Journal of chinese humanities 9 (2023) 247–263
[Link]/joch
The Characteristics of Rituals and Their Imprint
on Chinese Culture
Hu Xinsheng 胡新生
Professor, School of History and Culture, Shandong University, Jinan,
Shandong, China
xinshenghu@[Link]
Received 1 April 2023 | Accepted 19 April 2023 |
Published online 24 October 2023
Abstract
The concept of li (rites) in ancient China encompasses three levels of meaning,
namely: the rituals and ceremonies themselves, moral ethics, and a system of political
hierarchy. While these three levels are related to each other, they each carry specific
characteristics. When people today discuss issues such as the origins of rites, they
rarely analyze the concept of rites according to these different levels, thus causing the
topic at hand to be vague, ambiguous, and inchoate. In most research, both “rites” and
the “rituals” refer specifically to the level of the ritual per se. “Rites” include both folk
rituals and state rituals, the latter of which refers to what is commonly termed the
“rituals,” that is, the part of rites with state background and political coercion. The fun-
damental difference between the rituals and other statutes and institutions lies in
rituals’ performative, symbolic, and standardized nature. Their performative and
symbolic nature bestowed upon the rites a special significance and publicity function
which transcend everyday life. At the same time, their standardized and formulaic
nature made these rites highly organized and institutionalized, while allowing them to
reinforce the social and political hierarchy. The highly mature rituals in ancient China
allowed both characteristics of these rituals to be developed to their fullest, thus giving
rise to Chinese culture’s emphasis on performance and form.
Keywords
rites – rituals – the history of the rituals – Chinese culture
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248 Hu
Since the emergence since the 1980s of an increasingly active discussion
about China’s rituals, the research on the history of Chinese rituals gradu-
ally has become an important subfield of Chinese history. Currently, the most
under-researched area in the field lies in several fundamental questions relat-
ing to the rituals. For instance, topics such as the inner meaning of the concept
of rites, the definition of the concepts of “rituals and ceremonies,” the bound-
aries of research of the history of the rituals, the fundamental properties and
basic characteristics of rituals, as well as the impact of a highly developed
ritual system on Chinese culture, have always lacked satisfactory explanations.
The aforementioned gaps in the research, from the perspective of research
methodology, can be attributed to a lack of conceptual analysis. When ritual
scholars during ancient times, as well as modern-day academics, discuss the
rituals, their grasp of these fundamental issues is mostly informed by their
academic sense and professional experience developed over time, and they
generally do not conduct logical analysis of the relevant concepts. Naturally,
one can avoid the many problems associated with defining these concepts by
such fuzzy treatment of the subject. However, this can also give rise to con-
fusion and ambiguity in the meanings of certain expressions. Based on this
understanding, this article will begin by analyzing the multiple meanings and
nuances of the concept of “rites,” examining in turn the characteristics of ritu-
als as well as the intrinsic connections between those characteristics and the
culture of rites in ancient China, thus striving for a systematic discussion of
basic issues associated with the system of rites.
1 The Multiple Levels of the Concept of “Rites”
The concept of “rites” in ancient China took shape gradually during China’s
long history. The continuous extension and accumulation of its connotations
eventually gave rise to a concept with multiple meanings.
In the Shang dynasty (ca. 1600–1046 BCE), the oracle bone character feng 豊
(later 禮) was a composite character comprising gu 鼓 (drum) and jue 珏
(jade), which effectively denoted “ritual” using a combination of music and
jade.1 The composition of the character 豊 indicates that the Shang dynasty
had already abstracted the concept of ritual from a large number of pat-
terned ritual acts. However, the word 豊 in the divination texts mostly refers
to vessels for wine and liquor, and it is rarely used in the sense of ritual. By
1 Lin Yun 林澐, “Feng feng bian” 豊豐辨, in Guwenzi yanjiu 古文字研究 (Beijing: Zhonghua
Shuju, 1986), 12: 183.
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 249
the Western Zhou period (1046–771 BCE), the use of the word “rite” to refer to
rituals and ritual music was more common, but the Western Zhou people did
not yet regard rituals as an important moral and political concept. The gao 誥
(announcements) of the early Zhou period in the Shangshu 尚書, the Western
Zhou poems such as “Zhousong” 周頌 and “Daya” 大雅 in the Shijing 詩經, and
the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, especially royal edicts, do not mention
the idea of following rites and rituals. This indicates that the concept of ritual
in the Western Zhou period still mainly refers to rituals and ceremonies but
rarely involves other aspects.
