Dog Mandibles: Symbolic Objects in Europe
Dog Mandibles: Symbolic Objects in Europe
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Dogs, jaws, and other stories: Two symbolic
objects made of dog mandibles from
southeastern Europe
Că tă lin Lază r1, Monica Mă rgă rit2 , Adrian Bă lă ş escu 1
1
National History Museum of Romania, Bucharest, Romania, 2Valahia University of Târgoviş te, Târgoviș te,
Dâmboviț a County, Romania
The relationship between people and dogs has its beginnings in the Palaeolithic and extends to
contemporary times. This paper explores the role of dogs in Eneolithic communities from the Balkans, with
a particular focus on two dog mandibles which were discovered in House No. 14 at Sultana-Malu Roşu
(ca. 4600 – 3950 B.C.) in Romania. The two artifacts belong to different excavation levels. The first
mandible was identified in the foundation trench which marks the beginning of the house’s lifecycle; the
second was found in the abandonment level of the house, marking the end of its lifecycle.
Archaeozoological, technological and functional analyses demonstrate the unique character of these
prehistoric artifacts, telling the stories of those who used, sacrificed and abandoned them.
Keywords: Eneolithic, southeastern Europe, dog mandible, synecdoche, Gumelniţa
Table 1 AMS radiocarbon dates obtained for the site of Sultana-Malu Roşu. The calibration of the radiocarbon dates was made
with OxCal v4.1.5 (Bronk Ramsey 2009). Calibration with 2σ confidence is based on the IntCal09 dataset (Reimer et al. 2009).
95.4% range
14
Sample no. Context Sample material Lab no. C years (B.P.) (CAL B.C.)
MD1 was in the eastern part of the fill, at its base (at footpaths, trenches, waste areas, pits or burials). No dog
3.14 m below the datum point of the site (FIG. 3B). bones have been documented in the cemeteries.
The second dog mandible (MD2) was found in H14 in The frequency of dog bones is very low compared
the abandonment level (s.u. 1318) near its western limit, with the frequencies of other domestic species
at 2.56 m in depth (FIG. 3A). In the same level, in associ- (FIG. 5). The percentages of Canis familiaris at most
ation with MD2 were found some pottery fragments, Gumelniț a sites does not exceed 5% (TABLE 2)
flint tools, limestones and a human femur diaphysis. (FIG. 5). At three settlements (Căscioarele, Năvodari,
None of this material (including MD2) had traces of Taraschina) percentages range between 5% and 7%
burning. This abandonment level was formed a very and only in the case of the multi-component sites of
short time after the burning of H14 (FIG. 4B). Borduşani, Coș ereni and Hârș ova (TABLE 2) (FIG. 5),
A tooth from MD1 (P4) was 14C dated to 5570 ± 40 do dog bone percentages range between 12.5% and
B.P. (Poz-52983). The calibrated date is 4488 – 4342 16.9% (Bălăș escu et al. 2005b; Ș tefan et al. 2012).
CAL B.C. (95.4% probability) (TABLE 1). This proves Based on the available data, dogs were bred by
that the dog mandibles are contemporary with H14 Gumelniț a communities for different domestic activi-
and belong to Gumelniţa phase A2. ties (hunting, guarding the herd and probably the
Considering the dating and the context of the dog houses, and acting as man’s best friend). It is very dif-
mandibles, it is clear that they are not just ordinary ficult to outline a mortality pattern for these prehisto-
scattered pieces. The presence of two dog mandibles ric dogs, because no one knows the lifespan of a dog in
can be associated with the individual histories of this that period. Nowadays the lifespan of a dog is around
building, from its initial construction through to its 10 years, but there are cases where dogs have reached
abandonment. the age of 17–22 years, depending on variety and
size (Huidekoper 1891: 194). Unfortunately, age esti-
Archaeozoological background mations cannot be made of bones discovered in exca-
The dog is documented in settlements of the Gumelniț a vations; epiphyseal closure can be assigned only in
culture in different archaeological contexts (e.g., houses, general (higher or lower than 2 years). We also know
Figure 3 A) House No. 14; B) Foundation trench C6/2010. The triangles mark the locations where the dog mandibles were
discovered.
