Study Session 1

Culture and Society: A Conceptual Clarifications

1.0 INTRODUCTION

In this study session, you will learn about the concepts of culture and society. This will enable
you to get acquainted with the various definitions of culture. You will be able to understand
the ideological, sociological and technological components of culture and discuss the various
definitions of society, types of society and differentiate between the two forms of society that
exist. Please note that you will be able to obtain a very good score in this session by studying
the whole session properly, attempting all the in-text and self-assessment questions and
participating in the session activities.

Learning Outcome for Study Session 1

At the end of this study session, you should be able to:
1.1 Discuss Culture (SAQ1.1)
1.2 Highlight the meaning of the ideological, sociological and technological components of
culture (SAQ1.2)
1.3 Discuss Society (SAQ 1.3)
1.4 Differentiate the two forms of society that exist (SAQ 1.4)

1.1 CULTURE AND ITS MEANINGS

The concept of culture represents one of the basic features that define the existence of man all
over the world. Culture is the framework into which every human being, including you, is born
and nurtured. This explains why Clyde Kluckhohn defines culture as the historically created
design for living...which exists at any given time as a potential guide for the behaviour of man.
The official definition of culture in Nigeria’s cultural policy is equally interesting and states
that culture is the totality of the way of life evolved by a people in their attempt to meet the
challenges of living in their environment. E.B. Taylor also describes culture as a complex
whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, customs and other capabilities acquired
by man as a member of society.

From the above, you can discern four very important elements in the definition of culture. The
first is that culture involves everything that man does, no matter how minute. Second, it is
evolved by the people as they try to meet every day challenges in their locality. What this
suggests is that culture is dynamic and not static, that is, it is not developed all at once. Indeed,
do you know that what each society today regards as culture represents the cumulative result
of centuries of trying to understand and master their environment? The third element to note in
the definitions above is that culture is complex. This is true and rightly so because culture is
what regulates human behaviour which is highly unpredictable. Culture is what gives meaning
to the life of an individual in a society. In doing this, a whole process is at work, leading to
positive and at other times negative results. The final element to note, particularly in the
definition of culture by Taylor is that it is acquired. Although the definition is silent on how
this acquisition takes place, the society is however mentioned as the place where culture is
acquired. On the whole, there is no doubting the fact that culture is an earthly creation, and that
there is nothing innate about it. In the words of E.M. Igbo, it is not God-given but man-made;
deliberately and fashioned out by members of a society to guide their life and living.
If you reflect more on the question of how man acquires culture, then you would
understand it as a process that takes place through socialisation. Socialisation is what
guarantees the transmission of culture to every individual born into a society through learning
and sharing. You must note however that different cultures have different and diverse ways of
passing information concerning their beliefs and values from one generation to the other. For
instance, in some Nigerian communities where it was a taboo to talk openly about issues
relating to sex and the male and female reproductive organs generally, symbols were used to
convey such messages. Yet, a major medium of transmission of culture which is universal is
language which can either be written or spoken.

ITQ: What guarantees the transmission of culture to every individual born into a
society?
A. Isolation B. Socialisation C. Independence D. Family

ITA: B. Socialisation

Components of Culture
Do you know that every culture has three fundamental parts or components? These are
(1) the technological (2) the sociological and (3) the ideological. Each of these parts
represents important aspects of the life of a people.
1.2.1 The technological component otherwise called material culture, for instance,
highlights the cumulative experience and innovations of a people in their quest for
surmounting the problems and barriers posed by nature. Hence, it is concerned with the
creation of tools, materials, techniques, and machinery. A major feature of this
technological component of culture is that it is tangible. This means that it can be seen
and touched. The earliest tool created and used by man was made of stone, for example,
the stone axe followed by bronze and iron implements. Today, there are so many
inventions like the computers that were produced in one culture but diffused into other
cultures that facilitate the subsistence of man. It is important for you to note that the
difference in the advancement of the technological component of the different cultures
of the world has often been the basis for discrimination between and among cultures.

1.2.2 The sociological aspect of culture, otherwise called institutions, relates to the rules or
norms which govern behaviour. This is the most complex part of the components of culture. It
outlines the proper and legitimate mode of action and expected mode of relationship in virtually
all areas of social life that exists. As illustration, it is this component that details the relationship
between the opposite sexes, proper conduct in public places, respect for elders and the
relationship between parents and their wards. Here people also learn how to maintain personal
hygiene, acceptable mode of dressing and even toilet culture. Indeed, it is important for you to
note that it is this component of culture that is invoked when people frown at the level of
indecent dressing that is widespread in contemporary Nigeria in which young men and women
expose vital parts of their bodies which culturally should be covered. It is also this component
of culture that is called to question when a particular behaviour runs contrary to what is
considered the norm. Even law and custom are subsumed under this very broad cultural
component.

1.2.3 The last cultural component is equally very important if not more sensitive. It is the
ideological component of culture. It refers to the numerous ideas, beliefs and values that
strengthen the foundation of every culture. According to Ely Chinoy, it encompasses a varied
and complex array of social phenomena. It is this component that informs the perception of
man about himself and the world that he lives in. It also entails the values and the standards by
which man lives and relates to others. When people approve or disapprove of a conduct as
earlier noted in the case of indecent dressing, they are simply expressing this shared value.
From the above, it should be clear to you that culture is indeed everything that man
stands for. Yet the impression should not be created in your mind that each of the components
outlined above can function one without the other. On the contrary, the three are an integral
part of a whole. This is perhaps one of the reasons why culture is sometimes defined as an
integrated system of learned behavioural patterns characteristic of the members of a society. It
is instilled into the mind of the young not only by education and intuition but also by the long
unconscious conditioning whereby each individual becomes the person he ultimately is.
Finally, it is necessary to emphasise once again the dynamic nature of culture. It
changes continuously, shedding some features and acquiring new ones. It is not inherited
biologically but learned in any given society or community. According to L.C. Dioka, culture
more than anything else merits the twin principles of continuity and change. It is, according to
Hess, the map for living of a group whose members share a territory and language. It differs
from one another because of regional differences, and lives beyond the life span of an
individual, and this explains the continuity in society. Indeed, it is impossible for culture to be
static in the contemporary world because of the high rate of migration and cultural diffusion.
As you will learn in subsequent study sessions, you will notice that inter-group
relations, trade and conflict impacted greatly on the culture of the Nigerian peoples. External
influences such as the slave trade, colonialism, Islam and Christianity have equally altered
definitively the cultures of peoples in Nigeria. It is thus impossible to imagine a world without
culture. It is the very essence of human life. Other things being equal, culture unites the
individual human being into a stable social structure that determines and regulates the relations
of one individual to the other. Thus, one of the major functions of culture is that it gives order,
meaning and identity to our existence. This point is better appreciated in a multi-ethnic country
like Nigeria. Another major significance of culture is that it provides the knowledge and
techniques that enable mankind to survive, both physically and socially; and to master and
control, as much as possible, the world around him. It is a social heritage that exists consciously
only within the human society which is examined below:
 Activity

Mention and discuss 3 things that represent the technological, sociological and ideological
components in your ethnic culture.

Society and its meanings

Like culture, the term society has several definitions that you need to know. In its broadest
form, it refers to any kind of relationship entered into by man whether inclusive or exclusive,
organised or unorganised, direct or indirect, conscious or unconscious, cooperative or
antagonistic. If we take this definition as sacrosanct, then it goes without saying that no man
can live in isolation. This is because by historical design man must necessarily enter into a
relationship. The family in this circumstance becomes a mini society. Thus, a society describes
and should include the whole tissue of human relations. The extent to which it can be formed
is without a boundary or assignable limits. Historically, this is so as man has never really been
limited in his capacity to enter into relationships, peaceful or disordered, that cut across ethnic
and national divides.

As you might be aware, it is fashionable today to describe the world as a global village. This
is possible because of the level of interactions that technological breakthroughs have
engendered among different societies in the world. You should also note that the word society
can also refer to an organised group of persons associated together for religious, benevolent,
cultural, scientific, political, patriotic or other purposes. Another definition of ‘society’
considers it as the body of individuals living as members of a community. A similar definition
calls it the body of human beings generally associated or viewed as members of a community.
It is also regarded as a form of organization involving sustained ties of interaction among its
members. Ely Chinoy actually calls it the matrix of social relations within which other forms
of group life develop. It has also been described as that all-encompassing group within which
men share a total life.

W. Kornblum’s definition of the concept is equally interesting and important for you to note
here. He sees society as a population of people that is organised in a co-operative manner to
carry out the major functions of life, including reproduction, sustenance, shelter, defence and
even the disposal of the dead. The emphasis in this definition is the relationship and
interrelationships between and among members of the population.

When all these definitions are taken together, it should become clear to you that the term society
refers to different human groupings. Against this background of multiple definitions, and in
order to accommodate these various shades of communities and associations to which the word
‘society’ can be applied, sociologists have come up with two types of societies in their broadest
forms. They are communal and associational societies.

1.4 Types of Societies

A communal society is typically small, with a simple division of labour and consequently has
a limited differentiation of role. Members of this society perform inclusive rather than
segmental role. They necessarily interact with one another in a variety of contexts which
encourages long lasting social relationships which are mostly personal and intimate. Ultimately
in a society of this nature, behaviour is regulated by custom because of the compact nature of
the society. A communal society is usually a comparatively small, isolated, non-literate, and
homogenous society with a strong sense of group identity. A major feature of such a society is
that they have few subgroups other than family and kinship units. Tradition promotes all
aspects of life and the range of alternative patterns of behaviour open to individuals is
inevitably restricted.

Associational society, on the other hand, is exemplified by the modern metropolis. It is

characterised by a marked division of labour and a proliferation of social roles. Individuals
must fit into a complex social structure in which they occupy many statuses and play many
different and frequently unrelated roles as suggested by Shakespeare. Unlike in communal
society, people play segmental roles in associational society. Here, life has no collective
character. Economics and family are seemingly separated. It is a complex diversified society
with its myriads of groups and competing interests. Again, the pervasive role of tradition is
broken. As role changes from the inclusive to the segmental, social relationships tend to be
more formal. The importance of the family as a closely knit entity also declines progressively
in associational societies while the role of religion in everyday life wanes gradually.

Most modern societies fall into the second category. With particular reference to Nigeria, the
growth of cities which became more popular since the colonial period has made the cities less
traditional and more formal. Yet we know that the role of religion in Nigerian cities is
increasing rather than decreasing, indicating that there are variations in this broad category of
society. Generally, however, most modern cities had little beginnings. Although it is difficult
to pinpoint any pre-colonial Nigerian society that fits perfectly the communal society category,
it is to be noted that most Nigerian societies during that period were compact and agro-based.

ITQ: What is the basic difference between a communal society and an associational
society?

ITA: A communal society is essentially small, simple and compact while an

associational society is large, complex and cosmopolitan.

Summary of Study Session 1

In Study Session 1, you have learned that:
- Culture has several definitions, one of which describes it as the totality of the way of
life of a people.
- Culture has three major components, that is, the technological, the sociological and the
ideological.
- Society refers to different human groupings.
- Society is often divided into two broad forms namely the communal and the
associational.
Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 1
Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learnt
by attempting the following questions. You may write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
1.1. Discuss culture and how it is acquired in any given society.
[Link] are the distinguishing factors between the technological, sociological and
ideological components of culture?
1.3. How would you define a society?
1.4. Highlight the basic differences between a communal society and an associational
society?

References

Ely Chinoy (1964) Society: An Introduction to Sociology, (New York: Random House)
Sophie B. Oluwole and Kehinde Faluyi (1998, Eds.) The Essentials of African Studies
(University of Lagos: General African Studies Programme)
Sophie B. Oluwole (1997) The Essential of African Studies (University of Lagos: General
African Studies)
C. Kluckhohn (1956) Personality in Native Society and Culture, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf)
W. Kornblum (1991) Sociology in a Changing World (New York: Harcourt Brace College
Publishers)
Eddefloyd M. Igo (2003) Basic Sociology (Enugu: CIDJAP Press)

Suggestions for further reading

Osuntokun, J and Olukoju A. (1997, Eds.) Nigerian Peoples and Cultures (Ibadan: Davidson
Press)
 Study Session 2

NIGERIA: AN ETHNO-HISTORICAL SURVEY

2.0
Introduction

This study session discusses the ethnic composition and location of the various groups that live
in the six geo-political zones that constitute Nigeria today. In this session, you will learn about
some historical developments that shaped the history of some of these ethnic groups in the
Nigeria area before 1800. You are expected to study the entire session properly, attempt all the
in-text questions and participate in self-assessment questions in order to have a good grasp of
what the session is all about.

Learning Outcome for Study Session 2

At the end of this study session, you should be able to:
2.1 Identify the location of the different ethnic groups that make up Nigeria.
2.2 Discuss the traditions of origin of some Nigerian ethnic groups.
2.3 Highlight the basic differences between a centralised and non-centralised state.

2.1 Ethnic Groups in Nigeria

Nigeria has so many ethnic groups within its boundaries. The specific number of these
ethnic groups is unknown but you should note that there are suggestions that the number
ranges between 350 and 400. It should not be surprising to you therefore that Nigeria is
regarded as the most populous country in Africa. It might also interest you to note that
the earliest evidence of the human habitation of the Nigeria area comes from the
artefacts excavated in the village of Nok (Plateau State) which have been radiocarbon
dated to c. 39,000 BC. Some other excavated sites show indications of human existence
in the Nigeria area during the Late Stone Age (i.e., 15,000 BC–500 BC). Notable among
these are the Mejiro cave (Oyo State) and rock shelters at Rop (Plateau State), Daima
(Borno State), and Iwo Eleru (Ondo State) from where the remains of the earliest Homo
Sapiens in West Africa have been excavated. One important point that you must also
note is that most of the ethnic groups in Nigeria had evolved by AD 500 while most had
occupied their present locations well before 1500.
2.1.1The North West Zone

This comprises Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, Kano, and Jigawa States.
The predominant ethnic groups in this area are the Hausa and Fulani. The Hausa
established a number of states before 1800. These states, according to local traditions,
were founded by the descendants of one Bayajjida, who is said to have fled from
Baghdad, his homeland, to Kanem-Borno, and then to Daura in Hausaland. You should
note that Bayajjida became a hero when he killed a snake at Daura which had often
deprived the inhabitants of the use of the town well. The Queen of Daura later married
Bayajjida in gratitude for his valiant effort. The union produced a son called Bawo,
whose six sons established the states of Daura, Katsina, Kano, Rano, Zazzau and Gobir.
A seventh state was Biram which was established by another son of Bayajjida through
an earlier marriage to the daughter of the King of Kanem-Borno. These states became
known as the Hausa Bakwai (seven original states) as distinct from another set of seven
states, the Banza Bakwai (bastard states), said to have been established by Bayajjida’s
children through concubines. The Banza Bakwai according to this tradition include:
Zamfara, Kebbi, Gwari, Yauri, Nupe, Jukun and Oyo.

It is important for you to note that scholars of Hausa history generally agree that the
Bayajjida story or legend is not to be taken at face value; but interpreted intelligibly.
The most common interpretation of the Bayajjida legend holds that the incorporation of
Hausaland into the trans-Saharan trade network between c. 1100–1400 stimulated a
complex series of inter-group fusions which gave rise to centralized polities. This
phenomenon of fusion achieved by alliances is figuratively represented by the notion
of marriage in the Bayajjida story. The Banza Bakwai are probably to be interpreted as
constituting a mirror image of the Hausa Bakwai, thus, reflecting the influence of large
neighbouring societies on the course of Hausa history.

One dominant theme in Hausa history in the period before 1800 that you must note was
the recurrent issues of warfare among the various states. This was because each state
was eager to secure greater involvement in the trans-Saharan trade, and as no state
succeeded in establishing a permanent military supremacy over Hausaland, political
dominance when achieved was ephemeral. You should note that for the greater part of
the sixteenth century, for instance, the leading Hausa state was Kebbi, and it succeeded
in reducing Gobir, Daura and Zazzau to tributary status. But its dominance lapsed from
the end of the sixteenth century, as Zamfara took over. While it was the leading Hausa
state, Zamfara inflicted military defeats on Katsina and Kano, thereby controlling the
trans-Saharan trade in Hausaland. But, like Kebbi before her, Zamfara’s pre-eminence
was transient. Gobir rose to prominence at the beginning of the eighteenth century and
in 1762 inflicted a crushing defeat on Zamfara to become the most powerful Hausa
state. The power of Gobir was cut short during the opening decade of the nineteenth
century when the Fulani carried out a successful jihad in Hausaland.

The Fulani are the other principal group in the North West Zone of Nigeria. Indeed,
Fulani communities spread across the entire West African savannah region and northern
Nigeria, in general. The original homeland of the Fulani is the River Senegal valley
region where they were derived from miscegenation between local inhabitants and
Berber immigrants - one agricultural and Negroid and the other pastoral and Caucasoid.

Those of the Fulani who inherited the pastoral and nomadic legacy of their forebears
began to migrate out of the River Senegal valley region from about the twelfth century.
By the seventeenth century, scores of Fulani clans were already established throughout
the West African savannah region, and these had also come to include many non-
pastoral Fulani, who unlike their nomadic kinsmen took up permanent residence in their
adopted home. The sedentary Fulani (referred to in the literature as Town Fulani) was
usually Muslim, while his nomadic kinsman (the Cattle Fulani) was animist. A
considerable number of the Fulani Muslims, because of their great Islamic learning,
served as tutors, advisers, and administrators in several West African savannah states.
It was in such capacity, for example, that Uthman dan Fodio was employed in the court
of the King of Gobir on the eve of his jihad at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

(ITQ) 1: The following were among the six states established by the sons of
Bawo except (a) Katsina (b) Daura (c) Biram (d) Kano

(ITA 1): C – Biram

(ITQ) 2: Which of these Hausa states dominated Hausa politics in the

18th century? (a) Zamfara (b) Gobir (c) Kano (d) Daura

(ITA 2): B - Gobir

2.1.2 The North East Zone

Do you know that the North East Zone is that part of Nigeria that is currently being
ravaged by insurgency? The zone is made up of Gombe, Bauchi, Yobe, Borno, Taraba
and Adamawa States. Out of all these six states, Borno and Yobe are the most affected
by Boko Haram terrorists. Two prominent ethnic groups in this area are the Kanuri and
Jukun. The Kanuri established the state usually referred to as Kanem-Borno, and it is
so called because at different times in its history, the state covered the eastern and
western sections of the Lake Chad basin known respectively as Kanem and Borno.
Established in about the ninth century, it was one of the earliest kingdoms which
developed in the Nigeria area. The Kanuri king was addressed as Mai. Its ruling dynasty
from the eleventh century was referred to as the Saifawa because it claimed descent
from a legendary figure called Saif.

Do you know that Kanem-Borno was the first state to record Islamic presence in the
Nigeria area? Some of the early Muslim rulers of the state were reputed for their zeal
in the propagation of the faith. For example, Mai Dunama, a late eleventh-century ruler,
is reported to have launched a jihad during his reign. He performed the hajj twice and
drowned in the Red Sea on his way to a third. The sixteenth century marked the apogee
of the Kanuri state under Mai Idris Aloma, who died in c. 1603. More than any other in
the Saifawa dynasty, he curtailed centrifugal forces in the state and established an
administration that guaranteed its general welfare. As a result of the effective
neutralization of the enemies of the Kanuri by Idris Aloma, his successors were by and
large able to keep the state intact. It was not until the first half of the nineteenth century
that the Saifawa were confronted with intractable political difficulties that brought
about their fall as the rulers of the Kanuri.

The Jukun constitute yet another significant group in the North East Zone. Jukun history
before 1800 can be divided into two phases. The first phase relates to the period when
they were established in the Upper Benue region, while the second phase dates from the
mid eighteenth century when they were forced to migrate to their present location in the
Lower Benue. Little has come to light of Jukun political history during the earlier phase.
The Jukun appear only in such external sources as the Kano Chronicle where they are
referred to as the Kwararafa. What has therefore come down as Jukun history before
the eighteenth century mainly deals with their external relations with other peoples,
especially the Hausa states and Kanem-Borno.

Jukun territory appears to have been subjected to raids by some of the Hausa states,
notably Kano in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. But the situation was reversed
from about the end of the sixteenth century when the Jukun began a career of distant
military raids against Hausaland to the northwest and Kanem-Borno to the northeast.
The momentum of Jukun military force was, however, soon spent. For reasons which
have continued to elude scholars, Jukun military power so much declined from the end
of the seventeenth century that external pressure by such neighbouring groups as the
Bata and Chamba caused them to migrate southwards to the Lower Benue region by the
mid eighteenth century.

In their new location, the Jukun established a number of chiefdoms which formed a
confederacy under the ruler of Aku of Wukari. From here, they still exercised
considerable cultural influence over several communities and ethnic groups in the
Niger-Benue confluence region.

(ITQ 3): Which of the following ethnic groups established the Kanem-Borno
state? (a) Fulani (b) Hausa (c) Kanuri (d) Jukun

(ITA 3): C – Kanuri

2.1.3 The North Central Zone

The first interesting thing for you to note about this zone is that it has the largest
concentration of ethnic groups in Nigeria. At present, it is made up of the following
states: Kwara, Benue, Plateau, Niger, Nasarawa and Kogi. Nigeria’s Federal Capital
Territory otherwise called Abuja is also situated within this zone. Some of the
prominent ethnic groups here include the Borgu, Nupe, Igala, Idoma, Ebirra, Tiv, and a
section of the Yoruba. Except perhaps for the Borgu, Nupe, Igala and the Yoruba, most
of the peoples of this zone lived in small non-centralized communities in the period
before 1800. You should also note that most of the ethnic groups in this zone have
traditions that detail the establishment of their kingdoms to outsiders as shown in the
case of the Nupe and Igala below.

The Nupe were governed under a single state system. According to traditions, the Nupe
kingdom was founded by Tsoede (also known as Edegi) who was the son of an Igala
king and a Nupe woman. After the death of his father, he was said to have fled upstream
from Idah on the Niger with the essential paraphernalia of office. He arrived in
Nupeland, defeated the small chiefdoms under which the Nupe were organized and
established a central administration over them. The term Etsu became the royal title.

The precise date of the establishment of the Nupe Kingdom is still a subject of
speculation, but you should note that the state was certainly established by the end of
the sixteenth century. One other issue of note concerning the Nupe Kingdom was the
fact that the centre or capital of the state continually shifted in response to historical
developments. Tsoede established his capital at Nupako, but there were later capitals at
Gbara and Jima.

Like the Nupe traditions, Igala traditions attribute the establishment of the Igala
Kingdom to an outsider. There are various versions regarding the origin and identity of
the first Atta, the title of the Igala king. The names that feature are Abutu Eje,
Agenapoje, Ebelejomu and Idoko, while Yoruba, Benin and Jukun antecedents are
given for the first Atta. What seems certain, however, is that the first Atta conquered
various chiefdoms in the vicinity of Idah, established his rule over them and so laid the
foundation of the Igala Kingdom which subsequently extended to cover all Igala-
speaking groups.

The little that is known concerning the history of the Igala state before 1800 indicates
that the kingdom exerted considerable political and cultural influence among its
neighbours such as the Idoma and Kakanda in the Niger-Benue confluence region, as
well as the Igbo on the River Niger and Nsukka area.

Activity
With the aid of a blank Nigerian map, identify the location of at least two ethnic
groups in each of the three geopolitical zones in northern Nigeria.
The South West Zone
This zone is made up of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Osun and Ekiti States. The Yoruba
are the major ethnic group in the area. The Yoruba can be divided into a number of
dialect groups - Oyo, Ijebu, Ijesa, Ekiti, Egba, Ondo, and others. Do you know that
originally they had no common or general name for themselves? Each group actually
regarded itself as a distinct nationality. The term “Yoruba” was the Hausa designation
for the Oyo dialect speakers only, and it was only from the nineteenth century that the
word Yoruba came to be extended to the other groups by Christian missionaries.

Nevertheless, the Yoruba-speaking groups generally share traditions of origin from Ile-
Ife. These traditions of origin are usually of two types. The first type consists of
traditions which relate that creation began at Ile Ife, and that Oduduwa was the first to
be created. In the second type of tradition, stories are related which suggest that the
earliest kingdoms in Yorubaland were founded or established by princes of the
Oduduwa dynasty.

Yoruba kingdoms were generally headed by a hereditary ruler referred to as Oba, that
is, king. The Oba lived in a palace, the aafin, and he wore a crown decorated with
colourful beads. The crown was also surmounted with a certain number of
representations of birds and it was fringed in such a way as to cover the face of the
wearer. The Oba was usually assisted in government by a council of state. In the Oyo
kingdom, the members of the council of state were called Oyo Mesi which was headed
by the Bashorun. The terms baale and oloja were usually used to designate rulers in
Yoruba kingdoms who were lower in rank to the Oba.

Compared with other Yoruba kingdoms, the political history of the Oyo Kingdom
before 1800 is fairly well known. This should not surprise you because the Oyo
Kingdom was the most powerful and well known Yoruba kingdom during this period.
Indeed, by the beginning of the eighteenth century the Oyo Kingdom had through the
military conquest of some other Yoruba and non-Yoruba speaking groups expanded
into an example. It is to be noted, however, that the original town of Oyo, which was
also the capital of the Oyo Kingdom, was located in the north-western part of the
present-day Oyo State.

ITQ 4: The name Yoruba was first applied to which of the Yoruba sub-groups?
(a) Ijebu (b) Oyo (c) Ekiti (d) Egba

ITA 4: B - Oyo
The South East Zone
This zone covers Anambra, Enugu, Imo, Ebonyi and Abia States. It is homogenously
occupied by the Igbo. No centralized polities developed among the Igbo; each
settlement or village was an autonomous political unit. It should be interesting for you
to note that the council of elders called Amala was the major organ of government in
this area. In exceptional cases, however, young men of proven ability could be allowed
into the council. The Amala was usually presided over by the head of the most senior
lineage in the village.

Although the Igbo were administered in separate and minuscule entities, there were
several integrative mechanisms which bound the disparate communities. The most
prominent in this regard was the oracle among the Aro called Ibinu Ukpabi, generally
referred to as the Arochukwu oracle. Judicial suits were referred to the oracle from far
and wide, as many believed that its verdicts were impartial. Indeed, you must note that
the economic and political influence enjoyed by the Aro over Igboland during the pre-
colonial period owed largely to their control of the oracle. It was this pre-eminence
which at the beginning of colonial rule led the British to the erroneous impression that
Igboland was under the political domination of the Aro. Hence, one of the earliest
measures taken by the colonial authorities was the destruction of the Arochukwu shrine.
There was also the age grade institution, which served both organizational and
developmental functions among the Igbo. Individuals born within different age ranges
were usually grouped into an age grade and the society frequently relied on such age
grades to carry out developmental projects. Similar to this group was the ‘Umuada’ or
‘Umuokpu’ (daughters of the land), who although now married, also maintained
frequent contacts with their homeland. The ‘Umuada’ were especially useful in the
settlement of family and community disputes.

ITQ 5: Why were the British under the impression that Igboland was under the
political domination of the Aro?

ITA 5: The British were under the impression that Igboland was under the
political domination of the Aro because of the pervasive influence of the Arochukwu
oracle.

The South South Zone

This zone covers Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Cross River and Akwa Ibom States. Here,
like the North Central Zone, are to be found a multiplicity of ethnic groups.

The dominant group in Edo State are the Edo who established the Benin Kingdom. The
kingdom is estimated to have been established sometime in the thirteenth century and
at the height of its power in the sixteenth century, its political influence was felt in
almost every part of the present-day Edo and Delta states. Benin political and cultural
influence was felt among some of the Yoruba-speaking groups in Ondo and Ekiti States,
such as the Owo, Ondo, Ekiti, while a Benin dynasty was, in fact, established on the
island of Lagos in the sixteenth century. A remarkable legacy of the Benin Kingdom is
the extant corpus of art works cast in brass. A sizeable proportion of these were carted
away by the British when they invaded the kingdom in 1897.

To the south of the Edo are the Itsekiri of Delta State who were also administered under
a state system. In fact, Bini and Itsekiri traditions attribute the foundation of Itsekiri
Kingdom to Iginua, a son of Oba of Benin who reigned in the fifteenth century. The
Ishan, Ivbiosakon, (Owan), Etsako in Edo State, and the Urhobo and Isoko in Delta
State are now usually linguistically classified as Edo-speaking groups. Unlike the “Edo
proper,” however, these were non-centralized societies; political administration being
strictly functional at the town or village level.

The Ijaw occupy the Niger Delta area in a belt stretching from Ondo State to Bayelsa
and River States. Those of them in the Eastern Delta section developed small states, the
more prominent ones being Ibani (Bonny) Elem Kalabari (New Calabar), Nembe
(Brass) and Okirika. The development of the states occurred from about the sixteenth
century in response to the Atlantic trade with Europeans

Before the arrival of the Europeans the typical Ijaw settlement in Eastern Delta was a
small village containing only a few hundred inhabitants. Each village was divided into
wards (polo) which was in turn sub-divided into households (wari). The main political
authority in the village was the assembly of all adult males which was presided over by
the Amanyanabo who owed his office to the fact that he was the head of the lineage
which discovered or founded the village site. The Amanyanabo’s functions were,
however, essentially ritual. With the advent of Atlantic trade, villages or communities
which succeeded in gaining greater control of commerce with the Europeans became
nuclei of new states, and the Amanyanabo metamorphosed into a political official.

The Efik became the main distributors of the Atlantic trade on the Cross River just as
the Ijaw did in the Eastern Delta. The four major Efik settlements of Obio Oko (Creek
Town), Atakpa (Duke Town), Obutong (Old Town) and Nsidung (Henshaw Town)
came to be collectively called Calabar. Although the various Efik communities had their
titular heads, styled the Obong, effective authority was exercised through membership
in political societies, the most important of which was the Ekpe. The Obong was
therefore a member of the highest grades of the society.

ITQ 6: The Amanyanabo is associated with the political history of which of

the following people? (a) Efik (b) Ijaw (c) Edo (d) Itsekiri

ITA 6: B – Ijaw

Summary of Study Session 2

In Study Session 2, you have learned that:
- Nigeria is divided into six geopolitical zones and that the over 350 ethnic groups in the
country are spread across these zones.
- Most of the ethnic groups in Nigeria were already settled in their present locations well
before 1500.
- The earliest evidence of life in the Nigeria area was dated to 39,000 B.C.
- Most ethnic groups in Nigeria have traditions of origin detailing their establishments.
- Political culture among the various ethnic groups in Nigeria varies from the centralised
to the non-centralised systems.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for study Session 2

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learned
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
2.1 List five other ethnic groups aside the ones mentioned above that are located in the
North Central Zone of Nigeria.
2.2 Discuss the Bayajidda legend.
2.3 Highlight the basic differences between a centralised and non-centralised state in the
Nigeria area before 1800.

References
Ajayi, J.F. Ade and Peel, D.Y. (1992, Eds.) Empires and Peoples: Essays in Memory of
Michael Crowther. (London: Longman)

Falola, Toyin (1999) The History of Nigeria. (Connecticut & London: Greenwood
Press)
Ogundiran, Akinwunmi (2005, Ed.) Pre-colonial Nigeria: Essays in Honor of Toyin
Falola. (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, Inc.).

Osuntokun, Akinjide & Olukoju, Ayodeji(1997, eds.) Nigerian Peoples and Cultures.
(Ibadan: Davidson Press)

Suggestions for further reading

Osuntokun, J. and Olukoju A. (1997, Eds.) Nigerian Peoples and Cultures (Ibadan: Davidson
Press).
 Study Session 3
HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS OF NIGERIA’S CULTURE

3.0
Introduction
In this study session, you will learn about the historical foundations of Nigeria’s culture. This
will enable you to get acquainted with the various elements that impacted the evolution of
culture in pre-colonial and colonial Nigeria. Please note that you will be able to obtain a very
good score in this session by studying the whole session properly, attempting all the in-text and
Self-assessment questions and participating in the session activities.

3.1

Learning Outcome for Study Session 1

At the end of this study session, you should be able to:
3.2 Discuss the elements that necessitated the evolution of Nigeria’s culture in the pre-colonial
era.
3.3 Highlight the impact of colonialism on the emergence of Nigeria’s culture.

3.2 Elements that shaped Nigeria’s culture in the Pre-colonial era

The historical foundation of Nigeria’s culture can be traced partly to the pre-colonial period
when most of the ethnic groups in the Nigeria area had become permanent settlers in their
present locations. You should note that during this period, several elements interacted to create,
shape, alter or sustain the various cultures that emerged among the multi-ethnic and multi-
cultural groups that today constitute the Nigerian state. Some of these elements are: (1)
geography (2) economy (3) migration (4) inter-marriage (5) war (6) Islam. The explanations
that follow below should enable you to understand how each of these elements laid the
foundation of Nigeria’s cultures.
3.2.1 Geography
Geographical specifications and differences in natural endowments necessitated interactions in
the Nigerian area. It is important for you to actually note that the geographical features of the
areas inhabited by many of the ethnic groups in Nigeria determined to a large extent the
activities carried out by the people in terms of occupation, food, dressing among others. For
instance, occupants of coastal areas often emerged as fishermen, engaged in canoe making and
consumed mostly fish. Those who inhabit the savannah areas engaged in cultivation and
consumption of agricultural produce, reared domesticated animals such as cattle, chickens; and
the mode of dressing was based on their environmental conditions (warm or harsh). Such
variations in geographical conditions necessarily encouraged economic specialization and
inter-dependence among ethnic groups which ultimately led to trade that made access to
produce from other areas possible.
3.2.2 Migration
Migration during the pre-colonial period was also a fundamental element in the evolution of
culture in the Nigerian area. You should note that notwithstanding the fact that most of the
ethnic groups in the Nigerian area already occupied their present locations during this period,
there were several migrations that were prompted by the desire for greener pastures and better
living conditions. In some cases, such movements were not carried out voluntarily particularly
in instances of threat to life, property and slave trade. What is important for you to note here is
that the migration of people from one place to another encouraged linguistic and economic
interactions that ultimately contributed to the evolution of culture in the Nigerian area.
3.2.3 Inter-Marriage
Inter-marriage was common among ethnic groups in the Nigerian area during the pre-colonial
period. It should therefore be clear to you that marital ties solidified relationships between and
among different groups. Inter-marriage ensured that different groups in the Nigerian area
continued to be linked to one another, thus fostering ties for generations to come.
3.2.4 War
One major factor that really impacted on peoples in the Nigerian area during the pre-colonial
period was war. You should note that the pre-colonial history of peoples who lived in the
Nigerian area is replete with the stories of many wars. What is important for you to note here
is that such wars had several consequences including but not limited to destruction of towns
and villages, forced migration, creation of new towns and villages, enslavement of defeated
peoples by their conquerors, among others. Under such circumstances, cultures were absorbed
by more dominant ones and people learned new ways of life and languages. It was in this way
that war became one of the elements that created the basis for the evolution of culture in
Nigeria.
3.2.5 Islam
Islam is surely one of the two dominant religions practiced in Nigeria today. Yet, it is important
for you to note that Islam had not always been indigenous to many of the peoples in the
Nigerian area until the nineteenth century. What this means is that the introduction of Islam
into many of the settlements in the Nigerian area altered the ways of life of the people that
accepted the religion in a very definitive way that affected their mode of dressing, beliefs,
marriage, customs and law etc. This explains why the religion is regarded as one of the
historical foundations of Nigeria’s culture.