It was not until the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 BCE) that rites
began to carry a connotation relating to the sociopolitical hierarchy and eth-
ics, and they were bestowed with an extraordinary importance above that
of general moral norms. After the collapse of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the
control of the royal family over the feudal lords was greatly weakened, and
the downward shift of power and the reorganization of political structures led
to unprecedented turmoil and chaos. In particular, the so-called li beng yue
huai 禮崩樂壞 (the collapse of rites and music) exerted a profound impact
on people of the time. These changes prompted the aristocratic politicians of
the time to contemplate the fundamental issues of social control and politi-
cal structure. Reflecting on history, they found that Western Zhou society was
stable because of the effective balancing and controlling role of “rites” – an
institution and mechanism in its own right – while society during the Spring
and Autumn period was chaotic and disorderly because of the destruction of
the set of ethics and social and political institutions represented by the rites
and music system. As a result, the concept of “rites,” which was not given much
attention up to this point, was elevated to unprecedented heights. Voices advo-
cating the upholding of rituals and promoting the rule of rites emerged, thus
giving rise to a new and hugely influential trend of thought which attached
much importance to rites. Both the core meaning and connotations of rites
were greatly expanded, so much so that they went far beyond the concepts of
de 德 (virtue), xing 刑 (punishment), xiao 孝 (filial piety) and you 友 (friend-
ship) which had gained currency since the Western Zhou period. By this point,
rites had become one of the most revered concepts which far surpassed all
other general moral norms in their importance.
The idea of ritual as defined during the Spring and Autumn Period consisted
of the following three levels of meaning:
1) Rites in the superficial sense refers to various procedural ceremonies, rit-
uals, etiquette, and things related to them. It is a generic term for rituals
associated with the young males’ capping ceremony, weddings, funerals,
sacrificial rites, and various formalities in social settings.
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250 Hu
2) Rites is an ethical and moral system that includes the moral require-
ments of filial piety, ci 慈 (generosity), zhong 忠 (loyalty) and xin 信
(trustworthiness), and is the highest morality and ethics that governs the
various virtues. This is the rite of propriety and ritualism. Yan Ying 晏嬰
(d. 500 BCE) defined rites as such:
When the ruler commands well, the subject follows. When the father
is kind, the son is filial. When the elder brother is loving, the youngest
brother is respectful. When the husband is mild, the wife is compliant.
When the mother-in-law is kind, the daughter-in-law is obedient. That is
in accordance with ritual propriety.2
This refers to rites in the sense of ethics and morality.
3) Rites refers to the political hierarchy, political order, and a series of
corresponding decrees and regulations. This is rites in the sense of the
hierarchy and the polity. When Shen Shushi 申叔時 (fl. 614–591 BCE)
of the Chu state talked about the prince’s education, he advocated
“teaching the rites, so that he is aware of the hierarchy,” “understand-
ing the hierarchy to educate him in the rituals.”3 Shen Shushi’s emphasis
is clear – the essence of rites is the hierarchical system. The chapter
“Fuguo” 富國 in Xunzi 荀子 contains a classic expression of rites on this
level: “In ritual, noble and lowly have their proper ranking, elder and
youth have their proper distance, poor and rich, humble and eminent,
each have their proper weights.”4
Seen from the perspective of the development of thought, the establishment
of the concept of rites encompassing the three aforementioned levels of mean-
ing resulted from the increasing depth, complexity, and richness of people’s
understanding of rites, a process which began during the Shang dynasty.
People first perceived the concept of “ritual” only in the sense of gifts and
presents, in particular specific tools, objects, and wines which could be seen
or tasted. Later, they gradually synthesized various ritual objects and various
worship acts, and abstracted the concept of ritual. Then, they discovered the
familial relationship and moral requirements behind the rituals. Finally, they
developed a decisive hierarchical structure underpinning the rites and norms.
2 Stephen Durrant et al., trans., Zuo Tradition / Zuozhuan: Commentary on the “Spring and
Autumn Annals” (Seattle & London: University of Washington Press, 2016), 1671.
3 Guoyu 國語 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998), 528.
4 Eric L. Hutton, trans, Xunzi: The Complete Text (Princeton & Oxford: Princeton University
Press, 2014), 84–85.
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 251
Differentiating the various layers of meaning of the concept of rites is of
great significance in developing an accurate grasp of rituals in China. Some
influential works on the history of the rituals published in recent years lack
analysis of the concept of rites, discussing issues such as the so-called “origins
of rites” in a vague and ambiguous manner.5 I consider this to be inappropri-
ate, because such issues can only be discussed after dividing them into several
specific questions such as the origins of rites, the origins of morality, and the
origins of the hierarchical system, among others. If we do not make necessary
distinctions with respect to the complicated and inchoate concept of “rituals”
in the broadest sense, any discussion of the basic questions associated with
“rites” is bound to become a futile exercise, since the topic in question cannot
be nailed down to allow for meaningful discussion.