Figure 4 A) Stratigraphic diagram of House No. 14: (1318)—the abandonment level; (1244) —the destruction level; (1240–1243,
1252–1253, 1257–1258, 1260–1269, 1275–1280)—the post holes; (1238–1239, 1250–1251) – the foundation trenches; (1254) —the
house floor; (1249) —the exterior level of the house; B) Events in the lifecycle of House No. 14.
that dentition changes and becomes permanent The measurements of the two dog mandibles were
around the age of 6 months. Studies made on dog den- made according to the international standards estab-
tition (Horard-Herbin 1997), based only on lower car- lished by Angela von den Driesch (1976), using a
nassial wear (M1), allow the assignment of teeth to 5 caliper with an instrumental accuracy of 1/10 mm.
categories: A and B (young individuals), C (subadult), Age estimation was based on the existing dentition
D (adult) and E (old adult). In most of the Gumelniț a (erupted in mandibular alveoli) according to Elisabeth
sites where dog percentages are below 5% (TABLE 2) Schmid (1972), while to assess tooth wear patterns the
(FIG. 5), the majority of individuals may be placed in method of Marie-Pierre Horard-Herbin (1997) was
the subadult and adult classes (over 95%). The used. Also, to establish the size of these dogs in com-
young individuals represent around 5%, while older parison with other specimens from the same species in
adults are very rarely documented. After death, the Gumelniț a culture, we made some estimates of the
besides their secondary products (skin and fur), dog cranial base lengths using Dahr and Brinkmann
bones were used as raw materials for manufacturing indices (von den Driesch 1976: 61).
various artifacts (TABLE 3). Also, in some cases (e.g.,
at Hârşova, Borduşani, Vităneşti, Taraschina) canids Animal bone industry
represented an important food resource (TABLE 2) A review of the literature reveals a certain lack of tech-
(Bălăș escu et al. 2005b; Bălăș escu and Radu 2011). nological and functional analyses of the animal bones
Figure 5 The percentages of wild and domestic species at sites comprising the Gumelniţa culture.
in the Gumelniț a cultural asssemblages in both is between 1% and 1.5%. In three settlements
Romania and Bulgaria. Generally, the excavation (Coș ereni, Cuneș ti and Seciu) the artifacts made of
reports, even recent ones, offer only general infor- dog bones represent between 4% and 8%, but many
mation in the form of standard phrases, e.g., “the of these artifacts are small in size. Typologically, one
inventory is completed by tools made of flint, bone can distinguish the following: beveled objects (n =
and antler.” In the best of cases, they provide only 11), awls (n = 19), pendants (n = 2) and a spatula
an enumeration of the principal types, with almost (n = 1) (TABLE 3).
no functional or technological considerations, and Based on such a limited sample, however, it is diffi-
even fewer archaeozoological determinations. cult to identify use patterns of Canis familiaris bones.
Based on available techno-functional studies of In our opinion, the types (above) are strictly of a tech-
animal bones identified in Gumelniţa settlements nological nature (the shapes of the bones are the same
(Frînculeasa et al. 2010; Ș tefan et al. 2012; Mărgărit as the shapes of the tools). Very different seems to be
et al. 2013; Mărgărit et al. 2014), it can be observed the significance of Canis familiaris mandibles at
that these communities had a particular strategy of Sultana-Malu Roşu, where their transformation into
domestic and wild animal utilization (TABLE 2). From amulets seems to have been determined not by techno-
the published data, it is impossible to understand the logical, but by other (cultural) requirements.
importance of artifacts made of Canis familiaris In order to extract technological and functional
bones in Gumelniţa communities, however. information, which might help in the decoding of the
The only good information is from archaeological mandibles’ history, both of them were studied with a
features from 11 Gumelniţa sites (TABLE 3), where we Keyence VHX-600 digital microscope. Thus, they
have carried out direct observations. The frequency were observed at magnifications between 30× and
of artifacts made from dog bones is very low compared 150×, and the images were captured with the aid of a
to that of other species. In most sites, their percentage camera in the microscope.
Table 2 Percentages of domestic and wild fauna and the uses of the dog in the settlements of the Gumelniţa culture (for which
archaeozoological analyses are available).
