh 337

as the Registrar of the Supreme Court of Pakistan. In 1978, he was elevated

to the Bench as the Judge of the High Court of Sindh. During his tenure
as the Judge of the High Court, he held extra assignments as Custodian of
the Evacuee Properties, Chairman Provincial Election Authority, Member
Board of Trustees of Aga Khan University and Member Syndicate and
Senate of Mehran University of Engineering and Technology, Jamshoro.
On 13th December 1989, Justice Sajjad Ali Shah was elevated to the
office of the Chief Justice of Sindh High Court and remained there till 5th
November 1990. During this period, he was also appointed as the Acting
Governor of Sindh, in absence of the Governor Sindh on a trip abroad.
In November 1990, he was appointed as the Judge of the Supreme Court
of Pakistan. On 5th June 1994, he was elevated to the august office of the
Chief Justice of Pakistan, which he held till December 1997. During all
these years, he faced the adverse circumstances with immense courage
and boldness. He was instrumental in delivering a number of monumental
decisions by the apex court, the most important being the famous Judges
Case, which tried to limit the executive’s influence on the appointments in
the judiciary.
This great admirer of Quaid and his ideals is a very simple and pious
man in his personal life. He enjoys reading books and feels very happy in
the company of his intellectual friends. He was honoured at his alma mater,
the Lincoln Inn in England, by his appointment as Honorary Bencher
of Lincoln’s Inn at a ceremony held in London in July 1995. His another
alma mater, Sindh Madressah also conferred upon him the distinction of
Nishan-e-Madressah in March 1997.
 TWENTY TWO

Hanif Muhammad
1934-2016

The beacon of Pakistani cricket and phenomenal batsman of his era,

Hanif Muhammad was born on December 21, 1934 in Junagadh. He was
born to Sheikh Ismail and Ameer Bee. His father had served as Captain in
Indian army and on superannuation, assumed the charge of manager in a
salt factory. Apart from that, he owned a motel and a petrol pump, thus he
was able to provide his family a comfortable living.
Junagadh was essentially a Hindu majority state and governed by a
Muslim ruler, who eventually acceded to Pakistan in September 1947 after
independence. However, this princely state was taken over by Indian army
soon after declaring their intention to join Pakistan. The family of Sheikh
Ismail migrated to Pakistan owing to risk of life they had in the hands of
hostile Indian forces. They landed as strangers in Karachi, leaving behind
all the assets in Junagadh.
His father had been diagnosed as having a throat cancer who expired
in 1949. His brothers, Wazir and Raees were working in Habib bank at that
time. The responsibility of the household fell on his mother’s shoulders,
a lady of remarkable courage, and being a sportswoman herself, she
340 Hanif Muhammad

would always motivate their children to achieve the unparalleled success,

especially in the cricket.
Passion for cricket was indeed present in the genes of this family. His
father, uncle and even his mother earned name at some level in field of
sports. Therefore, they were naturally induced to the realm of sports and
were particularly encouraged to do better in the field of cricket. In the
history of cricket, it was the only family to have produced 10 first class
cricketers so far viz. Wazir, Raees, Hanif, Mushtaq, Sadiq, Shoaib, Asif,
Shahid, Tariq and Imran. Cricket was undoubtedly a family affair for them.
The skills of Hanif Muhammad in cricket field were honed after his
encounter with the then coach of Sindh Madressatul Islam, Abdul Aziz
Durrani. ‘Master Aziz’, as he was better known, offered him to join the
Madressah. Upon his meeting with the principal of the Madressah, he was
offered full free-ship on account of his rare talent in cricket. Master Aziz
could see in him a top-class cricketer and Hanif could see a devoted master
and real mentor in him. Master Aziz was so passionate to train his pupils
that he would spend all his money on buying them shoes, gloves, bats etc.
Sometimes, he would leave no money in his own pocket and ask them to
get him something to eat.
Sindh Madressah provided a solid platform for the young cricketer like
him to participate not only in inter-school tournaments but also in cities
out of province. One such visit took place to Lahore in 1949, in which he
scored more than 150 runs and in final, scored an unbeaten 305, leaving
the bowlers utterly dazed over such a brilliant performance. It was during
these days that his exceptional performance against the kings of cricket that
time elevated him to national level and eventually making him venerated
as ‘The Little Master’.
His highest career score in Test series, 337, came in January 1958
when he batted for more than sixteen hours against West Indies, for 970
minutes and it still remains a record, even after his death. His individual
test score, 499 was the highest first-class score against Bahawalpur. He
remained Wisden’s cricketer of the year. He served as captain of Pakistan
 Makers of Modern Sindh 341

cricket team for substantial period. On account of his stellar performance

in Test cricket, he was awarded ‘Pride of Performance’ medal by the then
President of Pakistan, Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan.
A man with the nerves of steel, Hanif Muhammad, died at the age of 81
on August 11, 2016 while suffering from lung cancer. His versatility made
the Test cricket so sublime that he will always shine in the annals of cricket
history.
 TWENTY THREE

Percy Hide
(Principal: 1897-1903)

Percy Hide was the first European principal of Sindh Madressatul

Islam, who served from 1897 to 1903. It was a transformation phase
for the institution as the founder, Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi,
who was the moving spirit behind the institution, had left the world, in
1895. The induction of an Englishman, who was Christian by faith, in a
predominantly Muslim Education Institution, created a degree of stir
in religious lobbies in Sindh. However, this young principal through his
conduct and exhibitable respect for Islam and Muslim faith surmised
that challenge. His biggest contribution for Sindh Madressatul Islam was
construction of two buildings namely the Principal’s House, which now
serves as Khan Bahadur Hassanally Effendi Library, and Talpur House,
which presently serves as academic block, having Faculty of Management,
Business Administration and Commerce. He is also credited for his
interests in bringing poor students from rural Sindh to Sindh Madressatul
Islam through schemes of scholarships.
Since its inception in 1885, the management of Sindh Madressatul
Islam rested with a board headed by Hassanally Effendi. Few years later
his son Wali Mohammad Effendi moved on deputation from government
service to serve as principal. However, things changed in August 1895 when
344 Percy Hide