2 Ceremony and Ritual
The first layer of rituals, that is, the superficial ceremonies and related sys-
tems, are the main subjects of research in the history of Chinese rituals.
Ceremonies are related to politics, the economy, the military, the legal system,
and morality, but they are different from any of them, and have their own
unique content and nature.
Rituals on this level are generally referred to as ceremonies or rituals. Cere-
monies or rituals can be regarded as having an inclusive relationship: ceremony
is a broader concept which can refer to all the ceremonial rites as well as the
associated systems, whereas a ritual is merely a part of ceremony. Ceremony
encompasses folk ceremony and state rituals; state rituals refer to the official
system of rituals. In other words, rituals can also be referred to as ceremonies,
but they are politically institutionalized rituals enacted by the state.
Both folk ceremony and state rituals possess the unique essential attributes
of ceremony. It is precisely based on these characteristics of rituals that people
are able to differentiate between ritual activities and non-ritual activities, as
well as ritual systems of the state and other state policies. What needs to be dis-
cerned now is, what are the distinctive characteristics of ceremony and ritual?
What are the unique characteristics that define ceremony (ritual) rather than
something else?
There is now a wealth of research on ritual issues in the field of cultural
anthropology, in addition to a relatively mature system of ritual theory. Some
5 Chen Shuguo 陳戍國, Zhongguo lizhi shi: xianqin juan 中國禮制史·先秦卷 (Changsha:
Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002), 9–15.
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252 Hu
monographs have pointed out that “ritual is used to indicate an organic compo-
sition of a series of different acts or representations performed by performers,
formal, continuous and non-fully coded”; “ritual is a performance performed
according to a plan or improvised, through which a transformation is formed,
that is, the transformation of everyday life into another connection”; “ritual
refers to an arrangement or procedure that brings together a series of symbolic
acts according to a certain cultural tradition.”6 These expressions emphasize
the performative, symbolic, and procedural nature of rituals. In understanding
and summarizing the characteristics of rituals in ancient China, we can do well
to draw on the discourse of cultural anthropology on “rituals.”
Comparing the duties of ancient Chinese ritual officials and the contents of
ritual literature, it is apparent that the essential properties and main character-
istics of rituals include two aspects: one is performative and symbolic, and the
other is formulaic and standardized. The so-called ceremonies are a series of
performative and formulaic acts that constitute a system of social and political
behavior. The so-called ritual is a series of regulations and systems established
by the state for performative and formulaic behaviors and related things.
All ceremonies simultaneously possess two kinds of characteristics – the
performative and the formulaic. Inversely, all social and political activities
which possess two kinds of characteristics – the performative and the sym-
bolic, as well as the formulaic and the standardized – qualify as rituals. The
factors distinguishing ritual activities from non-ritual activities are: whether
the activity in question is performative (symbolic) in nature; and whether it
has been stylized and standardized.
Since any ritual must be both performative and formulaic, and given that
both characteristics are related to each other, when determining if a given
action or system qualifies as a ritual or belongs to the system of rites, or when
defining the boundaries of the research of the history of rituals in China, one
must give due consideration to both characteristics. An action or system which
is formulaic but not performative, or performative but not formulaic, does
not qualify as a ritual and, by extension, also does not qualify as a subject of
research in the history of the system of rites. For instance, while such systems
as the official system, land system, tax and corvee system, military system, edu-
cation system, criminal law system, and lineage system described in the Zhouli
周禮 are highly formulaic, hierarchical, and institutional in nature, they are
not performative or symbolic activities of a specialized nature and should not
be regarded as being part of rituals. (Some generalized works on the study of
6 All of the above definitions are cited from Peng Zhaorong 彭兆榮, Renleixue yishi de lilun he
shijian 人類學儀式的理論和實踐 (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2007), 16, 14.
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 253
rituals include discussions on “feudal officials,” “taxation and rent,” “military
system and military tax,” “school system,” and “criminal law system,”7 which
actually fall beyond the scope of the system of rites.) The focus of the research
on rituals is on the rituals associated with these systems as well as the sym-
bolic methods used to present these systems, for instance the appointment
ritual associated with the system of state officials and the symbolic methods of
expressing these systems, such as the ordination rituals related to the official
system, the system of chariots, state robes, ribbons, and vessels, the system of
mourning rituals related to the patriarchal system, the ancestral temple sys-
tem, and the system of mourning dress. Most of the documents describing the
ritual system in the past dynasties, such as Lizhi 禮志 and the Tongdian 通典,
adopted such an approach.
