University of Groningen

A qualitative exploration of the impact of the marriage equality debate on same-sex attracted
Australians and their allies
Anderson, Joel R.; Campbell, Marianne; Koc, Yasin

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Australian Psychologist

DOI:
10.1111/ap.12473

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Anderson, J. R., Campbell, M., & Koc, Y. (2020). A qualitative exploration of the impact of the marriage
equality debate on same-sex attracted Australians and their allies. Australian Psychologist, 55(6), 700-714.
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Received: 30 December 2019 Revised: 9 June 2020 Accepted: 26 June 2020
DOI: 10.1111/ap.12473

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

A qualitative exploration of the impact of the marriage

equality debate on same-sex attracted Australians and their
allies

Joel R. Anderson1,2 | Marianne Campbell1 | Yasin Koc3

1
School of Behavioural and Health Sciences, Australian Catholic University, Melbourne, Australia
2
Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia
3
Department of Social Psychology, University of Groningen, Netherlands

Correspondence
Joel R. Anderson, School of Behavioural Abstract
and Health Sciences, Australian Catholic Objective: In 2017, the Australian Government announced that a voluntary
University, Melbourne Campus (St
postal survey would be used to quantify the views of the Australian public on
Patrick), Locked Bag 4115, Victoria 3065,
Australia. marriage equality. This non-binding, voluntary postal survey—and the associ-
Email: [Link]@[Link] ated public debate—can be viewed as a discriminatory event for same-sex
attracted Australians. The exacerbation of minority stress likely imposed by
this unexpected event has resulted in an unprecedented demand for psycholog-
ical services by members of this community. Despite this surge of use, rela-
tively little is known about the specifics of the impact of this discriminatory
event.
Method: In this article, we present the findings of a thematic analysis of semi-
structured interviews that qualitatively examined the impact of the marriage
equality debate among a sample of 14 Australians (eight sexual minority and
six affected ‘allies’).
Results: Two themes were identified from the interviews, each with four sub-
themes: (a) personal impacts (emotional wellbeing, empathic concern, devalua-
tion, and connection to religion), and (b) social impacts (activism, avoidant
behaviour, social connections, and societal perceptions).
Conclusions: Overall, the findings of the current study reveal a range of intra-
and inter-personal negative impacts of public debate about the equal rights of
same-sex attracted people to marry. Moreover, the results suggest that the
impact is not only on this minority and at-risk group but also on their hetero-
sexual allies. These results can help inform future policy with the aim of
decreasing minority stress experienced by same-sex attracted people.

KEYWORDS
gay, lesbian, LGBTIQ, marriage, marriage equality, minority stress

This research was supported by an internal grant from the Faculty of Health Sciences at Australian Catholic University.

700 © 2020 The Australian Psychological Society [Link]/journal/ap Aust Psychol. 2020;55:700–714.
ANDERSON ET AL. 701

1 | INTRODUCTION
WHAT IS ALREADY KNOWN
Marriage equality has been a contentious social issue in
Australia for over a decade with a tumultuous political 1. A non-binding, voluntary postal survey was
history. In 2004, two Australian same-sex couples initi- used to quantify the views of the Australian
ated proceedings in the Family Court to have their Cana- public on marriage equality—following this,
dian marriages recognised in Australia (Farouque, 2004; the legislation was modified to allow marriage
Tomlins, 2004). However, before their cases were heard, beyond the traditional man–woman dyad.
the Howard Liberal Government passed the Marriage 2. The associated public debate was a discrimina-
Amendment Act (2004) (Cth) to prevent Australian courts tory event for same-sex attracted Australians,
from recognising same-sex marriages. By specifically (re) and this unexpected event exacerbated minor-
defining marriage as the ‘union of a man and a woman to ity stress experienced this at-risk group.
the exclusion of all others’,1 the Australian Government 3. Research has yet to explore the specifics of the
actively removed legislative ambiguity to prevent same- impact of this discriminatory event.
sex couples from being able to legally marry or have their
overseas marriages recognised in Australia. Several years WHAT THIS PAPER ADDS
later, same-sex marriage was legalised in the Australian
Capital Territory after the Marriage Equality (Same Sex) 1. A range of impact types emerged which could
Act (2013) was passed by the Australian Capital Territory be broadly classified as personal or societal
Legislative Assembly. However, 5 days after it was impacts.
implemented, the federal High Court unanimously voted 2. The majority of impacts were negative and
to retract this Act in its entirety, voiding the 31 marriages experienced pervasively by all same-sex
that had already occurred (Marszalek, 2013). The High attracted participants.
Court's decision resulted in the prevention of concurrent 3. In addition, these same impacts were also
state or territory laws that allowed same-sex marriage experienced by heterosexual allies, albeit to a
where federal law did not (Neilsen, 2013). This ruling, lesser degree.
along with the Marriage Amendment Act (2004) (Cth),
can be considered a clear example of institutionalised dis-
crimination against same-sex attracted (SSA) individuals
(see Anderson, Georgantis, & Kapelles, 2017; Herek & Even before the postal survey was announced, rele-
McLemore, 2013). vant national bodies (including the Australian Psycholog-
In August 2017, the Australian Government ical Society, 2016) emphasised the damaging effect that a
announced that a non-binding voluntary postal survey public debate and the associated devaluing social dis-
(The Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey) would be course could have on same-sex attracted individuals (i.e.,
used to officially determine the view of the Australian non-heterosexuals, which includes lesbian women, gay
public on whether same-sex couples should be allowed men, bisexual men and women, individuals as well as
to marry (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017). The those transgender, intersex, and queer individuals who
Australian government allocated $122 million to pay are same-sex attracted).2 In fact, a 2015 inquiry into the
for the postal survey from Government funds desig- Australian Government's proposed plebiscite on marriage
nated for ‘urgent and unforeseen circumstances’ equality recommended against a popular vote on same-
(Karp, 2017). If a simple majority voted ‘Yes’, the Aus- sex marriage due to significant concerns surrounding the
tralian Government would allow a bill legalising same- potential negative impact on same-sex attracted Austra-
sex marriage to be introduced in parliament lians (Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Com-
(Turnbull, 2017). The survey targeted any adult Austra- mittee, 2015). Relevant support groups emphasised that
lian citizen on the electoral role and had the explicit voting on marriage equality would devalue the status of
aim of informing policy, thus resembling a referendum sexual minority people by treating them separately from
or plebiscite. However, voting in the survey was volun- regular parliamentary votes and would subject them to
tary, and in addition, the results were informative and homophobia and harassment in the lead-up to the vote
non-binding (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017). As ([Link], 2017).
such, the survey was legally redundant to holding a The Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey was
conscience vote on same-sex marriage in parliament followed by the eventual legalisation of same-sex mar-
and was therefore criticised as being an expensive riage in Australia in December 2017; however, the pro-
delaying tactic (Harris, 2017). cess of being surveyed and the associated public debate
702 ANDERSON ET AL.