Borduș ani 9317 78.0 22.0 14.4 ● Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Bucș ani 808 64.2 35.8 1.9 Bălăș escu 1998
Carcaliu 481 42.8 57.2 2.7 Haimovici 1996
Căscioarele 2829 15.9 84.1 5.9 Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Chitila 481 67.6 32.4 1.7 Bălăș escu et al. 2003
Coș ereni 127 89.8 10.2 12.5 Ș tefan et al. 2012
Drama 6626 92.7 7.3 1.8 Manhart 1998
Drăgăneș ti-Olt 2234 62.6 37.4 2.2 El Susi 2002
Ezero 979 85.3 14.7 3.1 Manhart 1998
Goljamo 13143 52.1 47.9 1.8 Manhart 1998
Delcevo
Gumelniț a 2362 86.1 13.9 3.2 Necrasov and Haimovici
1966
Hârș ova 5310 76.0 24.0 16.9 ● Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Însurăț ei 581 51.6 48.4 3.4 Moise 1999
Luncaviț a 924 47.2 52.8 2.3 Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Ovcarovo 8910 66.6 33.4 3.2 Manhart 1998
Măriuț a 526 86.5 13.5 2.5 ■ Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Năvodari 425 77.4 22.6 6.4 Moise 2001
Pietrele 10804 47.5 52.5 4.6 Hansen et al. 2006
Seciu 259 62.5 37.5 1.5 Popa et al. 2011
Sultana 369 94.3 5.7 3.5 ● Bréhard and Bălăș escu
2012
Tangâru 256 97.3 2.7 1.6 Necrasov and Haimovici
1966
Taraschina 965 91.0 9.0 6.7 ■ Bălăș escu and Radu
2011
Targoviste 15477 91.7 8.3 1.7 Manhart 1998
Vităneș ti 7180 42.0 58.0 2.6 ■ Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Vlădiceasca 10577 90.2 9.8 3.5 Bălăș escu et al. 2005b
Table 3 Quantity and percentages of artifacts made of animal bones in the settlements of the Gumelniţa culture.
Code (von den Driesch 1976) MD1 (mm) right MD2 (mm) left
1 121.7 121.4
2 120.1
3 115.7 114.9
4 105.4 106.1
5 99.7 100.1
6 104.1
7 68.7 73.3
8 65 67.7
9 60.9 63.8
10 32.1 35
11 33.9 35.1
12 29.8 31.1
13 L 20.8
13 l 8.1
14 19.8 20.8
15 L 7.9
15 l 5.7
18 48.7 43.8
19 20.5 18.4
20 17 17.3
Figure 6 Dog mandible MD1 lateral side (top) and lingual 22 145.3
side (bottom). 23 144.4 145.4
24 145.6 146.1
25 145.1 145.8
26 144.5 152.3
by roots, but has a series of fine cracks in the cortical
bone. The absence of teeth makes a precise estimation
of the age impossible, but the fact that all the definitive
killed. Because of this, it is difficult to determine pre-
teeth were erupted suggests an age of over 6 months
cisely if the meat of these dogs was consumed or not.
(Schmid 1972). On the lingual (internal) side to the
The other data for this site do not suggest that dog
right of M2 and M3 were observed two fine oblique
was included in the diet of the people, in contrast
cutting traces: one (near M2) of 13.2 mm in length
with the situation documented at other contemporary
and another of 9.9 mm (near M3) suggesting the
settlements (e.g., at Hârș ova, Taraschina or Vităneș ti).
detachment of the adjacent tissues from the bone.
Morphologically and biometrically, the two pieces
Based on the taphonomic data it can be concluded
are different and derive from different individuals
that both dogs from Sultana-Malu Roș u were
(FIGS. 6, 7). The biometrical data are within the
skinned after they died and perhaps fur was recovered
known values for the Gumelniţa culture (Bălăşescu
for use as a raw material. The lack of other skeletal
et al. 2005b). Thus, an estimation of the basal length
elements does not allow us to know if these dogs
of the skull, based on the Dahr parameters (von den
died naturally, accidentally or if they were deliberated
Driesch 1976: 61), allowed us to obtain some close
values in the case of the two analyzed mandibles:
MD1 = 145.1 mm and MD2 = 145.8 mm. Based on
the Brinkmann parameters (von den Driesch 1976:
61) we observed a considerable difference between
the two pieces: MD1 = 144.5 mm and MD2 =
152.3 mm. These values are higher than the averages
for the Gumelniț a culture in Romania with respect
to the Dahr parameters (average = 131.9 mm, n =
92, limits 98.0 – 179.0 mm) and the Brinkmann par-
ameters (average = 131.4 mm, n = 57, limits
110.1–155.0 mm) but are within the observed limits.