3 The Performative and Symbolic Nature of Ceremonies
Most ritual activities, including various actions performed during ceremo-
nies, are performative in nature, while most of the various tools and utensils
involved in ceremonies are symbolic in nature. Being performative and sym-
bolic in nature, ceremonies are detached from the practical aspects of everyday
life. This characteristic is the most important indicator distinguishing ceremo-
nies from other sociopolitical actions as well as their associated systems.
We may analyze the performative and symbolic nature of rituals from two
angles. First, ceremonies are different from daily actions as well as socio‑
political activities which are performed naturally. Ceremonies are specially
choreographed to emphasize the significance of a certain event and to cre-
ate a solemn atmosphere. Ceremonies are intended to express and reinforce
such things as actual social relations, political systems, diplomatic relations,
military aspirations, and conceptual beliefs, which are closely related to the
content being expressed but are not the content itself. Owing to their emphasis
on expression and form, rituals are deliberately decorative, aesthetically pleas-
ing, imitative, virtual, performative, and symbolic. Second, ceremonies are
distinct from individual or private behavior, and they involve activities with a
special significance for a group or society as a whole. Given that a performative
or symbolic action must be undertaken with public knowledge so that others
can see and feel them, rituals must be public and demonstrative in nature.
7 Qian Xuan 錢玄, Sanli tonglun 三禮通論 (Nanjing: Nanjing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996),
325–434.
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254 Hu
A ceremony is a special set of actions performed according to social tra-
ditions or state regulations. Once individuals participate in a ceremony or
ritual, they must do what is specifically required of them, thus entering a seri-
ous, solemn, and passionate situation and atmosphere that is different from
everyday life, and they can only return to their daily lifestyle upon the con-
clusion of the ceremony. The intention of holding rituals is to transcend the
ordinary and showcase the special; therefore, it can be said that it is the nature
of ceremony to enhance certain emotions and behaviors. The “five rites” (wuli
五禮) described in the chapter “Dazongbo”大宗伯 in Zhouli8 and the rituals
recorded in Da Tang kaiyuan li 大唐開元禮9 invariably constitute performa-
tive and symbolic actions, and are clearly different from non-performative
regulations and systems. For example, the field ceremony held by the Zhou
king every spring mainly involved performative farming by aristocrats and offi-
cials, which was different from usual agricultural activities; the ceremony of
courtesy was merely a reception ritual and performance in diplomacy, with
most of the actual diplomatic negotiations taking place behind the scenes;
the ceremonies of drinking in the countryside as well as banquets hosting feu-
dal lords and court officials involved performative drinking; and the district
archery contests (xiangsheli 鄉射禮) and royal shooting contests (dasheli 大
射禮) involved performative archery. Among ancient ceremonies, the auspi-
cious rites ( jili 吉禮) of sacrificing to heaven, terrestrial spirits, and human
ghosts as well as the inauspicious rites (xiongli 凶禮) or funeral rites specifi-
cally conducted to honor the deceased, as described in the chapter “Dazongbo”
of the Zhouli, were rituals created from religious beliefs that were more distant
from daily life and were more performative.
The performative nature of ceremonies also manifested in the fact that
participants had to conform to certain special requirements in terms of their
grooming and appearance. Ritual texts during the pre-Qin (Paleolithic–221 BCE)
era are replete with descriptions of participants’ “ritual movements” (lirong
禮容) which involved the facial expression, posture, and demeanor during
the ritual. According to Shiji 史記, Xusheng 徐生 was an expert in rituals dur-
ing the Western Han dynasty (206 BCE–8 CE) who was unfamiliar with the
Confucian texts describing rituals, but specialized in the required “ritual
movements” – the school headed by him in fact consisted of professional
8 Sun Yirang 孫诒讓, Zhouli zhengyi 周禮正義, comp. Wang Shaohua 汪少華 (Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 2015), 33, 34.1557–1661.
9 Xiao Song 蕭嵩 et al., Da Tang Kaiyuan li 大唐開元禮, vol. 646 of Wenyuange Siku quanshu
文淵閣《四庫全書》(Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1982–1986).
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 255
actors.10 The “Rongjing” 容經 chapter in Jia Yi’s 賈誼 (200–168 BCE) Xinshu
新書11 comprehensively describes various kinds of rituals and the cultivation
of manners and gestures. The fact that the study of expression and grooming
could become a kind of ritual for a period of time was uniquely derived from
the performative nature of rituals, and it was unlikely to occur in political, mili-
tary, or legal fields outside of the ritual system.