about marriage equality caused considerable harm to the to be worse than anticipated ([Link], 2017). These
psychological and emotional wellbeing of same-sex findings are in line with research conducted in the
attracted Australians (Ecker & Bennett, 2017). Through United States, where LGB people reported intense feel-
various campaign techniques, opponents of marriage ings of alienation and anger as a result of the devaluing
equality publicly questioned the normality and morality social discourse associated with public debate about mar-
of people who are involved in same-sex relationships or riage equality (Rostosky, Riggle, Horne, Denton, &
identify as same-sex attracted (Quinn, 2018). Figure 1 Huellemeier, 2010; Rostosky, Riggle, Horne, &
presents an example of such an advertisement, which has Miller, 2009).
been criticised for its unfound base which is reliant on
misinformation and harmful stereotypes.
Exposure to such negative media messages was found 2 | MINORITY STRESS THEORY:
to have an impact on same-sex attracted Australians EVIDENCE FROM THE
during the survey period (Verrelli, White, Harvey, & AUSTRALIAN POSTAL SURVEY
Pulciani, 2019). More specifically, in an online survey of
1,305 lesbian, gay, and bisexual Australians, more fre- Theoretical conceptualisations of minority stress can be
quent exposure to such messages was associated with used to explain the negative impacts on the psychosocial
greater psychological distress, and this was particularly wellbeing of same-sex attracted individuals being exacer-
pronounced for individuals without personal support for bated as a result of the Australian Marriage Law Postal
same-sex marriage from their immediate social circles. Survey and the associated public debate. The minority
Similar findings were reported by Anderson, Dredge, and stress model suggests that there are stigma, prejudice,
Koc (2020) who reported that increased engagement with and discrimination experienced by individuals in minor-
the marriage equality debate via social media negatively ity groups that are unique and persistent psychosocial
impacted their ‘yes voting’ participant levels of mental stressors, and that these stressors exist as a function of
health and wellbeing, regardless of their sexual minority being a minority group member and are not experienced
status. Unsurprisingly, this period was associated with by individuals who do not have this minority group
increases in the number of same-sex attracted Australians membership (Meyer, 1995, 2003). Due to their minority
seeking help for mental health issues such as depression status, same-sex attracted individuals are continually
and anxiety (Gartrell, 2017). According to one survey, exposed to external stressors such as the experience or
more than 90% of LGBTIQ+ Australians reported that threat of hate-based discrimination and violence (which
the postal vote had a negative impact on them (Ecker & has been linked to attitudes towards same-sex marriage,
Bennett, 2017), and a large-scale study reported that over see Anderson, Koc, & Falomir-Pichastor, 2018) as well as
three-quarters of their 3,300 LGBTI participants were internal stressors, such as rejection expectation, identity
negatively impacted by the survey and two-thirds found concealment, and internalised stigma (Meyer, 2003). The
their experiences during the period of the postal survey minority stress model proposes that as a result of these

FIGURE 1 ‘Stop the Fags’