ITQ: When did Islam become indigenous to most of its adherents in the Nigerian
area?
A. 18th century B. 19th century C. 20th century D. 21st century

ITA: B. 19th century

3.3 Impact of Colonialism on Nigeria’s culture

Colonialism in the context of Nigeria describes how the British conquered many places and
established foreign rule over all the kingdoms, emirates, chiefdoms and other settlements in
the Nigerian area. You should therefore note that colonialism was a major episode in the history
of Nigeria that shaped and reshaped the culture of the country in several ways. Do you know
that it was colonialism that established the notion of ethnic groups in Nigeria? Do you also
know that Nigeria’s political and economic cultures were greatly shaped by colonialism?
Indeed, every aspect of life in Nigeria was affected by colonialism. For example, you should
note that although western education was introduced by Christian missionaries, the colonial
government later expanded to the nooks and crannies of the Nigerian area. Some Nigerians
became educated, imbibed the western mode of dressing and even imbibed new marital
traditions.

ITQ: Which of the following elements established the notion of ethnic groups in
Nigeria?
A. Islam B. Colonialism C. War D. Migration
 ITA: B. Colonialism

Summary of Study Session 3

In Study Session 3, you have learned that:
- Nigeria’s culture has historical foundations in the pre-colonial and colonial periods.
- Some of the pre-colonial elements that shaped Nigeria’s culture include geography,
migration, marriage, war and Islam.
- Colonialism was a major episode in Nigeria’s history
- Colonialism impacted Nigeria’s culture in diverse and definitive ways.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 3

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learned
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.

3.2. Discuss how war and Islam shaped Nigeria’s culture in the pre-colonial period.
3.3 Highlight some of the impact of colonialism on Nigeria’s culture.

References

Osuntokun, J and Olukoju A. (1997, Eds.) Nigerian Peoples and Cultures (Ibadan: Davidson
Press).

Suggestions for further reading

Ikime, Obaro (ed.) Groundwork of Nigerian History. Ibadan: Heinemann, 1980.

Falola, T., Mahadi, A., Uhomoibhi, M., and Anyanwu, U. History of Nigeria 1: Nigeria before
1800 A.D. Lagos: Longman, 1989, 2006.
Asiwaju Anthony and Oloruntimehin, B.O. (eds.), African Unity: The Cultural Foundation.
Lagos: CBAAC, 1998.
 Study Session 4

CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICAL CULTURE IN NIGERIA

4.0 Introduction

In this session, we examine Christianity and its influence on political culture in Nigeria. You
will notice that Nigerian Christianity has come a long way and has developed a complex of its
own. However, you will observe that strictly speaking, it is difficult to speak of a homogenous
Christian tradition in Nigeria. Rather, there are various religious traditions and practices within
the Christian fold. The changes in the religion have also been historically conditioned,
reflecting the evolution of various expressions of the faith in response to both local and foreign
stimuli.

Learning Outcomes

When you have studied this session, you should be able to understand the following:

4.1 The beginning of Christianity in Nigeria (SAQ 4.1)

4.2 Christianity and Political Culture in Nigeria (SAQ 4.2)
4.3 Contributions of Christian Groups to National Development (SAQ 4.3)

Main Content
4.1 The Beginning of Christianity in Nigeria

We must note that the first attempt to introduce Christianity by Catholic Portuguese traders to
the southern parts of what later became Nigeria in the late fifteenth century up till the
seventeenth century produced very little fruits. The new religion found it impossible to displace
traditional religion. Moreover, the connection of these early Portuguese with the inhuman slave
trade did not help matters. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, there was very little to
show for this early missionary effort. And these, in the words of J.F. Ade Ajayi, were “only a
few relics like the huge cross in the centre of old Warri, a few Church decorations surviving
among traditional shrines, a few memories reflected in oral tradition and in the ritual of
traditional gods”. There were no congregations or surviving converts.
 You should note that it was in the first half of the nineteenth century that European and
American missionaries re-introduced Christianity into the country. It was this second attempt
that bore lasting fruits. By the second half of the nineteenth century, several denominational
groups such as the Church Missionary Society (CMS also called Anglican), Roman Catholic
Church, Wesleyan (Methodist), Baptist, Presbyterian and other mainstream churches were
freely proselytizing in the southern parts of the area that later became Nigeria. In the last
quarter of the nineteenth century, secession groups called ‘African’ or ‘Native’ Churches also
began to emerge. The first half of the twentieth century was marked by the proliferation of
African Instituted (Indigenous or Independent) Churches (AICS) such as the Cherubim and
Seraphim (C&S) Church, the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC), the Church of the Lord, Aladura
(CLA) and the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC). At the same time, foreign Pentecostal
churches were extending their tentacles into the country. Such churches included the British
Apostolic Church, the (American) Foursquare Gospel Church, the Assemblies of God Church,
the Apostolic Faith, etc. The second half of the twentieth century saw the growth and explosion
of indigenous Pentecostal churches such as the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Deeper
Life Christian Ministry, Church of God Missions, Living Faith Ministries, Sword of the Spirit
Ministries, Christ Chapel, Christ Embassy, etc. A new Pentecostal wave was enhanced by the
activities of young people in Campus Fellowships, some of which later became the founders
of various Pentecostal ministries.

We must emphasise that the relationship subsisting among these various churches has
gone through various phases and transformations. For instance, you will observe that the
mainstream churches at the close of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth
century viewed the breakaway churches with suspicion, given the tense atmosphere within
which the secessions occurred. By the mid-twentieth, AICs were also regarded with mistrust
especially as some of those Aladura churches embraced certain aspects of traditional worship
such as boisterous music and dance, ritual consultation with prophets and the prescription of
special prayers, ‘baths’, use of white garments, etc. Pentecostal challenge to mainstream
churches took a different turn as Pentecostal leaders were accused of ‘sheep stealing’ especially
in the 80s and 90s due to the attraction the movement held for young people and its promise of
meeting their existential needs. Pentecostals also accused Aladura (AICs) of conducting rituals
and fraternizing with ‘power of darkness’ and in the 1980s, they derided mainstream churches
as ‘dead’ congregations with no power and anointing. The fact that few of the clergy in these
mainstream churches were said to be Freemasons and, or affiliated with local esoteric cults
(such as the Yoruba Ogboni Confraternity) did not help matters. Of all these Christian groups,
Pentecostals were, and still remain the most intolerant, insisting that all others needed to be
‘born again’ before they could be considered serious Christians.

You will observe in the mainstream churches in recent times the internal
Pentecostalization they have embraced in the area of music and dance during worship, probably
to keep their youth from leaving the church. Even though differences still persist in the practices
of the various groups, they are not seen as barriers to peaceful co-existence especially within
ecumenical bodies such as the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN).

4.2 Christianity and Political Culture

We will now discuss the contributions of Christianity, in its various expressions, to political
life in Nigeria. What has Christianity contributed to the political tradition in Nigeria? What
potentials does the religion have for improving the political life of the nation? What lessons
can political leaders and policy makers learn from Nigerian Christianity?

You will note that a significant milieu in the history of Nigerian Christianity was
witnessed in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and opening decades of the twentieth
century. This was the period when cultural nationalism was embraced and nurtured within the
Church with significant implications for subsequent political agitations and nationalist
demands. This was triggered by the discriminatory practices of white missionaries in the
mainstream churches. Details of this need not concern us here. But it should be noted that the
career of Samuel Ajayi Crowther (the first black man to be consecrated as an Anglican Bishop),
particularly towards the end of his life showed the disregard and insensitivity of white
missionaries to the plight of African pastors and church workers. Crowther’s death was said to
have been covered by a ‘cloud of persecution and humiliation’ from white CMS agents after
he had served the mission for almost five decades. However, not all native agents had the
forbearance and resilience of Ajayi Crowther.

Activity

Think about how the Church influenced nationalism in Nigeria.

4.3 Christian Groups and their Contributions to National Development

We will emphasise that white missionaries were reluctant to affirm the leadership qualities of
black priests and sometimes even mistreated and humiliated them, and this made splinter
groups from many of the mission churches to establish their own ‘African’ or ‘Native’
Churches to be led exclusively by Nigerians. Such churches included the Ebenezer Baptist
Church founded in Lagos in 1888, United Native African Church established in 1891, the
African Church, Bethel, Lagos founded in 1901, and the United African Methodist Church
(Eleja), Lagos, set up in 1917. A common feature of all these churches was the prominence of
African leadership. This is significant in several ways.

First, you will observe that it demonstrated that African churchmen and clergy could
successfully throw off the yoke of ‘spiritual or religious’ colonialism. Since white missionaries
were in close league with colonial authorities, it then followed that the bourgeoning nationalist
movement could draw inspiration from the emancipatory moves of Nigerian church leaders.
Secondly, the fact that those African churches survived despite the hostility of their parent
churches and of the colonial authorities proves the doggedness of African leaders. It also
demonstrates the ability of Nigerians to provide able leadership within those congregations as
well as their creativity in adapting foreign practices to local conditions. Seen from another
perspective, the African Church phenomenon underscores the enduring relevance of
indigenous components in any societal experiment, be it political, economic, social or religious.

Meanwhile, we must emphasise that the purveyors of cultural nationalism in the late
nineteenth century were all products of missionary schools. The elite became disillusioned and
discouraged by the discriminatory attitudes of Europeans both within and outside the Church.
The same discouragement could be found in the Nigerians that championed anti-colonial
protests in the early twentieth century. Another contribution of Christianity to politics in
Nigeria is its tradition of socio-political activism, human rights advocacy and critique of social
ills such as bad governance and corruption. This could be traced to the colonial period because
the first generation of educated elite were Christians who took it upon themselves to champion
the cause of the illiterate masses and protect them from the excesses of the colonial authorities.
Christian leaders became visible again during the military regimes (of Ibrahim Badamosi
Babangida and Sani Abacha) in the mid 80s and 1990s, which clamped down on the poor
masses with human rights abuses and the impoverishing Structural Adjustment Programme
(SAP).
 You will notice that during this period, leaders of mainstream churches, together with
human rights activists were at the forefront of the campaign against corruption and dictatorship.
Individual priests like Olubunmi Okogie (now Catholic Cardinal), Matthew Hassan Kukah
(now Bishop of Sokoto Diocese) and Bolanle Gbonigi (a retired Anglican Bishop) were
unrelenting critics of the military government. The Catholic Church, through its Justice,
Development and Peace Commission valiantly defended human rights. Drawing from Catholic
social doctrine, the Commission maintained that the church had a duty to oppose undemocratic
government and protest the violation of human rights. When democratic rule was eventually
instituted in 1999, it was clear that the leadership of the mainstream churches and human rights
groups as well as other concerned civil society bodies had contributed significantly to it.

It is important for you to observe that closely related to the above point is the role of
the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in speaking out against acts that are seen as
unfavourable to the Nigerian Christian community e.g. religions violence directed at Northern
Christians by Northern Muslims and attempts by the Muslim North to Islamise the country.

In addition, we will observe that Nigerian Christianity has contributed to the political
development of the country in the area of women empowerment especially within the African
Indigenous Churches (AICs) and the Pentecostal/Charismatic Assemblies. There, patriarchal
structures that had hitherto prevented women from playing leadership roles in the Church are
gradually being de-emphasised. Instead, there are female-friendly interpretations of Scriptures
that encourage women to realize their potentials and aspire to greater heights in all areas of
their lives. For instance, women were ordained as clergy in the Church of the Lord, Aladura;
they were recognized as prophetesses in C&S and CCC congregations; and as Lady Evangelists
in CAC Churches. Moreover, within some Pentecostal organizations, women enjoy full
ordination and play important administrative roles as is the case in the Redeemed Christian
Church of God (RCCG).

In numerous other Pentecostal Churches they are in charge of children’s department

and welfare, and training of other women (i.e. in Sisters’ Fellowships). There are also various
cases of women who founded their own ministries such as Bishop Dorcas Olaniyi of Agbala
Daniel Church in Ibadan (1979), and Bishop Bola Odeleke of the Power Pentecostal Church
(Agbala Agbara Olorun Kii Baa Ti) in Ibadan (1980) and later moved the headquarters to
Lagos. Again, on the death of their husbands, some wives have assumed the headship of large
ministries as exemplified by the cases of Bishop Margaret Idahosa of the Church of God
Missions, Benin and Rev. (Mrs.) Nkechi Anayo-Iloputaife of Faith Revival Ministries World
Outreach in Lagos.

You will also note that the significance of this for national political culture is that if
religious barriers that are held to be sacrosanct could be dismantled for women to rise and
assume leadership positions, then traditional patriarchy and other social hurdles can eventually
be surmounted by women. This may take time, but the point has already been made by these
newer expressions of Christianity that women have a lot to contribute to national development.
Moreover, the fact that female religious leaders are no less endowed with pneumatic and
charismatic gifts than men; and that most of the women at the religions helm have been efficient
show that any society that continues to censor its womenfolk and keeps them from assuming
important public roles denies itself of the values, skills, resources and gifts of such women.
Happily, some women are becoming prominent in the wider political sphere. There are cases
of Christian women who have distinguished themselves in public service. Examples of these
include: Professor (Mrs.) Dora Akunyili (former Director-General of the National Agency for
Food and Drug Administration, and former Federal Minister of Information), Dr. (Mrs.) Ngozi
Okonjo-Iweala (former Minister of Finance and Head of the nation’s Economic Team) and Dr.
(Mrs.) Oby Ezekwesili (Pioneer chief executive of the national Due Process Office, and former
Minister of Education).

However, we will emphasise that the contributions of Christianity to political culture in

Nigeria have not always been encouraging. First is in the area of direct participation of
Christians as candidates in electoral contests. For a long time, Pentecostals especially
denounced politics as a “dirty game”, unfit for heavenly-minded Christians. It is only recently
that they have started to vie for electoral office. For instance, Rev. Chris Okotie unsuccessfully
contested twice (in 2003 and 2007) as a presidential aspirant on the ticket of the Fresh Party
founded by him. Tunde Bakare also lost his bid for the post of Vice-President in 2011 on the
platform of the Congress for Progressive Change [CPC]. Second, even in cases where professed
Christians won elections, their performance in office has not always been above board. They
have been as guilty of corruption and associated malpractices as other Nigerians professing
different religions. The worst cases, which make juicy headlines in tabloids, are instances of
clerical scandals. These are not restricted to any particular denomination, they randomly occur
among various religious groups (Muslims, Christians, adherents of traditional religion). The
prosperity doctrine presently making the rounds within some Pentecostal groups has not helped
matters, especially in a nation already saturated with acts of corruption and other vices.
Summary of Study Session
After going through this session, you have learned the following:

(i) The beginning of Christianity in Nigeria.

(ii) Christianity and Political Culture in Nigeria.
(iii) Contributions of Christian Groups to National Development.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 4

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learned
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
SAQ 4.1: Examine the beginning of Christianity in Nigeria.
SAQ 4.2: Highlight the influence of Christianity on political culture in Nigeria.
SAQ 4.3: What would you consider the contributions of Nigerian Christian groups to the
development of Nigeria?

References
Gbadamosi, T.G. O., The growth of Islam among the Yoruba, 1841-1908, Longmans, London,
1978.

Murray, Last, The Sokoto Caliphate, London, 1967.

Ade-Ajayi, J.F., Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making of a New

Elite. London: Longman, 1965.
Adekunle, J.O. (ed.), Religion in Politics: Secularism and National Integration in
Modern Nigeria. Trenton: Africa World Press, 2009.
Ogungbile, D.O. and Akinade, A.E. (eds.) Creativity and Change in Nigerian
Christianity. Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd., 2010.
Olukoju, A. O., “The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Nigeria”. In
Osuntokun, A. and Olukoju, A. O. (eds.), Nigerian Peoples and Cultures.
Ibadan: Davidson Press, 1997, 298-309.
Peel, J.D.Y., Aladura: A Religious Movement among the Yoruba. London:
Oxford University Press, 1968.
Suggestions for further reading

Adeboye, O. “Pentecostal Challenge in Africa and Latin America: A Comparative

Focus on Nigeria and Brazil”. Afrika Zamani, 11 & 12 (2003-2004), 136-
160.
Omoyajowo, J.A. (ed.) Makers of the Church in Nigeria, 1842-1947. Lagos:
CSS Bookshops Ltd., 1995.
 Study Session 5
NIGERIAN CULTURAL HERITAGE

5.0 Introduction
In this session, we will examine important issues about Nigerian cultural heritage, the meaning
of cultural heritage, some aspects of Nigerian cultural heritage and their relevance.

Learning Outcomes for Study Session 5

After you have studied this session, you should be able to:
5.1 Define cultural heritage (SAQ 1)
5.2 Discuss different aspects of Nigerian marriage heritage (SAQ 2)
5.3 Identify different types of Nigerian naming ceremonies (SAQ 3)
5.4 Appreciate different Nigerian funeral ceremonies (SAQ 4)
5.5 Highlight Nigerian cultural heritage of abominations and sacrileges (SAQ 5)

5.1 Meaning of Cultural Heritage

You will observe that cultural heritage implies the aspects of the culture or the way of life of a
people that are passed from one generation to another. It is a major aspect of the history and
culture of communities across the world.

5.2 Aspects of Marriage Heritage

You will note that marriage is very important among Nigerian communities. An unmarried
person of either sex is treated as an object of derision except in some unusual situations.
Besides, among many Nigerian communities, childlessness is treated or seen as a calamity.
This makes marriage an indispensible part of culture in Nigeria.

We must emphasise that many Nigerian communities follow similar processes in marriage, yet
there are differences. In all Nigerian communities, marriage begins with the finding of the
bride, introduction to her family, payment of the bride price and the traditional marriage. In
all these processes, there are differences among different groups.

Marriage among the Yoruba

You will note that the five stages followed in marriage by most Nigerian groups apply also to
the Yoruba. These steps are: the Ifojusode, that is, the process of searching for a good wife
material. This normally involves investigation into the background of the prospective wife to
ensure that there are no problems or hereditary ailments in the family of the woman. The
second stage, the Alarina involves bringing in a mediating agent (usually, a woman, but may
also be a man) who would mediate between the suitor and the intending bride by introducing
them to each other. The third stage is the Iyojusile which involves the introduction of the
members of the two families. During this period, the consent of the girl and her parents is
obtained. The fourth stage is the Idana, when the pride price is paid to the girl’s family. The
issue of bride price varies. In some areas, it is negotiated or fixed but the amount is generally
small. Different symbolic items are normally presented to the girl’s family as part of the Idana.
These items include: Oyin (honey), obi (kola nut), ireke (sugar cane), ataare (alligator pepper)
and epo (palm oil).

During the ceremony, a senior member of the girl’s family would pray for the couple with the
items listed above. The sugar and honey symbolize happiness in marriage; the kola for the
couple’s protection against sickness; the alligator pepper for them to have many children; and
the palm oil for resilience in their marriage. After these, the bride would be escorted to her
husband’s house by her kin amidst singing and gaiety. In all these stages, the bride’s family
would entertain the groom’s family, friends and visitors.

Marriage among the Akoko Edo

We will now look at marriage among the Akoko Edo which is similar to marriage among the
Yoruba and the Edo. The major difference is that among the Yoruba, if the consent of the
bride’s family is not obtained, the marriage would not take place. If the girl does not agree to
the union, the marriage would not take place. In the case of the Akoko Edo, the situation is
different. If the parent of the girl do not agree, the girl could be abducted by the intending
groom. If her father does not agree and the mother agrees, the mother would aid or assist in
the abduction. The intending husband and the mother in-law would agree on a date. That day,
the mother would send the girl to the market or to the stream while the would - be husband
would arrange with four hefty men, who would wait for her on the way to the stream or market
and carry her with speed to the intending husband’s house. The following day, the mother
would cook and send food to her daughter. Once she has spent a day in the man’s house,
marriage is deemed to have taken place and the husband would pay the requirements at his
convenience. This practice also takes place among the Edo people. If the girl refuses to go to
her husband, she could be captured after her husband has paid a special dowry.
Marriage among the Igbo
You need to know that the choice of a wife is a very crucial issue in marriage among the Igbo.
Importantly, the family of the prospective groom makes enquires through trusted friends about
the background of the prospective bride and her family. If they are satisfied with her family
background, they would then organize visits to the girl’s home. The girl would be asked if she
has any objections. If she has none, both parties would start negotiating the bride price and
other customary things to do. During the second stage, both families would meet in the girl’s
family home and the young man’s family would bring kola nut and palm wine. During the
course of discussion, the girl’s family would summon the bride and give her a cup of palm
wine to identify her husband among the crowd. She would take the cup of palm wine from her
father and kneel down and give it to her husband. That signifies her consent to marry the man.

You will note that the third stage is the payment of the bride price. This is crucial in all Igbo
marriage systems. If the bride price is not paid, any offspring from such a union would belong
to the family of the girl. Once the pride price is paid, the marriage process is concluded.

The fourth step in the marriage process is the traditional marriage called Igba Nkwụ in some
parts of Igbo land. On that day, the girl would be beautifully dressed. Family, friends and well
wishers would bring her gifts. She would kneel down before her father or the most senior
member of her family for prayer and blessing. This would be followed by her departure to her
husband’s house. The departure is usually emotional as the bride cries all the way. All her age
mates would accompany her to her husband’s house amidst singing. At her husband’s house,
the age mates would receive gifts and finally leave the couple alone.

We must emphasise that during the pre-colonial period, as soon as the young lady came to her
husband’s house, she would be made to reveal all those with whom she had any intimate
relationship since her betrothal. She would make such confessions before the senior daughters
of the village, who would assemble for such a purpose, holding a fowl before the family god.
The fowl was later killed for cleansing. At this period chastity before marriage was highly
valued, but now things have changed.

Marriage among the Fulani

There are two groups among the Fulani – the town Fulani and the cattle Fulani. Marriage was
and still is a rigorous process among the Fulani. A young man that has reached a marriageable
age must pass the manhood test called sharo. The people would assemble in a market place
and the young man would declare that he was old enough to marry. Suddenly, a challenger
would appear brandishing a leather whip. He would bring the whip down across the back of
the prospective groom with force. There would be a burning sensation, but the victim would
not show any sign of pain. If he does, the marriage would not take place. If he endures,
everybody would dance and go home for a prospective husband has emerged. Also all the
young ladies, the prospective wives, would gather at the venue to watch the event.

We must emphasise that after the young man had gone through the process for the choice of a
wife, another rigorous process would start. This involves scrutinizing the character of the
would-be-bride. She must be hard-working and be able to run the home during the long absence
of her husband. After the choice, the bride price would be negotiated and paid in cattle, dresses
and other items. The prospective husband would fill a box with dresses for the new bride. After
this, the bride would go to her husband’s house

You will note that the final test of the Fulani marriage is chastity before marriage. On the first
night of the marriage, a white sheet would be spread on the bed. If it is stained with blood, the
bride and her family would be highly respected, for that implies that the lady was not defiled
before marriage.

Marriage among the Edo

You will observe that marriage among the Edo is in some ways similar to marriage among the
Yoruba and the Igbo, though there are variations. Marriage begins with the search for a wife,
then betrothal, and payment of bride price. There is also the circumcision of the girl and
subsequent integration into her husband’s family.

Another point you will note is that the search for a suitable bride I usually done by parents of
the boy who would contact the parents of a girl of their choice, even if she is a minor. Should
she refuse to go through the marriage process, a special present called Ugbo Ogba or the strong
foot would be given to her father or brother to persuade her to go through the marriage process.
If she still refuses after the father has accepted this offer, the father would permit the other
family to arrange and capture her.

If the boy finds the girl himself, the normal process of inquiry would take place. If the family
of the young man are satisfied with their findings, a formal contact with the girl’s family would
be established. Then, the bride price would be paid and the marriage concluded.

We must emphasise that after this process, circumcision takes place and the girl is joined to her
husband and would go to him. The family of the boy would slaughter a goat and the blood
collected. The couple would stand and hold hands at the entrance of the house with each foot
on the door step. They would dip their big toes into the blood of the goat as prayers are said for
their marital journey. The man would give his father in-law money to buy a goat to be used to
offer sacrifices to the ancestors to bless the marriage. On the seventh day, the girl would visit
her husband’s ancestral shrine with kola and wine. She would be made to confess any
relationship she had with any man since her betrothal. In some Edo communities, the new wife
would be sent back to her family at conception and she would remain there till delivery. Then,
her husband would present oil and fish and take her back.

Marriage among the Ibibio

We begin this discussion by noting that like many other Nigerian communities, marriage
among the Ibibio begins with the search for the bride and once she is found, the young man
would send an intermediary to the father of the girl. If he agrees, the young man would visit
the family of the girl and render various kinds of service during the courtship. After this, the
bride price would be negotiated and paid.

You will note that after the payment of the bride price, fattening begins. This marks the passage
from girlhood to womanhood and qualifies the lady to marry. During the period of fattening,
the girl is also circumcised. Thirty days after fattening, the young woman would emerge from
her confinement and join the company of adult women. She would be presented with gifts,
cash, cooking utensils and thereafter, she joins her husband.

Another point you must know is that marriage also varies among the Ibibio. In Ikot Oku Nsit,
if a man wishes to marry from a particular family and could not find a grown up girl, he could
approach a pregnant woman from that family and draw a circle with a white chalk on her belly.
Should a baby girl be born, a piece of raffia would be tied to the baby’s hand signifying the
choice of the girl as a marriage partner.

Marriage among the Efik

Let us explore marriage ceremony among the Efik. Marriage among the Efik begns with the
search for the bride. Once she is found, the process of meeting the family, the negotiation and
payment of bride price takes place. After all these, fattening commences. As soon as fattening
ends, the bride would go to her husband.

We must emphasise that the Efik of James Town have a more elaborate fattening process done
in two phases. The girls are circumcised between the ages of five and seventeen before going
for fattening. The fattening would last for one year. During this period, fresh palm leaves are
tied over the door where the young girl resides to prevent wicked water spirit Ndem from
entering. During the period of fattening, the girl is thoroughly massaged all over her body to
improve its texture.

You will note also that the second period of fattening brings the lady into womanhood. It would
last up to five years depending on the wealth of the future husband or the family. After this,
the bride price is paid and she would go with her husband.

Marriage among the Igala

Our next focus is on marriage among the Igala, which is similar to the marriage culture of some
other Nigerian communities. It begins with the search for the bride. When she is found, there
would be an introduction to the family of the girl. Thereafter, there is the negotiation of the
bride price. When these are done, marriage is concluded.

You will note that there is a variation in the Igala marriage system. Among the Nigerian
communities, it is the family of the girl that entertains the in-laws, friends and well wishers,
even though it might be sponsored by the husband. Among the Igala, it is the family of the man
that entertains everybody. They bring all necessary things from firewood, food items, plates,
cups and spoons to the bride’s family. They also bring those who cook and served the food.
The girl’s family would only look on and be served like other visitors and never render any
assistance.

You will note also that during the feasting, the bride would disappear and her husband would
organize a search party to look for her. After a rigorous search, they would find her and her
mates and friends would demand a certain amount which the husband must pay. Her friends
also check if the items presented by her husband are complete. If not, they would wait until it
is completed. Thereafter, the bride would leave with her husband.

Marriage among the Urhobo

We will now discuss marriage among the Urhobo, which is similar to the marriage culture of
the Bini though there are slight differences. You will note that in the Urhobo system, marriage
is linked with the spirit world. After the traditional marriage has been performed, the girl’s
family would take her to the ancestral shrines to lift her spiritually, ask for blessings on her
behalf and cut off any ancestral link she might have had. As soon as she arrives her husband’s
house, she would be taken to the ancestral shrine of her husband’s family to pray for blessing,
protection, and guidance. This hand over to the ancestral spirits resembled that of the Benin.
Unlike the Benin system, the bride in the Urhobo system undergoes circumcision in the seventh
month of her first pregnancy.

Marriage among the Tiv

Another notable marriage to discuss is among the Tiv. This usually begins with the search for
the wife as is done in other parts of Nigeria. After finding the wife, formal introduction to the
family takes place. We must emphasise that unlike other parts of Nigeria, the bride price is
never discussed in terms of cash, because according to them, the lady is not being sold. The
amount to be paid is determined by the quantity of broom sticks agreed upon. Each broom
stick represents a specified amount of money to be paid. The payment of the bride price is not
completed at once.

We must emphasise that in situations where the young man cannot meet the requirements of
the girl’s family, the man could capture the lady without recourse to the family. After some
days, the family of the boy would go to the girl’s family and beg for acceptance. But the young
man marrying the girl would not go in person to the girl’s family for fear of attack. Once the
girl has stayed a day in the house of the young man, marriage is deemed to have taken place.

You will also note that there is also bride exchange among the Tiv, which is not practiced
among other Nigerian communities. Families with grown up daughters and sons could
exchange their daughters in marriage. A young man with a mature sister could exchange her
for another girl.

We will emphasise that the Tiv also cherish chastity before marriage. If a girl is not found to
be a virgin at the time of marriage, the husband would send a special message to her family.
He would buy a small block of moulded salt, make a hole in it and send it to the family of the
girl or he could use a piece of cloth and cut a hole at the centre and send it to the family of the
girl. That shows that their daughter was not a virgin before marriage. It would be a great
shame to the family and a loss. If the girl is a virgin, the husband would buy a goat and send it
to the mother- in-law, who would invite all the women in the community and slaughter the goal
with great rejoicing. In situations where the family of the girl does not want the shame from
their daughter’s action, they would buy the goat themselves and invite the people as if their
daughter was a virgin.

5.3 Naming Ceremonies

We will begin the discussion on naming ceremonies by saying that child birth brings joy and
happiness, not only to the parents of the child but to family and friends. If child birth occurs
under certain circumstances, it could be given different interpretations. Among the Ibibio, if a
child is born at night, any appearance of a shadow from the moon is interpreted as a bad omen.

We must emphasise that among the Ibibio, naming follows immediately after birth. The choice
of names is governed by the order of birth and other circumstances at the time of birth. The
names could also relate to other members of the society. The first son is usually named Akpan,
the first daughter Adieba, the second son Udoh, the second daughter Unwa, the third son Ufot
and the third daughter Udunwan while twins are named Mfon.

Naming Ceremony among the Igbo

We will note that naming ceremony among the Igbo takes place on the eighth day.
Circumcision is performed on the baby between the third and the eighth day. The privilege of
naming a child is reserved for the eldest man in the compound. Two or more names could be
given to a child at once. Most Igbo names begin with Nwa and often followed by the market
day depending on when the child was born. Nwa means son or child and could be followed by
a market day–Nwaeke, Nwaafor, Nwaorie depending on when the child was born. The naming
of a child could be according to the order of birth. The first son is named Okpara, the first
daughter Ada while the last daughter is named Ulu. In some families, the second child could
be named Ulu. In most communities, chi referring to God is used for names – Chi-gozie, God
blesses, Chi-nyere God has given, Chi-emeka, God has done well.

Naming Ceremony among the Yoruba

You will note that naming among the Yoruba is similar to naming among other Nigerian
communities. Traditionally, naming takes place on the seventh day for a baby girl and the
ninth day for a baby boy. However, as a result of modernization, naming ceremony for both
sexes is now fixed for the eighth day after the birth of the baby. A child could be named based
on the peculiar circumstances of the birth. A child could be named to reflect the parents’ desire
for the re-incarnation of a departed parent or family member. Thus, the Yorubas have such
names as Babatunde, Babawale, Babajide (My father returns), Iyabode, Yejide, Yetunde (My
mother returns), etc. A child could also be named after the gods or deities, such as Ogunsanya,
Ogunyinka, Ogunsiji, Ogunmola, Sangosanya, Sangodele, Oyafunke, Oyawale, Fashina,
Fabunmi, Fawole, Oshunfunke, Oshunkoya, Oshuntokun, Eshubiyii, Eshugbayi,
Orishabunmi,Orishatola, etc. Names such as these are given by adherents of the different gods
or deities to demonstrate their belief in the gods. In Yoruba land, children may also be named
based on peculiar circumstances of their birth or to express the sentiments of the parents
regarding certain happenings in the family at the time of the birth. For instance, a child born
during festivities will be named Abiodun, while a female child born when the parents are
financially buoyant may be named Abiola, Mojisola, Omobolanle, Eniola, etc. In naming a
child such items as honey and kola are offered for prayers.

5.4 Funeral Ceremonies among the Yoruba

We must note that death evokes different reactions among Nigerian communities depending
on who died and in what circumstances. In all Nigerian communities, the death of a young
person is greatly mourned. In Yoruba land, parents do not see the corpse of their children
because children are expected to bury their parents and not the other way round. Death of
children is associated with witchcraft and other forms of evil. When a non-titled man dies, the
family presents seven pieces of wrapper for his burial. The corpse would be folded with the
wrapper but at the time of interment the clothings are removed.

You will note that if a hunter dies, there would be gun shots to announce the death. Other
hunters organize general hunting for him and any animal killed would be eaten by the
community. His fellow hunters would remove his gun and machetes which he used in hunting
as well as dangerous charms. We must emphasise that titled men, war heroes and chiefs are
normally given special burial. Women and non- title holders are not expected to come out
during such ceremonies. Most of them are buried in their compounds.