Most of the ceremonial costumes and artifacts in the ceremonies were
not actually used in daily life, but were instead specialized items used during
ceremonies. The so-called “six costumes” (liufu 六服) of the king and other cer-
emonial costumes recorded in the “Sifu” 司服 chapter of Zhouli,12 the mourning
dress recorded in the chapter “Sangfu” 喪服 of Yili 儀禮,13 the combination of
the Nine Tripod Cauldrons ( jiuding 九鼎) which symbolized supreme authority
and objects which represented the status of aristocrats, various custom-made
burial objects, the seals and ribbons used by the emperors and officials at all
levels after the Qin (221–207 BCE) and the Han (206 BCE–220 CE) – all of the
above are iconic objects or ceremonial items. They are integral parts of rituals
and ceremonies, possessing a performative feature which transcends everyday
life. The only difference lies in the fact that the performance is conducted via a
symbolic object as opposed to a certain action.
The performative nature of ceremonies also suggests that ceremonies are
invariably public activities, which even carry a propagandistic element. Private
acts do not qualify as rituals. Some actions, for instance fasting before impor-
tant rituals, might appear to be conducted in private. In fact, its requirements
in terms of venue, time, and conduct of the participants conform to societal
norms and conventions. When one commences a fast, it is akin to announcing
to others that one is about to enter or has entered a special phase; therefore, it
is effectively a public activity. Such fasting comprises part of the ceremony, and
belongs to a unique form of performance. Fasting out of individual motives,
which is unrelated to public activities (for instance, fasting conducted by indi-
vidual followers of a religion), belongs to individual actions instead of the
realm of ceremony.
10 Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2013), 121.3771.
11 Jia Yi 賈誼, Xinshu jiaozhu 新書校注, annot. Yan Zhenyi 閻振益 and Zhong Xiaxiao 鍾
夏校 (Beijing: Zhonghuashuju, 2000), 227–46.
12 Sun Yirang, Zhouli zhengyi, 40.1953–2000.
13 Hu Peihui 胡培翬, Yili zhengyi 儀禮正義, coll. Hu Zhaoxin 胡肇昕 and Yang Dayu
楊大堉 (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2018), 21, 1747–2165.
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256 Hu
4 Transformation of Ceremonies into Formulaic
and Standardized Actions
Far from being random and haphazard acts, ceremonies are organized behav-
iors which conform to certain rules. This characteristic is interrelated with the
performative and symbolic nature of ceremonies. In other words, a ritualized
performance is not a spontaneous or arbitrary performance, but rather a for-
mulaic performance. It involves a set of fixed patterns of performance and
symbolism that have been handed down from generation to generation or
designed in advance.
The transformation of ceremonies into formulaic and standardized actions
mainly manifests in the following four areas. 1) Fixed procedure. Ceremo-
nies generally involve a relatively standard process with a clear chronological
sequence. Yili and other similar books on rituals mostly narrate the entire
process according to chronological order, beginning with preliminary prepara-
tions, followed by the core ceremony itself, before concluding with post-ritual
ceremonies. These ceremonies include both opening and closing parts, and
consist of clearly defined and sequenced actions. 2) Fixed venue and orienta-
tion. This characteristic bestows upon the ceremony a clear spatial dimension,
since the venue of the ceremony, the position and orientation of participants,
the position and orientation of objects, and the route taken by the partici-
pants all conform to the relevant guidelines or conventions. Ritual in ancient
China places the greatest emphasis on the significance of the “position.” Is the
left superior to the right, or vice versa? Should the procession face south or
north? How should the seats be arranged? Should there be dedicated seats? All
of the above are extremely important questions in the ritual which cannot be
taken lightly. 3) Fixed model of speech and actions. There are rules for cupping
hands, standing rules for ascending and descending, a fixed routine for singing,
a specified order for crying and dancing, a special method for drinking, and an
archery ritual for shooting. The rhetoric in the ceremony also often follows a
fixed pattern. 4) Fixed artifacts and costumes. The type, size, and quantity of
artefacts, the type of ceremonial costume worn, and the type of banner and
chariot used all conform to a certain class and specification. In societies with
developed rituals, “ceremonial artifacts” invariably form a neat sequence. The
more developed the system of rituals, the more detailed the regulations on
artefacts and clothing. The characteristics above transform rituals into a sol-
emn and well-sequenced activity.
Looking at a specific ritual, we find that its transformation into a formu-
laic and standardized action was gradually completed over a long historical
period. When a certain ritual first took shape, it invariably contained many ele-
ments of casualness and spontaneity. It was only during the following period
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 257
that people imposed an increasing number of regulations which grew stricter
with time, after which the various procedures gradually stabilized and became
fixed. The process of forming a ritual is a gradual process of perfection and
maturation of the relevant formulae, which finally became established.