(Murphy, 2017)
ANDERSON ET AL. 703

stressors, same-sex attracted individuals are at increased Hoffman, & Russell, 1994). As such, allies may experi-
risk of psychological distress and mental and physical dis- ence a version of the unique and persistent psychosocial
orders (Cochran, 2001). Compared to their heterosexual stressors faced by same-sex attracted people, and thus
counterparts, same-sex attracted Australians are three may also be impacted by sexual minority stress. For
and a half times more likely to be diagnosed with anxiety example, in a study, the supportive family members of
and three times more likely to be diagnosed with a GLBT people in the United States were interviewed dur-
depressive disorder in their lifetime (National LGBTI ing a period where their state-law was facing an amend-
Health Alliance, 2016). Same-sex attracted people also ment to limit marriage to only heterosexual people. They
have the highest rates of suicidality of any population in found that this process negatively impacted the physical
Australia, with sexual minority Australians up to 14 and mental health of these family members, in addition
times more likely to attempt to end their own life than to their personal relationships and their perspectives
their heterosexual peers (Rosenstreich, 2013). about the United States and its government (Arm, Horne,
The extant research exploring the impact of the postal & Levitt, 2009). Another study revealed that family mem-
survey and the associated debate on same-sex attracted bers of LGBTIQ people in states that had passed such an
people and has used mainly quantitative methods—A amendment to restrict marriage recognition reported
single study has used qualitative methods to explore greater negative affect than family members that did not
these impacts (Ecker, Rostosky, Riggle, Riley, & make this amendment. Importantly, these family mem-
Byrnes, 2019), in which they asked participants to share bers reported levels of negative affect that were similar to
their feelings about the postal survey in an open-ended their LGB family members (although they reported less
question format. Across their large data set of responses increases in stress; Horne, Rostosky, & Riggle, 2011).
(n = 5,313), participants described perceptions of per- A large-scale study from Australia collected data dur-
ceived impacts of the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and ing the period of the postal survey debate (n = 7,390)
institutional levels. There are advantages to qualitative explored the relationship between debate-specific stress
methods, particularly when the research question is and general psychological distress in a sample of self-
exploratory, as it can elicit rich and nuanced data that identifying LGBTIQ people (78%) and their allies (22%;
can be missed using quantitative methods (Hammarberg, Ecker, Riggle, Rostosky, & Byrnes, 2019). They found
Kirkman, & de Lacey, 2016). However, this qualitative that debate-specific stress was the strongest predictor of
research was conducted online and elicited relatively psychological distress for both the LGBTIQ individuals
short answers (M = 83 words). It is worth noting that the (sr2 = .23) and their allies (sr2 = .14) in their sample.
question eliciting this data was at the end of a fairly Anderson & Koc (2020b) also found strong evidence that
extensive quantitative questionnaire on stress, psycholog- the postal that both same-sex attracted and opposite sex
ical distress, and coping. As such, these qualitative attracted transgender and gender diverse Australians suf-
responses might have been influenced by the previous fered from poor mental health and wellbeing during the
questions and might explain the shorter (and potentially period of the postal survey. Taken together, these find-
less nuanced) answers provided by their sample. The first ings are revealing a pattern of sexual minority stress
major aim of this article is to conduct the first in-depth effects on non-heterosexual individuals. While the effects
qualitative exploration of the impacts of the postal survey of debate-related stress were stronger for LGBTIQ people
and the surrounding debate on same-sex attracted than for allies (Ecker, Riggle, et al., 2019; Ecker,
Australians. Rostosky, et al., 2019) and for same-sex attracted gender
diverse individuals than opposite-sex attracted gender
diverse individuals, these studies provides evidence for
3 | S TIGMA-BY- AS SOC I ATION: the impact of sexual minority stress on heterosexual indi-
MINOR I TY STRESS EFFECTS O N viduals. The second major aim of this article is to add to
A LL I E S this literature by conducting an in-depth qualitative
exploration to establish the range of the impacts of the
There is some evidence that sexual minority stress effects postal survey and the surrounding debate on allies.
impact not only same-sex attracted people but also their
heterosexual counterparts. One explanation for this could
be based in the knowledge that supportive family mem- 4 | THE C UR RENT S TUDY
bers and friends (i.e., allies) can be the victims of stigma
by association (e.g., devaluing or derogating the hetero- The Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey and the asso-
sexual person because of their association with a sexual ciated public debate regarding marriage equality can be
minority or gender diverse person; Neuberg, Smith, viewed as a discriminatory event for same-sex attracted
704 ANDERSON ET AL.

Australians. As a result of the exacerbation of minority qualitative research were invited via email to arrange a
stress likely imposed by this unexpected event, unprece- time and location of mutual convenience with the inter-
dented demands for psychological services by LGBTIQ viewer (the first author of this article conducted all inter-
individuals were observed. Despite this surge in help- views). Following a short introduction to the study and a
seeking behaviour, relatively little is known about the confidentiality statement, participants agreed to the terms
specifics of the impact of this discriminatory event. of their participation and provided written consent. The
A small body of research has explored the impact of sample were 14 Australians (Mage = 30.14 years, SD = 9.27)
this discriminatory event on same-sex attracted people who self-selected to be interviewed as a result of being
and has used mainly quantitative methods (Ecker, Riggle, affected by the marriage equality postal survey. More spe-
et al., 2019; Ecker, Rostosky, et al., 2019; [Link], 2017; cifically, the sample were eight self-identified sexual minor-
Verrelli et al., 2019; Anderson, Dredge, et al., 2020). A ity Australians (2 female, 6 male; 6 gay, 1 bisexual, 1 gay
smaller body of research study has explored the impact of queer demisexual pansexual) and six self-identified hetero-
this discriminatory event on LGBTIQ allies, and has only sexual allies (i.e., heterosexual individuals who actively
used quantitative methods (Ecker, Riggle, et al., 2019; support the social and legal equality of same-sex attracted
Anderson, Koc, et al., 2020). To our knowledge, no people; 5 female, 1 male). Participants were aged 18 years
research has used qualitative methods to explore these old or over, were based in Melbourne, and participated as
impacts for allies. volunteers (i.e., there was no incentive). All participants
In this article, we present the findings of a study using reported supporting same-sex marriage.
face-to-face, in-depth qualitative interviews to explore the Participation involved a one-on-one semi-structured
aims of the current study—to examine the impact of the interview with the researcher that lasted between 14 and
Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey and the associ- 39 minutes (M = 26) and were digitally recorded. A semi-
ated public debate about marriage equality. This existing structured approach allowed the interviewer to address
literature on this topic is relatively small, and in particu- themes relevant to the research question while also all-
lar, ours is one of few studies to explore both the impact owing relevant avenues of enquiry that were opened by
on both same-sex attracted Australians and their allies. the participants to be followed. All interviews were con-
ducted in English. Upon the interview's natural resolu-
tion, participants were provided with a debriefing
5 | METHOD statement and a directory of psychological services. Inter-
views were conducted in October of 2017, during the vot-
5.1 | Interview schedule ing period of the Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey
(12 September 2017 to 7 November 2017).
Data were collected through a series of individual, semi-
structured interviews using an interview schedule devel-
oped for the purpose of this research. The interview 5.3 | Analysis
schedule divided questions into four categories: (a) demo-
graphic information (including questions about age, gen- All interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed
der, and sexual orientation), (b) level of engagement with using semantic thematic analysis as outlined by Braun
the marriage equality debate, (c) general impact/s of the and Clarke (2006). The transcribed interviews were
marriage equality debate, and (d) the specific impact/s of entered into NVivo (2018). Once the transcribed inter-
purposely engaging with the marriage equality debate on views had been read a number of times to ensure famil-
participants. Questions were purposefully designed to be iarity with the data and gain an overall understanding of
open-ended and non-leading in order to elicit compre- participant responses, preliminary codes were generated
hensive participant responses about their experiences. from the participants' dialogue based on reoccurring pat-
terns. These preliminary codes were then developed into
clusters of codes based on similarity of participants' expe-
5.2 | Participants and procedure riences. Finally, these clusters were revised into meaning-
ful themes and named.
Participants self-selected into the study in response to
widely circulated paid advertisements on Facebook. When
participants responded to the advertisement, they were 6 | RESULTS
given the option of participating in a quantitative survey or
this qualitative study (for those individuals based in Mel- The data were examined to explore the impact of the
bourne, Australia). Those who expressed interest in the marriage equality debate on a sample of sexual minority
ANDERSON ET AL. 705