Figure 8 The MD1 circular perforation. A) (50× magnification) lingual side; B) Lateral side; C, D) Traces of usage (50× and 150×
magnification) on the coronoid process; E, F) Details of the perforation (200× and 100× magnification) and the technological
marks.
scratches (FIG. 8A–B). It seems that on the lateral side, good indicator of the method (FIG. 9A–B). Moreover,
in order to enlarge the perforation, percussion was on the superior side of the perforation, more visible
applied, the perforation base being characterized by on the lateral side, is a strip of macroscopic polishing
“shivering” with visible impact points. On the same that indicates the passage area for the thread used
side, towards the extremity, on the coronoid process, for suspension (FIG. 9C–D). In this area, the perforation
are traces of usage (FIG. 8C–D). Around the perforation walls are smoothed, partially eliminating the rotation
is an area which is characterized by the partial elimin- scratches (FIG. 9C). Furthermore, it can be assumed
ation of the manufacturing marks and the smoothing that the small fracture that appears on the coronoid
of the walls (FIG. 8E–F). This area seems to have been process is a consequence of thread pressure, because
the passage area for the thread used for hanging up polishing is sumperimposed over the fracture
the piece. (FIG. 9D). On the whole surface of the lingual side,
For MD2, the proper preservation of the surface macroscopic polishing was observed and this fact
allows for more detailed technological observations might signify that there was contact with some
(FIG. 7). The preforation technique was rotated alter- material. Microscopically an area of scratches which
nately from both sides, the specific scratches being a are longitudinal to the axis (FIG. 9F) illustrates
Figure 9 The MD2 circular perforation. A) (30× magnification) lateral side; B) lingual side; C, D) Traces of usage around the
perforation (100× magnification) and on the coronoid process (150× magnification); E) Cutting traces on the lingual side; F)
Macroscopic usage traces on the lateral side (150× magnification).
prolonged contact so that the structure of the material Morin rockshelter (France) (Sablin and Khlopachev
was imprinted. 2002; Maud et al. 2011; Boudadi-Maligne et al.
2012; Germonpré et al. 2012).
Discussion The origins of dog domestication has given rise to
The interaction of people and dogs began in the different theories and controversies (Davis and Vala
Palaeolithic, the oldest findings being those from 1978; Vilá et al. 1997; Morey 2006, 2010; Wayne
Goyet (Belgium) dated at ca. 36,000 CAL B.P., and et al. 2006; Lupo 2011; Russell 2012). Beyond these
those from Razboinichya Cave (Russia) dated at ca. theories, one sees an increased wild/domestic dichot-
33,000 CAL B.P. (Ovodov et al. 2011). Most of the omy through time and the accentuation of the nature
well-documented remains of early domestic dog vs. culture relationship (Russell 2002). That had sig-
come from the late Glacial and early Holocene nificant consequences for human thought, socioeco-
periods (ca. 14,000–9000 CAL B.P.) as demonstrated nomic structures and perceptions about the world.
by finds from Předmosti (Czech Republic), Eliseevici Thus, in the Mesolithic, in different parts of the world
(Russia), Mezin and Mezirich (Ukraine), and (e.g., at Ain Mallaha and Hayonim Terrace, Lepenski
Montespan, Le Closeau, Pont d’Ambon and Le Vir, Vlasac, Lokomotiv-Raisovet, Skateholm I and II)
Table 5 Archaeological sites containing dog bones from the Neolithic and Eneolithic periods in Europe. Sites are arranged by date.
Dog use
Complete bodies Body parts
Deposited Inventory Raw
Approximate Separate in human Offerings Food material
Region Culture/group* Dates (B.C.) Site burials graves Deposits source source References
Beciu – – – ● –
Serbia Vinča ca. 5500–4500 Divostin – – – ● – Bökönyi 1988
0
human burials are associated with dog remains or dog of the dog’s integration into human society and an
burials are found in settlements or cemeteries assertion of its special position in relation to people.