How should we judge if a ceremony was formulaic to a large degree and
if the relevant regulations were supported by political entities and political
authorities? This is a difficult question for scholars who attempt to discuss the
origins of the system of rites. Pending the emergence of more reasonable and
operable criteria, I am inclined to date the formation of the ancient Chinese
state and ritual based on two traditional criteria, that is, the emergence of
bronze vessels and the development of writing. Other criteria are unable to
replace the emergence of bronze vessels and writing as the gold standard in this
regard. (Some monographs have employed criteria used in historical research,
such as the emergence of social division of labor or the patriarchal family,14
but such criteria are inapplicable to the research of the prehistoric period.)
A society that uses pottery ritual vessels and bone tool ritual vessels in large
quantities is likely to have relatively low productivity and a relatively simple
political organization; such a society would neither place much importance
on complex rituals and ceremonies, nor attach legal significance to them. A
society which uses jade artifacts for its rituals is likely to imbue its rituals with
an unfettered “shamanism” flavor; such rituals are likely to have a low level
of institutionalization and lack sustainability. I do not agree with expressions
such as “the ritual during the Longshan period.”15 While it is true that the size
of burial sites as well as the quantity and combination of burial objects were
relatively fixed by the Longshan 龍山 period (ca. 2500–2000 BCE), and that
those burial sites share historical connections with the ritual during the Shang
and Zhou (ca. 1046–256 BCE) dynasties, we can hardly argue that it constituted
a ritual which was mandated by a political authority.
The formulaic and standardized nature of rituals is key to the upholding
of the hierarchical order as well as the maintenance of the unity and author-
ity of cultural traditions. The key function of standardization is to uphold and
reinforce orderliness, while orderliness is mainly dependent on the hierarchical
order. Seen in this light, standardization is suggestive of the establishment of
a hierarchical order. Hierarchy comprises the cornerstone of “rites.” Following
the emergence of rites, the relationships between the senior and the junior as
14 Tian Changwu 田昌五, Zhongguo gudai shehui fazhanshi lun 中國古代社會發展史論
(Jinan: Qilu shushe, 1992), 4.
15 Gao Wei 高煒, “Longshan shidai de lizhi” 龍山時代的禮制, in Qingzhu Su Bingqi kaogu
wushiwu nian lunwenji 慶祝蘇秉琦考古五十五年論文集 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe,
1989), 235.
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258 Hu
well as the superior and the inferior became condensed into various formulae,
so much so that rituals are really concentrated manifestations of sociopolitical
hierarchies as well as the associated moral requirements.
5 The Impact of Rituals on Traditional Chinese Culture
Qian Mu 錢穆 (1895–1990) once told a foreign scholar, “To understand Chinese
culture, one has to stand higher to see the heart of China. The core idea of
China is ‘ritual.’”16 Not only are Qian’s words an accurate reflection of histori-
cal reality, they are also akin to a formula in their conciseness and impact. We
would do well to view them as a key to understanding the characteristics of
traditional Chinese culture.
Ancient China’s deep love of rituals, their sophistication, and the richness
and complexity of its ritual literature are unmatched by any country or nation
in the world. The seventeen chapters of the Yili, which detail the rituals of
the nobility in the 5th century BCE, are trivial and dull, but the Chinese state
has always mandated the study and research of those classics since the Han
dynasty. The state’s designation of texts that are as trivial and dull as Yili as
classics is certainly a rare and curious phenomenon in the cultural history of
the world. The sophistication of ritual literature reached unprecedented levels
during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty 梁武帝 (r. 502–549) of the
Southern dynasties (420–589), and in fact remained unmatched in later ages.
During that period, several ritual experts compiled “annotations of the rituals”
based on the wuli 五禮 (five types of rites), totaling 1,176 volumes and 8,019
articles.17 Without an extreme preference for complex rituals and customs, it
is hardly imaginable that both the emperor and court officials of the Liang
dynasty (502–557) could have mustered the passion and endurance required
for such an undertaking. Du You’s 杜佑 (735–812) Tongdian, compiled during
the Tang dynasty (618–907), was intended to trace the evolution of regulations
and systems of successive dynasties preceding the Tang. The entire book con-
sists of 200 volumes, of which as many as 100 recorded rituals.18 All of these
phenomena show a strong Chinese character.
16 Chen Yong 陳勇, Qian Mu yu 20 shiji Zhongguo shixue 錢穆與20世紀中國史學 (Beijing:
Jiuzhou chubanshe, 2017), 247.