Funeral Ceremonies among the Ibibio

You will observe that the Ibibio believe that no child or young man dies without the
involvement of either enemies or the spirit world. If a child dies, the body is mutilated to
prevent his re-incarnation. If a young woman dies during delivery, it is believed that she did
not confess her unfaithfulness and did not disclose the men with whom she committed
immorality. The death of a child is ascribed to witchcraft. Only the death of old people is
accepted as normal and therefore accompanied by feasting and rejoicing.

We must emphasise that the death of a chief is not announced until the family has made all
necessary arrangements. In some areas, the death is never announced until after three months.
Among the Akwa Ibom, the death of a chief is announced by beating a drum on top of his
house.
You will observe that among the Utit Urian, members of secret societies such as Ekong and
Ekpo are buried in special ways. They are dressed and seated on the chair in their sitting rooms.
A staff is placed on their right hand and metal drum instruments on their left hand. A member
of Ekpo is usually buried with his slaves, and after interment a mask is hung on the side of the
grave. Old women are buried with jubilation and elaborate entertainment.

Funeral Ceremonies among the Igbo

We will start this discussion by noting that there are various kinds of burial in Igbo land – the
young, the mature adults, heroes and titled men. The death of children is very painful and
parents are not expected to bury their children. The death of close relations and husbands is
announced with wailing by the women. The body is laid until arrangements are concluded for
burial. The death of chiefs is never announced until the family has concluded the arrangements
for burial. Guns are fired and cows slaughtered for the burial. In the olden days, a chief was
usually buried with his slaves. During the second burial, daughters of the village would go
round the market, dancing and displaying evidence of the man’s wealth. In the olden days, first
daughters were buried in their father’s compounds.

You will note that lepers and those who died of small pox were thrown into the evil forest.
Those who died of accidents, lunatics or women who died at child birth were hurriedly buried.
Those who died by hanging would not be brought down and buried, until members from a
particular village “Umuamadi”, who worshipped the god of thunder “Amadioha” came and
brought the corpse down and buried it.

5.5 Cultural Heritage of Abominations and Sacrileges

You will observe that a number of offences among many Nigerian communities were
considered abominations. A married woman committing adultery was seen as an abomination.
In Yoruba land, her husband was free to divorce her. Among the Elulu in Isoko, a married
woman who committed adultery without confessing would not give birth to children. In Hausa
land adultery would lead to immediate divorce. Among the Edo, adultery could lead to the
death of children born by the woman or some serious sickness if she does not confess.

We must emphasise that stealing was considered an abomination among some Nigerian
communities. Among the Isoko, the thief had to replace all stolen items and bring yam, local
and other items to the community. Among the Igbo, stealing of yam was a serious crime and
the thief could die for it.
You will note that in all Nigerian communities, incest is a great sacrilege and different methods
are used to deal with the offender so as to discourage the crime.

You will observe that traditionally, among the Ibibio, the mothers of twins were not allowed to
step into certain streams or rivers. Among the Igbo, it was an abomination for wives in a
polygamous families to give birth the same day. Among the Ibibio, if a crow flew across the
root of the house of a sick man, it implied that his death was imminent. Similarly, if a person
tipped the left toe against a stone, it indicated that the person would die an early death. Among
the Edo and Yoruba, it would be an abomination to visit some parts of the palace. In Benin, it
is never said that the Oba had died, rather it was said that the Oba has been swallowed by the
ground. Among the Ijaw, it was an abomination to drown in the river, and such a person would
be buried in an evil forest. If an Ijaw drowned in water and did not float, it meant that the water
spirit was holding him. Among the Ebira, it was an abomination to step across the leg of a
pregnant woman. Among the Urhobo, it was an abomination for a woman to push her husband
down. Among many Nigerian communities, it was an abomination to go to the farm on certain
days. In parts of Igboland, it was an abomination for a free born (Diala) to marry an outcast
(osu). In Elelem, Imo State, it was an abomination to have relationship with a woman in the
bush.

We will note that certain animals indicated the presence of abomination in parts of Igbo land.
In Ngor Okpala, if a lion came out in the night to roar in the village square, it signified an
abomination had been committed. In parts of Imo State, if a wild cat or a bat cried behind the
house of a sick man it meant that person would die. In parts of Kogi State, it was prohibited to
whistle at night for it would bring evil spirit.

Summary of Study Session 5

After going through this session, you have learned the following:
(i) The meaning of cultural heritage.
(ii) Aspects of marriage heritage of some Nigerian ethnic groups.
(iii) Aspects of naming ceremonies of some Nigerian ethnic groups.
(iv) The funeral ceremonies of some Nigerian ethnic groups.
(v) Aspects of culture of abominations and sacrileges of some Nigerian communities.
Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Session 5
Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learnt
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
What would you consider to be the cultural heritage of a country?
Explain aspects of Nigerian marriage heritage.
Discuss aspects of Nigerian naming ceremonies.
Highlight aspects of Nigerian funeral ceremonies.
Explain aspects of Nigerian cultural heritage of abominations and sacrileges.

References/ Suggestion for Further Reading

Beals, Allan R. (1967) Culture in Process, Holt, Reinhart and Winston, New York.
Taylor, Edward B. (1974) Primitive Culture, Boston: Estates and Lauviat.
Ejiofor, Pita, N.O. (1984) Culture Revival in Igboland, University Publishing Company,
Onitsha.
 Study Session 6

ISLAM AND POLITICAL CULTURE IN NIGERIA

6.0 Introduction
In this session we are going to examine the emergence of the Islamic religion and how it
affected political culture in Nigeria. You must note that religion has been an important aspect
of Nigeria’s life. It has over the years, exerted a strong influence on the nation’s political
culture. This session covers the establishment of Islam in Nigeria, the impact of Islam on
Nigeria, causes of the Sharia imbroglio in the Fourth Republic, and the emergence of the Boko
Haram sect.

Learning Outcomes for Study Session 6

After you have studied this session, you should be able to understand the following:
6.1 The various stages of the establishment of Islam in Nigeria (SAQ 6.1)
6.2 The impact of Islam on Nigeria (SAQ 6.2)
6.3 Causes of the Sharia imbroglio in the Fourth Republic (SAQ 6.3)
6.4 The emergence of the Boko Haram sect. (SAQ 6.4)

6.1 Stages of the Establishment of Islam in Nigeria

For a proper understanding of the Islamic influence on the development of Nigeria, we will
start the discussion by looking at the various stages of its establishment in various parts of
Nigeria. The most prominent areas where Islamic influence was high included Kanem-Borno,
Hausa land and Yoruba land. Incidentally, these are the same areas where Islamic culture has
had its longest history in the country.
Kanem-Borno
You will observe that from the beginning there has been a considerable amount of interaction
between the Kanuri speaking people of Kanem-Borno and the Berber merchants of North
Africa. Accordingly, the earliest indication of the presence of Islam in Nigeria was in Borno,
which emerged out of the ancient Kanem–Borno Empire. Situated at the terminus of the trans-
Sahara trade route which ran from Tripoli through Fezzan and Bilma, the area had enjoyed
considerable trading relations with merchants coming from North Africa. The real process of
Islamizaton began in the 11th century, when Kanem produced the first Muslim ruler Umme
Jilme (1075-85) of the Seifawa dynasty. With the conversion of the ruler, members of the royal
household embraced Islam. By the 13th century, Kanem-Borno rulers exchanged emissaries
with the countries of the Maghreb just as they established diplomatic relations with the
Ottoman Empire. So deep-rooted was Islam in the area that Jilme performed the Holy
pilgrimage to Makkah twice, but died during the third attempt. The islamization of Borno
reached its peak during the reign of Mai Idris Alooma (1570-1602), who was widely
acknowledged as the Amirul Mumineen (leader of the faithful).This title showed the degree to
which Islam had become fully integrated in the empire during the last quarter of the 16th
century. His tenure was widely documented by his biographer Ahmad bin Fartuwa.
Hausaland
You will note that like Borno, Hausa land experienced the wave of Islamization during the
reign of Sarki Yaji of Kano ((1349-1385). A more significant milestone was achieved during
the reign of Sarki Rumfa (1463-1499), when he requested the famous Algerian scholar, Abdul
Karim Al-Maghilli to prepare a treatise for him to facilitate his administration. It would be
recalled that al-Maghilli arrived in Kano in 1492, while on a journey that took him to Gao and
Katsina among other places. The Arabic document was titled ‘Tajud-din fii ma yajib
alalMuslim’, freely translated as the’ Obligation of the Princes’ by scholars.

You will observe that another significant stage in the spread of Islam in Hausa land was the
19th century Jihad launched by the Fulani emigrants against the syncretic practices of the Habe
rulers. This reform movement was led by Shehu Usman dan Fodio. In one of his works, Dan
Fodio wrote on some of the abhorrent religious beliefs and practices which were widespread
in Hausa land. He mentioned and condemned as polytheistic, the practice of venerating trees
and rocks on which libations were poured. These and other aspects of life in Hausa land provide
us with an insight into the doctrinal basis of the Fulani Jihad. By the year 1812, the long
established political system had been replaced by the Sokoto Caliphate which controlled the
entire Hausa land and extended to the northern frontier of Yoruba land. An immediate
consequence of the Fulani Jihad was that it united the Hausa states under one political system
governed by the Sharia law. Under the new political dispensation, new political offices were
introduced such as the Emir which replaced the Sarki, the Waziri, the Galadima, the Amirul
Jaysh among others. However, the Sokoto Caliphate came to an end in 1903 with the advent
of British colonial rule. It is note-worthy that many aspects of the Caliphate structure was
transferred into the new political structure under the Indirect Rule system.
We must emphasise that two features of Islam are essential for us to understand the influence
of the religion on the Hausa community. The first was the degree to which Islam permeates
other institutions in the society. As an important factor in the Emirate socio-political structure,
Islam reflected in the daily routine of the social life through the five daily prayers, so also was
the annual pilgrimage to Mecca and the Sharia legal system. As a matter of policy, .every
community has at least a small piece of land set aside for the daily prayers.

Secondly, the wide scope of Islamic beliefs and practices provided a level ground that caused
an individual to feel that he belongs to a cultural tradition that affects not only the family-life,
but also his dress-code and provide opportunities that linked him not only to his local
community but also the wider Islamic world.

Yorubaland
You will observe that the spread of Islam in Yoruba land has its unique features; even though
it cannot be fully isolated from events happening in Kanem-Borno and Hausa land. Although
there was evidence of some Islamic presence in the area during the pre-jihad era, the socio-
political status of the Muslim community was generally low. Two factors combined to boost
the status of the Muslims during the 19th century. First was the influx of the liberated slaves to
Lagos and Badagry and a few other places. Most of these returnees were skilled and talented
artisans. Some of them had become relatively wealthy and influential. Some of them were
instrumental in the diffusion of European ideas and Western education among their fellow
Muslims.

Secondly, you will note that the wars that ravaged Yoruba land during the 19th century and the
emergence of Ilorin as a frontier emirate of the Sokoto Caliphate contributed to the rapid spread
and growth of Islam. For much of the second half of the century, Ilorin was in the vanguard of
the spread of Islam to different parts of Yoruba land. The modus operandi was open-air
services, establishment of Quranic schools as well as the construction of mosques in the rural
and urban centers. Although there were scholars from Kanem-Borno empire and Hausa land,
the bulk of the teachers and preachers were from Ilorin and its environs. Eventually, Islamic
culture became manifest in their mode of dressing, language and architecture.

6.2 Religious Impact on Nigeria

We must emphasise that Islam recorded a direct impact on the Nigerian society through its
active involvement in the process of urbanization. For example, under the stimulation of the
Sokoto Caliphate, many villages were converted to towns and new towns were established as
centers of commerce and industry. Largely through the efforts of some Emirs and their
officials, some towns were founded outside Hausa land. Such towns included Adamawa, Yola,
Bauchi, Bida and Kontagora, among others. During the early period of Islam in Borno, the
study of the Quran and other Islamic texts was usually associated with the emergent Muslim
community that cultivated the culture of reading and writing to enable them fulfill religious
and societal obligations. Products of this type of education eventually served as clerics, scribes
and judges during the later period. The royal patronage which was given to Islam together with
the encouragement that was provided to Islamic learning led to the emergence of a new
generation of young Muslim scholars and religious activists. The unlimited access to books
and literature from North Africa further encouraged Islamic learning during the period.

Religious Violence in Nigeria

You would have observed that religious violence has general currency in national socio-
political discourse because of the numerous incidents in our recent past. Although religion is
presumed to be a personal affair, it has become a major problem threatening the stability and
survival of the nation. Since independence and the period of military incursion into governance,
the country has witnessed series of religiously induced crises which had negative effects on the
corporate existence of the country. Despite the high expectations that a return to democratic
rule would facilitate a resolution of the incessant sectarian conflicts in Nigeria, the country has
continued to witness several cases of religious conflicts. Between 1980 and 2004, the Northern
part of the country recorded several cases of religiously-induced crises which claimed several
lives and valuable properties. Ironically, religious crisis in Nigeria could be intra-Muslim,
ethno-religious and Muslim-Christian in nature. The Fulani Jihad could be seen as a form of
intra-Muslim crisis. You will recall that Islam had been established and practiced in Hausa land
before the influx of the Fulani from the Sene-Gambia region. It was the spectacle of synergetic
practices among the Hausa leaders that prompted the sharp reaction of the jihadists to embark
on a mission to revive the religion and bring it back to its original form. To them, the jihad was
prompted by the burning desire to turn the wheel of Islam off the path of decline and of intra-
Muslim crisis. The Maitatsine riots of Kano in 1980 were another classical case of intra-Muslim
crisis. The major demand of the group was a total rejection of the idea of secularism and an
absolute loyalty to their leader Muhammad Marwa. Since the outbreak of the Maitatsine riots,
cases of religious fundamentalism have become a recurring event with ugly consequences. The
following towns had witnessed one form of religious violence or another in Nigeria:
1- Kano - December 1980, 1991, 1994 and 1995.
 2- Kafanchan - 1981, 1987, 1996.
3- Maiduguri - 1982, 2009, 2010.
4- Jimeta - 1984.
5- Ilorin- 1986.
6- Kaduna- 1987, 2000, 2002.
You should note that because of the absence of reliable statistics on this violence, it has been
difficult to ascertain the actual number of causalities in each event. Press reports about the crisis
are not absolutely adequate. From the above, it is clear that religious violence has taken place
in Northern Nigeria more than any other part of the federation. Hence, it has become imperative
to ask why the culture of carnage persists in the North?

Causes of Religious Violence

We must emphasise that religion was not a serious source of conflict in Nigeria until the late
1970s. It was during the deliberations of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) in
1976/1977 that the Sharia issue opened up the sectarian discourse. Since then, religion has
become a strong influencing factor in the nation’s political scene. While religion has
contributed quite positively to the process of national integration, the manipulation of religion
by the political class has had a negative impact on the growth of the country. It is this misuse
of religion that has exposed the country to series of religious violence on many occasions. It
has also been established that one of the major causes of religious violence was that
practitioners of the major religions do not have sufficient information on the core message of
the other religion. There is limited opportunity for the exchange of information between the
adherents of Islam and Christianity.

You will note that the cultural and ethnic diversities of Nigeria have had a direct impact on its
political scene. Each of the ethnic and religious groups has peculiar beliefs and values which
could trigger off violent conflict at the slightest provocation. For example, the Hausa/Fulani
are very aggressive when the religion they profess or the personality of the prophet of Islam is
placed in a state of ridicule or disrepute. A classical example was their reaction to a Danish
newspaper cartoon on the Prophet of Islam which was considered highly offensive. Such
religious sensitivities of the people are often exploited by the political class when they want to
cover up their ineptitude and corruption. It is this sentimental attachment of Nigerians to
religion that makes it a politically active instrument in the nation’s socio-political affairs.
Activity
Suggest ways that you think we can prevent religious violence in
Nigeria.

6.3 The Sharia Imbroglio in the Fourth Republic

You will observe that the Sharia debate at the 1988 Constituent Assembly degenerated to a
level where some distinguished members of the Assembly demanded that Sharia must be totally
expunged from the Constitution. Muslim members of the Assembly on the other hand, saw this
as a deliberate attempt to deny them a sense of belonging and the right of religious freedom.
The Sharia issue went beyond the confines of the Assembly and the country was on fire. The
military government which was in power had to ban further debate on the issue. The hostilities
were carried over to the National Debate on the Draft Constitution. Because of the controversy
that emerged as a result of the inclusion of the Sharia clause in the Nigerian Constitution, a sort
of compromise was reached with the Muslims having Section 275 which recognizes a Sharia
Court of Appeal and the Christians having Section 10 which states that ‘the government of the
Federation or a State shall not adopt any religion as a State religion.’ Consequently, successive
governments have been striving to strike a balance between these contradictions.

You will note that while there had been calls for the introduction of Sharia laws since the
Second Republic, the first major and decisive step was taken in 1999, when the then Executive
Governor of Zamfara State, Ahmed Sanni Yerima, introduced the Sharia Penal Code. This
introduction was to have a spiral effect on many states in Northern Nigeria. To date, twelve
Northern States have adopted the Sharia legal system. The states are as follows: Zamfara,
Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger, Sokoto, and Yobe.

We should emphasise that non-Muslims who live and work in such states become victims of a
legal system which is not compatible with their religious culture. They become minorities in
their own country and anytime there is a religious violence, they become the major target. The
same can be said of Muslim faithful living in the Christian dominated states of the South East.
They also become targets of reprisal attack anytime there is an outbreak of violence in the far-
North.

You will note that the Northern political class used the Sharia issue as a smokescreen to divert
attention from their weakness and ineptitude. This is because Sharia is not all about courts and
punishments. It is primarily about giving the electorates the true dividends of democracy,
elimination of al-Majiris and empowerment of the people. The frequency of the violence that
emanated from the Sharia and its ugly impact on the socio-economic life of the nation have
always challenged the government at all levels.

6.4 Boko Haram

You will observe that Nigerians woke up to a major religious revolt in July 2009, when a sect
known as Boko Haram went on rampage in Bauchi. The riot later spread to some neighboring
states resulting in the death of hundreds of people. The group was believed to have been
established in 2002 by one Muhammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno State. What makes the
groups protest unique was its doctrinal nature. The main objective of the group can be derived
from its name. ‘Boko Haram’ in Hausa language simply means ‘Western education is
forbidden.’ Their opposition against Western education was probably because, according to
them, it teaches heresy. Like the Maitatsine before it, the Boko Haram group has informal link
with some key politicians in Nigeria.

Summary of Study Session 6

After going through this session, you have learned the following:
(i) The various stages of the establishment of Islam in Nigeria.
(ii) The impact of Islam on Nigeria.
(iii) Causes of the Sharia imbroglio in the Fourth Republic.
(iv) The emergence of the Boko Haram sect.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Session 6

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learnt
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
1. Highlight the different stages of the establishment of Islam in Nigeria.
2. Enumerate the impact of Islam on Nigerian society.
3. What do you think caused the Sharia imbroglio in the Fourth Republic in Nigeria?
4. What can you say about the emergence of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria?
References/ Suggestions for further reading
Falola, Toyin (1998) Violence in Nigeria: the crisis of religious politics and secular ideologies,
Rochester University Press.
Gbadamosi, T.G. O. (1978) The growth of Islam among the Yoruba, 1841-1908, Longman,
London.
Last Murray (1967) The Sokoto Caliphate, London.
Kukah, Mathew Hassan (1993) Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria, Spectrum Books,
Ibadan.
Ade-Ajayi, J.F. (1965) Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making of a New
Elite. London: Longman.
Adeboye, O. (2004) “Pentecostal Challenge in Africa and Latin America: A Comparative
Focus on Nigeria and Brazil”. Afrika Zamani, 11 & 12, 136-160.
Adekunle, J.O. (2009, ed.) Religion in Politics: Secularism and National Integration in
Modern Nigeria. Trenton: Africa World Press.
Ogungbile, D.O. and Akinade, A.E. (2010 Eds.) Creativity and Change in Nigerian
Christianity. Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd.
Olukoju, A. O. (1997)“The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Nigeria”. In
Osuntokun, A. and Olukoju, A. O. (eds.), Nigerian Peoples and Cultures.
Ibadan: Davidson Press, 298-309.
 Study Session 7: Gender and Culture In Nigeria

7.0 Introduction

In this study session, you will learn about the pattern of gender relation in the
pre-colonial and colonial Nigeria. You will be acquainted with the impact of
gender relations on the economy in the pre-colonial and colonial periods. You
will appreciate how women protested against the British colonial administration
as well as the place gender and culture in post-colonial Nigeria.

‘‘There is a woman behind every successful man”. This connotes that, there
are women behind every advanced culture, civilization and successful country.
Presently, globalization and the stereotypical roles assigned to women by age-
long cultural beliefs has indeed energized most of them to go the extra mile to
actualise themselves against all odds. Nigeria is a very dynamic country, owing
to the diverse political and cultural entities existing in it. Her cultures had
undergone innumerable changes through migration, military conquests,
institutional modifications, contact with Europeans and Arabs who introduced
and imposed their respective cultures and religions.

Economy of space prevents an elaborate explanation of cultural patterns and

changes before and after the coming of the Europeans. Nevertheless, an
attempt is made to explain the highlights of cultural developments over time
through the dynamic roles of the male and female genders in response to both
internal and external impulses. You will however, be able to perform well in
this session by studying the sections on pre-colonial and colonial periods in
contrast with the current structure of gender relations in Nigeria.

7.1 Learning Outcome for Study Session 2

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

7.1 Define Gender and Culture (SAQ7.1)

7.2 Highlight the pre-colonial and colonial gender structure. (SAQ7.2)
7.3 Explain the social, economic and political impact of women on societal
development (SAQ7.3).
Key Terms: Gender and Culture

7.2 Before we discuss the characteristic roles assigned to men and women by
culture in the pre-colonial colonial and post-colonial era, it is necessary for us to
attempt a conceptual explanation of ‘gender’ and ‘culture’. “Culture is very broad; it
encapsulates a lot of things, including religion, education, values, arts, morals, law,
tradition, among others. It constitutes some of the acts and behaviour which people
obtain directly or indirectly from the society. The process by which a child learns his
or her culture, its symbols, institutions, taboos and proverbs, and its acculturation;
apart from being influenced by the physical environment, culture is subject to change
by diffusion, imitation, migration and inventions.

Gender refers to the cultural construction of female and male characteristics (i.e.
images of masculinity and femininity).Thus, the cultural construction of sexual
difference carries some stereotypes. While it is true that men and women are innately
born through the same process and share different attributes, gender roles are the
things tradition defines as the responsibilities of males and females. Thus by
implication, women are confined to particular activities and are forbidden to engage
in those activities assigned to men. This does not mean that women cannot do what
men can do in many cases outside biological limitations. The sexual division of labour
inevitably has caused gender stratification and an unequal distribution of rights and
resources. This is exemplified by men’s rights to public offices as against women’s
restriction to domestic labour, regarded as less valuable in a patriarchy. This has been
a universal phenomenon. The same situation persisted in Nigeria throughout the pre-
colonial and colonial periods but the impact of modernization, economic liberalism,
democracy and globalization has tremendously modified genders stratification, and
granted equal roles to women especially in the urban centers.

In-text Questions

1. Gender refers to cultural construction of:

a. Towns and cities
b. Male and female
c. Father and son
d. Mother and daughter
 2. The process by which a child learns his or her culture, its symbols,
institutions, taboos and proverbs is;

a. Acculturation
b. Development
c. Maturity
d. Socialization

3. The sexual division of labour inevitably has caused:

a. National integration in the society

b. Women empowerment in Nigeria
c. gender stratification and an unequal distribution of rights and resources
d. Inequality and injustice in Nigeria

In –text Answers

1. (b) Male and female

2. (d) Socialization
3. (d) gender stratification and an unequal distribution of rights and resourc

7.3 Gender and Culture in the Pre-Colonial Period

The various ethnic groups in different geographical locations developed their cultural
institutions and political systems over a long period. In the process, they engaged in
inter-group relations through war, trade and migration which compelled some
modifications of their cultural values and institutions through borrowings
or imitation, especially in language, arts, dress, crafts, science and
technology.

Throughout this period of patriarchal system, men ruled the societies and
women were subject to their husbands. The women took care of the children while
men dominated the public sphere as chiefs in charge of chiefdoms, kings, royal
advisers, messengers, soldiers and traditional judges. Although there was nothing like
a matriarchy, whereby women controlled men or where gender roles were reversed
totally, women were not totally marginalized. Hence, feminist scholars have concluded
that pre-colonial patriarchal system in Nigeria and Africa was favourable to women
especially in the public sphere.

In terms of gender power relations in pre-colonial times, women had a greater

autonomy and control over their lives, in economic work and the fulfilment of kin
obligations, responsibilities to family and household structures. Among the Yoruba,
Edo and other southern ethnic groups, women have occupied various traditional
positions of power. In Ile-Ife, Akure, Ilesa, Ondo, Ado Ekiti and Abeokuta, women
once ruled as substantive monarchs long before contact with Europeans. In some
cases, it was on account of high-handedness, royal excesses and abuse of power that
precipitated men’s conspiracy that overthrew women’s regimes and forbade their re-
emergence as exemplified by the fate of Queen Amina of Zaria.

In both Old Oyo and New Oyo, with a centralized political system under the omnipotent
Alaafin, women as titled office-holders played important roles in the palace
administration and were respected for their wisdom, experience and supernatural
powers. There were women of the palace in their various ranks and grades. The
Queen Mother ranked higher than any of the Oyo-mesi and was always at the royal
council meetings. Contrary to the general impression that the Ogboni cult was the
exclusive reserve of men, women were prominent members in Oyo, Ibadan and other
Yoruba towns. As members of the Egungun cult, they participated actively in decision-
making process concerning the staging of the annual festival and its format.

Titles such as Erelu, Iyalode, Iyaloja were borne by prominent women whose social
and economic roles were appreciated throughout Yoruba land. Such women were also
found among the Edo, Nupe, Igbo, Hausa and the Efik. In the nineteenth century,
Efunsetan Aniwura, the Iyalode of Ibadan was a successful business woman and
activist per excellence. So also was Madam Tinubu of Abeokuta, an indefatigable
warrior and a politician whose diplomatic and economic exploits in Lagos and Badagry
were known by early European missionaries and colonial administrators. In Benin,
women’s political and economic roles were less important than those of Yoruba
women, however women were part of the early paramount chiefs known as Ogiso
who determined the choice of rulers. The office and role of the Queen Mother Idia,
the mother of Oba Esigie, were well preserved in Benin tradition. Idia’s military
exploits prevented Idah’s invasion of Benin; just as another Queen mother, Omosogie,
mother of Oba Osemwede rendered some crucial assistance to Benin in the conquest
of Akure in 1817. While the public sphere was dominated by chiefs, their daughters
were married to Obas and other senior chiefs for greater political favour and influence.
Nevertheless, women were actively involved in palace rituals in connection with
coronation and annual festivals.

In the “constitutional village monarchies” of Onitsha, Oguta, Osommari and Aboh, the
ruler, known as the Obi, conferred titles and appointed chiefs on the basis of wealth
and loyalty rather than age. Women were excluded. But also in Onitsha, Asaba,
Osommari, Illah and other Ika Igbo areas were the institution of the Queen, the Omu
and the Omu society. By mid-nineteenth century, the omuship was reserved for post-
menopausal women who were compelled to observe many sexual taboos. Thus, the
Queen mother, having been selected on the advice of women by the Obi, wielded
ritual power in the Igbo society with her councilors. Her installation was characterized
by pomp and peagentry. She supervised the ceremonies of the annual rededication
of the Obi to the gods and the New Yam festivals. The Ijaw, Kalabari and Efik house
systems were dominated by men who engaged in slave and palm oil trade with
Europeans. But women played prominent roles in their respective houses and families
during festivals and passage rites.

In-text Questions
`

1. In both Old Oyo and New Oyo, with a centralized political system under the
omnipotent Alaafin, women as titled office-holders played an important role in:

a. Economic activities.
b. Farm management.
c. Household administration.
d. Palace administration

2. In the “constitutional village monarchies” of Onitsha, Oguta, Osommari and Aboh,

the ruler is known as the:

a. Okpara
b. Obi
c. Igwe
d. Oba

3. Titles such as Erelu, Iyalode, Iyaloja, etc., were held by prominent:

a. Men
b. Boys
c. Women
d. Men and women

In-text Answer

1. (d) Palace administration

2. (b) Obi
3. (c) Women

7.4 Gender and Economy in the Pre-colonial Period

In this section, you will learn how women generally dominated the trade
sector of the pre-colonial economy. According to the observations and
remarks of European travellers, adventurers, explorers and missionaries,
women always outnumbered the men in every local market, where wares
were displayed either on the ground or platforms in the spaces allocated
to the guilds. Lagos, Ibadan, Kano, Onitsha, Benin, Osogbo were big market towns
connected by trade routes. Several caravans of men and women of different ethnic
groups plied the routes to conduct local, regional and territorial trade. The Yoruba,
Hausa-Fulani and Nupe were renowned traders in Nigeria, travelling in groups over
long distances to sell their wares and buy goods for sale to meet local demands in
their immediate environments. A detailed study of the Nupe traders showed that the
women made independent decisions to engage in both local and long distance trade
from Nupeland to Lagos while their husbands took care of the children till they
returned. But the Hausa women, rather than travel alone, accompanied their husbands
with the children for trade in other areas.

In the riverine areas, women were active “fisher men” and fish mongers; they caught
and processed fish for sale in the local markets for themselves and their husbands and
used the proceeds for domestic upkeep. They also sold foodstuffs, processed and
cooked food as they paddled the canoes as mobile shops or canteens, from place to
place along the creeks.

Generally, there was gendered division of labour in each ethnic group, and the
administration of land was entrusted to the chiefs and rulers on behalf of the society.
Land was given to men for the asking, for farming purposes. On no account was land
sold or passed over to another party without the consent of the chief in charge of each
household or family. Male children were usually heirs to their fathers’ land while the
female ones were denied a similar inheritance as they were married out when they
grew old. Apart from trade, men’s major occupation was farming among the Yoruba,
Hausa, Igbo, Edo, Nupe, Tiv and Idoma. Men cleared the bush, made heaps and
planted yams, cassava, coco-yam, plantain, banana, corn etc., while Yoruba and
Hausa women only engaged in harvesting, conveyance and sale in the markets for
their husbands. The Edo and Igbo women participated in weeding, harvesting and
selling of farm produce. They could even have their own farms cleared by free men
and slaves, and thereafter took care of the crops till harvest season.

Generally, women engaged in a variety of crafts such as dyeing, pottery, cosmetics,

bead-making, spinning cotton, weaving, brewing beer, processing foodstuffs and palm
produce. While women used the vertical looms attached to the walls for cloth
weaving, the men used the horizontal looms with the assistance of an apprentice
passing round the threads. Both men and women formed trade associations known
as guilds, that enforced trade rules, regulations, disciplines and price controls.
Defaulters were sanctioned with some fines or banished from their organizations or
markets. Quite often, rulers of different communities counted on the contributions of
the guilds for socio-economic development. For example, the guilds of blacksmiths in
Benin were always commissioned by the Oba of Benin to manufacture many military
weapons according to specifications. Like the Hausa cattle rearers, the Benin guild
masters were rewarded by the Oba with chieftaincy titles that carried some privileges
like exemption from some taxes and levies.

Essentially, men engaged in agriculture, hunting, boat building, textile, wood carving,
sculpture, shoemaking, dress making, smithing, wine tapping, lumbering, building,
cattle rearing, butchering, leather works, calabash carving, war, herbal medicine and
healing. However, it should be noted that some similarities and differences occurred
in the division of labour by gender in different ethnic groups. For example, men and
women engaged in arts and crafts among the Yoruba, Efik and Ibibio; wine brewing
among the Edo, Igbo, Ijaw and Kalabari. Indeed, men and women who specialized
in hair dressing were patronized by their respective genders.

In-text Questions

1. In the riverine areas, women were active:

a. “Fisher men” and fish mongers.

b. Farmers and hunters.
c. Housewives and housekeepers.
d. Children makers and nurses.

2. Generally, …………..engaged in a variety of crafts such as

dyeing, pottery, cosmetics, bead-making:

a. Women
b. Men
c. Boys
d. Slaves

3. Women made independent decisions to engage in

both……………., which in turn brought prosperity to their family and local
communities.

a. Fighting wars and farming.

b. Hunting and gathering.
c. Blacksmithing and gold-smithing.
d. local and long distance trade.

In –text Answers

1. (a) “Fisher men” and fish mongers.

2. (b) Women.
 3. (c) Local and long distance trade.

7.5 Gender and Religion in Pre-colonial and Colonial Period

It will be interesting to note that up till the late nineteenth century, Islam held sway
in Northern Nigeria except the Middle Belt, and thereby influenced public life,
marriage, naming and burial ceremonies, inheritance and widowhood. Islam was also
practiced in many parts of Yoruba land and environs. Men conducted prayers while
women and the children in a separate section obeyed the instructions. Women were
not allowed to call for prayers and neither were they turbaned and conferred with
titles. But there were also traditional worshippers in Muslim - dominated areas,
especially in Northern Nigeria where the Bori cult was not eradicated.

In the rest of Nigeria, Christianity and traditional religion held sway. While men
dominated Christian services in various churches irrespective of their denominations,
women played key roles in the traditional religion. Indeed, many male and female
gods and goddesses apportioned equal role to men and women. The importation of
assorted exotic European goods that dazzled Nigerian peoples in the towns and cities,
motivated them to be engaged in the colonial sectors of the economy to produce such
export crops like cocoa, groundnuts, cotton, rubber, palm oil and palm kernel. This
was in a bid to earn the new currency and acquire consumable imported items as the
new basis of affluence and class identity.

Colonialism thereby attempted to discourage the production of local textiles, wine and
iron implements that competed with imported items in the local markets. Rather than
yield to colonial pressures, both men and women, who were producers, resisted by
relocating their production centers and technologies. The blacksmiths were also
adamant. Colonial education and administrative policies favoured men and neglected
women; hence the schools and colleges targeted male children for training for
administrative services at a lower level after graduation as the British could only permit
a limited number of their nationals to come to Nigeria. Thus, the Indirect Rule System
created opportunities for chiefs, rulers important personalities in the society for
engagement in British administration. Women were excluded because the British
carried over to Nigeria their patriarchal prejudices against women. Thus, women were
restricted to the home front, managing the homes and nurturing the children as
responsible mothers and wives.