Hassanally Effendi died. At that time Henry Evan Murchison James was
serving as Commissioner-in-Sindh, who served in that capacity for nine
years, from 1891 to 1900, and who was later knighted in 1901. This brought
changes in the overall structure of the management of the institution.
After a brief interlude, it was decided that the Commissioner in Sindh, the
highest British functionary in the province will head the reconstituted and
revised management board, the ‘Sindh Madressah Board’ of the institution.
Accordingly, Sindh Madressah Board was registered as a society with the
Registrar of Joint Stock Companies on 11th September 1896.
Same year, Khairpur state under its Talpur ruler Mir Faiz Mohammad
Khan offered an annual grant of Rs 5000 on the condition that the institution
would have a European Principal. The state also promised to provide
additional grant for construction of the principal’s residence. Both these
offers were accepted. Around this time principal Wali Mohammad also
decided to revert to his appointment under government. The reconstituted
Board met for the first time on 30 November 1896, with Commissioner-
in-Sindh in chair and Collector of Karachi and his nominee R. Giles as vice
chair. It was decided in that meeting that the process for appointment of
new principal from England be initiated. The task was assigned to Henry
James who decided to seek help from his ten years senior fellow Indian
Civil Service (ICS) officer, Sir James Peile in London. Sir James Peile knew
India very well as he had served in various capacities including as acting
governor of Bombay Presidency in March 1885 as well as vice chancellor
of Bombay University. He had formally retired from ICS in 1887 and was
subsequently appointed on the Council of India in London.
On receiving the request from Sindh Commissioner, Sir James Peile
decided to put an advertisement in some Oxford newspapers. Accordingly,
Phil P. Hutchens from his office addressed a letter dated 12th January
1897 to Sir William Markby in Oxford University to get the advertisement
published. Sir Markby had also been very well versed with the Indian
affairs as he had served as vice chancellor of the University of Calcutta in
addition to serving as judge of the Calcutta High Court for twelve years.
Subsequently, he had started serving at Oxford University as Reader in
Indian Law.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 345

Accordingly, the advertisement was published in the newspapers in

Oxford, with the subject “Principal-Sind Madressah (Mahomedan College)”
and read: “A Principal wanted for the above State-aided Institution. Must
be a Graduate in Honours from a British University, and not more than 35
years of age. He will be required to teach English Literature, Mathematics
and Elementary Science. Salary Rs. 450 per mensem, rising by biennial
increments of Rs. 50 to Rs. 700 per mensem. A house will shortly be
provided rent-free, and in the interim rent-free quarters will be provided.
£ 60 allowed for passage money. Applications will be received up to March
1st by Sir James Peile, K.C.S.I., India Office, London, from whom further
particulars as to the appointment may be obtained. An athlete preferred”.
After due process, Sir James Peile selected chemistry graduate from
Oxford University’s Balliol College, Percy Hide, who was also an athlete
and had earlier studied at Southeast London’s Dulwich College, as the new
principal of SMI. At the time of his appointment, he was about twenty-
three years old, becoming the youngest principal of SMI. He assumed
the charge of his post on 5th October 1897. As to orient himself about
his new responsibilities, he went to Aligarh in following January to visit
Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental (MAO) College, which like SMI was a
Muslim educational institution and which was working under a European
principal. His counterpart in Aligarh impressed him considerably. “I am
influenced very much by Mr. Beck, the Principal of the Aligarh College
recalled Percy Hide in his papers decades later.
One of the greatest challenges faced by the new principal was high
level of resentment in the orthodox religious sections of the society
over appointment of a non-Muslim principal in a Muslim educational
institution. Though from its very inception, SMI was never a religious
school, but a modern institution where major emphasis was on subjects
like English, Mathematics and Science. The only difference in SMI and
other schools was that here the religious education and observance of
religious duties also ran concurrently with teaching of sciences and other
contemporary subjects. Some Sindhi newspapers even published articles
against this change. “There have reached my ears certain reports that the
Madrassah is losing its name as a Mahomedan school and is regarded in
Sind as merely a secular school, he recalled.
346 Percy Hide

To counter this perception and propaganda, the new principal became

more vigilant towards observance of religious duties by Muslim students
and their religious education. “Great care is taken to see that students receive
proper religious instruction. Two Moulvies attend the school, one for the
Sunni students and one for the Shiahs. Each class receives instruction in
‘Fiquah’ for a certain time every week – religious instruction being part of
the school curriculum. Periodical examinations are held in this subject to
test the progress of the youths in our charge. In addition to this, a Moulvi
delivers a lecture on morality once a week after the Friday prayer. Regular
prayers are also conducted in the Prayer Halls and Boarding House, five
times a day” the principal informed the Board in his annual report.
In fact, he became a little over cautious on the attendance in the
mosques. “I was not satisfied with the attendances in the mosques
on Fridays so that at last I was compelled to grant the fortnightly half-
holiday on the condition that the attendance in the mosques on Friday
did not fall below a certain limit.” Two years later, his strictness towards
Muslim students’ observance of their religious duties only increased.
“Small irregularities in prayers are now treated more severely, an attempt
is being made to establish daily Koran reading for the boarders in the early
morning. A special Muezzin has been appointed to look after the Mosques
and summon boys to prayers” he disclosed to the Board.
He also formed a committee comprising leading members of Muslim
community to supervise the religious education, keeping himself away from
the likely controversies. “On the formation of the Madrassah Mahomedan
Committee, I handed over the chief part of the religious supervision to that
body and I hope that the actions and influence of the Committee will both
improve the boys and assure the Mahomedans of Sind that the Madrassah is
a Mahomedan School throughout”. With this, he left it to be determined by
the quality of SMI’s product, its students, stating that “the boys themselves
[were] a school’s best advertisement”. Soon thereafter the opposition to his
appointment declined and SMI even got more enrollment from Muslim
community of Sindh than before.
Another great challenge faced by Percy Hide during first three years of
his appointment from 1897 to 1900 was frequent outbreaks of plague and
 Makers of Modern Sindh 347