17 Liangshu 梁書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), 25.382.
18 Du You 杜佑, Tongdian 通典, annot. Wang Wenjin 王文錦 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1988), 40–140, 1119–3586.
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 259
The highly developed status of rituals is bound to give full play to the two
inherent properties of rites, namely, their performative and formulaic nature.
This would in turn leave a distinct imprint on traditional Chinese culture
which emphasizes performance and standardization.
Appropriate grooming and performance in one’s conduct is a form of restric-
tion and regulation of people’s physiological desires or animal instincts, and is
a requirement of social life and a manifestation of human civilization. Proper
etiquette implies self-restraint, calmness, grace, and refinement, and reflects a
good upbringing and the demeanor of a noble gentleman. The essence of eti-
quette is respect, modesty, gentleness, and tranquility, which denies and rejects
unbridled indulgence, barbaric behavior, and vicious competition. Through
the advocacy of Confucianism, the beauty of ritual and the solemnity of the
ritual system are deeply ingrained in people’s hearts, and the demeanor of
being gentle, respectful, and frugal has become a common paradigm respected
by the whole society, which undoubtedly had a significant impact on shaping
the Chinese cultural character and the spirituality of the Chinese people.
A culture under the influence of rituals advocates peace and elegance. The
ancient Chinese ritual system experienced major changes during the Shang
and Zhou dynasties. Ritual during the Shang dynasty retained a strong “sha-
manism” flavor and carried distinct elements of witchcraft, so it showed more
characteristics of mania and restlessness. Following the establishment of the
Western Zhou dynasty, Chinese ritual gradually shed the influence of primi-
tive witchcraft and developed in a more humanistic and moralistic direction.
After the formation of the Confucians, Confucius and his followers consciously
rejected the “strange occurrences, feats of strength, rebellion, and gods” (guai
li luan shen 怪力亂神) and from then on, the manic, vulgar, and barbaric ele-
ments of the rituals diminished even further. The ritual life, with its emphasis
on performance and grooming, was generally a quiet, elegant, and civilized
life. The ceremony performers may have had their own personalities, but when
they performed ceremony, they would purge impulsiveness, irritability, wild-
ness, barbarism and other negative traits (at least temporarily), and become a
calm, gentle and courteous person.
Cultures under the influence of rituals revere humility and courtesy.
Self-humility and respect for the other person (human or divine) is the driving
force behind the occurrence of ritual ceremonies and is the essence of eti-
quette. One hardly comes across advocacy of high profile or arrogant behavior
in traditional Chinese thought. The promotion of modesty and the rejection
of pride can be said to have been the consistent creed of Chinese life for three
thousand years. The establishment of such values goes hand in hand with the
highly developed ritual system.
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260 Hu
The culture under the influence of the ritual system reveres solemnity, dis-
cipline, subtlety, and introversion. It is the character of rituals and the value
of traditional Chinese culture to pay attention to conventions and norms, to
esteem solemnity, seriousness, and implication. What is casual, spontaneous,
new, frivolous, and unsophisticated only belongs to the second or third class
in traditional Chinese culture. Among first-class works of art, the solemn and
somber style seems to be more respected than the dashing and elegant. This
orientation is perfectly consistent with the character of the system of rites and
the image of the gentleman in the Chinese mind.
The developed ritual system largely replaced the function of religion, allow-
ing Chinese culture to consistently maintain its cultural characteristics of being
highly affirmative of secular life, in addition to a strong emphasis on practical-
ity and pragmatism. The dominant religion in ancient China was a “diffused
religion” centered on ancestor worship,19 and the Chinese were not generally
interested in transcendental religious theories. Instead of dividing the world
into a binary world of secular and transcendental opposites, the Chinese were
more accustomed to infusing solemn and sacred emotions into humanistic life
centered on rituals. This kind of life centered on rituals is secular and sacred
at the same time; it is not an institutionalized religious life, but it contains
many religious emotional factors. It is in this sense that the American scholar
Herbert Fingarette (1921–2018) referred to rituals as “Holy Rite.”20 Traditional
Chinese rituals have actually played the same role as religion in terms of satis-
fying people’s spirit, upholding traditional morals, and uniting ethnic groups.
The well-developed ritual also played a special role in strengthening cul-
tural identity and ensuring the long-term continuation of Chinese civilization.