(Davis and Vala 1978; Tchernov and Valla 1997; Because of the existence of perforations (MD1 =
Radovanović 1999; Zvelebil 2008; Morey 2010; Losey 0.5 mm, MD2 = 4 mm), we might presume that the
et al. 2011). Similar associations between people and mandibles were pendants worn around the neck or
canids are known also for the Neolithic and Eneolithic waist, so that they functioned as ornaments or
as shown by numerous discoveries in Europe (TABLE 5) amulets. They might have been parts of costumes.
or on other continents (e.g., Shamanka II, Catalhöyük, Even so, they could also have hung in the house or
Çayönü, Domuztepe, Botai, Krasnyi Yar) (Hill 2000; outside it and had apotropaic properties. The forms
Olsen 2000; Morey 2010; Losey et al. 2011; Croucher of these artifacts recall their sources because they pre-
2012; Russell 2012). In the case of dog burials, they, serve the anatomical shapes of the jaws and their pro-
without a doubt, reflect a particular attitude and cessing/working was minor. So, the visual aspect of
respect by the people for their companions, which bene- these artifacts was designed to be identifiable to
fitted from the same burial processes as humans. This those who saw them; perforating them meant they
kind of treatment suggests that the role of the dog was were to be seen. It is evident that the dog mandibles
expanded by humans into the perceived world of the were designed to be identifiable, exposed, viewed and
dead (White 1991; Morey 2010). As Darcy F. Morey admired. Thus, they had a public value, both for the
(2006: 159) suggested, “nothing signifies the social people wearing or otherwise using them, but also for
importance that people have attached to dogs more con- those who saw them, being fundamental to the con-
spicuously than their deliberate interment upon death.” struction and maintenance of personal identity (see
On the other hand, inclusion of dog parts in human below).
burials can be metaphors for the beliefs of people prob- The unique character of these two artifacts made of
ably connected to hunting (Morey 2010). The dismem- the mandibles from two dogs is demonstrated by the
bered remains of dogs may suggest that they were fact that in almost 90 years of archaeological research
sacrificed in a ritual, after which they were buried (Byrd at Sultana-Malu Roşu (that led to the digging of
et al. 2013). In other situations, after the sacrifice, dogs approximately 80% of the settlement area) no similar
are consumed in honor of the guests, as a symbol of the artifacts have been found. Moreover, in the other
importance of their friendship (Snyder 1991). Other settlements of the Gumelniț a culture there are no
cases could indicate food gifts for the dead, as part of other pendants made of dog mandibles. This demon-
the annual mourning rituals or, according to various eth- strates that the phenomenon was not general.
nographic accounts, could have marked different MD1 was identified in the foundation trench of H14
moments in initiation rituals or special feasts (Byrd and that allows us to interpret this item as resulting
et al. 2013). Nevertheless, these cases demonstrate “a from a foundation ritual/sacrifice (a foundation
close prehistoric human-animal relationship” (Clark deposit), which marked the beginning of the lifecycle
1996a: 34) and the significant role played by dogs in of the building. In this way, construction practices
human lives. became crucial social and ritual mechanisms to
Since the European Mesolithic (e.g., at Lepenski manage the complexities of living in large permanent
Vir, Padina and Vlasac) the dog was part of the communities, but also the means to strengthen collec-
human diet as well (Clason 1980; Borić et al. 2004; tive family identity.
Dimitrijević 2008). In the Neolithic and Eneolithic These kinds of ritual practices are also attested in
there is much evidence of dog consumption most prehistoric communities from different parts of
(TABLES 2, 5). It should not be forgotten that ritual con- the world, especially in the Balkans (Makkay 1983;
sumption and/or feasting could reinforce the special Gallis 1985; Halstead 1995; Bradley 2005; Hodder
position of dogs (above). Maybe the use of dogs as 2005, 2013; Chapman and Gaydarska 2007; Schier
food reflects the strengthening of the social relation- 2008; Bălăș escu 2009; Russell 2012; Amkreutz 2013;
ship between people and dogs inside prehistoric Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen 2013) and consist
communities. of the “sacrifice” of items with economical or symbolic
Related to the dog’s “ordinary” position (as food) in value to ensure the durability of something (e.g., build-
relation to humans, is the use of its bones ( probably ings, ovens, hearths). Another example at Sultana-
also skin and fur) to manufacture different objects. Malu Roşu, is found in the hearth from House No. 2
In the Neolithic there are several examples of the use (contemporary with the H14), where a gold pendant
of dog bones as a raw material source (TABLES 3, 5). was deposited (Andreescu and Lazăr 2008). Thus,
This category could include the two mandibles from based on numerous cases documented in this region
Sultana-Malu Roşu. However, the use of skeletal it can be said that such ritual practices were common
remains for making artifacts is also a symbolic form in these communities.