Australians and their allies. Participants' narratives were also reported anger regarding the misinformation and
analysed and two major themes were attained: (a) per- misrepresentation of same-sex attracted people in the no
sonal impacts and (b) social impacts. A number of sub- campaign's advertisements. Campaigns were perceived to
themes were found within these two themes, which are essentialise the many sexual orientations and identities
outlined later. that sexual minority Australians have, and reduced these
On average, the length of interview transcripts was into one single homogeneous category:
1,921 words, with 52.5% of each transcript consisting of con-
tent relevant to one of the two themes. Of this, 36.1% of Some of the no stuff—definitely around peo-
interview transcripts referred to personal impacts, and ple making general assumptions around my
63.9% referred to social impacts. The themes and subthemes sexual orientation—feels negative because
are described later and include direct participant quotations it's just lumping everyone together, and that
to illustrate key points. Quotations are accompanied by self- definitely makes me feel angry. (Participant
reported age, sexual orientation, and gender identity. #4, 27-year-old gay male).

Moreover, feelings of sadness were common among

6.1 | Personal impacts of the marriage both sexual minority (n = 4) and allied (n = 3) partici-
equality debate pants. These feelings were repeatedly attributed to the
negative attitudes towards same-sex attracted people that
A significant theme found in the interviews was the per- participants had been exposed to during the debate:
sonal impact that the marriage equality debate had on
both sexual minority and allied participants. Participants Like the billboards and stuff, that makes me
described a range of personal outcomes, resulting in four sad, like instantly…you know, you're driving
subthemes: impacts to emotional wellbeing; empathic and see a billboard like that and I'm just like
concern for same-sex attracted people; feelings of being why does that even exist… (Participant #14,
devalued; and personal connection to religion. Sexual 23-year-old straight female; see Figure 1).
minority participants were particularly vulnerable to
these personal impacts when compared to their hetero- A number of sexual minority (n = 3) and allied
sexual counterparts. (n = 1) participants also reported feeling stressed and
anxious as a result of the debate. Sexual minority partici-
pants in particular described the stress they were
6.2 | Emotional wellbeing experiencing as constant and consuming:

I feel diminished…I'm very aware of how I'm Is it impeding on how I feel? Yeah it is. It's
feeling constantly…It's certainly a stressor that fight-or-flight feeling—that's what it
that I don't normally have to deal with. (Par- is—and it's always there…it's always there
ticipant #3, 46-year-old gay queer demisexual and it's very much related to this debate.
pansexual male). (Participant #7, 47-year-old gay male).

The emotional impact of the marriage equality debate Experiences of stress was not only limited to psycho-
was highlighted throughout participants' dialogues. Every logical stress. One participant also emphasised the physi-
participant reported experiencing emotional distress to cal stress he was experiencing and how it turned him
some extent, with sexual minority participants consis- into a ‘teary person’:
tently reporting more frequent and intense impacts to
their emotional wellbeing when compared with their It's impacted me a lot—more than I
allied counterparts. Overall, four main categories of emo- expected. For example, I'm normally a fairly
tions were apparent throughout the data: anger, stress, bright and bubbly guy, but since this all
sadness, and hope. started I've felt like I might cry at any sec-
The majority of sexual minority (n = 6) and allied ond…like it might just start without warning.
(n = 4) participants described feelings of anger and frus- It's clearly having a stress, a physical impact,
tration, which were directed in large at people who did for it all to make me feel like I'm about to
not support marriage equality. Several participants cry when I'm not normally a teary person.
described feeling frustrated and critical of no voters due (Participant #3, 46-year-old gay queer
to their ‘ignorance’ and ‘close-mindedness’. Participants demisexual pansexual male).
706 ANDERSON ET AL.