cholera in Karachi. Repeated eruptions of plague led to depleted classes as

parents did not send their children to Karachi. “It was hoped that the third
attack of plague in Karachi would be the last and that the people would
return to the town and that boys would come regularly to the school both
as day students and boarders. These hopes have not been realized; for some
months in the beginning of the year under report plague raged in the city
and the school was almost empty. Then for a short time the appearance
of cholera naturally made parents more anxious for the safety than the
education of their children, and finally the re-appearance of plague in 1900
has once more emptied the school” Commissioner-in-Sindh Henry James
in his capacity as the President of Sindh Madressah Board in his report,
1899-1900.
Percy devised two-pronged strategy to counter this challenge. Firstly,
instead of closing the institution, he tried to adjust the periods of outbreak
with vacations, practically opening the institution during otherwise
vacation period and closing it when the diseases were at their peak. “The
school was never actually closed on account of plague. The summer vacation
was taken at the time plague was at its worst, but the school re-opened
immediately though attendance was exceptionally poor” he elaborated in
his report.
In addition to that Percy Hide convinced the management to open
a branch of SMI at Sukkur where the students and teachers were shifted
during worst times of epidemics. Initially, affluent Talpur boys were
shifted to Sukkur followed by the rest of the students, for whom ample
accommodation was arranged. “During the plague of 1899 arrangements
were made for the education of Talpurs at Sukkur. This scheme worked
satisfactorily so that when plague broke out in 1900 nearly all the boarders
were dispatched to Sukkur where there is ample accommodation in a large
barrack” he stated in his report.
The outbreaks of plague and cholera claimed several lives in Karachi
including many teachers and staff members of the institution. As a part of
his social responsibility, Hide himself voluntarily performed his duty as a
Plague Officer. Despite of taking very serious efforts to minimize the effects
of the disease, in almost every year’s report, the principal mentioned the
348 Percy Hide

names of his colleagues who had died due to this epidemic. The institution
was “heavily handicapped by repeated outbreaks of the plague epidemics
from 1897 forward which led to depleted classes and prolonged vacations,”
remarked the then vice principal Kaka Kotwal a quarter of a century later.
However, through his determined efforts and innovative ideas, Percy Hide
was able to keep SMI running during those turbulent times.
The third biggest challenged faced by Hide was the depleted financial
position of the institution. As SMI mostly catered for the poorer sections
of the society, the fee structure was kept low in comparison to other
quality education imparting institutions like Karachi Grammar School etc.
The income of the institution mostly came from the grants provided by
either the municipalities of various cities and towns or the government.
Before construction of Sukkur Barrage, Sindh’s agriculture and economy
depended on timely rains. Incidentally, during the Hide’s times in Sindh
the province faced drought like situation due to absence of rains, which
reduced the revenues of the municipalities, shrinking their grants to SMI.
As a result, SMI was unable to pay due salaries to its staff; even the minimal
ones also not in time. This resulted in several staff members leaving their
jobs at the institution., which was also not able to carry out routine repair
and maintenance of its buildings. This issue was brought before the board.
“The question now before us are – how to reduce the expenditure and how
to increase the income of the school?”. As far as minimizing the expenditure
was concerned, his suggestion was not to compromise on salaries of staff
and repairs of the building: “To the first I would answer that repairs must
be executed and that the staff must be paid, and paid punctually, and well,
for the school to succeed.”
Percy Hide’s solution to improve financial stability had three
components. Firstly, he wanted to approach rich Muslims in Sindh for
donations. Secondly, he wanted the students’ fees should be increased. He
gave example of Aligarh College, which he had visited and met with its
principal. “Mr. Beck, after listening to my description of the Madrassah
and its aims, immediately told me that the fees should gradually be raised.
In the Aligarh School the lowest fees paid are Rs. 2 per mensem; of course,
nothing like this can be expected in the Madrassah, and yet the Madrassah
 Makers of Modern Sindh 349

is supposed to give the same education for as 2 per mensem.” Thirdly,

he wanted to “induce” the municipalities and local boards “to aid the
Madrassah materially”.
However, these suggestions could not be acted upon because of several
reasons. The result was that the financial position of the institution remained
very weak throughout his tenure. Few months before his departure, in his
last report Percy Hide wrote: “I regret that I cannot record any improvement
in the finances of the Madrassah. During the year under report expenses
were cut down to the lowest possible point, but this cannot be always
done as new furniture must be bought and more repairs executed.…. The
work of the school is altogether cramped by want of funds…. But every
suggestion for improvements in the school has been put on the side owing
to lack of funds. This is most disheartening to the staff ”.