As most Europeans were in Nigeria without their wives up till the 1920s, they took up
many women as concubines, impregnating them but denied any responsibility for
indiscriminate sex. This practice was rampant among the Kalabari, Ijaw, Efik and
Ibibio. Till date, there are descendants of children born by women impregnated by
Europeans, who never knew their fathers despite their consciousness of mixed blood
in their veins. The unprecedented urbanization that occurred as a result of modern
amenities in colonial towns and cities, compelled many young men and women to
leave the village for urban centers to enjoy the best things in life, to explore
employment opportunities and escape from the strict control of patriarchs in the
villages. Thus the urban environment exposed them to liberal and individual values
in Ibadan, Lagos, Benin, Kano, Kaduna, Jos, Onitsha, Port Harcourt and Calabar,
without control by families or chiefs. Hence, their exposure to such sexual immoralities
as prostitution, rape and sodomy. It is even believed that many sailors at Apapa,
Calabar and Port Harcourt engaged free women as temporary partners before
departure. It was colonialism that introduced tourism and entertainments. Hence, the
proliferation of hotels, cinema halls, beer-parlours and theatres in towns and cities.
Prostitutes, free girls and women loitered around these joints looking for fun and
lovers for a price. The Sabongaris in different parts of Nigeria were notorious for
sexual abuse, crimes, drunkenness, pool betting and violence.

However, colonialism somehow freed women from domestic violence by introducing

and enforcing some laws at the district and provincial courts under the Indirect Rule.
Thus, women began to seek divorce from their husbands, for reasons of
neglect, beating and enslavement. Others complained that their parents
forced them to marry men they never loved for one day and invariably
their requests were granted. Thus, women were able to secure divorce,
return the dowries, remarried or remained single parents and enjoy their
independence. While colonial education neglected the development of women by
concentrating on boys and young men, most families began to prefer having boys as
children. Even when later, some co-educational and girls’ schools were established,
the family heads preferred sending boys to school while girls were to learn some trade
like sewing, knitting, dyeing or serve as house maids to educated Nigerians and
European families in the urban centers. Nevertheless, many women, old and young,
recorded laudable success in urban commerce and became great assets to both their
nuclear and extended families. They managed big shops and built magnificent
buildings in their home towns and were conferred with titles by the Obas and chiefs.

In-text Questions

1. Colonial education and administrative policies favoured:

a. Men and neglected women.
b. Considered women above men.
c. Promoted children and their mothers.
d. Encouraged both sexes.
 2. While men dominated Christian services in various church and
denominations:
a. Young men managed the affairs of the house.
b. Old men contested the acts.
c. Women played key roles in the traditional religion.
d. Women also governed some churches.

[Link] Islamic practices, men conducted prayers while women and the
children in a separate section:
a. Were forbidden to pray.
b. Obeyed the instructions.
c. Served as priests.
d. Collected offerings.

4. Colonialism somehow freed women from domestic violence by introducing

and enforcing some laws at the district and provincial courts under the:

a. Slave trade.
b. 1999 constitution.
c. Indirect Rule.
d. Neoliberal era.

In –text Answers

1. (a) Men and neglected women.

2. (c) Women played key roles in the traditional religion.
3. (b) obeyed the instructions.
4. (c) Indirect Rule.

7.6 Women’s Protests against the British Colonial Administration

As we have earlier discussed, the British scheme of things deliberately neglected the
interests of women. They were excluded from public service, denied the right to vote
and to contest elections; they were not appointed into native courts as court clerks,
interpreters, messengers and police. Hence, women’s protests began in Abeokuta and
gradually spread throughout Southern Nigeria. Mobilization of market women in major
towns and cities was facilitated by market women’s associations, the Lagos Women’s
League, Women’s Party, the Nwaobiala Movement (in Owerri province), Abeokuta
Women’s Union, Egba Women Dyers and Adire Trading Union, the Nigerian Women’s
Union, the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies and the National Council of
Women’s Societies.

These various associations in different parts of Southern Nigeria were not political
parties but pressure groups. Yet, they were affiliated to the political parties that
agitated for participation in colonial government, self-government and independence.
Of the many women leaders, the most outspoken, radical and prominent were Mrs.
Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti, Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and Mrs. G.I. Okoye. Essentially, the
women organizations protested discrimination, exploitation, inequality, oppression,
women’s taxation, high market dues, denial of higher education, overzealous and high-
handed warrant chiefs, economic hardships of the Depression years and the Second
World War.

In-text Questions

1. Of the many women leaders, the most outspoken, radical and prominent were:

a. Mrs. Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti, Mrs. Ekpo and Mrs G.I. Okoye.
b. Mrs. Stella Obasanjo and Precious Magellan.
c. Mrs. Patience Ebele Jonathan and Mrs. Olufunke Alakija.
d. Mrs. Flora Shaw and Mrs. R.T Richard.

[Link] women organizations protested discrimination, exploitation,

inequality, oppression, women’s taxation, high market dues and denial of
higher education under the:
a. Colonial government.
b. Postcolonial administration.
c. Pre-colonial kings.
d. Obasanjo regime.

In –text Answers

1. (a) Mrs. Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti, Mrs. Ekpo and Mrs G.I.
Okoye
2. (a) Colonial government

7.7 Gender and Culture in Post-Colonial Nigeria

Under this section, we shall examine the place of women in the political economy of
post-colonial Nigerian. Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the three tiers of
government formulated development policies and implemented development plans
that addressed the socio-economic problems of colonialism, including the neglect of
women in all ramifications. The successful financing of the first development plans
with the blessings of the oil boom, transformed the socio-economic and political
landscape of Nigeria. However, the steady economic progress was checkmated by the
1962 political crises in the West, the controversial 1964 census and 1965 general
elections, the 1966 coup and counter-coup and the Nigeria – Biafra War, 1967 – 1970.
Even though men were the major actors in all these crises, women and children were
affected. Indeed, many women politicians contributed to the crises. Even during the
war, women in the rebel controlled areas acted as spies and baits for capturing the
federal troops.

However, the post-war reconstruction, reconciliation and rehabilitation process

prepared the newly-created states for financing various educational and economic
projects by their respective military administrations. The education policy in vogue
targeted the disadvantaged girls and women, hence the increase in their admission
into primary, secondary and post-tertiary institutions. Adequate funding provided by
the federal government enabled the various states to establish more schools, colleges
of education, technical colleges, polytechnics and universities. Gradually, women in
educational institutions began to increase, to study in the different disciplines.

The post-war economic boom and the construction works by the central and state
governments created employment opportunities for graduates from universities,
Colleges of Education and Polytechnics. Men and women were and are now in the
police, banking, engineering, accounting, business, administration insurance and the
media. The military governments blazed the trail in appointing women as ministers in
line with the practices in the advanced countries. By 1999 when Nigeria fully returned
to civilian regime and liberal democracy, women politicians emerged in large numbers
and contested for election into various positions. It was the Obasanjo Administration,
1999 – 2007, that sought out dynamic educated women and appointed them into
ministerial positions that were proverbially regarded as the exclusive reserves of men,
such as finance, education and drug control. Now, we have women as Vice-chancellors
and Deputy Vice-Chancellors of universities, state deputy governors, chief justices,
bank managers, professors, deans of faculties, heads of departments, chairmen of
local governments, etc.

All these radical changes are a response to the dynamics of globalization and
information technology that have transformed the world into a global village. The
impact of the civil society, the local and international [Link] (Non-Governmental
Organizations) is also appreciated in bringing cases of violation of human rights,
human trafficking, kidnapping, child abuse, domestic violence and women
empowerment to the attention of the various governments and international
organizations.
 7.8 Summary

In Study Session 7, you have been able to understand that gender refers
to the cultural construction of female and male characteristics (i.e. images
of masculinity and femininity). Thus, the cultural construction of sexual difference
carries some stereotypes. We have also learned that the pre-colonial society was
characterized by a patriarchal system, whereby men ruled the societies and women
were subject to their husbands, though women had a greater autonomy and control
over their lives, in economic work and the fulfillment of kin obligations, responsibilities
to family and household structures. However, titles such as Erelu, Iyalode, Iyaloja,
etc. were borne by prominent women whose social and economic roles were
appreciated throughout Yoruba land. A notable example was Efunsetan Aniwura, the
Iyalode of Ibadan, a successful business woman and activist per excellence. Women
generally dominated the trade sector of the pre-colonial economy. Women engaged
in a variety of crafts such as dyeing, pottery, cosmetics, bead-making, spinning cotton,
weaving, brewing beer, processing foodstuffs and palm produce. Despite these,
colonialism did not give expression to women in the aspect of education. Colonialism
somehow freed women from domestic violence by introducing and enforcing some
laws at the district and provincial courts under the Indirect Rule. Nigerian women
made their voices heard during the colonial period through a number of protests, such
as the Aba Women’s Riot and the Egba Women’s Riot. Of the many women leaders,
the most outspoken, radical and prominent were Mrs. Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti,
Mrs. Ekpo and Mrs. G.I. Okoye. As we have highlighted, women organizations
protested discrimination, exploitation, inequality, oppression, women’s taxation, high
market dues, denial of higher education, overzealous and high-handed warrant chiefs,
economic hardships of the Depression years and the Second World War.

ACTIVITY

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you
have learned by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a
note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next
interactive session.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for study Session 7

 Define gender and culture.

 What roles did women play in social, economic and political
development in the pre-colonial period?
 Explain the roles of women in the pre-colonial economy.
  Discuss the place of women in the pre-colonial religious system.

7.9. References/ Suggestions for Further Reading

Falola T, and Bessie, J. & Soremekun, H. (2011). eds. Gender, Sexuality and Mothering
in History, Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press.
Ikpe, E. B. (2009). Women and Power in Africa. Lagos, Fragrance Communication
Publishers.
Mba, N. E. (1982). Nigerian Women Mobilized, Berkeley, Institute of International
Studies, Univ. of California,
Akinjide, O. & Olukoju A. eds. Nigerian Peoples and Cultures,
Ogbomo, O. W. When Men and Women Mattered. Rochester, New York, University of
Trenton, Africa World Press.
Owasanoye B, and Ahonsi B. (1997). eds. Widowhood in Nigeria Issues, Problems and
Prospects, Lagos, Friedrich Ebert Foundation and Human Development
Initiatives, Rochester Press.
Uchendu, E. (2007). Women and Conflict in the Nigerian Civil War. Trenton, Africa
World Press, Inc.
Vidrovitch, C.C. (1997). (Translated by Beth Gillica Raps) African Women: A Modern
History: Social Change in Modern Perspective, Ibadan, Davidson Press.
 Study Session 8:
Influence of Western Civilization on the Evolution of Nigerian Culture

8.1 Introduction

In this study session, you will learn about the influence of western education on
Nigerian culture and people since the colonial period. Using the encounter and
experiences of a few Nigerians with western education and other cultural values, you
shall understand the impact of western influence on the traditional cultural systems.
Western civilisation has had tremendous impact on the Nigerian culture. To be sure,
Western civilisation is sometimes equated with Western culture or European
civilization but it is a term that is used very broadly to refer to countries whose history
is strongly marked by European immigration or settlement, such as the Americas.
Essentially, the expansion of European empires between the sixteenth and twentieth
centuries led to the introduction and spread of European ways of life and education
to different parts of the world, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, the influence of western
civilisation on the indigenous culture became more entrenched during the colonial era
and through the activities of Christian missionaries from the nineteenth century
onward. Education was one of the major factors of western influence on the Nigerian
culture. In this study session, therefore, we shall discuss the introduction of western
civilization in Nigeria through the career of three eminent Nigerians: N. D. Oyerinde,
Eyo Ita and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

Learning Outcome for Study Session 8

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

 Discuss the growth of western influences developed in Nigeria.

 Highlight how western influences have affected Nigerian traditional cultures.
 Identify key individuals who aided the spread of western education to
Nigeria.
8.2 The Contributions of N. D. Oyerinde and Eyo Ita.

Have you ever wondered how English language, dressing and other western cultures
we express developed in Nigeria? In this section, we will examine how the lives of a
few Nigerians aided the growth of western education in Nigeria. In this section, we
shall focus on the efforts of N.D Oyerinde and Eyo Ita in the spread of western culture
in Nigeria.

Nathaniel David Oyerinde was born around 1893 into the Oyerinde lineage of
Ogbomoso – a lineage that is well known for its Christian tradition. Of all the Baptist
missionaries that worked in Ogbomoso, Reverend C. E. Smith had greater and lasting
influence on N. D. Oyerinde because he had his early education under him. Therefore,
he imbibed Smith’s ideas of self-help and endurance. In 1906, N. D. Oyerinde left
Nigeria for further studies Abroad. In 1914, he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree. He
spent the next academic year widening and deepening his education in both the
Liberal Arts and Social Sciences by reading Greek, Mathematics and Economics. He
returned to Nigerian in 1916 after successfully completing his education.

As the Headmaster of Baptist Academy in Ogbomoso, he tried to introduce some of

his ideas in the curriculum and administration of the school and this led to the
establishment of the Baptist College and Theological Seminary. Being a seasoned
teacher, Oyerinde refused to be ordained as a Pastor of the Baptist Mission but
diligently taught English and Mathematics. By 1933, the Ogbomoso Progressive Union
(OPU) was formed with the aim of fostering rapid socio-economic and political
development of the town. The OPU was an association of militant, moderate and
conservative individuals. Oyerinde was its first President. This provided him the
pedestal for launching his educational ideas. Some members of the OPU presented a
proposal for the establishment of a Grammar School in Ogbomoso in 1934. This was
however modified to that of a comprehensive school named Ogbomoso People’s
Institute (OPI).

Essentially, the Ogbomoso People’s Institute provided an avenue for Oyerinde to fully
implement his educational thoughts which he acquired during his studies overseas.
With the moral, financial and mutual assistance of his fellow Ogbomoso countrymen,
a building was erected for the OPI between 1934 and 1938. Oyerinde also received
the encouragement and assistance of Eyo Ita who was a colleague at the Baptist
College in 1929 and had returned to Ogbomoso in 1934 after his studies abroad.

The Ogbomoso People’s Institute was formally opened in October 1938 with Eyo Ita
as its first principal. Ladipo Babatunde, an ex-student of Oyerinde’s at the Baptist
College, was the Headmaster of the primary section, while Oyerinde served as the
school’s manager and proprietor. Ogbomoso People’s Institute had its challenges and
problems. For instance, the financial situation of the institute was so distressing and
discouraging that Oyerinde wrote in August 1940 that “in my deep consideration,
Ogbomoso is not prepared for such big work”. The above circumstance led to a
situation where an attempt was made to close down the school. But it was the exit of
Eyo Ita that led to the closing down of the secondary department of the OPI in 1942.
By 1945, the demand for a Secondary Grammar School was at its peak again in
Ogbomoso. This led to the establishment of the Ogbomoso High School in 1952; it
was housed within the buildings of the OPI which was finally phased out in 1954.

At this juncture, we shall now turn our attention to the contributions of another
illustrious son of Nigeria to the development of Western education in Nigeria. This is
no other personality than Eyo Ita who was born on the 9th of January, 1903 at Creek
Town in Calabar. He attended Methodist school, Oron, Duke Town, and Hope Waddell
Training Institute, Calabar. By 1931, Eyo Ita left the shores of Nigeria to study
overseas. Before returning to Nigeria in 1934, he got a Master’s degree in Philosophy
from the prestigious University of London. This academic feat made the British
Government to recognize him as a sound scholar. In 1936, Eyo Ita inspired his
colleagues and contemporaries such as N. D. Oyerinde, Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Alvan Ikoku and many other ethnic unions to form the National Education
Movement.

Essentially, the movement was aimed at setting up model schools based on communal
help in the country. The schools’ curricula were designed to promote African world
views and values. The National Education Movement also aimed at establishing
schools and training youths in rudimentary technology. A liberal education in the Arts
and technology at the grassroots was to be pursued using the tools and technical
traditions of Europe and America adapted to suit the Nigerian environment. The
actions and moves of Eyo Ita within the National Education Movement influenced some
other Nigerians within the organisation to establish schools like Lagos City College,
Ibadan Boys High School, Eko Boys High School and Kalabari National College.

Most of the above-mentioned schools patterned their syllabuses after the British model
and in return were awarded with grant-in-aid to help them sustain the model.
Furthermore, Eyo Ita’s contribution to Western education in Nigeria can be vividly seen
in the curricular and the organizational set up for the National Institute Calabar, a
school which he founded in 1938 with moral and financial support from the Calabar
Improvement League (CIL). In line with his educational philosophy, he ensured that
the pupils received a comprehensive education that will make them useful, not only
to themselves but to the society as a whole.

Similarly, the contributions of Eyo Ita to the development of the educational sector of
Nigeria between 1951 and 1960 when he served as a representative of government’s
investments in Southern Nigeria cannot be over-emphasized. In his desire to have as
many Nigerians as possible educated, he initiated a scholarship scheme which he
extended to all Nigerians. This led to a situation where two-hundred and twenty-nine
university scholarships were awarded, with fifty-seven female recipients in the
sciences in 1952.

Moreover, he pioneered the idea of a free, compulsory Universal Primary Education

(UPE). The blueprint for this scheme, among other things, emphasized the production
of qualitative teachers and the expansion of existing facilities for teacher training. On
a final note, she had lofty ideas on how to develop a self-reliant citizenry through a
system of education which paved the way for many Nigerian intellectuals. We have
learned how some individuals through their exposure and experiences in the West
contributed to the growth of Western education in Nigeria. In this section,
we have learned how N.D Oyerinde and Eyo Ita aided the spread of
western culture in Nigeria through educational initiatives and lofty ideals.

In-text Questions

1. Of all the Baptist missionaries that worked in Ogbomoso, Reverend C. E.

Smith had greater and lasting influence on:

a. N. D. Oyerinde.
b. Eyo Ita.
c. Samuel Johnson.
d. Ajayi Crowther.

2. The Ogbomoso People’s Institute was formally opened in October 1938

with Eyo Ita as its:

a. First principal
b. First teacher
c. Deputy registrar
d. Chief Librarian

In-text Answers

1. (a) N. D. Oyerinde
2. (b) First principal
 8.1 Nigerians’ Quest for Higher Education in the UK and the US

In this study section, we will discuss how the curiosity for higher education
in the United Kingdom and the United States of America advanced the westernization
of Nigerian cultures both at home and abroad. American colleges and universities as
well as their counterparts in the UK served as educational haven for students from
Africa, particularly Nigeria, from the early 1920s to the early 1940s. In their quest for
higher education, most Nigerians took advantage of the openness of these
universities. Following the examples of some Nigerian students such as N. D. Oyerinde,
Miss Moloto Oshodi and Eyo Ita, Paul Cardoso left Nigeria in 1922 for studies overseas.
Another individual who contributed greatly to the development of Western education
in Nigeria is no less a personality than Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe left the shores of Nigeria in 1925 for studies overseas.
Events, circumstances and personalities bear a lot of influence on the choice of future
career by young persons. This was the case with Azikiwe who took after James E. K.
Aggrey, his role model. Azikiwe was determined, and had a deep sense of commitment
to fulfill his desires and this informed his role as a proponent of a western educational
thought and strategy not only in Nigeria but in the whole of Africa.

To fulfill this ambition, Azikiwe proposed to establish at Monrovia in Liberia a University

that would admit students from all corners of Africa. The immediate impediment to
this lofty idea was that of insufficient funds. In a bid to overcome this, he made direct
contacts by letters, soliciting for funds. But he failed to raise sufficient working capital
as the respondents sent less than £40 which could hardly sustain the transportation
expenses of Azikiwe. This made him to refund the money to those that contributed
and considered his pet scheme for the founding of a university of Nigeria thwarted.

As Secretary of the Delegation of the West African Press to the United Kingdom,
Azikiwe argued that education should be first point of reforms in post-war
reconstruction in British West Africa. According to him, education should be designed
to fit the citizen to his environment, to enable him fulfill his obligations and
responsibilities as a citizen, to develop him intellectually and socially, to train him as a
useful member of society, to train him for a trade or profession.

In-text Questions
 1. Another individual who contributed greatly to the development of Western
education in Nigeria is:
a. Herbert Ogunde.
b. King Kosoko.
c. Tafawa Balewa.
d. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

2. Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe argued that education should:

a. Be first point of reforms in post-war reconstruction in British West Africa.
b. Be rejected in order to promote indigenous culture.
c. Be used only in the church and religious assemblies.
d. Be given only to the Igbos and the Nupe.

In-text Questions

1. (d) Nnamdi Azikiwe.

2. (a) Be first point of reforms in post-war reconstruction in British West Africa.

8.4 Summary for Study Session 8

In this session, we have learned about the efforts made by some Nigerians to
accelerate the growth of western education in Nigeria. Furthermore, some
aspects of western civilization and consumerist habits, such as Coca-Cola drinks,
fast foods, dressing, and language have become an integral part of Nigerian
culture. Besides, most Nigerian youths and adults regard pop music as a
symbol of western civilization. Also, western drama and movies have
become popular programmes in the Nigerian electronic media.

ACTIVITY

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you
have learned by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a
note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next
interactive session.

8.5 Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 8

 Identify the impact of western culture on indigenous values in Nigeria.

 Examine the means through which western education was spread in
Nigeria.
 Highlight the contribution of N.D Oyerinde and Eyo Ita to the spread of
western culture in Nigeria.

8.6 References/ Suggestions for Further Readings

Ade Ajayi, J.F. (1963). The Development of Secondary Grammar School in Nigeria,

Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, vol. II, no.4.

Agiri, B.A (1979). “Chief N. D. Oyerinde and the Political, Social and Economic

Development of Ogbomoso, 1916 – 1951,” Journal of Historical Society of

Nigeria, vol. X, no.1.

Coleman, J.S. (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley: University

California Press.
 Study Session 9:
Political Economy and Culture of Underdevelopment In Nigeria

9.1 Introduction

In this session, you will learn about the historical pattern of political economy and
culture of underdevelopment of the Nigerian people. The development or under-
development of any society is basically determined by its political economy. You will
appreciate the fact that there is an organic and dynamic relationship between a
nation’s political economy and its development or under-development. It may interest
you to know that before colonisation, the different peoples and empires organised
their production to meet their basic subsistence needs of food, clothing and shelter.
They also took care of their medical needs through the development of herbal
medicines from plants and roots. The education of their youths was done through
organised system of apprenticeship and training in the traditional occupations of
farming, fishing, animal husbandry, the crafts, and trade. In this session, you will be
exposed to the pattern of pre-colonial political economy of the Nigerian peoples.

Learning Outcome for Study Session 8

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

 Define Political Economy

 Examine the nature of Nigeria’s Political Economy
 Identify the yoke of Dependent Status and the culture of underdevelopment

9.2 What Is Political Economy?

Before you proceed into the main discourse of this session, it is very useful to
understand what the concept of political economy really is. The concept can be defined
in two perspectives. First, it refers to the nature and organisation of an economy in
terms of ownership or distribution of the means of production. The structure of
ownership of the means of production is termed property relations. Property relations
depends on whether the society operates any of the ‘isms, i.e. feudalism, capitalism,
socialism, etc. Property relations determine the distribution of wealth or surplus
generated in the production process. The distribution of wealth or relations of
distribution in turn determines the consumption pattern among different groups, what
may be termed relations of consumption.

Material production is the basis of human existence. Thus, production basically

distinguishes man from the lower animals. Labour, which is man’s activity towards
the creation of utilities and values, requires that man applies his physical and mental
efforts to objects or things found in the natural environment. To be able to work on
land, man devises or fabricates means or instruments of labour. It is the objects and
means of labour that constitute the means of production. It is labour and the other
assets that constitute the forces of production.

One thing you must remember, is that every production system has a corresponding
political system or, more broadly speaking, civil society resting on it. The system of
economic organisation in any society and the corresponding political structure resting
on it constitute a socio-economic formation. Thus, society is made up of the economy
or substructure and the political structure (broadly, civil society) or super-structure.

At the same time, the forces and dynamics of the civil society, particularly the political
class and the ruling ideology, provide the economy with a guiding compass. The issue
of provision of a guiding compass or direction is very important, indeed. It means
that as far as the economy and its development and transformation are concerned,
the orientation, system of value, and character of the political elite are fundamental.

There is another meaning of political economy. This is political economy as the study
of the nature and organisation of the economy in the ramifications we have explained
above. From the second perspective, political economy is therefore a field of study.

Political Economy as a discipline or method of inquiry and analysis is indispensable in

understanding society’s organisational problems the way they are. First, it recognises
the primacy of the economy and material production as the foundation of society.
Second, it recognises the necessity for continuous expansion and transformation of
productive forces. Third, the Marxist variant of political economy particularly
recognises the inevitability of change and transformation which lead to successive
emergence of new and better systems of economic and social organisation. Change
and transformation occur when contradictions develop rapidly within an existing
system and when such contradictions are resolved through the struggle of opposing
forces. Fourth, political economy takes a comprehensive view of phenomena.

All elements of every phenomenon inquired into are examined in their organic
interconnectedness. The comprehensive method of studying society (and its
problems) requires that every aspects of the society, as well as its philosophy,
worldview and system of value, are taken together. This means that the methods of
inquiry in the different disciplines that focus on the different aspects of society’s life
that need to be covered are employed for a comprehensive and balanced view. Thus,
political economy is necessarily conceptually and methodologically multidisciplinary.
Finally, political Economy enables the researcher to establish the relationship between
the present and the past rather than merely focusing on the present.

Having discussed the meaning and dynamics of political economy generally, we will
now examine the nature of Nigeria’s political economy. At this juncture, you should
be able to explain the meaning and characteristics of political economy.

In-text Question

1. The structure of ownership of the means of production is termed:

a. Property relations.
b. Wealth of nature.
c. Social capital.
d. Investment infrastructure.

2. Every production system has a corresponding:

a. Political class.
b. Social theory.
c. Cultural beliefs.
d. Political system.

3. Political Economy as a discipline or method of inquiry recognizes:

a. the gross capital expenditures as the basis for development.

b. the primacy of the economy and material production as the foundation of
society.
c. the monopolization of means of production in the hand of the lower class.
d. the exploitation of group by another powerful group.
 In-text Answers

1. (a) Property relations

2. (d) political system
3. (b) the primacy of the economy and material production as the foundation
of society.

9.3 The Nature of Nigeria’s Political Economy

In this section, we will focus on the structure and organisation of production. What is
the meaning of structure and organisation of production? That is the distribution of
the means of production or property relations, relations of wealth distribution and
relations of consumption. Nigeria emerged as a country in 1914 after the
amalgamation.

You must remember, that before the colonization of Nigeria, the different peoples and
empires organised their production to meet their basic subsistence needs
of food, clothing and shelter. They also took care of their medical needs
through the development of herbal medicines from plants and roots. The
education of their youths was done through organised system of apprenticeship and
training in the traditional occupations of farming, fishing, animal husbandry, the crafts,
and trade. In the process, each group devised enduring systems of organising
productive activities. They also devised suitable technologies which were improved
from time to time.

The production engagements of the different areas and groups were dictated by their
natural environments and geography. Thus, while the northern parts were associated
with annual production of cereals and livestock farming, much of the south was
associated with annual root crops. In addition, the southern groups had tree crops
such as oil palm, kolanut and wild rubber. The swamps of the Niger Delta area were
associated with fishing, salt-making and thatch-making. The riverine areas of the
country were all associated with fishing. The different groups practised communal
system based on cooperation and reciprocity, with each group in control of its land
which was the major object of production.

The involvement of people in production naturally led to exchange and trade. For
example, there was trade between and among Oyo, Ijebu, Benin, Etsako, Igbo, Igala,
Kano, Katsina, Urhobo, Ijaw, Efik and between geographically defined zones, for
example, Hausaland and Yorubaland, Igboland and Upper Benue area, Niger Delta
groups – Ijaw, Itsekiri, Nembe, Opobo, etc. Nigerian peoples were also involved in
external relations with the peoples of North Africa through the Saharan trade routes,
and with Europe through the Atlantic Ocean.

As British merchants began to move into the hinterland beyond the coast, the
traditional political elite and merchant princes such as King Kosoko of Lagos, Oba
Ovonramwen of Benin, King Jaja of Opobo, Chief Nana Olomu of Itsekiri and Ijebu
merchants began to resist, not because they did not welcome the British merchants
but because their lucrative middleman positions were threatened by British advocacy
of free penetration and free trade. In the ensuing conflict of commercial interests,
British merchants appealed to their home government which responded with military
support. With the conquest of the indigenous peoples of southern Nigeria and then
northern Nigeria, all the conquered peoples were coupled as “one” Nigeria. Then, the
imperial power turned its attention to the primary motive of conquest which was
economic exploitation. In order to effectively organise exploitation, an
administrative machinery was created in the form of central colonial
state apparatus. The colonial state took instructions from the Colonial
Office in London and implemented policies and programmes as dictated by the Colonial
Office.

The backbone of the colonial economy was agriculture. The focus was simply to
provide industrial raw materials for factories and industrial plants. The Department of
Agriculture was established from 1910 to 1912 to oversee agricultural development.
Export agricultural production was promoted through the provision of new seedlings,
the development of botanical gardens and experimentation farms, and the training of
technical assistants. Schools of agriculture and research institutes and stations were
established to promote production. The Moor Plantation was established in Ibadan
between 1912 and 1916.

The plantation was an experimentation station for the dissemination of technical

knowledge to local farmers. Other experimentation stations were opened in 1923 in
Zaria, Umuahia and Benin. An agricultural research station was established at Vom,
near Jos in 1925, while a school of agriculture was established in Ibadan in 1927. In
1934 an agricultural station was opened at Samaru, near Zaria and in 1942 two
veterinary schools were opened in Kano and at Vom.

In-text Questions

1. The backbone of the colonial economy was:

 a. Manufacturing.
b. Oil and gas.
c. Trading.
d. agriculture.

2. The involvement of people in production naturally led to:

(a) exchange and trade.

(b) War and competition.
(c) Corruption and nepotism.
(d) Injustice and inequality.

In-text Answers

1. (d) agriculture.
2. (a) exchange and trade

9.3 The Development of Transport System

To facilitate the transportation of agricultural produce, the colonial administration

embarked on railway development. There were two lines. The western line from
Iddo, Lagos to Kaura Namoda, near Sokoto was completed in 1929, while the eastern
line from Port Harcourt to Nguru, near Maiduguri was completed in 1930. The western
and eastern lines run from the coast to the northernmost end of the country, hence
much of the country was not linked. However, the areas left out of the rail system
were connected to it by the network of roads.

The development of the north-south railway system and the extension to potentially
rich agricultural belts like western Nigeria stimulated production. Road development
achieved more or less the same result for the rest of the country. There were three
categories of roads, namely, Trunk A, Trunk B and Minor roads. Trunk A roads were
those constructed and maintained by the Public Works Department (PWD) of the
government. The Trunk A roads were main produce routes. Trunk B roads were
constructed and maintained by Native/Local Authorities with the help of local chiefs
who were the main agents of local administration under the “indirect rule” system.
The minor roads were earth roads maintained by local chiefs and their subjects.
To ensure that the goods evacuated from towns to the ports were shipped to Britain,
the colonial administration extended what has been termed “transport revolution” to
ports development. Between 1860 and 1914 there were 14 customs ports – in Lagos,
Koko, Sapele, Warri, Burutu, Forcados, Akassa, Brass, Bonny, Degerma, Port Harcourt,
Opobo, Calabar and Ikang. However, colonial rationalisation of ports development
reduced the number to seven, namely, Lagos, Port Harcourt, Sapele, Warri, Calabar,
Burutu and Degerma. Further rationalisation from the early 1920s led to the
concentration of traffic in Lagos, Port Harcourt and Sapele. The major shipping line
or companies in colonial era were Elder Dempster Lines Ltd., Americman West African
Line, Compagnie Fabre et Fressinet, Holland West Afrika Liju & Allied Companies,
Woerman Line and Allied Companies, and Navigazione Liberia Triestina Line.

From the beginning of colonial rule to political independence in 1960, export-import

trade of Nigeria was dominated by British firms floated by metropolitan mercantile
bourgeoisie. The major firms were the United African Company, John Holt and
Company and Messrs Cadbury Brothers Limited. The British firms bought up African
produce and organised their export. They also were responsible for the importation
and distribution of industrial goods and consumables in Nigeria. Indigenous trading
interests operated in the commercial field only as commission agents and sub-agents
who were dependent on the British firms and operated according to terms defined by
their patrons, i.e. the expatriate firms.

You must remember that the trading firms ensured that there was always a demand
for agricultural produce. This encouraged expansion of production. Expansion was
also stimulated by the desire by the local population to acquire imported goods and
consumables distributed by the firms. These included cloths, spirits, beer, beverages,
soaps, umbrellas, iron beds, bicycles, radios, gramophones, roofing sheets, paints,
etc. Earnings from agricultural produce were the only means by which these goods
were acquired; hence efforts were made by the people to expand their output. The
crops cultivated were generally called “cash crops”. The pressure for cash was also
caused by the obligations imposed on the people, for example, taxation and licenses
for bicycles. Cash earnings were also expended on children’s education.

Apart from agriculture, the colonial administration encouraged mining. Tin was
exploited in Jos, while coal was mined at Udi in Enugu. There was also the exploitation
of gold in Zaria, Kano, Nupe, Kotangora, Sokoto, Ilesha and Ile-Ife. While tin was
exported to Britain, the coal industry served the needs of the railway department and
the rest of British West Africa as local coal was cheaper than coal imported from
Britain. Unlike agricultural production which was left in the hands of indigenous
peoples, mining was taken over by the colonial state.

The state expropriated the mineral deposits and promulgated ordinances to that
effect. This meant that the colonial masters made themselves landlords by right of
conquest of the landowners. The state granted concessions to British tin mining
interests. The concessionaires exploited the tin deposits and paid royalties to the
colonial state. Coal exploitation was the business of the state. It was administered by
the Railway Department up to 1937 when a separate Colliery Department was created
for the industry. As in the case of agriculture, tin and coal exploitation was stimulated
by the development of transport infrastructure and the growing demand for the
products.