On the other hand, a small number of participants (2 identifying as an ally). They were concerned because
sexual minority, 1 ally) also reported feelings of hope, their agency was disrupted when they were not allowed
attributing to their optimism that the debate would even- to make their own choice about marriage. Moreover, they
tually result in the legalisation of same-sex marriage: were concerned about younger members of their commu-
nity, because they did not have the right skills to cope
I still feel a great sense of hope, because I with such societal negative attitudes. Participant #7 had
know that this argument is really bound to experienced such negative attitudes when he was young,
resolve itself eventually. I know that there's and now as a 47-year-old man, he knew how to deal with
people who think like I do…and I know that it. However, he was concerned for younger people
that's increasing…So I still feel hopeful. (Par- because the debate had brought the ‘homophobia’ back
ticipant #2, 25-year-old mostly gay female). into their lives which was once thought dead. Overall,
through empathic concern towards the ingroup mem-
Overall, all participants reported elevated levels of bers, this debate seems to have increased solidarity
predominantly negative emotions due to the debate, and among same-sex attracted Australians.
how this affected their wellbeing. However, for some, the
debate also ignited hope through which they expected
change to happen. 6.2.2 | Devaluation

The vast majority of sexual minority participants (n = 7)

6.2.1 | Empathic concern and solidarity reported feeling dehumanised and devalued as a result of
the debate. Participants expressed that by debating the
Sexual minority (n = 3) and allied (n = 1) participants right of someone to marry a same-sex partner, sexual
described feeling concerned and upset for same-sex minority people were being considered as less than
attracted Australians: human:

It affects me more indirectly when I see peo- It's offensive even to think that you can
ple that are within our community. They're debate a small group of people's right to do
so upset by the fact that they can't make that or to not do something, to debate whether I
choice for themselves…that's how it affects not I should be allowed to take part in some-
me…because I identify as part of that com- thing that's so central to being human… (Par-
munity. (Participant #6, 44-year old ticipant #3, 46-year-old gay queer
gay male). demisexual pansexual male).

In particular, participants spoke about their concerns Feelings of being devalued were fostered by the fact
that the debate would have a significant negative impact that participants' agency was taken away from them,
on younger same-sex attracted Australians: not only because they were not allowed to marry whom-
ever they want, but also the decision to change this was
It's stuff that I've had to live though before, given to the whole society. This clearly disrupted their
which is where my concern of people who sense of agency and right to choose, making them less
haven't being exposed to this…I'm going use of a human. Moreover, the devaluation of same-sex rela-
the term homophobia because that's what tionships also had an impact on participants' sense
I'm seeing…they're not going to know how to of self:
cope with that and they don't have the cop-
ing mechanisms to see themselves through The thing that is challenging when I do read
it…I have grave concerns for younger same- the comments is the way that – and I'm
sex identified people who probably haven't going to have to use the word ‘devalued’,
experienced that and are going through it for only because I can't think of anything else -
the first time. (Participant #7, 47-year-old devalue my rights as a person. The love and
gay male). commitment I've made to somebody just isn't
the same as what two other people can do.
Both examples clearly indicate that the debate was The fact that they can be two consenting
not a personal issue for the participants, but it was about adults and joined into a union under law but
their social identity of being same-sex attracted (or of I'm unable to do so makes me feel like I'm
ANDERSON ET AL. 707

somehow inferior and unable to make my or completely giving up on their religion. However,
own decisions. (Participant #5, 36-year-old known as negative religious coping, this type of coping is
gay male). not beneficial for the self and is linked to negative mental
health outcomes. Therefore, it can be said that the reli-
The devaluation of same-sex relationships heightened gious discourses around the debate not only threatened
the differences between heterosexual society and the the non-religious same-sex attracted individuals and
LGBTIQ minority. The disadvantaged faced by the allies, but also religious same-sex attracted individuals
minority became more salient during the debate, and this and allies had to re-evaluate their connection to their
made them feel inferior. faith.

6.2.3 | Re-evaluating the connection to 6.3 | Social impacts of the marriage

religion equality debate

Although the majority of participants reported that they The second major theme emerging from the interviews
were not religious, the small number (1 sexual minority, was the social impact the marriage equality debate had
2 allies) who did describe themselves as practicing a reli- on both sexual minority and allied participants. Partici-
gion all highlighted the changing attitudes towards their pants described how the debate had resulted in a range of
faith and their church they had experienced as a result of social impacts, resulting in four subthemes: activism,
the debate. Some described a decline in their personal avoidant behaviour; social connections; and societal
devotion to religious practice: perceptions.

There was one church service I went to in

particular that was awful, they bought in a 6.3.1 | Activism as a double-edged sword
guest speaker who apparently had a gay
friend who was cured magically or what- Sexual minority (n = 7) and allied (n = 2) participants
ever…and just the way he talked about LGBT commented that the debate had influenced them to pub-
people made it seem like we're diseased. That licly advocate for same-sex marriage and increase their
was the last service I attended in the last few involvement in same-sex marriage activism-related
months. I haven't gone back since. (Partici- activity:
pant #8, 27-year-old bisexual female).
I spent some time last week delivering post-
Clearly, this person experienced exclusion from her ers to local businesses in my area about yes
social group. However, as a person who identifies both [campaign]. Simply because I think it is
religious and bisexual, this exclusion creates identity con- something that I do believe in so it's impor-
flict where one does not feel accepted by their own group tant to get amongst. (Participant #5, 36-year-
members, which is related to isolation and negative well- old gay male).
being outcomes. Similarly, other participants described
their changing relationship with their faith: Other forms of activism included participants fre-
quently using social media to express their support of
I was a Christian until very recently, when I same-sex marriage:
started realizing that my beliefs did not gel
with what the church was telling me I I remember when they first said that the vote
should believe. I have found that during this was going public…I put up a status on
debate I have wanted to keep removing Facebook saying ‘I'm so excited—I can
myself further and further from the church. I finally vote yes.’ (Participant #9, 22-year-old
no longer see love and support in the church, straight female).
I only see a lot of hate and bigotry. (Partici-
pant #14, 23-year-old straight female). Together with the emotions like anger created as a
response to the debate and developing an empathic con-
In both cases, it is clear that the debate resulted in cern for same-sex attracted individuals and their allies,
identity threat for both participants. They both coped some participants felt that engaging in activism was one
with this by reducing their identification with their faith way to address the injustice they felt about the debate.
708 ANDERSON ET AL.