MD2 was found in the abandonment level of H14, settlements for which archaeozoological data are avail-
which marks the end of the lifecycle of the building. able (TABLE 2). Unfortunately, it was impossible to
The presence of this item in this level that marks the identify any pattern.
end of that building, is symbolic of intentional These data do demonstrate the importance of dogs in
“closure.” The deposition of MD2 at the end of H14 Gumelniţa communities, however, and their close
and MD1 at the beginning demonstrates indubitably relationship with humans. Dogs are in all settlements
the similarity of sacrificial practices used by the as reflected in the archaeological remains. Also, the
house inhabitants to highlight two key events. dog perfectly reflects what Carl O. Sauer (1969) called
These sacrificial practices also highlight the exist- a “household animal,” being a species that forages
ence of complex behaviors of the people from this pre- alone within prehistoric settlements and can survive in
historic community. This praxis was a significant way small numbers with little human intervention (Russell
to express personal and collective identities through 2012). The closeness of dogs and people is the result
material culture, and it became a mechanism for of their companionship in everyday life, based on
enhancing social interactions and integrating peoples, both mutual benefits of cohabitation, and their simi-
animals, buildings and objects. All of this confirms larities in diet. Human attitudes towards dogs were
that house rituals reinforced crucial social and sym- based on their similar experiences but also on the par-
bolic elements of the community. It also demonstrates ticular necessities of each community or individual.
the role of the dogs in the construction and mainten- In contrast to these generalities, the two items from
ance of distinct historical memories. Sultana-Malu Roș u can be related only to the lifecycle
Moreover, the fact that the mandibles were heavily of H14 (FIG. 4B) and the symbolic role of the dog as its
worn, as demonstrated by microscopic analyses, protector. We cannot say whether people who wore or
allows us to assume that the artifacts belonged to otherwise used the jaw pendants were the same as
someone before being sacrificed and deposited. those who founded the house and deposited them
Based on the data recorded in the field, it is clear there. It is difficult to establish a relationship between
that these dog mandibles were not simply thrown those who manufactured the dog pendants, those who
away at the end of their use-lives. This situation is used them, and the inhabitants of H14. It can be
not an accidental circumstance, but reflects complex stated with certainty only that dog mandibles had
behavior and the deliberate deposition of dog mand- different meanings and functions, both before and
ibles, at key moments for the inhabitants of the after deposition. There is a clear intersection between
house/community (FIG. 4B). these artifacts, the craftsmen who made them, the
Why are dog jaw pendants appropriate for foun- people who wore or otherwise used them, the inhabi-
dation and closing deposits here but not elsewhere? tants of H14 and the lifecycle of the house.
Undoubtedly, this case reflects the particular biography The case of two dog artifacts from the site of
of the house and its inhabitants, but, perhaps also indi- Sultana-Malu Roşu is a classic example of a “synec-
cates its exceptional position (or that of its inhabitants) doche” ( pars pro toto) (Chapman 2000). Each frag-
at Sultana-Malu Roș u. The dog mandibles from ment ( jaw bone) was simultaneously an object in its
Sultana-Malu Roşu can be linked hypothetically to own right and a symbol of the once complete body
the rise in megafauna hunting in Gumelniț a commu- and that fragmentation signifies the attachment to
nities (Bălăș escu et al. 2005a, 2005b; El Susi 2002; one of the principal forms of personhood—“fractal”
Moise 1999; Brehard and Bălăș escu 2012). This idea or “dividual” (Chapman and Gaydarska 2007: 9).