Important accomplishments
Despite of these challenges, Percy Hide had quite a few accomplishments
to his credit. It was during his time that two most beautiful buildings, the
Principal’s Residence and the Talpur House, were constructed. The plan
for the principal’s residence was there for quite sometime but could not
be undertaken due to financial constraints. After his arrival, the plan of
the house was revised twice as the earlier plans were “found unsuitable
for an English gentleman”. The Mir of Khairpur, Mir Faiz Mohammad was
persuaded to fund the construction of the house, which was “completed in
July 1898 at a cost of Rs. 24,398-12-4” out of which the Mir paid “Rs. 23,898-
12-4”. This beautiful building is still there and houses SMIU’s library.
It was also during Percy Hide’s time that the government declared
Sindh Madressah as the official institution for young Talpurs. “Originally it
was intended to start a separate institution for the education of the Talpur
youths, but as the re-organization of the Madrassah Board placed the
Madrassah-tul-Islam more directly under the control of the Commissioner
in Sind, the Government, on the representation and suggestion” of
the Commissioner merged the scheme with SMI. With this Hide was
designated as in-charge of Talpurs’ education in Sindh.
Percy Hide visited various parts of Sindh as to persuade the Talpur
350 Percy Hide

families to send their children to SMI. The efforts proved successful as

several families agreed to the proposal. This brought “the youths belonging
to the highest class among the Mahomedan gentry of Sind… within the
direct influence of such an Institution”. This necessitated construction of
the Talpur House as a hostel for them, for which the government provided
“the school a grant of Rs. 30,000 under certain conditions”. These conditions
were met, and this beautiful building was completed in July 1901, which
presently serves as an academic block of the institution housing the Faculty
of Management, Business Administration and Commerce.
Another remarkable contribution on part of Percy Hide was initiation
of scheme for providing education to the ultra-poor of the province. Though
the fee of the institution was kept low, but still there were many people
who could not afford to get their children educated. He was instrumental
in opening gates of SMI for the poor but meritorious students. “Rules for
admittance have been drawn up by which it is hoped to secure only young
and clever boys who are the sons of poor parents. These boys forward
their applications through the Assistant Collector and Mukhtiarkar of
the division in which they live so that none but genuine applications are
received… there is no doubt that the school will gain by the addition of
fifty young and clever boys from all parts of Sind”.
In view of financial constraints, he could not develop library and
laboratory, but did his best under the circumstances. Regarding the
laboratory, he made arrangements with his fellow British principal of DJ
Sindh college who allowed SMI to use the college laboratory. The “D. J. Sind
Arts College has allowed the Madrassah to use the College Laboratory, so
that there has been no expense to the Madrassah on this account. In the
Madrassah a certain number of specimens are kept but no experimental
work is done. Dr. Jackson has always had his laboratory ready for us and
in fact lets us use the laboratory as if it were our own” he remarked. In
case of library, he spared some amount and purchased the basic reference
books. “The Library has purchased a Times Reprint of the ‘Encyclopedia
Britannica’ which exhausted all available funds, but such a work of reference
will prove extremely valuable to the school”.
One of Percy Hide’s outstanding contribution had been in the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 351

promotion of co-curricular activities, specially, sports and debating. Being

an athlete himself, he established Sind Athlete Association with himself as
its secretary. The biggest hurdle in promotion of sports at the Madressah
was the bad condition of the ground. “The ground is very stony and very
uneven and until it is altered the boys will never play any game really well.
In fact, the ground is so stony that I cannot attempt to induce promising
boys who do not know much about games to play as the risk of falling on
stones is too great”, he stated in one of the reports.
The peak of SMI’s performance in sports came in August 1902 when in
province-wide sports competition SMI won distinctions. “In the first round
the Madrassah defeated the Church Mission High School. In the second
round the Karachi Grammar School was beaten by the Madrassah. In the
final however the Madrassah boys found St. Patrick’s High School much
too strong for them” he reported. He also founded debating society and
took great pains to popularize it. Initially the debates were held in English
language only amongst the secondary school students and teachers. “I am
glad to report the starting of a Debating Society among the senior students
of the school. Boys of the three highest standards and most of the teachers
of the English Branch are members… weekly meetings are regularly held,
presided over by me or by one of the assistant teachers… Care has been
taken to avoid all political and religious subjects and the discussions are, as
far as possible, conducted in such a way that members may be interested
and amused”. Later, Sindhi debates were also initiated for the primary
school students. “The Debating Society is very popular, and the smaller
boys have started a Sindhi Debating Society” he wrote.

High Profile Visits

Being a young and energetic man, Percy Hide was very social and
popular amongst the ruling class of Sindh. His socializing nature played a
beneficial role for SMI. “During his stay, Mr. Percy Hide made Madrassah
known to all the government officials of Sindh. He was the Secretary of
both the Sindh Club and the Karachi Gymkhana. The European officers
looked upon the Madrassah as their own and patronized it in every way”
wrote Kaka Kotwal, his vice principal, decades later. His contacts in the
352 Percy Hide

government circles paved the way for the visit of SMI by the Viceroy of India
and his spouse in October 1900. “The whole School was drawn up on the
North side of the Frere Road. The Standing Sub-Committee received H. E.
who asked several questions concerning the constitution and management
of the School. H. E. expressed pleasure at the neat dress and good order of
the boys and was cheered heartily as he drove away” he reported.
A year earlier, the Governor of Bombay Presidency Lord Sandhurst
had also visited the institution and desired to inspect it while it functioned
normally. The governor “stopped at the doors of a great many classrooms and
asked many questions as to their occupants. The Mosques were next inspected
and then the Boarding House. The visit was an extremely pleasant one and H.
E. expressed satisfaction at the discipline and appearance of the boys”.