These are known as typical drivers of collective action for I don't meet new people anymore, and I keep
social change (i.e., anger, efficacy, ingroup identification; to myself… Cause I just don't wanna get
Van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, 2008), and both sexual hurt…I wake up and I start the day now as a
minority and allied participants engaged with these cold bitch… like it's my starting point now, to
factors. avoid getting hurt. It's now my daily routine
On the other hand, some participants also described – I start on a more intense level of distance….
the negative effects of activism, often reporting feeling more and more distance between myself and
conflicted between wanting to advocate for same-sex other people… (Participant #2, 25-year-old
marriage, but feeling as though they needed to avoid mostly gay female).
engaging in the debate for their own wellbeing:
Overall, avoidant behaviour was used as a coping
I'm actually getting to the point that I need strategy to protect wellbeing from the negative impact of
to actually just stay away from Facebook. It's the debate.
a catch-22 because you feel compelled to par-
take, you read some of the comments…it
does impact you and you go ‘I shouldn't be 6.3.3 | Social connections at stake
doing that’ but then there's that other part
that goes ‘but I should be because I need to The implications of the marriage equality debate on par-
actually give that balanced view’. There's ticipants' social connections were highlighted throughout
almost a tug of war going on - I need to stand participants' dialogue. These impacts were often depen-
up for myself and my people, but at the same dent on whether there was a similarity or difference in
time it's not great for my own well-being to opinion regarding same-sex marriage, with all sexual
be privy to some of the hateful speech that's minority (n = 8) and many allied (n = 4) participants
actually come through. (Participant #7, 47- reporting a clear impact on their social connections:
year-old gay male).
It strangely made me really aware of all the
people who would want same-sex marriage,
6.3.2 | Avoidant behaviour as coping and I guess surprised me by some people
who were like suddenly on social media pip-
Similar to the participant above who felt ambivalent ing up about it and it gives me a bit more
about activism, every sexual minority participant (n = 8) respect for those people. (Participant #14, 23-
and most allied participants (n = 5) also reported year-old straight female).
instances of actively avoiding becoming involved in the
debate in order to reduce the negative impacts of the I was just like ‘whoa, I never expected you
debate on their emotional wellbeing. guys to be so closed and judgmental’, so I
just cut them out of my life… (Participant #9,
When I went on Facebook it was just con- 22-year-old straight female).
stantly about the same-sex marriage debate
over and over again, it was just depressing In these examples, it is clear to see that participants
and I didn't want to go on Facebook any- were positively surprised to see some support for their
more. I started hiding things, unliking a few choices and more broadly for their identities. However,
pages. I hid a few people I know from church there were also other cases where this was not always posi-
who I had on Facebook because their posts tive. In general, for existing relationships, the severity of
were really irritating me. (Participant #8, 27- the impact of the debate was often contingent on the
year-old bisexual female). nature of their current relationship. In particular, both sex-
ual minority (n = 7) and allied (n = 2) participants
As can be seen, this is a coping strategy to protect described the ways in which the debate had accentuated
their wellbeing by reducing the exposure to the debate the existing quality of their current relationships with fam-
especially through social media or through people who ily members, in either a positive or negative direction:
reminded them of larger structural drivers of this
debate like the Church. For some participants, this I've got a really supportive family who are
meant withdrawing socially in real life beyond social even more supportive now. (Participant #5,
media: 36-year-old gay male).
ANDERSON ET AL. 709

I can see that there are some extremely 6.3.4 | Reactions to societal perceptions
homophobic tendencies to him [his brother]
which infuriates me…so there are tensions The majority of sexual minority (n = 8) and allied (n = 3)
there. Would I talk about same-sex marriage participants reported how the debate had impacted their
with him? I'm barely talking to him so I view of Australian society, commenting that they felt as
wouldn't even approach the topic with him. though society was moving ‘backwards’ in terms of
(Participant #7, 47-year-old gay male). equality and human rights:

The impact of the debate on sexual minority partici- It's almost like society is trying to push you
pants' friendships was less severe than on their family back into that closet…so it's really going
relationships as the majority reported that they would be backwards. (Participant #7, 47-year-old
unlikely to come across people who did not support mar- gay male).
riage equality within their friendship circles:
It makes me think ‘is this really the direction
I don't have any friends who aren't support- that society's going in’…like it kind of makes
ive of same-sex marriage. (Participant #7, 47- me worry about the future. (Participant #11,
year-old gay male). 28-year-old straight male).

In contrast, allied participants often reported that ‘no’ In some sense, this could be interpreted as disappoint-
voters existed within their social networks, but that they ment in their own society. Sexual minority participants
avoided discussing the topic in order to prevent conflict: (n = 3) commented that the debate had made them feel
alienated as citizens of Australia and that they would
I know people who might vote no. Some of consider moving to another country if same-sex marriage
my friends have very strong views and I was not legalised as a result of the postal survey:
think they might vote no…you can sort of
feel just everyone's discomfort around the I can't believe they're doing this to us. It's just
issue. Because there's so much controversy, made me feel like I hate living here. (Partici-
everyone believes in different things…but I pant #2, 25-year-old mostly gay female).
think because no one brings it up I don't say
anything about it. (Participant #13, 26-year- To me, if your own country's not going rec-
old straight female) ognise your relationship, then that's a coun-
try that doesn't see you as being equal to
Overall, there was evidence from every participant other people…I would definitely look at mov-
that they had needed to re-evaluate their social connec- ing my life so I could actually be married in
tions to others in the light of the debate. Participants a country that supports that. (Participant #4,
mostly reported an increase in strain placed on their 27-year-old gay male).
relationships, typically based in finding out that either
new or existing social connections were against mar- Last two examples are extreme sense of feeling
riage equality. Participants either reported conflict with detachment from one's national identity. When partici-
these people, or the need to engage in avoidant behav- pants felt that they were not recognised as who they are
iour to circumvent the potential conflict. Less com- and on equal basis with others, they were ready to move
monly, participants reported that they (sometimes away where their sense of identity is affirmed and they
unexpectedly) found support for marriage equality in can be whomever they want. Overall, lack of recognition
their social connections. Participants mostly reported of one identity can have detrimental impact for other
this as strengthening their ties to their family and fri- identities within the same person.
ends, but none with new social connections (indeed,
most reported avoiding making new social connections
during the period of the debate surrounding the postal 7 | DISCUSSION
survey. Interestingly, these strengthened social connec-
tions may function as protective factor against minority This article presents a qualitative exploration of the
stress (Meyer, 2003) and suggest that there are positive impact of the 2017 Australian Marriage Law Postal Sur-
implications for coping and wellbeing (e.g., social cure vey and the associated public debate regarding marriage
approach, Jetten et al., 2017). equality in a sample of sexual minority Australians and
710 ANDERSON ET AL.