With regard to industrialisation, the colonial administration did nothing

towards its promotion. Indeed, the official attitude of the administration
and its metropolitan principal, Her Majesty’s Government, was outright
hostility to industrialisation. The hostility to industrialisation was such that prior to
1939 and 1945 the agricultural produce of Nigeria was exported without simple
valorisation. It must be emphasized, however, that the British conquered and
colonised Nigeria to get industrial raw materials and as an outlet for their surplus
industrial products. Thus, industrialisation of the colony would have defeated the
basic aims of conquest and colonisation. Raw materials produced by Nigerian farmers
and the mineral products of the colony would not have been readily available for
export as they would have been used mostly to feed the home industries. Besides,
industries in the colony would have produced substitutes for imported industrial
products and consumables.

In- text Questions

1. Nigeria emerged as a country in:

a. 1914 after the amalgamation.
b. 1906 amalgamation of southern Nigeria.
c. 1922 Clifford constitution.
d. 1961 annexation of Lagos.

2. Before the colonization of Nigeria, the different peoples and empires:

a. Were already existing as federal republic of Nigeria.
b. Were members of the Ecowas and African Union.
c. Organised their production to meet their basic subsistence needs of food,
clothing and shelter.
d. Had been waiting for the Europeans to come and teach them how to manage their
economy.

In-text Answers
 1. (a) 1914 after the amalgamation.
2. (c) Organised their production to meet their basic subsistence needs of
food, clothing and shelter.

9.4 Dependent Status and Culture of Underdevelopment

In this section you will learn about the origin of underdevelopment and structure of
dependency that continuous to prevent the economic development of Nigeria. The
concentration of the colonial administration on primary or extractive production and
colonial hostility to industrial production had their implications. First, the colony
depended on the external or metropolitan economy, i.e., Britain, for the purchase of
its raw materials. The raw materials had no local value as there were no industries at
home to utilise them. Therefore, the colony exported, willy-nilly, all its raw materials.
It did not matter at all whether the prices offered the producers were rising or falling.
Similarly, in the absence of an industrial sector, the colony depended on external
sources for industrial goods and consumables. The absence of an industrial sector in
colonial Nigeria was the major factor in the emergence of the economy as a dependent
one. Dependency meant that the level of growth and expansion of the economy was
externally determined and conditioned. The volume of production at all times
responded to the behaviour of the metropolitan economy with which the colony had
become vertically integrated.

A dependent economy is a disarticulated one. It lacks internal inter-sectoral

interdependence and symbiosis. Therefore, it cannot achieve internal macroeconomic
stability. Colonial agriculture in Nigeria was integrated with the industrial
sector in Britain. You must note here that, the British economy could not,
and still cannot, be planned in the strict sense of economic planning based
on public ownership of the commanding heights of the means of production.

The absence of an industrial sector limited the expansion of the economy and
therefore denied it the multiplier and accelerator effects associated with industrial
growth and transformation. Without an industrial sector, it was impossible to increase
the capacity to improve the technology of production even in the primary sector.
Industrialisation involves the manufacturing of machine tools and work equipment.
The absence of an industrial sector also meant the absence of opportunities for
employment for the people. The consequent imprisonment of the creative energies of
the people meant that they could not contribute to economic growth and earn a decent
living in the process.

The political economy of colonialism was exploitative, through and through. The
economy was structured and organised to feed Britain with raw materials and to serve
as a dumping ground for her industrial goods. British firms dominated import-export
trade of the colony. With the protection of the colonial government and the
metropolitan power, the firms fixed prices for both Nigerian produce and imported
goods distributed in the colony. Because prices were fixed arbitrarily, resources
generated within the colony were mobilised and repatriated by the firms to Britain
through criminally low prices offered Nigerian producers and through scandalously
high prices demanded for imported items. Exploitation was also achieved through
outright expropriation of mineral deposits by the colonial state and through the various
obligations forced on the people also by the state, for example, colonial head tax and
income tax.

The resources mobilised by the colonial trading firms from the colony through
“unequal exchange”, and by the colonial state through the expropriation of the mineral
deposits and the obligations imposed on the people, and repatriated to the Mother
Country could not at the same time be available to meet the development needs of
the country. Thus, physical infrastructure development was confined to produce areas
and the port towns at the coast. Besides, social infrastructure provision remained
tokenistic all through the colonial period. Schools and colleges, health centres and
hospitals were few in relation to the growing population. At independence in 1960,
Nigeria could only boast of one University College at Ibadan, which was a college of
the University of London.

The question now is, if colonialism was exploitative in its policies and programmes
because it was meant to be so, what has Nigeria done about this since the
achievement in 1960 of what Kwame Nkrumah called “the political kingdom”? Has
the “life in abundance” promised the people by the nationalist political elite of the
1950s – 60s been provided? This is the focus of our attention in the rest of this
session. The most significant, if not the sole change, in the economy of post-colonial
Nigeria has been the emergence and dominance of the petroleum sector. Crude oil
was struck at Otuakeme village near Oloibiri in present-day Bayelsa State in 1956,
while production began in earnest in 1958. Since the early 1970s petroleum export
earnings have been the major sources of fiscal revenue of the nation. The sector has
contributed over $630bn to the nation’s treasury.

However, the sector’s impact on the nation’s development and transformation has
been limited by its domination by the metropolitan states and their oil transnationals
such as Shell, Texaco, Mobil, Chevron, Agip, Slumberger and former British Petroleum.
The transnationals explore and exploit oil and pay taxes and royalties to the Federal
Government of Nigeria which, by the Petroleum Decree (No. 51) (later Act) of 1969
and other Decrees and Acts, had appropriated all oil wealth of the nation to itself.

It must be noted here that, like export agricultural production, crude production is
extractive. The petroleum sector has remained vertically integrated with industrialised
economies of the metropolitan states, which depend on petroleum exporting countries
for oil as energy for their economies and as raw materials for their petrochemical
industries.

Nigeria began petroleum production with the bold initiative of establishing refineries
at Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna to meet domestic needs. Today, the nation exports
about 2.6 million barrels of crude oil per day; the refineries generate at about 30
percent. The result of course has been that while the nation exports its crude oil to
the metropolitan countries, it depends on them for refined petroleum products, i.e.,
premium motor spirit (petrol), diesel and kerosene. Empirical evidence shows that
although Nigeria is a major oil producing nation, it continues to depend on the
developed nations for refining its crude oil.

An aspect of the petroleum industry that cannot be glossed over is the contradiction
associated with oil exploitation in the oil-producing area, the Niger Delta area.
Production has been associated with oil spillage, the destruction of the ecosystem,
and environmental pollution. These have made it impossible for the people to continue
gainfully with their traditional occupations of farming, fishing, craftworks, and trading.
At the same time, the capital-intensive technology of oil production has made it
technically impossible for the sector to provide alternative employment for indigenous
people thrown out of their traditional occupations. Indeed, just a few people in Nigeria
are employed in the oil companies, and mostly as casual workers, “hired and fired” at
will.

The transfer of ownership rights from the oil hosting communities to the federal
government has deprived the communities of the fiscal revenue accruing from oil
production. This has been the major problem between the oil-producing communities
and the federal government. The agitation of the Niger Delta people for some
sovereignty over the oil wealth of their area and their frustration by the government
often fuel violent struggles for the actualisation of their dreams. This is what is today
known as the struggle for resource control and fiscal federalism by people of the Niger
Delta area.

Expansion of oil production has not generated any linkage effect, for example on
industrialisation. On the contrary, the emphasis on petroleum has diverted the
attention of the ruling elite from the necessity of industrialisation. Consequently, the
nation has continued to depend on the metropolitan areas for the sale of its
agricultural produce and crude oil. Consequently, the nation has remained dependent
on, externally vertically integrated with, and peripheralised by the so-called developed
countries. It must be noted that the attainment of political independence in 1960
freed Nigeria from British monopoly imperialism and paved the way for the free
penetration of other imperialist states such as the United States, Germany, France and
Japan.
Another contradiction of the post-independence Nigeria is between uncontrolled
urbanisation and abysmal neglect of rural areas. Colonial administration had
witnessed the growth of few towns and cities as centres of commerce such as Kano,
Lagos, Asaba, Onitsha; as agricultural produce centres such as Ondo, Ife, Ijebu Ode,
Zaria; as mining centres such as Jos and Enugu; as seaports such as Lagos, Port
Harcourt, Sapele, Warri and Calabar; and as centres of administration such as Ibadan,
Benin, Enugu and Kaduna.

The towns and cities were more or less “enclaves” of growth with very little impact on
the surrounding districts. The colonial administration concentred the few public utilities
and social amenities on the towns and cities. Thus the towns and cities “pulled”
migrants from the districts. This is very fundamental in understanding the
phenomenon of rural-urban “drift” or migration. Not much has been done
over the post-colonial period to address the asymmetry of urban growth
and neglect of rural areas. On the contrary, the situation has worsened
with the creation of states and the emergence of new state capitals since
1963.

In-text Questions

1. Crude oil was struck at Otuakeme village near Oloibiri in present-day Bayelsa
State in:
(a) 1901
(b) 1956
(c) 2006
(d) 1966

2. Nigeria began petroleum production with the bold initiative of establishing

refineries at:

[Link] Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna

b. Oyo Ondo and Port Harcourt
c. Abia, Imo and Lagos
d. Badagry, Kaduna and Niger

In-text Answers

1. (b) 1956

2. (a) Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna

9.4 The State and the Dependent Culture

The fight against corruption suffered a major setback during the administration of
General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (1985-1993). General Babangida toppled the
Buhari administration in August 1985. To win the support of the political elite, General
Babangida freed all detained civilian governors of the Alhaji Shagari administration.
Besides, he reversed the confiscation of the ill-gotten properties of the military
governors of the General Gowon administration. But it turned out that General
Babangida was simply paving the way for the looting of public wealth by him and
members of his administration. Apart from outright diversion and misappropriation of
pubic revenue through abuse of due process and reckless extra-budgetary spending
during his period, General Babangida squandered much of the commonwealth on his
long but failed political transition programme and on his intervention in Liberian and
Sierra Leonean crises through ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG).

General Sani Abacha took over as Head of States in November 1993. Huge savings in
foreign currencies were later traced to General Abacha and his family. General Abacha
died in 1998. Chief Olusegun Obasango emerged in May 1999 as elected president.
He tried to salvage the situation by creating the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC). Many
of the state governors and administrators of public agencies, corporations and
institutions were exposed.

Nevertheless, not much was achieved. Those charged with the anti-corruption
assignment did not have the courage and guts to deal with suspects most of whom
were sacred cows. It was alleged that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)
government used the anti-crime commissions to settle scores with not only members
of the opposition parties but also with deviant members of the ruling party. Chief
Obasanjo’s successor, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua could not do much. Apart from
his health challenges, the militant struggles of the peoples of the oil-rich Niger Delta
region diverted his attention. The same could be said of the Dr Goodluck Ebele
Jonathan’s administration. His regime was bedeviled with myriad of problems, ranging
from corruption, book-haram uprising in the North-east and Niger Delta insurgency in
the south –south. However, his administration made remarkable achievement in the
aspect of economic growth sustainability and food security. The current Head of State,
President Mahamadu Buhari, can only be assessed after his administration.
In-text Questions

1. The political economy of colonialism was:

a. Developmental and impactful.
b. Anti-indigenous culture and ethics.
c. exploitative, through and through.
d. revolutionary for the Nigerian people.

2. One of the main feature of dependency is that the colony

depended on:
a. the external or metropolitan economy, i.e., Britain, for the purchase of its
raw materials.
b. Disregard the rules that govern international trade.
c. Decide to produce what it likes.
d. Promotes its traditional means of exchange.

3. A dependent economy is a:
a. disarticulated one.
[Link] economy.
c. articulated one.
[Link] economy.

4. Crude oil was struck at Otuakeme village near Oloibiri in present-day

Bayelsa State in 1956, while production began in earnest in:

a. 1958.
b. 1960
c. 1970
d. 1968

5. The transfer of ownership rights from the oil hosting communities to the
federal government has deprived the communities of:
a. Land and water for production of goods and services.
b. Abled man power for economic development.
c. The fiscal revenue accruing from oil production.
d. Judicious spending of the oil wealth.
In-text Answers

1. (c) Exploitative, through and through

2. (a) The external or metropolitan economy, i.e., Britain, for the
purchase of its raw materials.
3. (a) Disarticulated one
4. (a) 1958
5. (c) The fiscal revenue accruing from oil production

9.5 Summary of Study Session 9

In this study session, the neo-colonial exploitation and corrupt enrichment by the
political elite and their hangers-on in public agencies, corporations and institutions has
meant poverty for the state. State poverty is manifested in its inability to transform
the economy through improvement in existing sectors and especially through
diversification. Besides, neo-colonial economic exploitation and the parasitic activities
of the elite, and the resulting poverty of the state have left the state without any
option but to transfer its poverty to the people. Herein lies the explanation for the lack
of basic needs approach to “development” issues and for lack of good governance.

Since the political economy of imperialist exploitation and the plunder of public
resources by the ruling class are responsible for underdevelopment of the economy
and for the poverty of the people, imperialism and mass poverty must be addressed
as fundamental problems. However, it must be emphasized that those who promote
exploitation, underdevelopment and mass poverty, and benefit from them, cannot at
the same time address the problems. It is therefore the responsibility of the
progressives and the people in chains to free the country from the culture of
underdevelopment.
 Activity for Study Session 9

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learned
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.

9.6 Self-Assessment Question(SAQ)

 Explain the nature of Nigeria’s Political Economy in the pre-colonial era.

 Assess the extent of dependent status and the culture of underdevelopment
in Nigeria since 1960.
 Define Political Economy.
 Explain the characteristics of a dependent and underdeveloped economy.

9.7 References/ Suggestions for Further Reading

Kozlov, G.A. (1997) (ed.) Political Economy: Capitalism. (Moscow: Progress

Publishers).

Oni, O & Onimode. B. (1975) Economic Development of Nigeria: The Socialist

Alternative. (Ibadan: The Nigerian Academy of Arts, Science and Technology.

Onyekpe, J.G.N. (2003). ‘The Nature and Problems of Nigeria’s Dependent Economic
Status’ in O.A. Akinyeye (ed.) Nigeria and the Wider World in the 20th Century:
Essays in Honour of Professor Jide Osuntokun. (Ibadan: Davidson Press).
 Study Session 10:
DIASPORIC CULTURE AND NIGERIA’S DEVELOPMENT

10.1 Introduction

This study session will help you to understand the historical trajectory of diasporic
culture and its attendant consequences on Nigeria’s development. You will understand
the Nigerian concept of Diaspora and the role which Nigerians in the diaspora have
played in the development of the Homeland. The term ‘‘diaspora’’ is derived from the
Greek word diaorropa, which means “scattering or dispersion”. It has also been
described as “the movement of people out of their ancestral land to other areas for
settlement”. It has also been used to describe the historical exodus of people of the
same origin.

The concept is usually associated with the dispersion of a particular group of people
to foreign countries. Diasporic culture often assumes a different course from that of
the population in the original place of settlement. In this session, you will learn about
the origin of diaspora culture, particularly the impact and contributions of Nigerians in
diaspora on the development of the country.

Learning Outcomes for Study Session 10

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

1. Discuss the genesis of the Nigerian Diaspora.

2. Highlight the role of Nigerians in Diaspora in the development of the

Homeland.

10.2 The Nigerian Diaspora

During the colonial and post-colonial periods, emigration was induced by factors
ranging from political unrest and environmental concerns to religious conflict and the
economic issues. Specifically, developments such as land alienation by the colonial
government, deterioration of economic conditions as evident in high rates of
unemployment, political instability occasioned by military intervention in politics, the
civil war as well as social tension, all constituted the “push factor”. The “pull factor”
was mainly the existence of “greener pastures” abroad, especially in advanced
countries of North America and Europe, emerging economies of Asia, and even some
African countries such as South Africa and Ghana. A host of personal and other
intervening factors also played a role in influencing the international migration of
Nigerians. Today, Nigerians are found virtually everywhere in the world as evident in
the establishment of Nigerians in Diaspora Organization (NIDO) in Africa, the
Americas, Asia, Australia, Europe and the Middle East.

The issue of the number of Nigerians abroad has been a matter of controversy.
The reality is that there is no reliable census figure or statistics of Nigerians living
abroad. Thus, differing figures and various estimates have been presented. For
instance, on 28 July 2006, Dahitler submitted that: “I would estimate at least 20
million. This figure includes those that have one Nigerian parent. He also explained
that, “Of course, I am basing this entirely off shady estimates I know about Nigerian
population in Ghana (about 2 million), Ivory Coast (a little more than a million), South
Africa (about 2 million) and then at least 5 million in UK and 4-6 million in America
and the rest would come from other countries.” The population of Nigerians abroad
is significant enough to place the Nigerian phenomenon alongside diasporas like the
Jewish, and thus merits intellectual enquiry.

The Nigerian cultural presence abroad is significant in different areas such as

language, religion, dance, music, dress, food or other cultural aspects. Commenting
on this in 2005, Uche Nworah contended that this is reflected in:

A strong ethnic group consciousness sustained over a long time and based on
a sense of distinctiveness, a common history and the belief in a common fate.
This has been variously demonstrated by intra-marriage relationships and
friendships amongst the Nigerians in the Diaspora, also by setting up
community associations which serve as social organisations as well. Nigerians
still maintain and promote their culture in their new countries of residence, they
still wear their traditional attires to churches and to weddings, they bear their
Nigerian names and speak their native languages with one another, the only
problem is with the generation born in the new lands, who are torn with the
issue of double identity.

In respect to the composition of the Nigerian immigrant community, it is remarkable

to note that that they are found in all walks of life, as professionals. There is no doubt
that Nigerians constitute a high percent of medical and health care workers, bankers,
engineers and academics in the West, especially in the United States of America and
the United Kingdom. Nigerians are also prominent in several other occupations, such
as the police, cab drivers as well as the operation of small businesses. In the Nigerian
immigrant community are also found those who engage in criminal activities and vices
who tend to smear the image of the country with dirt. In this realm, it has been
estimated that about 10,000 Nigerian women in Italy earn their living as commercial
sex workers and a good number also engage in advance fee fraud also called 419 in
Nigerian parlance.

In the aspect of relations with host communities, the pattern discernible among
Nigerian immigrants is much the same as the general trend of immigrant-host
relations. Thus, Nigerian immigrants have enjoyed excellent relations with host
communities in many parts of the world, but disagreement and conflict have also taken
place in some cases. The pattern of relationship has reflected a typical immigrant-host
community relationship with its characteristic co-operation and disaffection in line with
the iron law of in-group and out-group attitudes.

In-text Questions

1. Diaspora refers to the physical and cultural presence of Nigerians:

a. Outside the homeland as well as the relationships between

peoples of Nigerian extraction at home and those abroad.
b. As seen in the movement from one town to the other on daily basis.
c. As seen in the migration of men and women from their villages to the urban
centers.
d. In their motherland throughout their entire life.
2. Between the 15th and 19th centuries, millions of people were forced out of
the territory that later became known as Nigeria through:

a. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade.

b. Industrial revolution.
c. Long distance trade.
d. Relocation to the urban centers.
In-text Answers

1. (a) Outside the homeland as well as the relationships between peoples of

Nigerian extraction at home and those abroad.
2.(a) The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade.

10.3 The Role of the Diaspora in the Development of the

Homeland

You have learned about the origin and trend of the Nigerian diaspora phenomenon in
the above section. We will now identify the role of the diaspora in the development of
the homeland. Recent discourse on diasporas has attempted to examine the role of
dispersed people in the development of the homeland. The feeling of nostalgia
towards, and attachment to the homeland have always influenced positive attitude
towards the homeland by diaspora communities. For Africa, the concept of the “old”
and “new” diaspora has been introduced for clarity of analysis. “Old” diaspora refers
to people of African descent who were involuntarily shipped as slaves to Europe and
the Americas from the fifteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century, while “new”
diaspora is used to describe Africans who went voluntarily in search of the “golden
fleece” in different parts of the world, especially in the post-independence period.

Developments in North America after the American War of Independence (1776-1783)

and the American Civil War (1861-1865) and the end of the slavery trade led to the
return of some Africans from Europe and America to their motherland. These were
mainly descendants of Africans who had been shipped as slaves to Europe and the
New World in the old diaspora. As far as Nigeria is concerned, repatriated slaves
contributed greatly to the development of the homeland.

The Brazilian returnees settled mainly in Lagos and Abeokuta. Their influence was
essentially in the area of culture and social development. They introduced Brazilian-
style architecture which became prominent in Central Lagos from the late nineteenth
century onwards. The African returnees from Brazil also introduced the Brazilian
carnival to Lagos and its environs. The carnival featured music and dance with exotic
costumes. It has always been a display of African culture fused with Brazilian elements.
The festival went into abeyance for some time, but it has been revived in the past two
decades and it has had an immense impact on the social development of Lagos and
its environs.
Apart from the Brazilian returnees who came directly to parts of Western Nigeria, there
were returnees and recaptured slaves that settled in Sierra Leone and Liberia who
equally made immense contributions to Nigeria’s development. The first set of African
liberated slaves to return home to West Africa came from England in 1787. They
settled in Freetown in the territory that was later named Sierra Leone. Another batch
of African returnees came from Nova Scotia in North America under the supervision
of the British. They came in 1792 and also settled in Freetown. The British moved
them to Nova Scotia after the war for fear of being victimised by the independent
United States of America. They were eventually moved to Freetown from Nova Scotia.

It is noteworthy that Thomas Peters, an Egba, who had fought on the side of the
British during the American revolutionary war, was among the leaders who negotiated
with the directors of the Sierra Leone Company in England which led up to the
settlement of the liberated slaves from Nova Scotia in Sierra Leone. A third batch came
from Jamaica in 1800 to join the returnees in Sierra Leone.

They were called ‘maroons’ because of their having been abandoned in the mountains
in Jamaica before their relocation to Sierra Leone. The population of the Sierra Leone
colony swelled in the course of the nineteenth century by slaves released from ships
arrested by the British Naval Squadron. Some slave traders continued illegal trading
after the abolition of the slave trade in 1807 and the British navy had to patrol the
waters to arrest the illegal slave dealers. A similar settlement to the Sierra Leone
colony was established in Liberia in 1822. It was made up of slaves repatriated from
the United States of America and the colony was organised by the American
Colonisation Society.

The discussion on the establishment and development of Sierra Leone and

Liberia, especially the former, is important because of the crucial contribution of some
of the returnees to Nigeria’s development from the second half of the nineteenth
century. The returnees to Sierra Leone and the re-captives who joined them in the
course of the nineteenth century developed a new and unique culture called ‘Creole’
which was a fusion of the cultures of the diverse peoples that came to settle in Sierra
Leone. The Creoles embraced the Christian faith and Western education. A number of
them also engaged in trade and commerce, positively exploiting their links with Europe
and the Americas. The influence of the Creoles spread to other parts of West Africa
especially in the second half of the nineteenth century and Nigeria was one of the
territories where their influence was prominent. This was mainly in the area of
education and missionary activities. There was also the influence of re-captives who
made efforts to trace their original places of birth across West Africa and contributed
to the development of the various communities.

The importance that many Creoles attached to education made them to send
their children to Europe for higher studies in the early period of their settlement in
Sierra Leone. They also went a step further by establishing a higher school of their
own, the Fourah Bay College that was established in 1827 and affiliated to Durham
University in 1876. Fourah Bay became the hub of intellectual activities in West Africa
and from it emerged professionals in different areas: Law, Medicine, Engineering and
Administration, among others. Graduates from the institution spread across West
Africa and occupied important positions in their different fields of endeavour. Some of
these, in addition to other Creoles who had traced their roots to parts of Nigeria,
returned to make important contributions to Nigeria’s development.

In the area of education, the first secondary school in Nigeria, the CMS
Grammar School, Bariga, Lagos, which was established in 1859, was founded by
Thomas Babington Macaulay, an Anglican clergyman who had been trained in Sierra
Leone and England. Babatunde Fafunwa states that the CMS assisted in the
development of the school in different ways during the early period of its existence;
but he also notes that even greater support came from ex-slaves from Sierra Leone
who had settled in Lagos. The Sierra Leoneans also gave similar support to other
educational institutions in the decades after the establishment of CMS Grammar
School. Many other ex-slaves with links to Sierra Leone made important contributions
to Nigeria’s development. For instance, Ajayi Crowther wrote the Grammar and
Vocabulary of the Yoruba Language in 1843 and Samuel Johnson wrote his famous
History of the Yorubas in 1897 both of which have become important source material
on aspects of Yoruba history and culture. Many other Creoles worked as teachers,
lawyers and administrators. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, as European
colonial rule was established, the ex-slaves and others that had moved to other West
African territories were at the forefront of the anti-colonial struggle. They used
different mediums, including the print media, to mobilise the people to resist attempts
by European powers to establish colonial rule in West Africa. In Nigeria, the Lagos
Weekly Records published by the Jacksons and the Lagos Observer published by J.
Bagan Benjamin were of immense value in mobilising the people against colonial rule
and colonial policies.

In the area of Christian missionary activities, returnees from Sierra Leone went
to different parts of Nigeria to spread the gospel. The career and work of Samuel Ajayi
Crowther who was ordained the first African Anglican Bishop in 1864 was by far the
most explosive. Crowther’s missionary activities were concentrated in the Delta area,
particularly Bonny where a missionary revolution was carried out as so many
conversions were recorded so much that a clash with traditional religious worshippers
broke out. Missionary activities were accompanied by cultural transformation and
educational development. Nigerians with diaspora links were actively involved in
missionary activities in other parts of Nigeria apart from Bonny.

Many missionary groups found it convenient to send educated Nigerians to the interior
for evangelical work instead of white priests because of their familiarity with local
customs and ability to withstand the weather. Creoles of Islamic background followed
the footsteps of their Christian counterparts to also advance the cause of Islam in the
homeland. Prominent among these was Muhammed Shitta Bey, a Muslim Creole who
gave a whopping 400 pounds for the building of a mosque in Lagos in the 1890s.
Shitta Bey also encouraged Muslims to acquire Western education, stressing the
numerous benefits it offers. The contributions of members of the ‘old’ diaspora to the
development of the homeland were therefore multi-dimensional.

For the ‘new’ diaspora, their impact on the development of the homeland has come in
the form of their individual and collective development efforts in different spheres of
life. As earlier noted, Nigerians in different parts of the world have organised
themselves into groups called Nigerians in Diaspora Organization (NIDO) in parts of
Africa, the Americas, Asia, Australia, Europe and the Middle East. The different NIDO
groups have identified needs in different areas such as education, health
and infrastructure development. They have assisted government at
different levels with information and, in some instances, resources for
some projects, thereby contributing to the improvement the overall
quality of life. In addition, a number of Nigerian intellectuals abroad have established
linkages and provided valuable information to their counterparts at home which have
benefited both the scholars and their institutions. Some others engaged in
manufacturing and business abroad have returned to Nigeria to invest, thereby
contributing to the country’s economic development. Yet, others have drawn attention
to business opportunities in Nigeria and encouraged the flow of foreign direct
investment.

Different Nigerian diaspora groups have met with Nigerian leaders sometimes
when the leaders go on official visits to other countries. They have utilised the
opportunity provided by such meetings to offer constructive advice to government on
how to improve Nigeria’s development back home. Some of the ideas shared have
positively influenced government policy on import and export, investment and external
debt, among other areas. Apart from sharing ideas, almost, if not all Nigerians abroad
remit money home to family members for construction or business. Monies sent by
Nigerians in diaspora sum up to billions of Naira every year and economic analysts
state that such financial stimulus has contributed to Nigeria’s economic development,
especially in the past three decades. In many respects, therefore, Nigerians in diaspora
have made important contributions to the development of the homeland.

In-text Questions
 1. The Brazilian returnees settled mainly in:
a. Abuja and Lagos
b. Lagos and Ibadan
c. Republic of Benin
d. Lagos and Abeokuta

[Link] Crowther wrote the Grammar and Vocabulary of the Yoruba

Language in:
a. 1843
b. 1929
c. 1678
d. 1900
3. Samuel Johnson wrote his famous History of the Yorubas in:
a. 1912
b. 1897
c. 1906
d. 1898

4. Shitta Bey, a Muslim Creole gave a whopping 400 pounds for the building
of a mosque in Lagos in the:
a. 1890s
b. 1950
c. 1978
d. 1980

In-text Answers

1. (d) Lagos and Abeokuta

2. (a) 1843
3. (b) 1897
4. (a) 1890s

10.4 Summary of Study Session 10

We have established in this session that the Nigerian cultural presence abroad is
significant in different areas such as language, religion, dance, music, dress, food or
other cultural aspects. We have also noted that the genesis of the Nigerian Diaspora
pre-dated the 1914 amalgamation of the Protectorates of Northern and Southern
Nigeria. This is because millions of people were forced out of the territory that later
became known as Nigeria through the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. During the colonial
and post-colonial periods, emigration was induced by factors ranging from political
unrest and environmental concerns to religious conflict and the economic issues.

Apart from the Brazilian returnees who came directly to parts of western Nigeria, there
were returnees and recaptured slaves that settled in Sierra Leone and Liberia who
equally made immense contributions to Nigeria’s development in the late nineteenth
century and early twentieth century. Several Nigerians abroad have made tremendous
impact on the social, economic and political landscape of Nigeria since the twentieth
century.

ACTIVITY

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you
have learned by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a
note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next
interactive session.

Self-Assessment Question (SAQs)

 Trace the genesis of the Nigerian Diaspora.

 Analyze the contribution of Nigerians in the Diaspora to
development of the Homeland.
 What are the challenges faced by Nigerians in Diaspora?

10.10 References/ Suggestions for Further Reading

Dioka, L.C. (2001). Lagos and Its Environs. Lagos: First Academic Publishers.

“How many Nigerians Live Outside Nigeria?” [Link]

Onwudike, E. (2006). The Question of Diaspora in Nigeria’s International Relations

Occasional Paper 2. Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs.
Osuntokun, A. and Olukoju A.A (1997). (eds), Nigerian Peoples and Cultures. Ibadan:

Davidson Press.

Uya, Okon. (2005). African Diaspora and Black Experience in New World Slavery. 3rd
ed. Calabar: Clear Lines Publications.

Uche Nworah, “Global Politician- Study on Nigerian Diaspora.”

[Link]
 Study Session 11:

Labour and Culture in The Pre-Colonial Period

11.1 Introduction

In this interesting session, you will learn about the traditional culture of labour. Labour
constitutes prominent aspects of a people’s culture in any human society, just like
land and capital are essential aspects of the means of production. Material production
is the basis of human existence. Thus, production basically distinguishes man from
the lower animals. Labour, which is man’s activity towards the creation of utilities and
values, requires that man applies his physical and mental efforts to objects or things
found in the natural environment. To be able to work on land, societies devise means
and instruments of labour. It is the objects and means of labour that constitute the
means of production. The combination of the means of production and labour input
constitutes the forces of production. Culture has been defined as the totality of human
expressions, activities and existence. In this session, we shall discuss the nature of
the pre-colonial labour culture and the means through which workers acquired training
for productivity and efficiency among the different peoples of the several kingdoms,
chiefdoms and empires.

Learning Outcome for Study Session 11

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

 Discuss the nature of pre-colonial labour culture in Nigeria.

 Highlight how the pre-colonial workforce acquired training for productivity at
work.

11.2 Labour and Culture in The Pre-colonial Period

As noted in the introduction, in this session you will appraise the traditional culture of
labour and operations in the pre-colonial Nigerian societies. This will help to
understand and appreciate the changes and continuity in social and economic
transformation that have occurred in our social and economic spaces. You must bear
in mind, that pre-colonial Nigerian society was based on a communal economic
system. Economic activities were carried out with the intention of widening social
relationships, rather than making money. The pre-colonial labour system in many
communities in Nigeria did not attract wages or remuneration. The family unit was a
major source of manpower in virtually every facet of productive exercise. Labour was
mostly supplied by women, especially those who had been privileged to have many
children. They competed for their husband’s attention by ensuring that they delivered
their respective children for the public work.

Moreover, the mutual reciprocal culture also served as a source of labour supply. There
were established principles of collective contribution to community development. For
instance, when the whole community required man power to work on a common
project, such as building a house, renovating the shrine, constructing a road leading
to the river, market or town hall, the matured young men collectively offered their
labour for no fee. There were traditional means of punishing those who refused to
participate in one way or the other.

While this was done without any expectation of wages or pecuniary reward
whatsoever, the head chief of such locality or the head of the supposed age grade
was obligated to feed the entire workforce throughout the period of their activities. In
this case, the women and the young children in the local community were jointly
assembled to provide food and drinks for the workers. Among other factors of
production, labour posed a great challenge for the pre-colonial period. It was difficult
getting required workforce for the production of goods and services. The reason for
the relative scarcity of labour was the huge availability of land and demographic
problems. The pre-colonial people had wide expanse of cultivatable land beyond what
the human population could exhaust, coupled with the rapid population decline. In
fact, labour shortage was a result of the rampant low life expectancy and infant
mortality rate which generally shortened life span. There was also the several
incidences of epidemics and diseases which claimed lives of children in addition to
incessant raiding and kidnapping.

Consequently, it became fashionable for people to keep families and maintain a

polygamous family in order to ensure adequate labour supply. In this case, it was
expedient for wives to mobilize their respective children to the farm to ascertain that
they worked passionately for their father and earned his love and respect. In other
words, family labour was coordinated mostly by the women in a way that maintained
harmony and peace within the family. The nuclear family and the extended family
therefore, constituted a significant source of manpower needed for agriculture-related
activities in many pre-colonial Nigerian societies. People scheduled their time to stay
at home or in the farm at given periods. Some spent their days, weeks or months
between staying in the farm or at home, usually located many kilometers outside the
community. Most farmers arranged to spend a number of days, weeks, or month on
their farms with their families. Others vary their habit slightly, depending on the
season of the years. During harvesting or planting season, more time is spent on the
farm. The farmers involved members of their families in their endeavors. They
probably could not do otherwise, because of the time consuming and energy-sapping
nature of their system of farming.

In most areas, especially among the Yorubas and the Igbos, farmers devised a system
of collective workforce based on rotation of family members to work on one another’s
farm. This was to ease stress and achieve efficiency and productivity in farming. Three
classes of such group farming are identified among the Yoruba, Edo, Igbo and the
Hausa people. The first emanates from the willingness of male members of the same
family to work together. They worked on a family land under the supervision of the
eldest man. The proceeds of such labor belong to all members of the family. This was
either shared out or used, wholly or partly, to discharge obligation incurred by the
family or a member, for example acquiring wives for eligible bachelor within the family.