Departure from SMI

In October 1902, Hide had completed his contractual five years of
service at SMI and was looking for better opportunities. That opportunity
came few months later in form of a permanent position in government’s
educational service. He applied for the position in February 1903 giving
reasons for his decision to join government service: “Under the terms of
my engagement my services may be disposed with at six months’ notice;
and at any time the Madrassah Board may find themselves without the
necessary funds to pay my salary. I am entitled to no pension and come
under no provident rules. It becomes therefore necessary for me to seek
employment of a more permanent nature” he lamented.
He routed his application through the Commissioner in Sind, who
supervised him as president of the board. The Commissioner wrote: “If
Mr. Hide goes it will be a great loss to the Madressah but undersigned,
considering the nature of Mr. Hide’s appointment, would not place any
obstacle in the way of his getting a permanent place in the Education
Department to whose ranks he will be a very valuable addition. Mr. Giles
had, undersigned believe, a high opinion of Mr. Hide’s qualifications as
Head of the Madressah, and undersigned too believes that Mr. Hide has
done excellent work there”.
This was forwarded to the Educational Inspector in Sind, who by
 Makers of Modern Sindh 353

nature of his job was well aware of the operation and development of the
institution. He also in his hand-written note dated 26th February endorsed
his application, stating: “Undersigned has watched Mr. Hide’s work closely
for the last two years and has formed the very highest estimate of his
capacity. Previous inspectors have also thought the same as is testified by
their unanimous comments of his work. Mr. Hide possessed the keenest
sympathy with his boys and amidst many difficulties has effected a
wonderful change in the tone and position of the Madrassah”.
From the Educational Inspector in Sindh, his application went to the
director of public instructions in Bombay, who also knew Percy Hide
and admired his work. He wrote: “Mr. Hide is a born school master. His
whole heart is in the work, and his pleasure is to devote the whole of his
time to his boys both in and out of school hours. He is most skillful in the
management of boys and the zest with which he associates himself with all
their interests and pursuits gives him unbounded influence over them. It
would be a very great advantage to the Department to obtain the services
of a man who has actually been trained and found to be in every way most
successful”.
With such high recommendations, the case for appointment of Percy
Hide in the Educational Department of Bombay Presidency was forwarded
to the Secretary of State for India in London on 4th May 1903, who allowed
his appointment as principal of government-run Poona High School. This
brought an end to Percy Hide’s challenging but a highly productive inning
at SMI in June 1903.

(The above biographical account is based on the contents of the research

article “Challenges and Accomplishments of Percy Hide as Principal of Sindh
Madressatul Islam, Karachi, 1897-1903” by Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh,
published by Historicus: Journal of Pakistan Historical Society, Karachi, Vol.
LXVI. Issues. 3&4 (2018): Pages: 87-106. The reader is requested to consult
the article for the references given there.)
 TWENTY FOUR

Thomas Henry Vines

(Principal: 1903-1922)

Mr. Thomas Henry Vines is considered as the greatest of all the

Principals of Sindh Madressah. His contribution towards the cause of
Muslim education in Sindh and development of Sindh Madressah stands
next only to Hassanally Effendi. During his tenure as the Principal,
spreading over nineteen long years, the Madressah came out as the finest
educational institution of the land. He was the most dedicated and devoted
person, the Madressah ever had. He loved the institution to such an extent
that the last words he could scribe before his death were ‘Sindh Madressah’.
Most of the great men produced by this land in the 20th century, including
Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, Allama I.I. Kazi, Allama Ali Khan Abro and host of
others learnt their first lessons at his hand. It was because of his efforts that
more than half of the Madressah was built.
Not much is known about previous life of Mr. Vines except that he
belonged to one of the most respected families of England. His father was
the Rector of Fickertone Abbey in Linconshire. One of his brothers was an
army officer. Mr. Vines had done his masters from Oxford University and
356 Thomas Henry Vines

then had joined the faculty of Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College of

Aligarh in India. From there he came to take over as the Principal of Sindh
Madressah in 1903. During the nineteen years of his tenure as Principal,
Mr. Vines and his team transformed the institution into a model seat of
learning.
As per record of the Madressah, the matter of the appointment of
Mr. Vines came before the management board in a special meeting held
on 29th August 1903, with Mr. R. P. Barrow, Collector of Karachi and
Vice President of the Board-in-Chair. Others, who attended the meeting
included Mr. H. W. Hayward, Sardar Muhammad Yaqoob, Seth Yousufali
Alibhoy, Seth Ghulamali G Chagla, Kazi Haji Shafi Muhammad, Seth
Abdul Rahim Saleh Muhammad, Shaikh M. Suleman Jan Muhammad, Mr
Abdul Kadir Umer Khan, Syed Muhammad Shah and Acting Principal,
Mr. D. P. Kotwal. The Board passed a resolution, which read as under:
Papers regarding the appointment of a new Principal received
from the Commissioner in Sindh and President Sindh Madressah
Board were placed before the Board. After discussion, the Board
resolved that the post of Principal be offered to Mr. T. H. Vines of
Aligarh College, on a salary of Rs. 450 with annual increments of
Rs. 50/= upto Rs. 700 per month with free quarter. The Principal to
hold his appointment on three years’ probation after which he will
be confirmed by the Sindh Madressah Board, with the right (on
both sides) to terminate engagement at any time on six months’
notice. Mr. Vines to be informed that the Board regrets that they
are unable at present, to promise any further increase of the limit
of Rs. 700 as pay.
Mr. Vines accepted the offer and joined Sindh Madressah on 15th
September 1903. He was fortunate in sense that he inherited a very
dedicated and devoted group of teachers. Mr. D. P. Kotwal, a very learned
and dutiful Parsi (Zoroastrian) gentleman had been working as the Vice-
 Makers of Modern Sindh 357