their allies. The current study found two main themes sexual minority people to feel like their religion and their
related to the impact of the marriage equality debate: (a) sexuality are at odds with each other and that these iden-
personal impacts—emotional wellbeing, empathic con- tities cannot be integrated (Anderson & Koc, 2020a;
cern, devaluation, and connection to religion; and (b) Anderton, Pender, & Asner-Self, 2011).
social impacts—activism, avoidant behaviour, social con- The second major theme emerging from the inter-
nections, and societal perceptions. It is worth highlight- views was the significant social impacts the marriage
ing that the majority of the impacts were negative and equality debate had on participants. Participants
affected sexual minority Australians to a larger extent described a stressful ‘double-bind’ between efforts to cope
than their allies across all subthemes. through activism for the rights of same-sex attracted indi-
viduals and the need to protect themselves emotionally
from exposure to negative messages and interactions
7.1 | Personal and social impacts associated with the debate. Although LGBTIQ activism
can be considered a specific coping strategy (Russell &
Sexual minority and allied participants reported signifi- Richards, 2003), research has shown that activism can be
cant personal impacts as a result of the marriage equality associated with increased stress for sexual minority indi-
debate. Although every participant described experienc- viduals (Levitt et al., 2009; Rostosky et al., 2009). Consis-
ing some form of emotional distress, the negative impact tent with the minority stress model (Meyer, 2003),
on emotional wellbeing was most severely felt by sexual engaging in activism as a form of coping appeared to
minority participants. Similarly, sexual minority partici- have exacerbated the stress experienced by both sexual
pants experienced the highest levels of empathic concern minority and allied participants due to increased expo-
regarding the considerable negative effect they believed sure to discriminatory messages associated with the ‘No’
the debate was likely to have on other same-sex attracted campaign. However, when the right drivers are in place
individuals. Older sexual minority participants were the such as anger, efficacy and ingroup identification, activ-
most likely to discuss this impact, with their concerns ism can bring social change as also can be seen among
focusing on younger same-sex attracted individuals our participants (Van Zomeren et al., 2008).
whom they feared lacked the skills or experience to deal Participants also reported that the debate tended to
with the increased discrimination and harassment associ- accentuate the existing quality of their current relation-
ated with the debate. While allied participants' narratives ships, with this impact especially salient for same-sex
included acknowledgement that marriage is a human participants' relationships with family members. Allies
right, only sexual minority participants reported feelings were more likely than sexual minority participants to
of being devalued or dehumanised as a result of the avoid talking about the marriage equality debate with
debate. people in their social network, usually in an attempt to
According to Haslam's (2006) definition, participants avoid conflict within their relationships. Participants also
in the current study experienced dehumanisation in the reported increasingly negative views towards Australian
form of the denial of uniquely human characteristics— society. This finding is similar to research by Rostosky
specifically, in this case the uniquely human characteris- et al. (2010) who found that LGB people often felt alien-
tic of marriage was being denied to same-sex attracted ated as citizens of their state as a result of legal amend-
individuals by heterosexual individuals. These feelings of ments denying same-sex marriage in the United States.
dehumanisation are consistent with research conducted Consistent with the minority stress model
by Rostosky et al. (2010) who found that after legal (Meyer, 2003), sexual minority participants were particu-
amendments denying same-sex marriage were passed in larly vulnerable to the negative impacts of the debate,
the United States, sexual minority people reported feeling with the increased stigma, prejudice and discrimination
like second-class citizens whose humanity was not associated with the Australian Marriage Law Postal Sur-
recognised. Others have also found that feeling excluded vey adding to the existing, chronic psychosocial stressors
from the Australian majority results in feelings of participants already experience as a result of their minor-
dehumanisation (e.g., asylum seekers; Hartley & ity sexual status. The addition of intense and widespread
Fleay, 2017). Finally, many of the negative messages public and political discourse regarding their right to
presented by the ‘No’ campaign used religious arguments marry a same-sex partner and exposure to the
against homosexuality (Quinn, 2018), and subsequently demoralising and dehumanising stereotypes presented by
sexual minority and allied participants who identified as the ‘No’ campaign are clear psychosocial stressors that
religious reported feeling alienated from their faith and contributed to the range of negative outcomes presented
church. This is problematic, since the evidence shows it in this study. This is also consistent with the evidence
is detrimental to the health and well-being of religious demonstrating that there are negative consequences for
ANDERSON ET AL. 711