Objectively speaking, the standardization of rituals facilitated national and
cultural unity and the long-term continuity of culture. The numerous rituals
in ancient China inculcated every individual with values and morals passed
down from generation to generation, and served as an important channel for
moral education and cultural inculcation. The wider the variety of rituals and
the more frequently the rituals were conducted, the deeper their influence on
members of society. Even in times of national cataclysm and social upheaval,
the displaced survivors still clung on to the ancestor worship, funeral, and mar-
riage rituals and other rituals that have been passed down from generation to
19 C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion
and Some of Their Historical Factors (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1961).
20 Herbert Fingarette, Confucius: The Secular as Sacred (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland
Press, 1998).
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Rituals AND Their Imprint on Chinese Culture 261
generation. As a result, they succeeded in passing down their traditional mor-
als and values by resuming ritual life, in spite of these tribulations. The reason
why Chinese civilization has endured through all the hardships is certainly
closely related to the idea of “emphasis on rituals” advocated by Confucianism
and the consequent continuity of ritual life.
A distinctive feature is often both a strength and a shortcoming. The results
of the developed ritual system were not only positive, but the aberrant devel-
opment of the performative and formulaic attributes of rituals also deeply
scarred Chinese culture.
The performative nature of ceremony will inevitably bring about the
question of whether the performance matches the true feelings. Ceremo-
nial performances are easily disconnected from true feelings; this problem is
prominent especially in the era of changes in the social structure. People who
live in environments where rituals are highly developed and performative ritu-
als in particular are especially fanciful cannot help but modify their behaviors
to suit societal expectations. Excessive politeness, insincere humility, inordi-
nate emphasis on “face,”21 even pretentiousness, hypocrisy, and dishonesty are
all negative traits which are virtually omnipresent among the Chinese people,
who have been immersed in rituals and conventions for millennia. The forma-
tion of overly pretentious habits in society can be attributed to the emulation
of those habits, commonly practiced by the leadership, by those in subordinate
positions. If the ruling classes were overly concerned with ritual and obsessed
with frequent and meaningless political performances, the masses would inev-
itably embrace hypocrisy and pretentiousness.
The development of the ritual system also created a cultural trait that
placed special emphasis on formality and standardization. Ancient Chinese
rulers seem to have been fixated on the formality and standardization of ritu-
als and showed a high degree of fascination with standardization and all things
related to it. In terms of ritual design, the Confucian design of the weeping
ritual in mourning was arguably one of the worst excesses of ancient Chinese
rituals. This kind of funeral stipulated clearly when participants ought to
remain silent, and when they ought to beat their chests and wail loudly (the
chapter “Jixi” 既夕 in Yili mentions “the order to cry” [ming ku 命哭]22). At first
glance, such a weeping ritual might seem to emphasize restraint and order. Yet,
it completes destroys the solemnity in a funeral, is replete with hypocritical
21 Arthur H. Smith, Chinese Characteristics (Singapore: Graham Brash, 1986); J. Macgowan,
Men and Manners of Modern China (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1992); Chester
Holcombe, The Real Chinaman (London: B. F. Stevens, 1895).
22 Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 1146.
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262 Hu
performances by the living, and lacks reverence for the souls of the dead. The
emphasis on standardization in rituals was originally intended to prevent
excesses in individual behavior, but crudely designed rituals, when taken to
an extreme, only serve to suppress and stifle the best of human nature. This is
certainly a tragic result of the mature development of the system of rites.
The essence of standardized rituals lies in the maintenance of the hierarchi-
cal system, and the custom of attaching great importance to formulaic rituals
has greatly strengthened the sense of hierarchy. From top to bottom, Chinese
society is fixated with the details that mark differences in status, such as sitting
and standing, as well as acting in sequence, and follow them meticulously and
religiously. After following these rituals for a prolonged period, participants
internalize them as well as their underlying values, thus becoming automati-
cally inclined to follow established norms and defer to authority. When forced
to abandon the prescribed path, many people feel lost and disoriented. A con-
comitant development of this sense of hierarchy is the arrogance of superiors
as well as subservience and bootlicking among subordinates. This certainly
represents a pathological state in the cultural realm.
Finally, it should be noted that the performative and formulaic nature of rites
had a multifaceted impact on culture, which also became evident in the cul-
tures of neighboring countries as Chinese culture spread. Under the influence
of traditional Chinese rites and rituals, a “ritual culture sphere” took shape in
ancient East Asia. As long as there was a well-developed ritual system, the per-
formative and formulaic nature of rituals – both essential attributes – would
be given full play, thus leaving a cultural imprint of emphasis on performance,
symbolism, standardization, and conformity to norms. In this sense, revealing
the two attributes of rituals not only helps to offer a deeper understanding of
Chinese culture, but also provides a new perspective to fully understand the
cultures of other countries and nations in the “ritual culture sphere.”
Translated by Zhong Yi-Ming
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