The next style was known among the Yorubas, known as Aro. It was a form of labour
exchange among age-mates. These youngsters tacitly vow to help one another on
individual’s farm in rotation. The host at any occasion however, was obligated to feed
his colleagues after the day’s work. Owe (working bee) is the last of the group farming
methods. This is practiced among relatives and in-laws. The object is to come together
to help a needy member. There was no rotational labour exchange. It was simply
giving a helping hand. The beneficiary is not bound to reciprocate. He demonstrates
his appreciation by feeding his benefactors after the day’s work.

Nonetheless, there is also a lesser known method referred to as Nabo. On this

occasion, the youths help one another to work in rotation on their father’s farms. This
practice was seasonal; even in some circles; it was referred to as festival because of
the feasting which usually rounded off the day’s work. This system was similar to the
Aro. The difference is that youths worked on their father’s farm in Nabo, rather than
on their personal farms in Aro. Participants in Nabo are younger than those in Aro.
The youths are still dependent on their parents or guardian in Nabo, but independent
in Aro. The wealthy farmers on the other hand, employed labourers to man their farms
on continuous basis. They only visit the farms once in a while, or through
representation, to keep the workers alert to their responsibilities. As stated above,
subsistence farming was the basis of the economy before the advent of the white
men. The people only bothered with food crops for consumption and in case of surplus,
to be disposed of either in the local or inter-town market or exchanged through trade
by barter.
There were diverse insurance institutions in pre-colonial Nigerian communities which
emphasized mutual responsibilities and obligations while expressing a desire to
alleviate poverty rather than indemnify. Prior to the introduction of the modern
insurance system in the colonial period, there had been diverse kinship ties and
communal institutions that catered for unprecedented needs of individuals and society.
Major problems that emanated from funerals, marriage ceremonies, sickness or
occurrence of any loss were met through existing communal or kinship insurance
organisations. Most of these insurance institutions, functioned as credit and social
security organisations. One of these is the ‘Apo Ijo’ insurance system known as ‘Otu’
– an important economic organization constituted by mutual consent of young people,
age grades and extended family to attend to unforeseen crises. There is also the Esusu
and Aro methods which were prevalent among groups of Yoruba farmers and hunters,
vis-a-vis the Ogbo, Isusu and mitiri contribution clubs among the Igbo.

Apart from this arrangement, the other means of labour recruitment was slavery, and
the slave trade. In fact, slavery was an important means of labour recruitment both
for domestic and agricultural activities. Slavery was a system based on forcing people
to work for another person without any remuneration, with the working person lacking
control over his or her person. This means that it was a condition of being held in
servitude as a property of someone else.

A critical investigation of the pre-colonial labour system would show that slavery was
practiced everywhere in African societies, a social institution basic to economic life
from prehistoric times to the modern era. The trans-Saharan slave trade, which was
one of the major channels of African slavery before the fifteenth century, grew
significantly from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, as vast African empires such as
Ghana, Mali, Songhai, and Kanem-Bornu developed south of the Sahara and
marshaled the trade in slaves. Borgu, like several African states, was a viable source
of slaves for internal West African in the trans-Saharan markets. Therefore, people
were captured from far communities to be made into slaves in other towns. In most
cases, in the pre-colonial era, slaves were bought from specialized vendors by the rich
people who subjected them to all forms of work without reward. Slaves were used by
influential people to convey goods or produce from the farm to the markets as well as
for other commercial activities.

Agriculture was an important economic activity in the pre-colonial kingdom and

empires. Although, there a number of other productive sectors, agriculture employed
a large number of people. The non-agricultural occupation consisted of clearing of
lands, mat making, mounds making, sowing, weeding and craft workmanship. But the
pre-colonial agricultural system determined the pattern of labour employment.
Farming activities was based on traditional homemade implements, namely: hoes,
cutlasses and axes. The principal articles of food grown were yams, palm oil, maize,
pepper, calabash, cocoyam, fruit and cotton. Since primitive implements were used,
productivity was quite low and relatively substandard, but the farmers were not aware
of it because all they needed was production, essentially required for household
consumption and communal supply.

In the Hausa states, the peoples most often relegated to the tending and harvesting
of agricultural crops were captives. Some other people like the Benin and Kanuri
people, conducted raids on other states in order to capture people who could carry
out the agricultural duties of their kingdoms. Elsewhere, agricultural duties were
carried out by free people. Among these agricultural peoples, however, the workers
often sought out other occupations during the months when the ground was too dry
or in the periods between harvests. Among the more common secondary occupations
were mining gold and engaging in trading activities. Many agricultural peoples
produced one or more food crops, which were sold to their neighbors for other items
such as cloth among other items. There were also those that sold goods or traded
with other non-agrarian African groups for cattle, salt, or metals.

A large number of people were employed in animal husbandry. The animals for
husbandry are domestic; such includes dogs, goat, chicken and pigs. These animals
supplement the source of meat, or sacrificial offering, for their owners. Exclusive
vocations for men include hunting, blacksmithing and carpentry. Hunting is the oldest
male occupation in ancient Idanre. Only the males were allowed to embark on hunting
into the forest to kill animals which served as meat for the family.

Hunting was practiced in virtually all parts of the pre-colonial society, it was usually
carried out during the dry season when farm work was light. It was also easier to burn
the bush and hunters could easily penetrate deeply into the bush. In most cases,
Hunting were restricted to men who had requisite spiritual strength to overcome
physical and metaphysical danger. The hunters used traps, clubs bows and arrows
and later guns. The animals killed were either sold or consumed by the family. Hunting
and gathering in the pre-colonial era, did not however, end with the development of
farming. The people supplemented the products of their farms and gardens with wild
fruit and assorted wild vegetables and mushrooms. In most farming season, the
gathering of wild cereal grasses became crucial importance. In tradition, the hunter,
with this courage and command of magic and herbal remedies was a paradigm very
like the king, and the people accorded him prestige.

Also, calabashes and pots were also a viable economic item in pre-colonial societies.
This items were used for storing and transporting foodstuffs and liquids, and as eating
utensils, though only pots were used for cooking. Johnson described the art of the
Yoruba Calabash, as it existed in the nineteenth century: “Calabash dressers are
always found in a row in market places, plying their trade; all sorts of geometrical
figures are traced or cut in calabashes; some designs are exquisitely beautiful.”.
More so, jewelry, beads and glass was of great significance to the Benin, Igbos and
the Yoruba peoples. This items form a crucial socio-economic importance to the
people, manufacturing was more diverse than mining. Several objects were made from
plants, mineral and animal products. Among the leading articles were foodstuff, cloth
and leather, wood and ceramic products. There were also people who specialized in
tying and dyeing animal skin which were in turn used to manufacture bags, cushions,
apron, saddle cover and other. The people also exhibited great craftsmanship in the
making of such objects as kitchen utensils, ritual and decorative works. The cloth
industry according to record appeared to be the most widespread and the one which
engaged a large number of people in the production of cotton, yarns, threads and
dye.

The movement of people in order to trade in one commodity or another cut across
zones, be these geographical or cultural. These trading activities led to the
establishment of several large markets. The individual states had effective revenue
collection systems. For instance, in his efforts to control commercial transactions south
of the Sahara, the rulers of different kingdoms and empires pursued an intelligent
policy: they levied a tax when goods were brought into or taken out of their territory.
Traders had to pay twice on salt: one dinar on bringing it in and two dinars on taking
it out. Commercial activities provided opportunities for individuals and the state to
exploit and benefit from. While individuals produced for the market, sold to make
profits, and offered their labour for different services; the state, through the political
leaders, made use of commerce in varying ways to sustain itself: traders not only
offered gifts to rulers but paid dues in the markets, different types of levies, and tolls
when they engaged in trade that transcended boundaries. Such tolls were an integral
part of the economic basis of power. They were a major source of revenue, together
with taxation, levies, judicial fees and fines, and death duties.

Toll collection was done using minimal coercion and collectors had little need to use
arms to force travelers to pay. The toll system was controlled by the chiefs who held
power through the labour of men employed to handle such tasks. The primary aim of
collecting tolls was to have revenues. Public treasuries merged with the private purses
of the chiefs: revenues were collected and spent to satisfy both private desires and
public needs (e.g. road maintenance, payment of tributes if a community was under
a metropolitan power, prosecution of war, etc.).

In the pre-colonial period, different people in Nigerian societies had many

manufacturing industries where several products were produced for local use as well
as export to Europe through North African traders. For example, leather works from
Northern Nigeria and Mali were superior to any in the world by the fifteenth century.
In the same way, Africa could boast of superb textile fabrics from the Congo, Buganda
and Asante and Yorubaland in present-day Nigeria. African copper in Katanga and
Zambia was vastly developed and superior to European copper in the first century of
the contact with the Europeans. Several African societies also formed the nucleus of
the continent’s own factory system and had crafts organised into guilds. As mentioned
earlier, goods and services in Africa were exchanged through a network of well-
organised trade routes and trading centres.

The introduction of remuneration for labour came with the coming of the
British colonial policies in the twentieth century. This was because
indigenous labour was very significant to the day-to-day functioning of
colonial capitalism in Nigeria. The colonialist needed capable workforce in
the construction of roads and railway system, ditto for other administrative activities.
As colonial capitalism matured after the amalgamation of Nigeria, the government
began to employ more Nigerians in the Public Works Department, agricultural
plantations, mining among others. Consequently, the idea of salary was imported into
the Nigerian economy. This was a precursor to the development of trade union
activities which developed in the early 1930s. The colonial policy of segregation,
discrimination and exploitation played a significant role in the formation of labour
unions. Because colonial capitalism was founded on the motive of generating huge
profit from Nigeria, the colonialists paid little attention to the welfare and earnings of
the workers. The colonial authorities perceived every attempt by the Nigerian workers
to run a union as a threat and they did everything to dismantle it. This fueled a lot of
reaction from the workers. Be that as it may, wage labour introduced a new economic
culture; of saving, budgeting for private spending and accumulation. This changed the
preexisting communal system of production. Workers doing agricultural activities
began to attach pecuniary conditions to any services performed at family and
community level. The fact that the colonial government recruited many into the civil
service made people to labour to be capitalized. The led to the rise of the Nigerian
new elite.

In- text Questions

1. The pre-colonial labour system in many communities in Nigeria did not attract:

a. Penalties and charges.

b. Wages or remuneration.
c. Honorarium and gifts.
d. Training and professionalism.
2. In the pre-colonial period, people kept large families and maintained polygamous
families in order to:

a. Compete as the biggest family in their town.

b. Prepare for war against their enemies.
c. Promote brotherliness in kinship.
d. Ensure adequate labour supply.

3. Slavery was also an important ……………both for domestic and agricultural

activities.

a. means of labour recruitment.

[Link] of generating money.
c. means of accumulating wealth.
[Link] wars and conquering neighbours.

4. In the Hausa states, the peoples most often relegated to the tending and
harvesting of agricultural crops were:

a. Women.
b. Captives
c. Boys.
d. Men

In-text Answers

1. (a) wages or remuneration.

2. (d) to ensure adequate labour supply.
3. (a) means of labour recruitment.
4. (b) captives.

11.3 Pre-colonial Manpower Development and Productivity

From the above section, you have learned about the pattern of labour ethics and
culture. The question that comes to mind is: how were people educated or trained for
efficiency and productivity at work in the pre-colonial period?

In this part, you will learn about the pre-colonial pattern of preparing people for
productive labour. As regards skill acquisition and educational system through which
people became professionals in their respective fields, indigenous education was an
important factor in the role people played in manpower development, in the
agricultural, mining, poetry, hunting as well as other craft industries in the pre-colonial
period. Indigenous education systems in the various polities were efficient enough to
prepare young men and women for their prospective roles and responsibilities at work
and in the society. Vocational training was provided by the community members who
possessed special skills or abilities in various fields.

In the pre-colonial period, skills for occupational development were acquired through
professionals within the family and community. In most cases, boys were brought up
to take to their father’s occupation. In some other cases, they were sent to live with
other men as apprentices to learn various vocations and life etiquette. For example,
if one’s father was a farmer, fisherman or blacksmith, there was every likelihood that
the boy child in that family too would become a farmer, fisherman or blacksmith.
Children learned the trade of their parents. Although occupations varied according to
the geographical areas in West Africa, the major ones were farming, trading,
craftwork, fishing, cattle rearing, wine tapping, traditional medicine and
blacksmithing. Male children were trained in these occupations as they lived with their
parents. The boys were also trained in other activities such as archery, tree climbing
and wrestling.

Intellectual training for them consisted of their sitting quietly beside their fathers at
meetings and listening attentively to learn the intricacies of such tasks and skills as
arbitration of cases, oratory (public speaking), wise sayings and use of proverbs. All
of these activities stimulated their sense of rationality. Girls were often expected to
stay at home to acquire the skills of cooking, sweeping, weeding the farms, hair
weaving, body decoration and cloth dyeing from their mothers. As in the case of the
boys, the girls did almost exactly what their mothers trained them to do.

In spite of regional differences, traditional or indigenous education among people

especially the Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo equipped individuals to fit usefully into their
society. Youths learnt and professionalized different skills for self-sustenance while
contributing to kinship and the development of their societies. The traditional
education offered by the community was comprehensive, as it provided training in
physical, intellectual, social, vocational and character development. However, it had
its limitations. For example, in the absence of writing, people depended on the power
of their memory to retain and transmit all learned ideas to future generations.
However, memory could fail, and when a custodian of some useful information or skill
died, all was lost. There were, however, no cases of unemployment.

The household played a significant role in the production of goods and services. In
Yorubaland for instance, a household consisted of a man, his wife (or wives), children
and relatives such as the immediate and extended members of his lineage. The word
family was weightier in pre-European African societies than it is in the Western or
even in contemporary Yorubaland. This was because people lived communally, with
no trace of individualism. Although social stratification and class differentiation could
have logically occurred at some point, the gap between the rich and the poor was not
very wide. The people focused more on collective development of the family than on
personal individual accumulation of wealth. For example, among the Yorubas, Igbo,
Benin and Hausa people, it was obligatory for the rich to help the poor.

There was a deep sense of communalism and mutual trust within a reciprocal socio-
economic system. The property of the wealthy member of the family was regarded as
the common property of all. This communal system inevitably fostered inclusive
development because very rarely did people accumulate wealth inordinately or try to
raise their own standard of living at the expense of the larger community.
This was perhaps because the surplus income or estate of the rich was
usually expended in benevolence to his immediate and extended family
members. The ultimate aim of the communal and kinship system was to empower
each member of the family and to ensure that the less privileged, such as the old, the
sick and the unemployed were not left to suffer. This system impacted strongly on the
work ethics of the people.

This “unwritten social theory” arguably enhanced inclusive development and social
orderliness in the town, especially as the mode of production was based on the
doctrine of equality, mutual cooperation and combined development. Because
economic activities were conducted essentially with the aim of widening social
relationship and cohesion rather than economic value, people were not motivated to
work on the basis of their remuneration. Nevertheless, there were a good number of
organised markets, institutionalized but “non capitalized” means of selling land, hiring
labour and raising money.

In-text Questions

1. In the pre-colonial period, skills for occupational development were acquired

through:
a. European universities and colleges.
b. The Universities of Lagos and Ibadan.
c. Professionals within the family and community.
d. Spirits and goddesses of knowledge.

2. In spite of regional differences, traditional education among people especially the

Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo equipped individuals to:
a. fit usefully into their society workspace.
 b. argue about their political leaders.
c. compete among themselves.
d. defeat the Europeans when they came to Nigeria.

In-text Answers

1. (c) professionals within the family and community.

2. (a) fit usefully into their society workspace.

11.4 Summary of Study Session 11

In this session you have learned that the pre-colonial Nigerian society was based on
a communal economic system. Economic activities were carried out with the intention
of widening social relationship, rather than making money. The pre-colonial labour
system in many communities in Nigeria did not attract wages or remuneration. The
communal and family units were a major means of labour supply in virtually every
facet of productive exercise. The other means of labour recruitment was slavery, and
the slave trade which also served as an important means of labour recruitment both
for domestic and agricultural activities. The introduction of remuneration for labour
came with the coming of the British colonial policies in the twentieth century. This was
because indigenous labour was very significant to the day-to-day functioning of
colonial capitalism in Nigeria. Skills for occupational development were acquired
through professionals within the family and community. In most cases, boys were
brought up to take to their fathers’ occupation. In some other cases, they were sent
to live with other men as apprentices to learn various vocations and life etiquette.

ACTIVITY

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you
have learned by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a
note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next
interactive session.
Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs)

1. How were people trained for productive labour in the pre-colonial period?

2. Explain the features of pre-colonial labour culture in Nigeria.

3. Highlight the development of wage labour in Nigeria.

11.10 References/ Suggestions for Further Reading

Ajiola F.O. (2015). Indigenous Social and Economic Structure in Pre-colonial

Idanreland, Nigerian Journal of Economic History, Vol. 13, No 14.

Demedeiros, F. (1995). The Peoples of the Sudan: Population Movements, In

General History of Africa -- Africa From The Seventh To The Eleventh
Century,

Ekundare, R.O. (1975). An Economic History of Nigeria, Longman, London.

Falola T. (1996). et al, History of Nigeria, Nigeria: Longman Press Nigeria.

Falola, T. (1996). Trade and Market in Pre-colonial Economy, In G.O Ogunremi and
E.K Faluyi (Eds), An Economic History of West Africa, Nigeria: Rex
Charles

Falola, T. (1989) The Yoruba Toll System: Its Operation and Abolition, The
Journal of African Studies
Hopkins, A.G. (1973). An Economic History of West Africa, London: Addison Wesley
Publishing Inc.
Odamo, S.F. (2001) Idanre: Beauty and Culture of the Hills, Ibadan: Samnice
Books.
Ogunremi G.O. and Faluyi E.K (Eds). Economic History of West Africa, Lagos:
Rex Charles / Connell Publication 1996.
Olutayo O.A, (1991). The Development of Underdevelopment: Rural Economy
of Colonial South Western, Ph.D. Thesis Department of Sociology,
University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.
Oyemakinde, W. (2003). Essay in Economic History, Ibadan: Tunmid Nigeria
Enterprises.
Organization For Historical Research In Nigeria, (2015). History Textbook For Junior
Secondary Schools In Lagos State, Nigeria.
Samuel, J. (1921). History of the Yorubas, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
 Study Session 12

INTERGROUP RELATIONS AMONG NIGERIAN COMMUNITIES

12.0 Introduction
In this session we examine the meaning of intergroup relations, factors that promoted them
among Nigerian communities and the relevance of intergroup relations since the pre-colonial
period. You will observe that Nigeria has about 348 language groups and 374 ethnic groups,
which coexisted with one another long before the colonial administrators joined them together
in form of the amalgamation of 1914.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this session, you should be able to understand the following:
12.1 The meaning of intergroup relations.
12.2 Factors or indicators that promoted intergroup relations in Nigeria.
12.3 The relevance of intergroup relation
Main Content
12.1 Meaning of Intergroup Relations
We begin the discussion by noting that intergroup relations can be seen as the interactions
between two or more distinct linguistic and/or cultural groups.

12.2 Factors/indicators that promoted intergroup relations

Traditions of Origin as Indicators of Inter-Group Relations
We must emphasise that the history of the evolution of the Nigerian groups is mainly based on
their traditions of origin. Although many of the accounts are based on oral traditions which
have been handed down from generation to generation and as such appear farfetched, the
relatedness in language and culture which is evident among the groups tends to give credence
to the numerous sources.

You will observe that there were two empires that evolved among the Kanuri speaking people.
These were the Kanem and Bornu empires. The first was the Kanem Empire which evolved
about the 9th Century in the east of Lake Chad. Oral traditions of the Kanuri state that they are
descendants of Saif who came from Bahgdad. The Saifawa dynasty was named after Saif
founder of the Kanem Empire. The Mai to the ruler of the Kanuri while the first caoital of the
Kanuri kingdom was located at Njimi The Kanuri Empire was extensive through trade, inter
marriage and war they incorporated other groups notably the Bulala, Tura and Badi. However,
owing mainly to succession disputes, the Kanuri Empire collapsed around the 13th century and
the period of chaos forced them to flee eastwards where they founded the Borno Empire around
the 15th Century. They came in contact with the Fulani, Tubu and Shuwa Arabs with whom
they traded and intermarried. One major point is that the Kanuri and later Borno interacted
with many of the groups in the northern part of Nigeria and this explains the similarities in
culture among them.

We must note that the tradition of origin of the Hausa illustrates a web of relations with several
other Nigerian groups including the Kanuri, Yoruba and the Nupe. According to the oral
traditions of the Hausa, they descended from Bayajida who like the Saif of the Kanuri was also
from Baghdad. Bayajida settled among the Kanuri and married the Mai’s daughter. He however
fled to Daura to escape from his father in law’s plot to kill him. It was at Daura that Bayajidda
gained a reputation for killing the snake which prevented people from fetching water at a well.
As a reward for bringing solace to the people, he married the Queen of Daura and they gave
birth to the seven sons who became the ancestors of the Hausa Bakwai (pure/true Hausa states).
These were Kano Katsina Zazzau (Zaria) Sokoto, Gobir. The Banza Bakwai states also known
as the impure Hausa States were descendants of Bayajida’s sons who were born by an
illegitimate woman. These were Zamfara, Kebbi, Gwari, Yauri, Nupe Yoruba who Kwararfa.
Again, the Bayajida legend emphasizes the historical ties between the Gwari, Nupe and Yoruba
who are also related to the Hausa and the Kanuri.

You will observe that another popular tradition of origin is the Kisra legend which indicates
that historical ties existed between the Yoruba, Nupe Bariba and Hausa. Kisra is said to have
started his journey from Baghdad passing through the northern part of Nigeria and finally
settling down in the south western part of the country where he eventually founded the Yoruba
and Borgu kingdoms. He was said to have been guided on the journey by a python. On account
of this early history the Emir of Bussa regarded the oni of Ife as his brother and such brotherly
relations were nurtured by regular visits from Borgu to the oni.
We must emphasise that while some variants of oral traditions show that the Yoruba were
linked to the Hausa, Borgu and remotely, the Kanuri, another source extends the link to the
Edo who settled in the Mid-west area of Nigeria. The Oranmiyan-Oduduwa tradition states that
Oduduwa who founded Ile-Ife was originally from Mecca. Oduduwa sons became the ancestors
of the other Yoruba sub-groups including the Egba, Ijebu, Owu, Ijesa, Oyo, Igbomina and
Ketu (in modern Benin Republic). Another account of the tradition of origin also includes the
Ekiti. Apart from showing that the Yoruba were children of one ancestor, the Oduduwa-
Oranmiyan legend extends the ties to the relationship between the Yoruba and the Bini.
According to this account, Oranmiyan who was Oduduwa’s son, was invited by the Bini to
assist in a period of political turmoil. However, Oranmiyan found the Bini too difficult and
decided to leave. During his sojourn in Bini, Oranmiyan married a Bini woman who gave birth
to Eweka. Eweka was reputed to have established the second Bini monarchy, known as the
Eweka dysnasty, which emerged around the 14th century after the period of interregnum
following the fall of Ogiso dynasty in the 13th century.

You will note that the traditions of some Igbo groups, and several other groups in the Niger
Delta such as the Urhobo, Isoko and Okpe, extends the links between the Yoruba-Edo further
eastwards. Apart from their traditions of origin which show several linkages, there are
similarities in their traditional institutions, affinities in language and the existences of common
names among them. There are several sources that explain the origin of the Igbo. One source
traced their early migration to Egypt while another is based on the theory of autochthony and
asserts that the Igbo evolved from their present location. This version traced the first settlement
to the Nsukka–Okigwe Cuesta and this has been supported by archeological findings at Igbo-
Ukwu. Many of the Igbo speaking groups are said to have migrated from this core area. And
apart from a common language, their socio–cultural features are similar in that their political
system is based on village democracies.

We must observe that there are, however, other Igbo- speaking people who claim ancestral ties
with the Edo. A section of the Igbo, known as Umu-Ezechinma (the children of Ezechinma)
trace their origin to the Bini. Ezechinma, an Edo prince, is said to have founded Igbo towns
such as Isele Ukwu, Agbor and Onitsha Ado. Among the west Niger Delta communities are
those whose tradition of origin link them to both the Edo and the Igbo. The Isoko speaking
people such as the Avaria, Iyede, Emevo and Owe trace their origin to the Edo whereas the
Evwreni, Igbede, Enwe and Olomu have Igbo connections. The Ugheli, Ugienwe, Ewu trace
their origin to the Ijaw. These Isoko communities have retained Bini titles such as Ovie which
is comparable to the Onogie, the title of hereditary heads of Bini villages. The Itsekiri also trace
their descent to Iginuwa an Edo prince while another section claims descent from ode in Ijebu
kingdom.

You will note that likewise, most of the traditions of origin of people in the southwestern
foothills of Jos plateau link the Eggon, Mada, Kantana and Rhindre to the Kwararafa and the
Jukun. The Igala, Egbira and Nupe who were long settled in the Benue and Niger valleys are
also linked to the Jukun and the Kwararafa. The analysis in this section goes a long way to
buttress the fact that though many of the groups appear linguistically different, they interacted
with one another from the earliest times. Hence, their relatedeness in religious beliefs and other
cultural practices.

Conflicts as indicators of Intergroup Relations

We must note that conflicts are often multi-causal in nature and occur as a result of opposing
views, claims, interests and goals between individuals and groups. Thus, the numerous
accounts of conflicts in the communities were a clear indication that they interacted and that
such interactions were not always cordial. The occurrence of conflicts also allowed for the
diffusion of cultures between or among the groups involved and created a further basis for
continued interaction. There are several accounts of conflicts which have become part of the
history of the various communities in Nigeria.
You will observe that although the Yoruba interacted with their neighbours through trade and
religion, they also engaged in wars. There were accounts of violent conflicts between the Oyo
Yoruba and the Nupe to the north and the eastern Yoruba with the neighbours such as the Bini.
The quest for territorial expansion and control of the vast expanse of savannah region and forest
zone located south of the River Niger accounted for the intractable conflicts between the Oyo
and the Nupe between the 13th and 18th Centuries. The accounts of the Nupe-Oyo wars also
show that the Bariba of the Borgu kingdom allied with the Yoruba to defeat the Nupe in the
16th century during the reign of Alafin Abipa. This shows that the three groups were in contact
and hence the common traits in their cultural practices and beliefs. The title of Alapini among
the Oyo is traceable to the Nupe. In the north, there were several wars fought between the
Hausa states over the control of trade routes. Kano fought wars with Katsina. The Jukun who
established the Kwarafa empire also extended their sphere of influence to the kanuri, Hausa,
Igala, Idoma and Ebira peoples through military conquest.
We must emphasise that the military campaigns of the Bini extended their influence to places
as far as Auchi and Idah to the north, southwest to the Itsekiri, Urhbobo, Isoko and Okpe
communities. Edo contingents settled also among the Igbo and today their social organization
reflects a high degree of Bini influence. One such community is Ubulu Ukwu. Bini conquests
also extended to the Lagos area which was then known as Eko. Many of the early kings of
Lagos such as Ado, Asipa (Esikpa) were Bini. The strong Bini influence is still seen in the use
of the royal sword, which was originally believed to be from Bini, and titles such as Bajulaiye
(Bazuaye) Olorogun and Basua.

Another point you will observe is that the Igala and the Nsukka Igbo were involved in wars
with the aim of acquiring territory and establishing their influence over the inhabitants. As a
result of the wars between the Igbo and the Igala, one Onoja Ogboni an Igala earned his fame
for defeating the Igbo and establishing his capital Ogurugu along the Nsukka –Igala border.
Interaction between the Igala and the Igbo increased as a result of the wars and this paved way
for the forging of political ties between them. The first Achandu was an Igbo slave who became
wealthy and that office was set up to handle Igbo–Igala affairs. The Eze’s of Nsukka were
confirmed by the Achandu of [Link] Achandu is next in line to the Attah who is the
paramount ruler of the Igala. Igala influence was so extensive that Umueri groups claim
ancestral ties with them while there are two quarters in Onitsha, Ogbe Ikporo and Ogbe Ochu
that claim decsent from Igala. Same applies to Ilah an Igbo speaking community located west
of the River [Link] people of Ilah speak Igbo and their masquerade speaks Igala. The
northeastern Igbo Ikwo, Ezzi and Ezza were war-like people. And the desire for glory brought
them, through in military conquest into contact with other Igbo and their non-Igbo neigbours.
The Ezza defeated an Idoma sub-group known as Agala and occupied their territory. These
accounts demonstrate that the groups were not isolated and that interactions led to peaceful and
antagonistic relations.

You will note that cultural diffusion occurred as a result of such peaceful and conflictual
relations and these early contacts explain some of the claims by the groups. This was the case
between the Isoko and Ijo. The Erhowa an Isoko group insist that the shrine of their god is still
located in Patani an Ijo town. The Isoko and their Kwale neighbours, who are an Igbo speaking
community were always involved in disputes over land.

We must emphasise that intergroup relations were also affected by foreigners especially after
the communities in Nigeria came in contact with Arabs of North Africa and Europeans. The
Kanuri were the earliest to come in contact with the North Africans and Arabs in the Middle
East. Mai Hume of the Kanem Borno Empire and his successors were said to have performed
the holy pilgrimage to Mecca and established diplomatic ties with the Kings of Mecca. Through
such contacts they obtained horses and weapons with which they were able to extend their
influence over the Nupe and the Hausa people to their south and west. The Hausa, in turn,
obtained the goods from the Borno and exchanged them for other goods from the Yoruba. As
a result, the trans-Saharan trade route extended from the northern cities of Ngazarmu to Kano
and Badagry in the coastal area of Nigeria. As trade route extended far and wide so did the
cultural influence from North Africa spread among the southern communities.

Trade and Commerce as indicators of Inter-group Relations

You will observe that in his study of pre-colonial Nigerian economy A. O. Olukoju argued that
production and distribution were not only subsistent but was enough to induce vibrant
commercial relations. This is because that the environment largely determined the resources
within each area and because no community was self sufficient dependency on one another
became indispensable. One can assume that in the early stages of their evolution the exchange
between the communities were limited to the immediate vicinity and conducted largely in non-
market patterns. Exchange was carried out by barter. As communities grew in size and
population, markets developed and exchange patterns became more formal involving
communities further apart. The goods that were exchanged between the communities ranged
from agricultural produce to metals and mineral salts.

You will note that the Jukun, for instance, produced salt which they exchanged for firewood
from the Tiv. The area occupied by the Ibibio was a corridor of trade between the hinterland
Igbo and coastal Efiks and Ijo. Consequently, the Ibibio comprised mainly of long-distance
traders. The Hausa traded with the Tuaregs, Kanuri, Gonja, Oyo Yoruba, Igala and the
Kwararafa. The Kanem Borno empire played an important role in the trans Saharan trade and
it was through them that their neighbours such as the Nupe, and Yoruba participated in the
trade. The main items of trade were slaves, ivory ostrich feathers, leather and gold dust which
the Borno exported to the Arab traders in exchange for swords, perfumes, fire arms and horses.
From about the 16th century, Borno began to export horses to the Nupe and Oyo. There were
also considerable trade relations between the Oyo and Nupe peoples. The Nupe exchanged shea
butter, bangles, bottles brasswork, potash, straw hats and leather works, yams, palm oil, earth
wares, camwood and indigo with the Yoruba.
We must emphasise that the arrival of European to the coastal areas of West Africa, from the
middle of the 15th century, expanded the dimension of trade relations among the Nigerian
communities. It is important to note that the trans-Saharan trade did not cease to exist as trade
relations continued between the North Africans and the Borno and Hausa people. The Oyo
played the middle men position in both the trans-Saharan trade and the trans-Atlantic trade
with Europeans. They served as the middle men between the other Yoruba and Hausa traders
and between the Hausa and the coastal dwellers. The Oyo obtained coral beads, potash,
livestock especially cows, horses from the Hausa traders and exchanged these for kolanut and
other agricultural products. The Oyo obtained fire arms and guns in exchange for slaves which
they obtained through conquests. Another major item of trade included cowries, which were
introduced by European merchants. The use of cowries reached Oyo area from the costal
dwellers and was introduced to the Hausa and the Nupe.

It is important you observe that slaves continued to be the major item of trade between
Europeans and the coastal communities including the Itsekiri and Ijaw, kalabari and the Efik.
Such coastal people became the middle men between the Europeans and hinterland dwellers
such as the Urhobo and the Igbo. Many of the slaves were obtained from the Igbo speaking
areas and as a result a large number of Igbo settled among the coastal people. Some of the Igbo
distinguished themselves in commerce and one notable Igbo was King Jaja who was a slave
but rose to prominence through palm oil trade. Apart from his successful commercial
enterprise, Jaja also established a branch of the Perekule royal house in Bonny and the Opobo
town. Trade relations between the Igbo and many coastal peoples gave rise to a large presence
of the Igbo so that many of the host communities adopted Igbo names while Igbo became a
dominant language among them.

You will also note that trade was a major basis for interaction between the Urhobo the Itsekiri
and Ijaw in the coastal areas. The Urhobo and other hinterland groups, who share borders with
them such as the Kwale and Agbor of the western Igbo group, brought farm products such as
yams, plantain, cassava and locally brewed gin in exchange for fish and other sea foods. The
main mode of transportation was the rivers many of which served as the link between the
communities. With the advent of Europeans and the introduction of slave trade the dimension
of trade changed. It is important to note that slavery existed prior to the coming of Europeans
but the dynamics were different as most slaves were not sold outside their communities of the
country and they often lived in the household of their masters. The Itsekiri were in direct
contact with the Europeans and obtained slaves from the Urhobo. Many of the slaves obtained
from the Urhobo by the Itsekiri, were sold to the Europeans.

We must emphasise that after the abolition of slave trade and the transition to palm oil trade,
slaves were still in high demand as the Itsekiri depended on slave labour for the production of
palm oil. With their position as middle men and the fact that they had direct contact with the
Europeans the Itsekiri the opportunity to acquire European education and the Christian religion
before the hinterland Urhobo. As such, the Itsekiri developed an air of superiority over the
hinterland neigbours. While some prejudice has hindered amicable relations between the
groups, suffice it to say that trade fostered close interaction between the groups. As conflicts
occurred over the supply and payments of palm oil so were marriages contracted between the
groups so that they share many cultural affinities. Although relations between the Urhobo,
Itsekiri, Ijaw and their more populous Igbo neighbours is characterized by conflicts, many
Urhobo and Itsekiri families are related by marriage.