Principal for many years. He had also officiated as the principal for some
time and was aware of Sindh Madressah’s peculiarities. Affectionately
called as Kaka Kotwal, he was a person without any personal ambition
and full of sincerity for the cause of Muslim education. Mr. Vines had also
the privilege of having an extraordinary scholarly person like Khawaja Ali
Muhammad with him as his lieutenant. Besides them, other important
teachers included Mr. Juma Tejani, Mr. Muridally, Mr. Parshotam, Mr.
Lalchand Amardinomal, Mr. Patwardhan, Sayed Muhammad Ali, Mr.
Muhammad Hassan Solangi, Mr. Muhammad Saleh Bhatti and others like
them. They formed an efficient team under the leadership of their Principal.
The foremost task taken by Mr. Vines and his team was to expand the
available opportunities of free education to the poor people. The founder
of the institution has initiated a scheme of free boarding under which
one talented boy from each of the taluka was awarded free boarding and
lodging. In those days, there were fifty-two talukas in Sindh. Only after
completion of the studies of one student from a taluka, another pupil
belonging to that taluka was awarded freeship. This certainly restricted
the opportunities for the underprivileged parents to get their children
educated. But the institution had no other option in face of severe financial
constraints. On assuming the charge, Mr. Vines realized the lacunas in the
system and resolved to do something to bring maximum possible number
of students to the folds of education from the poor families of Sindh.
At this juncture, Khawaja Ali Muhammad suggested to initiate a
new scheme under which the expenses of the education, boarding and
lodging of deserving students were to be borne by the charitable donors.
Mr. Vines liked the idea and at once issued appeals to philanthropists and
local bodies interested in promotion of Muslim education. The appeal got
encouraging response. Many came forward with several sponsorships for
the poor Muslim boys. Prominent donors were Wadero Illahi Bux Khan
Bhutto, Sardar Muhammad Yakub, Haji Abdullah Haroon and Mr Ghulam
Ali Chagla. Khairpur State also contributed a lot under this scheme. In
358 Thomas Henry Vines

addition to this scheme, an ‘Eight Anna Fund’ was also created under
which the poorest of the poor could, if he or she desired so, contribute half
of a rupee for the education of poorer boys.
These schemes resulted in gradual increase in the number of
students, particularly from the remote areas of the province. This created
demand for the accommodation in the boarding house. The institution was
then having only one hostel Talpur House, which was not able to cope with
the demand. The sheds of the Qafila-Seraie were still intact, but with the
passage of time their condition was deteriorating at fast pace. Mr Vines
allowed many boys to live with him in the newly constructed principal’s
residence, where he and his wife occupied two rooms on the upper story.
The ground floor portion was given to the outstanding students. But, the
number of boarders kept on increasing and with every passing day, the
need for additional hostel was being felt badly. The financial position of the
Madressah, however, did not allow for the construction of any additional
hostel. But, these constraints could not stop Mr. Vines from his resolve to
add more buildings to the Madressah.
Mr Vines decided to persuade the wealthy people of the province to
come forward for the cause of education and extend financial help for
the construction of hostel. During summer and winter vacations, when
the teachers and the taught enjoyed their holidays, Mr. Vines went in the
remotest and faraway areas of the province to get donations. Response to
his efforts was tremendous and the money started pouring in. Gradually,
all the old structures of Qafila-Seraie were pulled down and three big hostel
blocks – Hassanally House (1909), Khairpur House (1910) and Sardar
House (1919) – were erected in their place. The rulers of Khairpur state
contributed half of the cost towards the construction of Khairpur House,
while the expenditure on the construction of Sardar House was met jointly
from the public donations and the financial assistance from the Wazir of
Khairpur state Sardar Muhammad Yakoob.
 Makers of Modern Sindh 359

Within a period of about eight years since Mr. Vines’ joining, Sindh
Madressah was transformed into an internationally acclaimed seat of
learning with cosmopolitan culture. Its teachers were drawn from various
communities of the subcontinent like Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and Jews,
of course Muslims forming the majority. Similarly, the students also came
from varied backgrounds. In addition to Sindhi boys, students belonging
to India, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Arabia also came to get education
here. They all lived in the boarding houses, living right at the foundation
of education itself. It instilled discipline in the lives of the boarders, who
had to compulsorily go for prayers to either of the mosque, where a regular
roll call was taken. Meals were served in the dining hall invariable in time.
There were three classes of boarders, depending on their financial strength.
Monthly charges for first class were twenty-five rupees, for inter class fifteen
rupees, and for third class ten rupees only. A system of night tuition was in
vogue. The dining hall and the night-tuition hall were usually lighted with
kerosene lamps, as there was no electricity available as yet.
The academic year commenced in January and ended in December.
Sindh Madressah was affiliated to the University of Bombay, which
conducted the matriculation examinations. The prime most concern of
the teachers and the students was the teaching and learning. However,
healthier extracurricular activities were encouraged in the off times.
The fortnightly debates were a regular feature of the academic program.
Principal Vines, Khawaja Sahib and Mr Shirazi usually presided over the
contests. Sometimes, the Principal invited eminent personalities to address
the faculty and students on important topics. Sport was another significant
feature of Sindh Madressah during Mr. Vines tenure. He brought out the
best talent among the students in this filed. The result of these efforts
was that the Sindh Madressah won championship for several years in the
school games. In addition to that, picnics and sightseeing programs for the
students were arranged from time to time.
360 Thomas Henry Vines