reminds us of the important role of the dogs in the The fragments interpenetrated other objects, humans,
hunting of large mammals. However, in the settlements animals and places. The object could evoke the collec-
for which archaeozoological data are available, there is tive memories of the space where the fragmentation
no distinct pattern linking hunting activities to dogs. process of the whole body occurred (Chapman 2000;
Thus, at the sites for which wild species are present at Chapman and Gaydarska 2007). In Balkan prehistory
a higher rate than domestic animals (FIG. 5), the percen- we have numerous examples of synecdoches for almost
tage of dogs is still below 5%. Instead, at the sites where all known categories of archaeological discoveries
dogs have a higher rate (e.g., at Hârș ova and (e.g., tools, weapons, pots, ornaments, figurines,
Borduș ani), animal husbandry is the dominant activity. food, human and animal bodies, buildings, places)
Also, the faunal data for Sultana-Malu Roș u indicate a (Chapman 2000; Chapman and Gaydarska 2007)
preponderance of domestic species (FIG. 5), which that demonstrate a general social practice. In the
proves that hunting activity had a secondary role. So, case of Sultana-Malu Roș u, the purpose of the two
this hypothesis cannot be supported. We also tried to dog mandible artifacts was, symbolically and function-
determine whether there is a link between some econ- ally, closely related to the dog’s role as guardian and
omic activities (hunting and animal husbandry) and protector of the home. Thus, the inhabitants of H14
consumption of dogs as food in different Gumelniț a used these items in the same way that a living dog
would have been used, for spiritual and physical 1600s A.D. to about 1880 A.D. (Morey 2010:
protection. fig. 6.15). Pairs of those modern dog mandibles were
Manufactured goods from dog mandibles are very used by children to make play sledges (Morey 2010:
rare in sites of the Gumelniţa culture. Only at the 143–144). Despite the fact that mandibles from
multi-component site of Vităneşti, is there documented Greenland are almost identical to those from
a spatula that was cut out of a mandible and modified Sultana-Malu Roşu, they are not the same in terms
through bifacial abrasion on the articular side which of meaning or use. Our technical, functional and
created a narrow active front. Also, Burial No. 53 archaeozoological analyses demonstrate that the dog
from the multi-component site of Rousse (Bulgaria) mandibles from the Sultana-Malu Roşu site were
has a dog mandible mentioned in the inventory, but it used for other purposes, in any case not as toys.
shows no signs of processing (Chernakov 2010). Beyond the technologically and typologically
Dog mandible use has a long history in the region. unique character of these prehistoric artifacts, they
A similar situation is attested in the Iron Gates broaden the repertoire of artifacts made of animal
Mesolithic at Lepenski Vir (Serbia), where dog mand- bones from the Eneolithic period in the Balkans.
ibles seem to have had a particular significance They also tell us about the people who manufactured,
because they were placed exclusively in men’s tombs, used, sacrificed and abandoned them. Moreover, these
a fact that made Ivana Radovanović (1999) consider objects mark the lifecycles of H14 and the various
the practice as representative of a belief system con- people who used that space. Lastly, they reflect the
nected probably to hunting. Because Vităneşti, mechanisms used to construct and transmit specific
Rousse, and Lepenski Vir are in the Lower Danube historical memories. Thus, these dog mandibles can
Basin, we should not exclude the possibility of trans- be considered as active agents of social structures,
mission of some Mesolithic hunting traditions over mentalities, ideologies, ideas, beliefs, and the organiz-
time and into the Eneolithic period. We should ing principles of the peoples who used them. They
mention that other Mesolithic traditions, like technol- inform us about different types of identities: individual
ogy (e.g., microliths), were transmitted from gener- ( persons to whom they belonged); familiar (the inhabi-
ation to generation. In support of this observation is tants of that house); and collective (local community),
the principle of synecdoche confirmed in many and illustrate the shared experiences of dogs and
Neolithic and Eneolithic settlements. According to humans. Furthermore, these unique artifacts represent
John Chapman (2000: 223) it was a social practice a starting point for new discussions about the ancestral
deeply rooted in hunter-gatherer traditions which relationship between people and dogs.
were maintained well into the farming period.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Ciprian Astaloș for improving the
Conclusions
English translation of this paper and Florian Mihail
This paper advances the current knowledge on dogs
who has offered us the unpublished data about the
and their place in Eneolithic communities from the
hard animal material industry from the Carcaliu,
Balkans through the two items made of dog mandibles
Luncaviț a and Taraschina sites. The manuscript bene-
from Sultana-Malu Roşu. These particular artifacts
fitted from the valuable comments of three anon-
have the potential to redefine the role of dogs in the
ymous reviewers. This work was supported by two
Gumelniţa culture and to prove that this species did
grants from the Romanian National Authority for
not have a single function or meaning. Thus, the dog
Scientific Research, CNCS–UEFISCDI, project
was a best friend, an everyday companion, a house-
numbers PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-1015 and PN-II-RU-
hold guard, a hunting aide; it controlled the herds,
TE-2011-3-0133.
aided sanitation, and was even the source of raw
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The importance of dogs in the Gumelnița culture is supported by archaeological evidence such as the presence of dog bones in various contexts within settlements like houses, trenches, and pits, though not in cemeteries . The low frequency of dog bone artifacts compared to other species further emphasizes their societal roles beyond common utility . Their presence as innovative domestic activities, and potential symbolic significance indicated by the transformation of dog mandibles into amulets, underscores their role not only in practical tasks like guarding and hunting but also in cultural and possibly spiritual dimensions .