Religion and Intergroup Relations among Nigerian Communities

You will note that religion constitutes one of the major components of inter-group relations
most often, a religion evolves from a particular location and spreads through peaceful means
or conquest to other people. Therefore, similarities in the indigenous religions among the
Nigerian communities were evidence that they began to interact early in their history. Just like
the Arabs and the Europeans brought their religions through trade and conquest, so did the
communities spread indigenous religion through conflict and peaceful interactions in Nigeria.
What is important is that in spite of their linguistic differences there were many overlapping
features in the indigenous religions which are a demonstration that the groups were in contacts
and that such contact led to diffusion of religious patterns among them. Common religious
characteristics that exist among the communities are shrines which were treated as sacred
places of worship. A feature of indigenous religion, which is common to all the groups, is the
selection of men (priest) and women (priestesses) who were learned in the worship procedures
of the deities. Other religious activities that are characteristic of the communities include the
chanting of songs and incantations, the slaughtering of an animal and food to appease the gods.
Some of the communities worshipped several deities, mediums, physical features such as
rivers, mountains, caves and animals such as snakes while other forbade the eating of some
animals. These are still practiced in different ways among the communities and many of the
features have been incorporated into Islam and Christian religion. To buttress the ubiquity of
religious affinities among the Nigerian communities, A. I. Asiwaju observed that the Nigerian
communities believed in a supreme deity that they worshiped through a pantheon of gods.
Furthermore, the names of the god of divination bear a semblance across the communities while
they performed similar functions. The god of divination is called Ifa among the Yoruba, Afa in
Igboland, Eva among the Isoko, Iha for the Bini and Eba among the Nupe.

Besides, we must note that the communities have also retained their original forms of worship
and function. Such is the case with the Nupe and Yoruba. The Igunu deity, which is worshipped
among the Yoruba is traceable to the worship of Ndakogbaya among the Nupe. To illustrate
the origin of the Igunu there is popular song among the Tapa settlers in Yorubaland which says,
“Tapa lo ni Igunu: Igunu loni Tapa” meaning the Tapa own the Igunu and Igunu own the Tapa.
(Tapa is the Yoruba word for Nupe-speaking people) Although the deities have different names
among the two groups they exercise similar religious roles as they are believed to have the
power to inflict small pox (Sopona among the Yoruba) on miscreants while they are also
capable of eliminating witches and wizards from the community.

You will note that the same can be said of many of the communities whose level of interaction
is shown in their similar religious practices. The contention as to the actual origin of the oracle
Ubinu Ukpabi is in itself evidence that the Igbo, the Ibibio and Efik closely interacted from the
earliest times. The oracle originally belonged to the Ibibio but was conquered by the Aro who
transformed it to an extent that its influence reached a greater part of Igbo land and Ibibio.
Other features of traditional religion which are common to the Igbo and the Ibibio are the secret
societies. The Ekpe and Ekpo originated among the Efik and Ibibio but also became popular
among the Abiriba, Arochukwu, Ohafia and Mbaise Igbo. Closely related to secret societies
was the use of sign language by the Igbo and their Ibibio and Efik neighbours. The Nisbidi sign
language originated from the Ibibio and was a combination of symbols which represent a
concept that was used to communicate messages to members of the secret societies.

You will also observe that the same pattern is noticeable among the Jukun, Tiv, Idoma and
Igala. For instance there are glaring similarities in the art works and religious symbols of the
southwestern peoples of the Jos plateau which link them to the Jukun. The mask known as the
Mangap seen by the Eggon, Chesu, Yashi Arum and Rhindre as ancestral spirits are similar to
the Mangap of the Goemai and Aku-Maga of the Jukun. All of these show some element of
acculturation borne out of the prolonged interaction the groups

We must emphasise that masquerades are a common feature of the indigenous religion in
Nigeria. Apart from the similarity in their apparel they also play spiritual roles such as cleansing
of the community is believed to have been polluted by the wrong deeds of the members. At
other times, masquerades simply helped to sustain relations between the gods through the
performance of dance and other associated rituals used to appease the gods. Most importantly,
masquerades also functioned as intermediaries between the living and their ancestors. This
belief is the same in practically all the Nigerian communities. In addition, traditional festivals
are usually organised to mark great social events and such occasions were used for
reconnecting with the ancestors and to promote group bonding. Festivals are marked with
rituals which involve the sacrifice of animals and dancing and singing. The nature of festivals
differed from one community to another but there are similarities in the procedures across the
communities and this demonstrate the level of acculturation that has occurred through
interaction.

You will note that the Igba Iwu is a common festival celebrated among many of the Igbo
communities west of the River Nigeria including Isele Ukwu, Ibusa, Ubulu Ukwu, Ogwashi
Ukwu, Ilah, and Okpanam, among others. The festival is used as an occasion to access the
conduct of persons in the community. This was done annually in songs by groups of dancing
youths clad in war-like attire. The point is that the Igba Iwu served the same purpose and is
performed in the same manner illustrating a close interaction among the groups.

We must note that one common feature which was peculiar to the Hausa was the practice of
the Bori cult. Again the purpose and form of worship in the Bori cult were similar and it thus
confirms that apart from language and different etymology the Hausa did not live in isolation
The Bori cult is made up of a corps of women headed by the Inna (mother) as these women
performed ecstatic dance steps in the process of healing and protecting the land from
malevolent forces.

You will observe that the introduction of Islam and Christianity influenced existing indigenous
religion but also paved the way for interaction between the people. Islam was the first of the
foreign religion that was introduced. The Mais of Borno had come in contact with Islam from
as early as the 11th century and Islam and the region became one of the routes through which
the religion spread to the more southern parts of northern Nigeria. Although the accounts
relayed in the Kano chronicle states that Islam was introduced by the Wangara traders from
Mali during the reign of Mohammed Rumfa it is possible that North African traders were
additional sources through which Islam came to Nigeria giving that they established
commercial contact with the people before the reign of Rumfa. While Islam was spread
through trade and Islamic clerics to much of the north and western Nigeria it was not until the
Uthman Dan Fodio Jihad’s of 1804 that it became widespread among many communities in
the north and western part of Nigeria. As result, the northern Yoruba including the Oyo-
Ogbomoso axis came under Islamic influence while an emirate was established at Ilorin.

Similarly, we will observe that Christianity also provided a basis for interaction between the
groups. European Christian missionaries established missions first in the coastal areas and from
the middle of the 19th century especially through the activities of the Church Mission Society
(CMS) the new religion became a feature of many communities in Nigeria. The establishment
of churches provided avenues for worship which brought people together while the growth of
new churches brought the need for missionaries to travel far and wide within the country and
this gave room for greater interaction between and among the diverse communities.

It is important you note that interaction through the various processes discussed was not always
cordial neither did they always degenerate into violent conflicts. Arising from the submission
intergroup relations is about contact between groups and the evidence is often obvious in the
similarities and the inter-woven nature in the languages and culture of the communities that
have interacted.

12.3Relevance of intergroup relations

You will observe that the relatedness of the Nigerian communities and the semblance that is
evident in their languages and cultural practices is mainly attributable to their patterns of
interaction. Although the Nigerian state is highly fragmented, with the various groups
emphasizing their cultural distinctions, the historiography of their evolution illustrates
otherwise. In fact, it has been said that the Nigerian communities had the potential of
developing into larger polities on their own pace given that large polities that encompassed
several groups had emerged in pre-colonial times. A few examples are the Benin Empire which
was so extensive that it incorporated diverse ethnic groups such as the Igbo, and Yoruba the
people of the communities in the middle belt. Similarly, the Oyo kingdom extended into Nupe,
the Bariba and included the Egun-speaking people around Dahomey area. While the
communities in the eastern part of Nigeria did not evolve into large polities, they could have
achieved considerable homogeneity through shared religious practices and mutual dependency
on trade. It is, therefore, important to note that beneath the so-called heterogeneity of the
Nigerian peoples lies substantial indicators of their relatedness embedded in our cultural
practices, religions and even languages which overlap across communities.
 Look around you, can you demonstrate the inter-relatedness of
Nigerian communities.

Summary of Study Session

After going through this session, you have learnt the following:
(i) The meaning of intergroup relations
(ii) Factors that promoted intergroup relations among Nigerians
(iii) Relevance of intergroup relations in contemporary Nigeria.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Session 12

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learnt
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
SAQ 12.1: What do you understand by the concept of intergroup relations?
SAQ 12.2: Discuss the factors that promoted intergroup relations in Nigeria.
SAQ 12.3: What relevance would you attach to intergroup relations in Nigeria?

References
Akinwunmi, O., Okpe, O. O., Gwamna, J.D. 2006, Inter-group Relations in Nigeria during the
19th and 20th Centuries, Aboki Publishers.
Otite, O. The Urhobo People, Heineman Educational Books Limited, 2003.
Fadipe, N. A. The society of the Yoruba, University of Ibadan Press, 1970.
Osuntokun, A. and Olukoju, A .O. Nigerian Peoples and Cultures, Ibadan: Davidson Nigeria.
 Study Session 13
CITIES AND URBAN CULTURE IN NIGERIA

13.0 Introduction
In this session we examine the meaning of a city, the impact of colonialism on the emergence
of cities in Nigeria, factors that promoted the growth of cities in contemporary Nigeria, and
key aspects of urban culture in Nigeria.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this session, you should be able to understand the following:
13.1 The meaning of a city (SAQ 13.1)
13.2 The impact of colonialism on the emergence of cities in Nigeria (SAQ 13.2)
13.3 Factors that promoted the growth of cities in contemporary Nigeria (SAQ 13.3)
13.4 Key aspects of urban culture in Nigeria. (SAQ 13.4)

Main Content
13.1 Meaning of City and Urban Culture
Let us start this discussion by noting that Nigerian cities are predominantly large in nature and
so may be easy to identify or define. In this sense, we can describe a city as a large human
settlement with extensive systems of utilities, transportation, housing, land use, a huge
demography, a visible communication system and network of roads, public and private
businesses, and so on. Scholars who have studied cities have considered the following
approaches: city as an economic base, a sociological entity, a cultural sphere, a legal entity, a
spatial reality, and a historical entity. What we must add is that the economic status of a city
goes a long way to determine its financial health. As Akin Mabogunje has noted, the towns and
cities of Nigeria are viewed as the crucial nodes or swellings in the spatial economy. You must
also note that the sociological analysis of a city will assist in the understanding of the various
social groups that are contained therein; while the cultural examination of a city may explain
its various cultural components and their relationship with one another. On the other hand, we
want you to note that a historical explanation of a city will shed light on its origins, growth and
the interactions of the various groups in time perspectives. Indeed, as Parr has noted, when
compared with the other factors,
 [t]he size of a city is …of crucial importance when it is being related to such variables
as per capita income, the unemployment rate, inequality in levels of wellbeing and the
extent of diversification and specialisation. It is usually the case that city size is
measured in terms of some aggregate such as total population, employment or income,
and any measure of this type is only possible with adequate information on the areal
extent of the city - i.e. with a specification of its boundary.

The other point you need to understand is that a city usually has dense population and majority
of its residents are occupied in non-rural and non-agricultural pursuits. In a related sense, we
can talk about the concept of “built city,” which is concerned with its built-up area and can also
describe a city to mean a continuous or near-continuous tract of space where you have housing,
manufacturing, commercial activities, transport and similar public acitivities. Examples of
global cities include: Accra, Berlin, Birmingham, Beijing, Cairo, Kampala, Harare, Shanghai,
Nanjing, Tokyo, Boston, Chicago, Glasgow, Lagos, London, Manchester, Paris, Sydney,
Mexico, etc.

Table 1: Some Nigerian cities

North-east Maiduguri, Yola, Gombe, Yola, Taraba, Bauchi,
etc.
North-west Sokoto, Kano, Zaria, Kaduna, Kebbi, Katsina,
Gusau, etc.
North- Makurdi, Gboko, Keffi, Ilorin, Lokoja, Jos,
central Minna
South-east Enugu, Owerri, Uhuahia, Abakaliki, Aba,
Onitsha, etc.
South-south Benin City, Port Harcourt, Uyo, IkotEkpene,
Sapele, Asaba, Yenagoa, Calabar, etc.
South-west Lagos, Osogbo, Akure, Abeokuta, Ibadan, Ado-
Ekiti, etc.
Source: Author’s fieldwork analysis

After we have looked at the meaning of a city, we can now look at what we mean by urban
culture. In a simple sense, we use urban culture to refer to the various practices, belief systems,
social forms, and material traits associated with the life and activities of city dwellers. We can
also use it to mean the following: structural designs, attitudes of city dwellers, their customs,
beliefs and overall atmosphere and sense of connection involving city dwellers. We may also
look at urban culture simply as “the culture of towns and cities.” It is based on this observation
that Daniel Gillberg et. al. want us to see urban culture as an interdisciplinary tool aimed at
deepening the knowledge of how cultural life is transformed both visually and materially,
which will help to create the foundation for urban life in general. This, according to him,
involves both cultural practices and spatial embodiment that can shape the material landscape,
framework or platform, on which urban life revolves.

13.2 Colonialism and the emergence of Cities in Nigeria

We will now turn our attention to how colonialism or the coming of the British to Nigeria
affected the emergence of cities in the area. We will start by noting that by the close of the
nineteenth century (19th) when the British took over the jurisdiction and administration of the
Nigerian area, the entire landscape comprised largely self-sufficient traditional communities
engaged mainly in agriculture and commercial activities. Several of these communities, with a
few exceptions, did not qualify for the status of an urban centre or city. However, by the 1900s,
the phenomenon of a largely urbanised non-agricultural, white-collar or self-employed African
city was beginning to take shape with Lagos and Calabar leading the way. Let us remind
ourselves that cities induce their own culture that differentiates them from rural areas or
countryside. We must not forget to note that before the arrival of the colonial administrators,
an average African settlement had social amenities that were to a large extent functional and
well adapted to their needs. Nevertheless, when the colonial administrators came, attempts
were made to develop urban settlements with modern functional facilities such as standard
roads, electricity, piped borne water, and so on. As time went on changes in trade,
industrialisation, population explosion, rural-urban migrations and transportation significantly
affected the condition, location, size, configuration and functions of several Nigerian
settlemnts.

However, we must note that the attitude of the colonial administrators to urban growth was
obviously hostile because their official interest rested with promotion of rural native
administration and rural export staples. Hence, the colonial government was hardly prepared
for the rapid growth of an urban population. For example, we can observe that there was very
little formal town planning beyond the random enforcement of a variety of sanitary rules and
ineffective land control procedures. Rather, city planning was done on a slowly or ad hoc basis
by administrative officials and concerned individuals. The implication of this is that there was
little harmonization as far as town planning was concerned. In contrast, European officials were
satisfied with guaranteeing that the small European settlements in towns were firmly protected
in segregated reservations which shielded them from the problems and realities of the majority
of other urban people, especially Africans.

What we must also note is that apart from the already existing urban settlements, the colonial
officers made attempts to create new towns, which later grew to become cities. Thus, the
colonial regime founded towns such as Enugu, Kaduna and Port Harcourt. For instance, Port
Harcourt was formed in 1912 to facilitate the export of coal from the collieries discovered by
geologist Albert Ernest Kitson in Enugu in 1909. Enugu is located 243 km. (151 mi) north of
Port Harcourt, and was linked by the Eastern Railway Line, built by the British. We should
also note that the status of Port Harcourt increased in 1956 when crude oil was discovered in
commercial quantities at Oloibiri near the town of Port Harcourt. Thereafter, Port Harcourt’s
economy benefitted from petroleum exploitation when the first shipment of Nigerian crude oil
was exported through the city in 1958. Since then, the status of Port Harcourt as a port city, an
industrial town, a commercial hub and a political capital grew in leaps and bounds. It must be
observed that the indigenous inhabitants were the people of Diobu, who ceded their land to the
British in 1912, while the other villages that were later absorbed into the city included
Oroworukwo, Mkpogua, and Rumuomasi. Others were the fishing camps and settlements of
the Okrika-Ijaw group.

On the other hand, Enugu was founded in 1909, when Mr. Kikson, a British mining
engineer/geologist, discovered a large coal reserve in the Udi ridge while prospecting for silver.
The colonial Governor, Lord Lugard took keen interest in the discovery and by 1914 the first
shipment of coal from Enugu to Port Harcourt started. The extractive activities in the area
attracted people to Enugu and in 1917 the settlement attained the status of a town. Thereafter,
Enugu became a commercial centre, an administrative seat of power, an industrial base and so
on.

Lastly, Kaduna was founded by the British in 1913 to serve as its administrative headquarters
in North Nigeria. It became the capital of Nigeria’s former Northern Region in 1917. Note that
the first British governor of Northern Nigeria, Sir Frederick Lugard, chose Kaduna due to its
proximity to the Lagos-Kano Railway. Kaduna retained this status until 1967 when many states
were created across Nigeria. We should note that the establishment of these new towns were
facilitated or influenced by European presence in Nigeria. Indeed, Ervin Galantay has observed
that several Nigerian towns owe their existence to railway lines built by the colonial
administration which led to the creation of a string of urban nuclei, such as Aba, Umuahia,
Makurdi, Kaduna, and Jos, among others.

Think about how colonialism influenced cities and urban culture in

Nigeria.

13.3 Factors that Promoted the Growth of Cities in Contemporary Nigeria

We will now turn to the factors that facilitated the growth of cities in contemporary Nigeria.
We must note that several factors have encouraged the birth and growth of cities in Nigeria.
First, many Nigerian modern cities owe their birth, growth and influence to their status as
administrative centres, headquarters or bases. For instance, the growth of some cities has been
influenced by the advantages they derive from being designated as seats of power or
administrative headquarters. In fact, most state capitals in Nigeria as well as the Federal Capital
Territory (FCT), Abuja have grown rapidly because of government’s funding of infrastructure,
enormous town-planning attention, commercial, political and socio-cultural activities in these
areas. That means that state capitals in Nigeria usually have the potential to become major
centres because of the provision of social amenities, the construction of offices and houses,
encouragement of commercial and industrial activities, and other related activities such as
private sector investment, and rural-urban migrations. Using the example of Owerri, we can
observe that immediately it was designated as a state capital, some 8000 government
employees transferred from the former Eastern State Capital at Enugu to the place, leading to
the speedy expansion and monumental development of Owerri. Thereafter, it grew rapidly from
a market town into a beehive of political, administrative, commercial and social activities.
However, we must note that there are cities that are not necessarily state capitals but have
expanded rapidly because of their commercial or cultural relevance or importance. Examples
may include Onitsha, Aba, and Ile-Ife.
Second, cities have grown because of their status as commercial and economic centres.
Cities such as Aba, Onitsha, Kano, Yola, Idah, Auchi, and others have grown because of their
connection with commercial routes, as commercial centres or as industrial areas.
Third, cities also have grown rapidly because they have retained their status as
traditional or cultural centres. Cities such as Benin City, Oyo, Ile-Ife, and Sokoto, among others
have retained their statuses as traditional headquarters that predated colonialism. You will
observe that while they may be considered trado-cultural headquarters, they have also
undergone some levels of transformation as modern cities with traditional and cultural
characteristics rooted in them.
Fourth, industrialization also has facilitated the growth of cities in Nigeria. For instance,
rapid industrial development has been responsible for the growth of cities such as Sapele, Port
Harcourt, Enugu, Jos and Lagos, among others. These cities grew rapidly because of their links
to industrial establishment as well as the raw materials which they provided. For example,
before 1966 Sapele was regarded as Nigeria’s fastest growing urban community because its
growth was facilitated by the development of timber and the rubber trade, pioneered by the
Miller Brothers who established the Nigerian export timber trade at Koko in 1917. There was
also the United African Company, which was formed in 1929, which inherited the saw-mill
and shifted the site of their operations to Sapele in 1935, leading to the rapid growth of the
town. Hence, we can argue that one of the consequences of industrialisation in Nigeria has been
the growth of urban centres and the transformation of a mainly rural to an urban population.
Lastly, you will observe that cities have also grown because of the effects of continuous
rural-urban migrations. This follows the process of urbanization, which has benefitted from
population shift from rural to urban areas. As Ayodeji Olukoju has observed, one immediate
outcome of the rise of cities such as Lagos and others is the steady increase in their populations.
In the same vein, you can observe that the phenomenal growth of towns or cities has led to
various development problems such as traffic congestion, waste management crisis, housing
deficit, poor environmental management, pollution and poverty.

13.4 Aspects of Urban Culture in Nigeria

When we talk about urban culture, we mean the way city dwellers think, live and relate with
one another in their day-to-day activities. City dwellers share in common certain traits and
problems which arise from the size and diversity of the population of cities, the nature of the
functions they perform and the peculiar environment in which the people live. Specifically, we
can note that Nigerian cities have a dynamic culture that separates them from rural areas. First,
most cities in Nigeria are multicultural in nature. This means that most of the activities that go
on in them have the inputs of different cultural elements across Nigeria and beyond. Lagos is
an example of this multiculturality. Hence, you can observe that several cities in Nigeria look
like a “no-man’s land” as far as the cultural displays of fashion and clothing, cuisines, funerals,
language, and leisure activities are concerned. You will agree that these cultural elements are
conspicuously multicultural in character.
Second, we should note that city life is essentially competitive and individualistic. In
other words, the traits of individualism and the profit motive are obviously present in most
cities in Nigeria and elsewhere in the world. Indeed, you will note that one of the main effects
of the twin processes of industrialisation and urbanisation in Nigeria is the introduction of the
capitalist ethos with its typical class system. To a large extent, you will observe that there is a
shift of emphasis from the tradition of mutual cooperation to one of competition for scarce
resources and exploitation of one person against another. Thus, social relationships are largely
dominated by the profit motives, extreme greed for money, suspicion, exploitation and
demonstration of status symbols. This contrasts sharply with rural life where usually, the rich
and able in each family help the less fortunate or less active ones to survive and emphasis is on
group rather than on the individual.
Third, you will observe that city life is largely interactive and diverse. Despite the
obvious social stratification in urban centres, urban dwellers in contemporary Nigeria have
learnt to redefine their diverse cultural values through interaction. Indeed, urban cultural
diversity and mix is positively expressed in the acceptance and adoption of the apparently
dominant culture within a given urban area. For instance, the Aso-ebi culture is observed in
several cities in Nigeria. This urban culture has spread to several parts of Nigeria, including
the rural areas and has reflected lifestyle, shared networking, imagination, social capital, and
originality across several cities in Nigeria. The dress styles involved in the Aso-ebi culture can
be seen as a uniquely Nigerian or African contribution to the global fashion and leisure
industry.
Fourth, we must emphasise that despite the apparent culture of glamour and aesthetic,
city life in Nigeria is also a mix of affluence and poverty. Since the 1980s when the Structural
Adjustment Programme (SAP) was implemented in the country, urban poverty has grown
rapidly in Nigeria. Moreover, unemployment has widened and worsened the pool of the urban
poor. Therefore, the urban space has been precariousness difficult for its inhabitants. Daily
subsistence such as food, clothing, shelter, healthcare and education are lacking for or difficult
to access by a large proportion of the population. This is made worse by the non-agricultural
nature of most cities in Nigeria where most of the unemployed struggle daily to survive by
living from hand to mouth.
Fifth, as a consequence of the above, you will observe that cities in Nigeria are
more prone to crimes and criminality than their rural counterpart. Crimes such as armed
robbery, prostitution, hooliganism, burglary, and others are rife in cities. These problems have
been made worse by the fact that there are no enough security operatives to police the huge
population of cities in Nigeria. Besides, cities have a way of “shielding” criminals from being
caught by law enforcement agents because of their sizes, diversities and complexities. Indeed,
the conditions created by city culture have produced a kind of new post-cosmopolitanism,
fueled by globalization and new forms of technology.
Nevertheless, we must emphasise that most urban dwellers in Nigerian cities have now
adapted to the culture of the urban society. They have developed or acquired new ways of life,
and modified old ones. Besides, new cultural forms of expression have been created in the
urban space and the people are aware of the need to move away from the traditional ways of
doing things to what is acceptable in an urban space.

Summary of Study Session

After going through this session, you have learnt the following:
(i) The meaning of a city
(ii) The impact of colonialism on the emergence of cities in Nigeria
(iii) Factors that promoted the growth of cities in contemporary Nigeria
(iv) Key aspects of urban culture in Nigeria.
Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Session 13
Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you have learnt
by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a note book so as to be
able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next interactive session.
SAQ 13.1: Explain the meaning of a city and city culture.
SAQ 13.2: What do you think were the impact of colonialism on the emergence of cities in
Nigeria?
SAQ 13.3: Discuss four aspects of urban culture in Nigeria.
SAQ 13.4: Highlight key aspects of urban culture in Nigeria.
References
Bhattacharya, P.C. “Urbanisation in Developing Countries,” Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. 37, No. 41, Oct. 12-18, 2002, pp.4219-4228.
Fry, E.M. “Town Planning in West Africa,” African Affairs 1946, pp. 200-201.
Galantay, E.Y. “The Planning of Owerri: A New Capital for Imo State, Nigeria,” The Town
Planning Review, Vol. 49, No. 3, 1978, pp. 371-386.
Gillberg, D., Y. Berglund, H. Brembeck and O. Stenback, “Urban Cultures as a Field of
Knowledge and Learning,” Mistra Urban Futures Papers 1, 2012.
Goodall, B. The Penguin Dictionary of Human Geography, 1987, London: Penguin.
Imoagene, O. “The Impact of Industrialisation and Urbanisation on the People of Nigeria,
Présence Africaine, Nouvelle série, No. 96, 1975, pp.563-591.
Iwendi, O.F. and O. J. Oke, “Urbanism, Ethnic Consciousness and Affinity in Nigeria,”
International Journal of Development and Management Review 12, no. 1, June 2017.
Mabogunje, A.L. Urbanisation in Nigeria, University of London Press, 1968.
Nwauzor, A.A. “Analysing Urbanisation, Cultural Values and Dressing Styles: A Comparative
Study of Rural and Urban Life in Nigeria,” International Journal of Social Sciences and
Management Research 3, no. 2, 2017.
Nwaka, G.I. “Urban Culture and the Problems of Urban Development in Imo State, Nigeria: A
Historian’s View,” Institute of Sociology in the University of Brussels 28, no. 3/4, 1978.
Olalekan, M.M. “Urban Livelihood in Lagos 1861-1960, Journal of the Historical Society of
Nigeria, Vol. 20, 2011, pp. 193-200.
Olukoju, A.O. “Population Pressure, Housing and Sanitation in West Africa's Premier Port-
City: Lagos, 1900-1939,” The Great Circle, Vol. 15, No. 2, 1993, pp. 91-106.
Parr, J.B. “Spatial Definitions of the City: Four Perspectives,” Urban Studies, Vol. 44, No. 2,
February 2007, pp. 381-392
Ross, S.L. African Women: A Study of the Ibo of Nigeria, London: Faber and Faber, 1938.
Uyanga, J. “Historical and Administrative Perspective on Nigerian Urban Planning,”
TransAfrican Journal of History, Vol. 18, 1989, pp. 160-172.
 Study Session 14:
The Contribution of Nigerian Women to National Development since
Independence

14.1 Introduction

In this study session, you will learn about the roles which Nigerian women have played
in national development. Until recently, Nigerian women were not accorded any place
in Nigeria’s history. However, with the declaration of the United Nations Decade for
Women 1975 – 1985, interest in women’s development was heightened. Nigerian
women have, in time and space, and under changing conditions, made vital
contributions to societal development. Our aim in this session therefore, is to highlight
the contributions of women to national development.

Learning Outcome for Study session 14

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

 Assess the role Nigerian women have played in national development.

 Highlight the factors that have contributed to women’s development in Nigeria.

14.2: Women and their Contributions to National Development

Since independence, Nigeria women with a heritage of constructive participation and

contribution to societal development, continued in their various ascribed and achieved
roles to contribute to national development. Independent Nigeria subscribed to the
concept of the equality of all and non-discrimination on any ground whatever.
However, developments since independence led to even more marginalization of
women especially in the political sphere.
After independence, mass political action by women dwindled. The acrimonious
politics of the post-independence era, the bitter rivalries of the ethnic-based and
personality dominated political parties and the paternalistic nature of their organization
were detrimental to women’s participation. Above all, these developments split the
women into opposing camps so that mass action became impossible. Some women
continued to play important roles in the women’s wings of the major political parties
and a few even won elections to the different parliamentary Houses. However, as
party and ethnic allegiances took precedence over gender solidarity, women lost the
power of their collective action. The marginalization of women in politics then began.
This situation was aggravated by the imposition of military rule in 1966 and the
abolition of political activities which accompanied military rule. Despite the political
setback experienced at national and state levels, women’s political relevance increased
at community levels where women were organized and mobilized for community
development. In this way, countless women’s organizations contributed to the building
and running of community schools, maternity homes and hospitals, motherless babies’
homes, roads, and markets.

The international fight of feminists for women’s emancipation has had its effects on
Nigeria. The Declaration of an International Decade for Women 1975 – 1985 and the
consequent debates on women’s status and problems world-wide also had
consequences in Nigeria. The problems of the Nigerian women were also discussed
intensively, thus, creating awareness. The then military government under General
Olusegun Obasanjo made a tentative attempt to give the Nigerian women a chance in
the politics of transition which was going on at the time by appointing a few women
into the Constituent Assembly and the Local Government Councils. Nevertheless, in
spite of the many women in the Officer cadre of the Nigerian military, no women were
ever appointed state governor.

Women participated actively in the civilian politics of 1979. However, women were
poorly represented in the ruling bodies of all the parties. They were once again pushed
to the women’s wings of the political parties to continue to act as voter-catchers. Only
4 out of 475 candidates who contested for Senate seats were women and none was
successful. Only two women were elected to the Federal House of Representatives
and only five women made it to the state Houses of Assembly. Thus, once again,
women did not have adequate representation and could not influence matters in their
favour. Although, now living under a civilian regime, the political lethargy which had
gripped women during the long years of military rule prevented the effective
development of organized women participation. The clientele and reward system,
established by the major political parties between 1979 and 1983 were financially very
rewarding to those who had access. Women leaders, the veteran agitators of old,
became more interested in their personal gains than in demanding social and
economic justice for their women folk and the society at large. Instead, they became
adept in organizing women to sing the praises of members of the ruling parties. In
this way, a few women were actively involved in the institutionalized corruption and
large-scale defrauding of the Nigerian nation which was the general norm in the
Second Republic. With the demise of that inglorious republic in 1983, women once
again retreated to the backwaters of national politics.

The Babangida Administration did a lot to foster the cause of the Nigerian women and
enhance the image of Nigerian womanhood. For instance, for the first time, a female
Vice-Chancellor, in the person of Grace Alele-Williams, was appointed. Women
ambassadors were appointed and all military Governors were directed to appoint at
least one woman into their cabinets. The cause of women was further enhanced with
the inauguration in 1987 of the Better Life Programme for Rural Women by Mrs.
Maryam Babangida. For many women, Mrs. Babangida provided an example of how
well-placed women could use their positions to the benefit of their fellow women. The
Better Life programme also had a propaganda effect of creating awareness to the
problems of women. It made women to be more aware of the available options. Apart
from this, it brought the wives of Military Administrators and Local Government
Chairmen into the role of the leaders of grassroots women even if they had no aptitude
for or interest in such roles. However, the aims of alleviating poverty and increasing
the economic power of women were not achieved. A major defect of the Better Life
Programme was that it completely ignored the articulate members of the Nigerian
womanhood – the urban middle class women. It has been proven elsewhere that the
success of women as a political and economic class depends mainly on the activities
of this class of women.

Perhaps due to the degree of sensitization which was carried out under the Better Life
Programme, women became more assertive and ambitious and this was displayed in
their keen participation and competition for offices during the abortive transition
politics of the Babangida Administration. Indeed, for the first time women indicated
interest to vie for the highest office – the presidency. Successes were, however,
modest.

The Family Support Programme established by the succeeding First Lady, Mrs. Maryam
Abacha in 1995, also improved the economic conditions of families. These include the
construction of hospitals, supply of drugs, opening of vocational centers and giving
sporadic help to the needy. Nevertheless, the Family Support Programme would never
develop into a mass action and it was doubtful whether it could substantially contribute
to the reduction of economic distress among the millions of needy Nigerian families.
Nevertheless, the programme contributed, even if in a limited way, to the
improvement of life in those areas affected. Be that as it may, the Family Support and
Better Life Programmes represent avenues through which women attempted to
participate in national development under military regimes.

The contributions of women to the development of the political culture since

independence have been minimal due to the fact that military rule discourages politics
generally and women’s politics in particular. Thus, only very few women have been
able, by achievement and ascription, to make meaningful contributions to the political
culture of the Nigerian nation. Women have thus confined themselves to roles in
community development and spheres other than politics. Indeed, in the days of
economic distress as experienced in the country in the late 1980s and 1990s, the
women took up more responsibilities in the home, since many men lost their jobs or
their incomes became too small. Women have had to greatly augment family incomes
through their earnings.

Since independence, women have made a lot of progress in the field of education.
From the 1970s there was an education boom. By the late 1980s, over 42 percent of
those enrolled in the primary schools were female pupils. Female students constituted
38 percent enrolment in the secondary schools and about 27 percent in the tertiary
institutions. This shows a phenomenal increase in participation when one remembers
the humble beginnings in the 1940s. Education has given more women the ability to
contribute more effectively to national development.

With education there was the emergence of informed motherhood; women became
less superstitious, more hygienic, more aware of better feeding methods and with a
high value for education. Thus, even in their ascribed roles and as enlightened care-
givers in the family, the quality of upbringing given to children improved tremendously.
This is why infant mortality in such families became generally lower than in the rest.
It is generally believed that the education of women is the foundation of a healthy
and prosperous society since the quality of women determines the quality of future
generations. Indeed, this fact was recognized even in the pre-colonial times. It was
for this reason that Uthman Dan Fodio repeatedly castigated the Hausa aristocracy for
not educating their women folk. Educated women have spearheaded the improvement
of the living standards in their homes and communities. They have contributed
financially to the feeding, clothing, housing and education of members of their
families. This phenomenon of women contributing financially to the upkeep of the
family is, however, not limited to the educated class as others have also played roles
within the household which have gone beyond motherly ones.