gay men who believe heterosexuals endorse stereotypes aligns with findings from overseas, revealing detrimental
about them (i.e., meta-stereotyping; Hinton, Anderson, & impacts associated with public discourses about marriage
Koc, 2019). equality (Rostosky et al., 2009, 2010).
Finally, our work also aligns with the existing evi-
dence exploring the impact of such a discriminatory
7.2 | Situating these findings within the event on allies. Although ours was the first academic
literature work to use qualitative methods to explore the impact of
the postal survey on heterosexual allies, others had previ-
Our findings largely replicate and extend those found in ously done so using quantitative methods. For example,
the existing literature. The existing data, both from Aus- Australian research (Ecker, Riggle, et al., 2019; Anderson,
tralia and abroad, unequivocally reveals that same-sex Koc, & Lyons, 2020) has found that public discussions
attracted people are negatively impacted by such discrim- about marriage equality negatively impact LGBTIQ+
inatory events. However, the documented range of allies. Similarly, research from abroad has also found
impacts continues to expand. We found evidence for per- such public discussions can have a detrimental impact on
sonal and social impacts in our in-depth, face-to-face allies who are family members (Arm et al., 2009; Horne
interviews with both same-sex attracted people and their et al., 2011). Although these cases report negative impacts
allies, while the existing qualitative study in this field on allies, in all instances the impact was more severe for
used online open-ended response data from same-sex the sexual minority individuals. Taken together these
attracted individuals (but not allies) that was evidence for findings provide evidence for that sexual minority stress
intrapersonal, interpersonal, and institutional impacts effects can impact people who are empathic to the cause
(Ecker, Rostosky, et al., 2019). Our analyses elicited some of same-sex attracted people, even though they them-
of the same themes as those reported in the qualitative selves do not belong to this group.
analysis of short, online open-ended responses measured
in this research, however most themes that emerged did
so at a different ‘level’. For example, while both studies 7.3 | Limitations, future research, and
reported impacts to do with religion, participants in our implications
study felt saddened or angered by their loss of a connec-
tion to personal religion (and thus fell into the personal Although the use of qualitative methodology allowed an
impacts category) which participants in the other study in-depth exploration of the impacts of the marriage
reported feeling of betrayal and alienation from the equality debate on sexual minority Australians and their
Church (and thus fell into the institutional impacts cate- allies, it is possible that the results of the current study
gory). Other sub-themes of ours that also emerged in do not generalise to all same-sex attracted Australians,
some capacity in the Ecker study include emotional well- nor the entire LGBTIQ population. Participants self-
being (negative emotional responses), social connections selected into the study and may overrepresent people
(support with/conflict from others), and societal percep- who are willing to share their experiences, comfortable
tions (betrayal from state). disclosing their sexual identity, and deeply invested in
Our analyses did reveal some new themes that had not and concerned about the outcome of the debate. In addi-
emerged in the previous qualitative research. For example, tion, participants responded to an advertisement calling
our interviews elicited responses where participants dis- for participants who were ‘affected by the marriage
cussed feeling of being dehumanised, and of feeling levels equality postal survey’. This might have been inter-
of empathic concern for others. These sub-themes reflect preted as ‘negatively affected’, which could have
ideas that are somewhat more elegant than those reported impacted the findings by accidently targeting partici-
previously in the literature. Although speculative, one pants who are the most heavily impacted. However, it is
explanation for this could that the in-depth nature of also possible that people who suffered the severest
our interviews allowed participants to reflect on their expe- impacts of the debate did not elect to participate in this
riences in a more critical and reflective manner, thus facili- study as a form of avoidant coping. In addition, partici-
tating a richer response as a result of spending more time pants were from one Australian city (Melbourne) and
talking about their experiences. Additionally, our work were all employed in full-time work, and therefore find-
directly aligns with quantitative findings from Australia, ings may not be transferable to individuals living in
including overwhelming evidence for negative impacts rural or remote locations, or those experiencing a lower
(Ecker & Bennett, 2017; [Link], 2017), links to psycho- level of socioeconomic status.
logical distress (Verrelli et al., 2019), and decreased health It is vital that future research continues to examine
and well-being (Anderson, Koc, & Lyons, 2020). This also the impacts of prejudice-related stress events on sexual
712 ANDERSON ET AL.

minority (as well as gender diverse) Australians so that future policy and facilitate targeted mental health inter-
government policy can be developed and implemented to ventions with the aim of decreasing minority stress
protect this highly vulnerable group. In order to address experienced by same-sex attracted people and their
the negative personal and social impacts found in the allies, it is essential that policymakers, mental health
current study, further investigation focusing on methods professionals, and the general public understand the
to support sexual minority individuals and their allies negative impacts that the marriage equality debate had
during discriminatory events would be valuable. In addi- on the psychosocial wellbeing of same-sex attracted peo-
tion, future research could focus on better understanding ple and their allies.
potential mediators of the relationship between preju-
dice-related events and negative impacts, including adap-
ORCID
tive and maladaptive coping strategies.
Joel R. Anderson [Link]
Results of the current study build on the existing liter-
Yasin Koc [Link]
ature in this space (e.g., Ecker, Riggle, et al., 2019; Ecker,
Rostosky, et al., 2019; Verrelli et al., 2019; Anderson,
ENDN OTE S
Koc, et al., 2020) to further highlight the important impli- 1
Text presented in italics was added to the existing legislation in
cations for policy makers, mental health professionals,
order to prevent non-heterosexual matrimonial unions.
and the general public. Future policy should aim to 2
We acknowledge that there are transgender, intersex, and queer
reduce prejudice and discrimination associated with the
individuals who are heterosexual, and that they would also have
introduction and increasing prevalence of same-sex mar- been impacted by the postal survey and the associated debate.
riages into society, with the aim of decreasing minority Our data do not reflect the experiences of these individuals, and
stress experienced by same-sex attracted people and their so we have focused our article only on same-sex attracted
allies. In addition, an understanding of the impacts of the Australians.
marriage equality debate allows mental health practi-
tioners to provide targeted intervention to help sexual
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