Mr. Vines left lasting impressions on the minds of his students. Almost
all the students of his time have praised him like a paragon. Sir Shahnawaz
Bhutto, who led the movement for Sindh’s separation from Bombay in
nineteen thirties, also remained student of Sindh Madressah during Mr.
Vines tenure. In his memoirs, he has remembered Mr. Vines and his wife
in most intimate words and has described them as “kind” people who
were sympathetic towards the Muslims. Another student of Mr. Vines’
time, Mir Muhammad Shah has narrated a story to describe another
aspect of his Principal’s benevolent character. This boy was admitted in the
Madressah under charity scheme introduced by Mr. Vines. Two years after
his admission, his benefactor discontinued his allowance. The boy was left
with no other choice but to go back home ending his studies at school. He
went to Mr. Vines and apprised him of his misfortune. Mr. Vines gave a
deep thought to it and after few moments took a slip of paper, scribed a few
words on it and directed the boy to take it to Khawaja Ali Muhammad, the
superintendent of the boarding house. The boy found that Mr. Vines had
written these words on the slip: ‘Khawaja Sahib, please keep him on my
account.’ The boy later learnt that this European gentleman used to pay the
charges of a large number of poor boys from his personal pocket.
Mr. Vines, himself a Christian, never allowed any discrimination on
basis of religion, caste or creed. Being a dedicated and a true teacher, he
catered for the needs of his students and tried to provide them the best.
During his tenure at the Madressah, the parent of a student desired that
their son should study Arabic as second language. At that time, there was
no other student studying Arabic at Sindh Madressah, hence no Arabic
teacher. The class teacher of that particular class advised the student to
change his option and forwarded the matter to principal Vines with
recommendation that either the request be regretted or the boy be asked
to leave the school and study somewhere else. But, Mr. Vines decided
otherwise. He did not want to discourage the student from learning the
 Makers of Modern Sindh 361

language of his choice. Hence, the institution engaged the services of

an Arabic teacher for just one student! When the boy appeared in the
annual matriculation examination of Bombay University, he was given a
handwritten question paper for his Arabic subject. To his utter surprise, he
came to know that he was the only student with Arabic as second language
in the entire Bombay Presidency that year.
The affection of Mr. Vines for his students was not confined to their
stay at the Madressah only. He used to help them even after their leaving
the institution. Once, the father of one of his ex-student passed away, while
the boy was studying in DJ College. Those were the terrible days when as
the result of First World War, the economic conditions for poor people in
India were extremely difficult. With the death of his father, the boy had not
only to support his poor family but also bear expenses of his education.
There seemed only one option: to abort the studies and seek employment
somewhere. He approached his ex-principal Mr. Vines for advice, who not
only persuaded him to stick to his studies, but also planned a way that
could enable him to support his family. The way out was that the needy
boy should teach a wealthier student of the Madressah Mr. Nabi Bakhsh
Bhutto, on remuneration of twenty-five rupees per month. The boy had
already been awarded with a scholarship of fifteen rupees per month. This
tuition brought his total income to forty, out of which he contributed thirty
to his family and spent ten rupees on himself. Thus, Mr. Vines saved the
academic life of one of his old students.
But, despite his love, affection and caring for his students, Mr. Vines
was very strict in matters of discipline. He had forbidden the students from
taking part in any sort of negative political activity within or outside the
premises of the institution until they completed their education. Once, few
students of senior classes residing in the boarding house got involved in a
political quarrel and came to blows. One of his former students, who was
studying in the DJ Sindh College, whom Mr. Vines had allowed to stay
362 Thomas Henry Vines

in the Madressah boarding house, also took part in the fight. Mr. Vines
rusticated the guilty students from the Madressah and imposed a ban on
the entry of that ex-student. Not only this, he wrote the Principal of DJ
College to take disciplinary action against that student. This aspect of Mr.
Vines’ personality helped in creating an atmosphere of discipline in the
institution for all his years.
Mr. Vines’ contribution towards the institution had been enormous.
Within only a period of month after assuming the charge of the Principal,
he brought out a monthly magazine. He was a teacher known for his power
of expression and fertility of imagination. During his tenure, the Madressah
excelled in curricular as well as co-curricular activities. Apart from three
boarding houses, the sanatorium building, which serves as the Principal’s
House at present, was built with the efforts of Mr. Vines. In fact, the last
building before the Girls School (constructed during my tenure in 1996)
was Sardar House, built in 1919 during Mr. Vines’ tenure. He helped found
the Old Boy’s Association. He also founded many students’ societies and
clubs such as Vines Debating Society, Duty Shop, Hassanally Club, Talpur
Club etc. He was a dedicated worker who was often seen working at his
desk, planning something new, something original, something good, and
something of lasting and beneficial value for the Muslim youth of Sindh.
Kind to his heart, he never hesitated to write a line of recommendation for
anyone who approached him for a just cause.
By year 1919, this remarkable Principal of Sindh Madressah fell ill
and proceeded to England on long leave. The management board decided
to borrow the services of some other officer from the Department of
Education on deputation during Mr. Vines’ absence. The Government of
Bombay sent Mr. S.D Contractor, who remained on the post till return of
Mr. Vines in 1922. But shortly afterwards, Mr. Vines health deteriorated
once again, compelling him to proceed on leave again. This time, the charge
was handed over to the Vice-Principal Mr Muridally. Despite treatment in
 Makers of Modern Sindh 363

London, Mr. Vines’ health could not improve. Finally, few moments before
his death in July 1922 at a hospital in London, unable to speak, he asked
for a piece of paper and a pencil. The Last words he scribed were ‘Sindh
Madressah’. Before he could complete his message, he expired. With this,
the Madressah lost his most sympathetic principal, who devoted his entire
life for the cause of Muslim education in the subcontinent. May Eternity
bless his soul.