Dogs were likely significant in Eneolithic domestic and ritual life due to their multifunctional roles, ranging from practical tasks such as guarding and support in hunting, to symbolic roles as demonstrated by their incorporation in ritual contexts like the transformation of mandibles into amulets . This significance is underscored by their consistent, albeit low, presence across settlements, reflecting a long-standing symbiotic relationship with humans and possible spiritual connotations within cultural practices of the time .
Several hypotheses about the function and significance of dog mandibles in Gumelnița culture include their role as symbolic or ritual deposits associated with domestic architecture. The transformation into amulets indicates a cultural demand beyond technological necessity . The absence of burning marks and their deliberate deposition at house abandonment levels suggest a ritual or symbolic function, supported by their association with other artifacts like pottery or lithic tools . Despite attempts to link the mandibles to hunting or domestication practices, faunal data suggest a more complex cultural significance .
Evidence from Gumelniţa sites both challenges and supports existing theories about dogs' roles in prehistoric European cultures. While dogs had diverse roles in practical tasks, their significance at Gumelniţa sites highlights a unique ritualistic importance, differing from simple utilitarian perspectives . Despite archaeological observations showing their low frequency relative to other animals, the cultural practices involving dog mandibles suggest a societal status or ceremonial role that expands beyond typical theories focusing solely on hunting or guarding functions .
The deliberate deposition of dog mandibles and associated artifacts, such as pottery and limestone, during specific house lifecycle events suggests a high sociocultural complexity within Gumelnița communities. These practices indicate rituals or traditions related to house building or abandonment, representing a symbolic relationship between the household and the artifacts . The absence of distinct patterns in hunting using dogs and the specific placement of artifacts for community or ritual significance suggest a layered societal structure with complex cultural norms and practices .
Domestic and wild animals played crucial roles in Gumelnița subsistence strategies. Archaeological data from settlements show a higher prevalence of domestic species over wild counterparts, suggesting a reliance on domesticated animals for food and other resources . This aligns with evidence from faunal analysis at sites like Sultana-Malu Roşu, which indicates animal husbandry as a dominant activity . Comparatively low dog percentages at most sites reflect their role in support activities rather than being a primary food source or direct subsistence contributor .
Gumelnița cultural practices involving dog jawbone artifacts illustrate broader aspects of both cultural and technological significance. The transformation of mandibles into amulets at Sultana-Malu Roşu highlights their cultural importance, potentially linked to symbolic functions or roles in rituals, contrasting with their limited technical utility suggested by archeological findings . This practice suggests a sophisticated cultural layer where object-use transcends functionality, reflecting unique community beliefs or protective practices associated with house lifecycles .
The presence of dog bone artifacts, although occurring at low frequencies compared to other species, reveals their unique role within the economic systems and daily life of Gumelniţa settlements . While they were less prevalent than other domestic species, dogs were integral in varied roles such as guarding and aiding in hunting, suggesting their economic contribution went beyond mere food resources . The limited extent of artifacts indicates that dogs were likely more valuable for intangible services and possibly spiritual or cultural roles, rather than simply utilitarian purposes .
The Gumelniţa archaeological findings contribute significantly to understanding broader socio-economic strategies by illustrating the complex interaction between humans, animals, and the environment. The emphasis on domestic animals over wild species suggests a strategy focused on animal husbandry supplemented by hunting . The use of dog mandibles in rituals reflects socio-cultural dynamics, indicating that some animal remains held symbolic value beyond economic utility . Such insights demonstrate a layered subsistence strategy that balances practical survival needs with cultural practices integral to community life .
The findings of dog mandibles at Sultana-Malu Roşu reflect broader ritual behaviors within the Gumelniţa culture by demonstrating structured deposition practices and potential symbolic meanings attached to domestic and community life events . The transformation of mandibles into amulets and their integration into foundational or closing deposits during domestic lifecycle transitions suggest a ritualistic narrative that denotes respect and cultural reverence beyond functional interpretations. This pattern supports complex ritual traditions embedded in life and death cycles of community structures .