Select Bibliography:
1. Sindh Madressah: A Journey Through Times by Muhammad Ali Shaikh,
published by Sindh Madressatul Islam in 1995.
2. Sindh Madressah Chronicles and other records of the Institution.
3. Old record of Sindh Madressah.
 TWENTY FIVE

H.F.L.T Harrison
(Principal: 1930-1938)

Mr. H.F.L.T Harrison was an outstanding principal in the history

of Sindh Madressah whose tenure as principal for almost eight years is
repository of sheer devotion and dedication towards the welfare of the
institution. His remarkable acumen in administrative affairs helped
reorient the institution on the path of stability that ultimately created a
disciplined environment. His vision was not confined to the boundaries
of the Madressah only, he had a wider imagination for the whole region of
Sindh wherein its diverse perspectives did not go unnoticed. His prudence
can rightly be observed in his advocacy of opening an agricultural college
during the Golden Jubilee celebration. He was also staunch supporter in
the cause of educating females.
The appointment of Mr. H.F.L.T. Harrison came into effect when the
tenure of Dr. Daudpota came to an end in 1930 and the post was advertised.
Mr H.F.L.T. Harrison, ex-headmaster, Bishop Cotton School, Nagpur, was
selected by the Board from amongst a number of qualified candidates.
He took the charge in January 1931 from Mr. Muridally, who had been
officiating since the last September. Mr Harrison was a graduate in science
from the University of Birmingham and Member, Royal Society of Teachers
366 H.F.L.T. Harrison

(M.R.S.T) (England). Mr. Harrison had also been in the military service
and at the time of his appointment, he ranked as a lieutenant in the reserve
corps of officers. Previously, he had worked as a master in a public school
in England as well as the head master of a European high school in India.
Mr Harrison’s tenure of eight years as the principal provided the
Madressah much needed stability. He enforced discipline and order in
the boarding house life of the institution. Once again, the academics also
improved with a fresh momentum. The Golden Jubilee of Sindh Madressah
was also celebrated in 1935 in a befitting manner. The extracurricular
activities were encouraged by him to a great extent.
Mr. Harrison was always concerned about the development of the
institution and therefore he paid serious attention to its each and every
aspect for improvement. He was also aware of the significance of well-
qualified staff and their satisfaction in the growth and progress of the
institution. For this objective, he revised service rules, conduct rules and
provident fund rules of the staff. Furthermore, at least one teacher went for
training course of Subject Teaching (ST) each term so as to enhance their
skills. Because of his tremendous efforts to provide quality education to
students, the Madressah was able to achieve glories that were previously
insurmountable. The students hammered all the previous records in
matriculation exams. In year 1933, students of the Madressah left far
behind the University of Bombay in respect of total Muslim students
passing the matriculation examination. It secured fourth position amongst
all the institutions affiliated with the university.
In order to encourage the students to opt science as a subject, a science
society was formed in 1932. The guiding spirit was science master Mr.
A.B. Talkar. The society organized interesting sessions in order to motivate
students of higher classes towards the scientific learning. The students
were taken on excursions to various places of interest that included newly
discovered Mohenjo-Daro.
In 1934, Mr Harrison had proceeded to England on a short leave. He
returned in January 1935 and the same year, the institution celebrated
 Makers of Modern Sindh 367

its Golden Jubilee. With his efforts, a number of schemes were planned
and proposed. These included the establishment of a girls’ school, an arts
college, a technical institution and an agricultural college. These schemes
were presented before the Board, but it rejected all of them with exception
of the agriculture college. The Jubilee programme was redesigned and
curtailed to the Annual Prize Distribution, the Jubilee Dinner, All Sindh
Inter School Sports and the publication of a Golden Jubilee Chronicle in
view of low budget.
The prize distribution was held on Saturday, 31st August 1935 in the
morning hours. The hall was full to its capacity. In the evening, the dinner
was served to over two hundred guests in the open space of the institution.
Mr. G.F.S. Collins, the Commissioner of Sindh presided. Other notables
present on this occasion were, Lt. General Sir Ivor Vesey, Mrs. Collins, Mr
E. Gawan Taylor, Commander and Mrs. W.H. Watt, Haji Abdullah Haroon,
Sahibzada and Begum Mir Faiz Muhammad Khan Talpur of Khairpur
State, Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, Miran Muhammad Shah, Mr Jamshed
Mehta, Brigadier N.M. Wilson and other important personalities of Sindh.
The speech delivered by Mr. Harrison, on the occasion was thought-
provoking. He raised a number of issues and gave his frank views. Speaking
on the necessity of establishment of an agricultural college, he said:
“Considering the uncultivated areas of Barrage land and the
fact that there is neither agricultural school nor college in Sind, it
seemed to me that the development of an agricultural branch was
definitely desirable. Consequently, I worked at the scheme and I
am glad to be able to tell you that with minor modifications, it has
been favourably reported on by the agricultural department”.
Perhaps the most important part of Mr Harrison’s speech was related
to the female education in Sindh. He said:
“One of my Muslim friends gave me some statistics regarding
girls’ education. As far as I remember the number of Muslim girls in
High Schools in Sindh is 60 and that of non Muslim girls is 15,000.
Well, we all know that is not the proportion of the communities.
368 H.F.L.T. Harrison

Muslims out-number others by 3 to 1. On the constituency of

the Madressah Board we find the words regarding its object: ‘The
Education for Muslim of Sind’. I therefore worked out a detailed
scheme for the girls’ branch of the Sind Madressah.”
After the Golden Jubilee was over, the affairs of Sindh Madressah took
a new turn, which was far from an ideal one. The Board that managed the
affairs of Sindh Madressah became involved in petty politics. As a result,
Mr. Harrison, the Principal, had to resign. The European Commissioner
of Sindh Mr. Collins, who was the ex-officio President of Sindh Madressah
Board, also disassociated himself from the Board. Thus, the British
Government’s official patronage, extended to the institution since its
inception, came to a sudden end.