The post-independence economy was a continuation of the colonial economy in which

women continued playing vital roles in production, processing and distribution. The oil
boom of the 1970s introduced a new dynamism into the Nigerian economy. The oil
industry, though male-dominated, had spread effects, which resulted in more job
opportunities for women both in the public and private sectors. Women have since
entered into almost all fields of endeavours where some have excelled. The number
of women in the professions, apart from teaching and nursing, still remain small but
there is hope for the future. Education has thus enabled women to make lasting and
meaningful contributions to national development.
Furthermore, just like in the pre-colonial and colonial periods, women’s contribution
in the agricultural field continued to be very decisive for national growth. Women
continued to supply over 70 percent of the labour force in the agricultural sector. It is
not an over-statement to say that Nigeria owes the survival of the agricultural sector
to women’s enterprise. In the 1970s when men had abandoned agriculture to seek
easier and more lucrative employments in other sectors of the economy, rural women
carried on the production of food crops. Even though the cash crop economy had
completely declined, there was a steady growth in food crop production. Subsequent
agricultural revitalization programmes such as the Operation Feed the Nation and
Green Revolution recognized women as the cornerstone of agricultural production who
must be mobilized to ensure success.

Likewise, women’s contribution to the distribution process continues to be immense,

women continue to dominate the markets both as buyers and sellers. Without them,
the distributive trade of the country would have totally broken down. They travel long
distances to buy food stuffs for further sale in local markets. Though men have now
entered the food trade due to its profitability, they have been unable to displace
women. Women also trade in textiles, clothing, household wares, cosmetics, stationary
and jewellery. Apart from this, women provide vital services in the so-called informal
sector. Their field of endeavours include hair dressing, sewing, beer brewing,
traditional textile manufacture, pottery, basketry, mat, sweets and soap making,
cosmetics production and so on. Thus, women have provided goods and services at
affordable prices. They have provided jobs thereby contributing to the reduction of
unemployment levels. Though many of the activities of women in the informal sector
are never reflected in the gross national product, it cannot be denied that a women-
dominated informal sector exists and that comfortable living has been made in this
sector.

Though women have made valuable contributions to the development of the Nigerian
nation, yet they are burdened with prejudices emanating from culture which deter
them from making even more significant contributions. Women are always the first to
bear the consequences of economic and political degeneration. In Eastern Nigeria,
women bore the brunt of the Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970. They lost
their homes, became refugees, suffered rape, untold hardships, deprivation, hunger
and the devastating psychological agony of watching their children die of hunger. Yet
they still had to keep their families somehow together, raise the children and hope for
the return of their menfolk. Where they did not return, women had to bring up their
children almost single-handedly. Women were the first to face the effects of the
Structural Adjustment Programme of the 1980s. First of all, women were the first to
be laid off their jobs as companies faced liquidity problems. Also they suffered a lot as
their housekeeping budgets declined even in the face of rising inflation. Consequently,
they turned into “survival artists” in order to feed their families adequately. In fact,
the dwindling in trade due to poor purchasing power experienced in the 1980s was
devastating to the army of women traders who lost their incomes.

Women have also been exposed to hardships in the family sphere. In case of divorce
and death of their husbands, women have suffered tremendously as the laws which
should protect their interests are not effectively upheld. Although there are laws –
religious, traditional and common - for the regulation of such issues, more often than
not, many women are robbed of everything including those properties they acquired
by themselves. In the case of untimely death of their husbands, women are usually
accused of hideous crimes such as murder, witchcraft and adultery and thrown out of
their family home. Another important problem deserving mention is the problem of
“house-girlism”, which sometimes border on slavery. More often than not, these girls
are inhumanely exploited labour-wise and sexually robbed of opportunities of personal
improvement. The problem of marriage of under-aged girls is still prevalent
throughout the country.

Apart from denying the girls of opportunities to acquire education and skills necessary
for modern unformed motherhood, underage marriage has grievous health
consequences arising from childbirth – consequences detrimental to national
development. For instance, in Northern Nigeria where underage marriage is more
rampant, the occurrence of Vesico-Vaginal Fistula (VVF) has reached endemic
proportions. Often men abandon their underaged wives suffering from VVF and never
show up again in the hospitals. The government then bear full responsibility for men’s
misdemeanor. Thus, resources which would have been used for the provision of
general amenities are diverted to perennial treatment of women diseases that could
easily have been avoided. The problem of maternal mortality is still prevalent in the
country due to lack of adequate facilities and enlightenment.

Illiteracy is also a major problem facing women. Some parents still consider the
education of women unnecessary even after overwhelming evidence to the contrary.
Lastly, some women suffer the curtailment of their personal freedom because they
are secluded in purdah. All these problems need to be addressed.

There is need, therefore, for Nigeria to seriously look into the problems of women with
a view to affectively solving them. There is need for clear laws to abolish certain
obnoxious practices against women, set limits and establish known centers where
women in distress could seek help and protection. The Family Support Programme,
spearheaded by Nigeria’s former First Lady, Mrs. Maryam Abacha, would have been
considered a huge success if it facilitated the creation and implementation of the
necessary laws, which would have clearly regulated the affairs of women in the family
sphere.

There are, however, signs that women have taken up the fight for their own rights
and upliftment and to create enabling conditions in which to make more meaningful
contribution to national development. The establishment of the Women’s Commission
by the Babangida Administration, and, above all, the creation of the Women’s Ministry
by the Abacha Administration show that government is beginning to show more
concern for the plight of the women folk.

The 1990s had witnessed the formation of many women organisations all with the aim
of promoting the betterment of women’s socio-economic and political conditions, to
enable them contribute more meaningfully to national development. Some of such
societies, like the Nigerian Council for Women’s Societies have been hijacked by
privileged women for self-aggrandisement and they have turned them to ineffective
jamboree organisations for fashion parade. Nonetheless, since the Beijing Conference
of 1995, there has been a resurgence of the campaigns for the emancipation of women
and the improvement of their social status. The current slogan used internationally is
“empowerment”. Like women all over the world, Nigerian women are now calling for
decisive, not placatory actions to increase women’s power and participation in all
spheres of life. Women are mobilizing other women to take the available opportunities
to improve themselves.

It is hoped that with their empowerment women will have the capacity to make, on
equal footing with the men, more significant contribution to national development. But
women development cannot take place in isolation. The state of the nation and
especially the state of the economy determines the levels and quality of women’s
contribution. So the question of addressing the problem of the nation’s economy still
remains relevant to the question of women empowerment. A better economy
necessarily leads to an improvement in all facets of life -education, housing, health,
nutrition and employment. Such improvements will create more conditions and
opportunities for qualitative women participation in all facets of life. Thus, a fight for
women empowerment in the Nigerian context is also a fight for better socio-economic
conditions.

The creation of such conditions is the challenge of the 21st century. Perhaps the vision
2010 programme engaged in developing of concepts for the Federal Government for
the future development of the country will come up with meaningful concepts for the
“empowerment” of women and their increased and qualitative participation in and
contribution to national development. In conclusion, it could be said that Nigeria
women through the ages have made valuable contributions to societal development.
To continue making even more valuable contributions to national development, there
is need to improve the educational level of women and also their economic power so
as to improve their capacities for more meaningful contribution.

In-text Questions

1. The Declaration of an International Decade for Women 1975 – 1985 and the
consequent debates on women’s status:
(a) Impoverished Nigerian women.
 (b) Inhibited the political development of Nigerian women.
(c) Aided the socio-economic development of Nigerian women.
(d) Created disharmony and crises in the family home-front.

2. The General Babangida Administration did a lot to foster:

(a) The intimidation and oppression of the Nigerian women.
(b) The rights of the Nigerian women and enhance the image of the Nigerian
womanhood.
(c) The prosecution of feminists and womanist organization in Nigeria.
(d) The exclusion women from political and economic affairs.

3. Education has enabled women to:

(a) Make lasting and meaningful contributions to national development.
(b) Compete with the men in political issues.
(c) Destroy the society through various agencies.
(d) Dominate their husbands and male folks in the family.

In-text Answers

1. (c) Aided the socio-economic development of Nigerian women.

2. (b) The rights of the Nigerian women and enhance the image of the Nigerian
womanhood.
3. (a) Make lasting and meaningful contributions to national development.

14. 3 Summary for Study Session 14

In this session, we have learned about the factors that aided the development of the
Nigerian women since independence. Nigerian women have played significant roles in
national development since independence. Several women have different important
roles in the women’s wings of the major political parties and a few even won elections
to the different executive and legislative positions. The international fight of feminists
for women’s emancipation has had its effects on Nigeria. The Declaration of an
International Decade for Women 1975 – 1985 and the consequent debates on
women’s status and problems world-wide also had consequences in Nigeria. The
Babangida Administration did a lot to foster the cause of the Nigerian women and
enhance the image of the Nigerian womanhood. For instance, for the first time, a
female Vice- Chancellor, in the person of Grace Alele-Williams, was appointed. Women
ambassadors were appointed and all military Governors were directed to appoint at
least one woman into their cabinets. The Family Support Programme established by
former First Lady, Mrs. Maryam Abacha in 1995, also improved the economic
conditions of families. These includes the construction of hospitals, supply of drugs,
opening of vocational centers and giving sporadic help to the needy.

On the other side, women have also been exposed to hardships in the family sphere.
In the case of divorce and death of their husbands, women have suffered
tremendously as the laws which should protect their interests are not effectively
observed. Although there are laws – religious, traditional and common for the
regulation of such issues, more often than not, many women are robbed of everything
including those properties they acquired by themselves.

Activity

Think about the many important roles which women can perform to improve our
contemporary society.

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you
have learnt by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a
note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next
interactive session.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for study Session 14

  Assess the role Nigerian women have played to national development since
independence.
 Highlight the factors that aided women’s development in Nigeria since the
1970s.

14.4 References/ Suggestions for Further Reading

Awe, B. (1992). Nigerian women in Historical Perspective, Ibadan: Sankore/Bookcraft.
Ikpe, E.B. (1994) Food and Society in Nigeria: A History of Food Customs, Food
economy and Cultural Change, 1900-1989, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
Mba, N.E. (1972) Nigerian women mobilized: women’s political activity in Southern
Nigeria, 1900-1965, Berkeley: Institute of International Studies.
Olorode, L. (1990) Women and Social Change in Nigeria, Lagos: Unity Publishing &
Research Co. Limited.
 Study Session 15

CULTURE OF CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA

15.0 Introduction

In this session, we examine the culture of corruption in Nigeria and how it has affected

social, economic, and political activities in the country. You will also learn about the

meaning of corruption, how it grew through the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial

periods, the causes of corruption as well as possible solutions to corruption in the

country.

Learning Outcomes

At the end of this session, you should be able to:

15.1 State the meaning of corruption (SAQ 15.1)

15.2 Narrate the beginning of corruption in Nigeria (SAQ 15.2)

15.3 List the causes of corruption (SAQ 15.3)

15.4 Discuss the effects of corruption on Nigeria (SAQ 15.4)

15.5 Proffer solutions to corruption in Nigeria (SAQ 15.5)

1
Main Content

15.1 The Meaning of Corruption

We must note that there is no single approach to the understanding or definition of

corruption because the concept may vary from one society to another. However, for

the purpose of our discussion, corruption can be seen as any attempt to take

advantage of the system or manipulate laid down procedures in order to benefit

oneself. This may include: using our position or status in society to secure certain

advantages, bribery, extortion, contract fraud, abuse of public office for personal

gains, “brown envelope journalism”, making others bend the rule in our favour,

jumping a queue, embezzlement, pocketing the salaries of non-existent workers,

soliciting marks/scores from teachers, steering plum jobs to relatives and friends,

electoral corruption, bureaucratic corruption, judicial corruption, giving or receiving

gratifications, and improper benefits that are not supported by legal or moral norms

to the disadvantage of other Nigerians. It is due to this complex nature of corruption

that it is sometimes referred as the cancer that can spread easily to any part of our

society. Also, it is generally perceived as anti-social and a condemnable action.

What we should also add is that when people perceive corruption as a way of life,

then the culture of corruption is established in that society. Let us remember that

culture is described as a way of life of any given community. Therefore, if corruption

becomes the rule rather than the exception in any given society or for the people to

live by corrupt acts in their day-to-day activities, that society can be said to have

embraced the culture of corruption. Therefore, what we currently have in Nigeria can

be described as the prevalence of the culture of corruption.

2
15.2 The Beginning of Corruption in Nigeria

We must note that based on our definition of corruption, it is difficult to see a society

without corruption. However, it is generally believed that pre-colonial Nigerian

communities were built on strong traditional moral values that enjoined every member

to pursue integrity, shun corrupt acts and respect the rules of social conduct and social

engagement. On the contrary, those who engaged in corrupt acts were openly shamed

and their family names could even be ridiculed. Sometimes, ritual means were used

to instil fear in the hearts of the people and this discouraged them from imbibing

corruption as a way of life.

However, this situation of things changed with the incursion of the colonial

administrators in the affairs of Nigerian communities. Therefore, it is generally

believed that colonialism worsened or liberalised corruption in Nigeria. You will note

that the introduction of Indirect Rule system of administration in the country imposed

elements of Western monetary culture and administrative system and abolished the

ritual aspects of pre-colonial Nigerian communities. This changed the way the people

perceived public office and the gains that accrued thereof. Second, some of the

warrant officers who were selected to replace the traditional rulers were people of

questionable character and were usually intoxicated by power, leading to abuse of

office. Some of them demanded bribes to set free offenders in their courts, while

others took delight in flamboyant lifestyles. This strongly enhanced the breeding of

corruption in the Nigerian colonial system. Third, the colonial system of taxation was

generally devoid of transparency and accountability. Those who were saddled with the

responsibility of collecting taxes from the people manipulated the system to enrich

3
themselves and their cronies. This led to some of the tax-related confrontations that

took place in Igboland such as the Aba Women’s Riot and also in Yorubaland.

However, the British colonial authorities crushed the resistance by strengthening their

police and military formations, thus creating further avenues for corruption. Fourth,

the monetisation policy promoted by colonialism made giving and receiving bribes

much easier among Nigerians. Thus, it was common for people to offer money to buy

their freedom in the Native Court, subvert due processes or simply to punish perceived

opponents of the colonial system.

We must now emphasise that when independence or decolonisation was achieved,

the culture of corruption that was already entrenched in the system during the colonial

period continued to spread to all segments of the Nigerian state. This became worse

when crude oil export replaced agriculture as the main foreign exchange earner for

the country. Gradually, the culture of hard work that was the hallmark of most pre-

colonial agricultural Nigerian communities was relegated to the background. The new

era of quick and easy money made some people lazy, cunning and corrupt.

Activity

Think about how colonialism influenced corruption in Nigeria.

15.3 Causes of Corruption

Now we will discuss some causes of corruption in Nigeria. We must understand that

the complex nature of corruption makes it a multifaceted social occurrence. However,

4
there are certain identifiable causes of corruption in the country. First is the issue of

greed. You will observe that people who are not satisfied with what they have, no

matter how little or huge it may be, are bound to embrace corruption. Greed can be

present among the poor and the rich. Greedy people are most likely to subvert laid

down processes, manipulate others to do their wish, and force others to satisfy their

selfish desires.

Second, we can also argue that the poor reward system in Nigeria has a way of

encouraging the people to be corrupt. When the people think their labour is not

adequately compensated, they are likely to subvert the entire system to help

themselves. This is coupled with the fact that salaries and allowances of civil/public

servants are generally low compared to the global average. For instance, the much

talked about corruption among civil servants and security personnel has been

attributed to their low or poor remuneration. While this may not be entirely true, it

does give an indication that a people may seek “self-help” if they consider themselves

disadvantaged by the system they work hard to serve. On the contrary, political office

holders enjoy high salaries and allowances, and some of them are even considered

corrupt because of their insatiable appetite for opulence.

Third, we must note that poverty or lack of basic necessities of life can predispose

people to corruption. While not all poor people are corrupt, it is logical to argue that

people who lack some good things of life may be easier to manipulate or induce by

those who want to have their way by all means and at all cost. This can explain why

petty corruption is prevalent among the low cadre of the civil service.

5
Fourth, we should also note that weak and ineffective institutions have also promoted

corruption in Nigeria. In some instances, Nigeria’s culture of “anything goes” has a

way of encouraging people to be corrupt or subvert the system since they know they

are not likely to be caught or apprehended. In some cases, government officials

believe they can get away with whatever allegations of corruption or unwholesome

acts levelled against them provided they have the right connection or network. This is

made worse by a legal system that is slow to address grievances, reward the just and

punish offenders.

Fifth, traditional and cultural issues such as pressure from extended family members,

ethnic and community leaders as well as loyalty to certain associations and

organisation can also encourage people to be corrupt. In some instances, public

officials steal public funds because of their desire to satisfy family members or give in

to pressures from the leaders of their communities, associations or organisations. This

is how nepotism, a major aspect of corruption has become the bane of development

in Nigeria.

15.4 Effects of Corruption on Nigeria

We can see the effects of corruption everywhere around us. Indeed, we can describe

corruption as the biggest challenge faced by Nigerians because it permeates every

sector of our society. The effects of corruption range from social, to economic and

political consequences. For example, several political institutions and activities in

Nigeria are manipulated because of corruption. When this is the case, the political

rights of the people to choose their representatives or leaders freely can be

compromised. An example of this is election rigging that has become a negative aspect

6
of the political history of Nigeria. Indeed, when electoral institutions and processes

are manipulated, they tend to lose their legitimacy and the mandate of the people,

thus endangering the democratic process in the country. Once the political process is

corrupted, the rest of our society is adversely affected.

Second, you will observe that one major economic effect of corruption is that it

destroys the national treasury or financial strength of the country. That is why despite

the abundant natural and human resources in Nigeria, the country is still struggling

with its Third World status. Funds that have been embezzled in Nigeria are taken away

and hidden in foreign banks in Switzerland, France, Britain and the USA, whereas

Nigerians whose funds have been looted continue to live in abject poverty. This

situation has hindered the development of the country in all fronts. For example,

because of financial misappropriation and embezzlement, Nigeria is unable to fix its

broken and dilapidated infrastructure (such as roads, schoolsl,etc); the educational

sector is poorly funded, maternal health crises persist all over the country, amidst

other related corruption-induced national challenges. In a nutshell, the diversion of

public resources has adversely affected the growth and development of the country

as well as the ability of Nigerians to move the country forward.

Third, a major social effect of corruption is that it has become an irritating part of the

culture of Nigerians. Indeed, most Nigerians are now sceptical of a free and fair

process, and several others are not ready to be committed or give their best to move

Nigeria forward. Similarly, corruption has given Nigeria and Nigerians a negative image

in the international arena. This adversely affects the way Nigeria, Nigerians, and the

leadership in Nigeria are perceived by other Africans and non-Africans.

7
 Activity

Think about how corruption has affected every segment of

Nigeria.

15.5

Solutions to Corruption in Nigeria

The culture of corruption in Nigeria must not be allowed to continue unabated. First,

Nigerians need to imbibe the right values and attitude to life. The issue of greed must

be addressed at the individual, community and national levels. On the other hand, the

reward system needs to be restructured in such a way as to encourage and reward

hard work, while indolence will be discouraged.

Second, the monetisation of the political process in Nigeria must be discouraged. While

political office holders deserve to be remunerated, it should be done in such a manner

that they will not become masters and lords over the people they represent. Similarly,

the fund spent during electioneering should be such that it will not encourage political

office holders to divert public funds or empty the treasury when they are elected.

Third, Nigeria needs committed leadership that will be ready to fight corruption with

the right political, legal and economic instrument, without fear or favour but with

fairness and equity to all Nigerians irrespective of their religious, political or ethnic

affiliation. This is a credible way to end corruption in the country.

Fourth, the judiciary needs to be strengthened and reinvigorated to be able to cope

with corruption-related cases. If the judges are fearless, persistent and not corrupt,

civil servants and political office holders will think twice before engaging in corruption.

8
In the same vein, if the laws on corruption are stringent, up-to-date and effective, the

fight against corruption will receive the needed impetus.

Fifth, the government needs to strengthen a reinvigorate and the various anti-

corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC),

the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Code of Conduct Bureau

(CCB), the Code of Conduct Tribunal, Public Complaints Commission (PCC) and others

to make them live up to their mandates and the expectations of Nigerians.

Summary of Study Session 15

After going through this session, you have learned the following:

(i) The meaning of corruption.

(ii) The beginning of corruption in Nigeria.

(iii) Causes of Corruption in Nigeria.

(iv) The Effects of Corruption on Nigeria.

(v) Solutions to Corruption in Nigeria.

Self-Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Study Session 15

Now that you have completed this study session, you should assess how much you

have learned by attempting the following questions. You can write your answers in a

note book so as to be able to discuss extensively on it with your tutor at the next

interactive session.

SAQ 15.1: What do you understand by the term corruption?

SAQ 15.2: Trace the beginning of the culture of corruption in Nigeria.

9
SAQ 15.3: What would you consider the causes of corruption in Nigeria?

SAQ 15.4: What are the observable effects of corruption on Nigeria?

SAQ 15.5: What would you consider as solutions to corruption in Nigeria

References/ Suggestion for Further Reading

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act 2004.

Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) Act 2000.

Page, M. (July 17, 2018). New Taxonomy for Corruption in Nigeria. Carnegie

Endowment for International Peace.

Pierce, S. (2016). Moral Economies of Corruption: State Formation and Political

Culture in Nigeria. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Rose-Ackerman, S. and B. J. Palifka (2016). Corruption and Government: Causes,

Consequences, and Reform. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Smith, D.J. (2010). A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and Popular

Discontent in Nigeria. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

“United Nations Convention Against Corruption,” Article 61, United Nations, 2004.

10
STUDYSESSI
ON1

CULTUREANDSOCI
ETY:
ACONCEPTUALCLARI
FICATI
ONS

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deforthebehav
iorofman.

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nit
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STUDYSESSI
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act
sexcuat
ed
i
nthevil
l
ageofnowi npl
ateaust
ate,
radi
ocar
bondat
edto39,
000BC.

-Thesi
xgeopol
i
tical
zonesi
nNi
ger
iaar
easf
oll
ows:

[Link]:comprisesSokoto,Kebbi
,
Zamf ara,Kat
sina,
Kaduna,
Kano,
andJi
gawa
stat
[Link]
edominantethni
cgr oupsi
nt heseareasaretheHausaandFulani.

[Link]
hEastZone:consi
stofGombe,
Bauchi
,Yobe,
Bor
no,
Tar
aba,
andAdamawast
[Link]
twomajoret
hni
cgroupsaretheKanur
iandtheJukun.

[Link] t
hCent r
al Zone:thiscontainthel
argestconcentr
ationofethni
cgroupsi
nNigeri
a.I
t
compr i
sesofKwar a,Benue,Plateau,Ni
ger,
NassarawaandKogi St
ates,t
oget
herwit
[Link]
prominentethni
cgr oupsincludet heBorgu,
Nupe,I
gala,
Idoma,Ebir
a,Ti
v,
andasecti
onofthe
Yoruba.

[Link]
hWestZone:t
hismadeupLagos,
Ogun,
Oyo,
Ondo,
OsunandEki
tist
[Link]
uba
arethemaj
oret
hni
cgroupint
hisar
ea.

[Link]
hEastZone:
itcov
ersAnambr
a,Enugu,
I
mo,
Ebony
i,
andAbi
[Link]
gboar
etheonl
y
et
hni
cgr
oupi
nthi
szone.

[Link]:Edo,Del
ta,
Bayel
sa,Ri
ver
s,Cross-
ri
ver,
andAkwa-i
bom stat
esaref
ound
undert
[Link]
raredif
fer
entethni
cgroupshere,f
ori
nstance,
theI
joandUrhobo.

STUDYSESSI
ON3

HI
STORI
CALFOUNDATI
ONOFNI
GERI
A'SCULTURE

-Cul
tur
eIst
het
otal
i
tyofpeopl
e'
swayofl
i
fe.

-Thet
womaj
orsi
dei
nanal
ysi
ngcul
tur
ear
e:

[Link]
tur
ethati
srecei
vedori
nher
it
edf
rom t
hepast
.Thi
sincl
udesr
it
ual
songs,
sacr
if
icesorrel
i
giouscer
emonies.

[Link]
ngchangedandcr
eat
ivi
tyweadopti
nadapt
ingt
oandexpl
oit
ingourcont
empor
ary
envi
ronment
.

-Fundament
albasi
sofNi
ger
iacul
tur
ear
e:

[Link]
ati
onshi
p/Tr
ade

[Link]
tur
e

[Link]
grat
ionofpeopl
e

4.I
nter
mar
ri
age

[Link]

6.I
ntr
oduct
ionandspr
eadofI
slam

[Link]
oni
alexper
ienceandher
it
age.

STUDYSESSI
ON4

CHRI
STI
ANI
TYANDPOLI
TICALCULTUREI
NNI
GERI
A

-Thefir
statt
emptt
oint
roduceChr
ist
iani
tywer
ebythecatol
i
cPor t
uguesesl
avet
rader
sint
he
15thcentur
ywasqui
tei
mpossibl
etodispl
acetr
adi
ti
onalr
eli
gion.

-Thesecondatt
emptwassuccessf
ulbyt
heAmer
icansandEur
opeansmi
ssi
onar
iesi
nthehal
f
i
f19thcentur
y.
-Therewasdiscr
iminat
orypr
acti
cesofwhi
temissi
onari
esint
hemainlandchurchesi
nthelast
quart
eroft
he19t hcent
uryandopeni
ngof20t
hcenturywhencul
tur
alnati
onali
sm begant
o
rei
gnrul
ewithint
hechurch.

-Thewhi
temi
ssi
onar
ieswer
erel
uct
antt
oaf
fi
rmt
hel
eader
shi
pqual
i
tiesofbl
ackpr
iest
s.

-Acommonf
eat
ureofmost"
Afr
ican"ownchur
chesi
sthepr
omi
nenceofAf
ri
cal
eader
shi
p.

-Cont
ri
but
ionofChr
ist
iani
tyt
opol
i
ticsi
nNi
ger
iaar
e:

[Link]
adi
ti
onofsoci
o-pol
i
tical
act
ivi
sm,
humanr
ight
sadv
ocacy

[Link]
i
tical
dev
elopmenti
nthear
eai
nthear
eaofwomenempower
ment

[Link]
scour
agementofchr
ist
ianf
rom cont
est
ing.

STUDYSESSI
ON5

NI
GERI
ACULTURALHERI
TAGE

-Accor
dingt
oPi
taEj
i
ofor
,Cul
tur
eIst
hepr
oductofman'
srel
ati
onshi
pwi
thhi
senv
ironment
.

-Mar
ri
ageamongt
heYor
uba:
incl
udei
foj
usode,
al
ari
na,
i
yoj
usi
l
e,i
dana.

-Marri
ageamongt
heAkokoEdo:
inv
olv
escapt
uri
ngoft
hegi
rlwi
thoutherconsent(
i.
efor
ced
marr
iage)
.

-Marr
iageamongtheIgbo:
incl
udei
nvest
igat
ionaboutthegir
landherfami
ly
,aski
ngf
ort
he
gi
rl
'
sconsent,
negoti
ati
onofbri
depri
ce,meeti
ngbothfamil
ies,
igbaukwu.

-Mar
ri
ageamongt
heFul
ani
-inv
olv
eShar
o,sear
chi
ngf
orwi
fe,
pay
mentofbr
idepr
ice,
Chast
it
y.

-Marr
iageamongt heEdo:incl
udethesearchf
orwife,
cir
cumcisi
onofthegi
rlandi
ntegr
ati
on
i
ntoherhusband'
sf ami
ly.I
fsheref
use,shewil
lbecaptur
ed,
thenherbr
idepr
icewil
lbepai
d,t
hen
fol
l
owbyci r
cumcision,
rit
ualandconfessi
on.

-Mar r
iageamongt heI bi
bio:
searchf
orwife,sendi
nganint
ermedi
arytothebri
de'
sfather
,
renderi
ngv ar
iouskindsofservi
cesduri
ngcour t
ship,
pay
mentofbridepr
ice,f
att
eni
ng,
cir
cumci si
on,thenafter30days,
shewil
ljoi
nt headul
twomengroup,t
henjoi
nherhusband.

-Marri
ageamongt
heEfi
k-sear
chforwife,
meet
ingofbot
hfami
l
ies,
pay
mentofbr
idepr
ice,
fat
teni
ng,mov
ementt
ohusband'shouse.

-Fat
teni
ngi
nEf
ikofJamest
owni
nvol
ve:

[Link]
rcumci
sionofgi
rl
sbet
ween5-
17y
ear
sbef
oref
att
eni
ng,
massagi
ngoft
hebr
ide'
sbody
whi
chl
astf
or1y
ear
.

[Link]
teni
ngmayl
astf
orupt
o5y
ear
s.

-Marri
ageamongtheIgal
a:searchforwif
e,meet
ingofbothfamili
es,
paymentofbr
idepr
ice.
Duri
ngfeast
ing,
thebri
dewil
ldisappearwit
hherf
riends,
herhusbandwil
lsear
chandfi
ndherbut
wil
lhavepayacert
ainamounttoherfri
endsandmat es.

-Marr
iageamongt heUrhobo:thisisl
inkedt
othespiri
[Link]
tual
swillbedonetocutt
he
br
idefrom herfamil
y'
sancest
ral l
inkandtoconnecthertoherhusband'sancest
rall
ink.
Ci
rcumcisi
oni sdoneonthesev enthmonthofherfi
rstpregnancy.

-Marri
ageamongtheTiv :
searchf orwi
fe,
for
malint
roducti
on,
bri
depricewasdet
erminedbythe
quant
ityofbr
oomsti
cks,andifthemancannotaffordit
,hemightcapt
ureher
,t
henlat
erbegfor
for
giv
[Link]
deexchangeisallowedandtheycheri
shchasti
ty.

-Nami
ngcer
emonyi
nIbi
bio:
it'
susual
l
ydonei
mmedi
atel
yaf
terbi
rt
h

-Nami
ngcer
emonyi
nIgbo:
it'
sdoneont
heei
ght
hdaybutci
rcumci
sioni
s3r
dday

-Nami
ngcer
emonyi
nYor
uba:
it'
sdoneont
heei
ght
hday
.

STUDYSESSI
ON6

I
SLAM ANDPOLI
TICALCULTUREI
NNI
GERI
A

-Isl
am inNigeri
a:ThemostprominentareaswhereIslami
ci nf
luenceincl
udeKanem-
borno,
HausalandandYorubal
[Link]
tedf r
om Kanem-bornobyt heFul
ani whowas
convert
edbyt heNorthAf
ri
cans.I
tlaterextendedtoHausaland,t
hentoYor ubal
andt
hrough
l
iberat
edslavetoBadagry
,I
lor
inandOy o.

-Rel
i
giouscr
isi
sinNi
ger
iacoul
dbei
ntr
a-musl
i
m,et
hno-
rel
i
giousandMusl
i
m-chr
ist
ian.

-Thef
oll
owi
ngt
ownshadwi
tnessedonef
orm ofr
eli
giousv
iol
encei
nNi
ger
ia:

[Link]:
1980,
1991,
1994,
and1995

[Link]
anchan:
1982,
1987,
1996

[Link]
dugur
i:1982,
2009,
2010

[Link]
meet
a:1984

5.I
lor
in:
1986

[Link]:
1987,
2000,
2002.
-Thef
oll
owi
ngst
ateshav
eadopt
edt
heShar
ial
egal
syst
em:

[Link]
. [Link]
nu

[Link]. [Link]
gawa

[Link]. [Link]

[Link]
sina [Link]

[Link]
ger
. [Link]
o

[Link].

-BokoHar
am meansWest
erneducat
ioni
sfor
bidden.

STUDYSESSI
ON7

GENDERANDCULTUREI
NNI
GERI
A

-Accul
turat
ionCul
tur
eistheprocessbywhi
chachi
l
dlear
nshi
sorhercul
tur
e,i
tssy
mbol
,
i
nsti
tut
ion,t
aboosandprover
bs.

Outof511l
anguagesi
nNi
ger
ia,
8hav
egonei
ntoext
inct
ion.

*
GenderandCul
tur
eint
hepr
e-col
oni
alper
iod.

-Feministschol
arhav
econcludedt
hatpr
e-col
oni
alpat
ri
archal
syst
em i
nNi
ger
iaandAf
ri
cawas
favour
abletowomenespeciall
yint
hepubl
icspher
e.

-I
ntermsofgenderpowerr
elat
ionsi
npr
e-col
oni
alt
imes,
womenhadagr
eat
eraut
onomyand
cont
rolov
erl
ives.

*GenderandEconomyi
nthepr
e-col
oni
alper
iod.

-Gener
all
y,
womendominat
edthetr
adesect
orofthepre-
coloni
aleconomyaccor
dingtot
he
obser
vati
onandr
emarksofEur
opeantr
avel
ers,
advent
urer,
explor
ersandmissi
onari
es.

-Womenengagedinavar
ietyofcraf
tssuchasdyei
ng,pot
ter
y,cosmeti
c,beadmaki
ng,
spi
nni
ng
cot
ton,
weavi
ng,br
ewingbeer,pr
ocessi
ngfoodst
uff
s,andpal
m produce.

-Essent
ial
l
y ,
menengagedi nagricul
tur
e,hunti
ng,boat
bui
ldi
ng,texti
l
e,woodcar
ving,sculptur
e,
shoemaker,dressmaking,smithi
ng,winetapping,
l
umberi
ng,buil
ding,
cat
tl
erear
ing,butching,
l
eatherworks,
Cal abashcarvi
ng,war,
herbalmedici
ne,
andheal
ing.

*GenderandRel
i
gioni
nPr
e-col
oni
alper
iod.
-Mendomi
nat
einI
slam andchr
ist
iani
tyr
eli
gionwhi
l
ewomenpl
ayedkeyr
olesi
ntr
adi
ti
onal
.

-Col
oni
alEducat
ionandadmi
nist
rat
ivepol
i
ciesf
avour
edmenandnegl
ect
edwomen.

*GenderandRel
i
gioni
npr
e-col
oni
alper
iod.

-Uptothelate19thcentur
y,I
slam heldswayinNort
her
nNigeri
aexceptt
heMiddl
ebelt
,and
ther
ebyinf
luencedpubli
cli
fe,marriage,
namingandbur
ial
ceremoni
esInher
it
anceand
widowhood.

-Whi
lemendominatedChr
ist
ianser
vicesi
nvar
iouschur
ches,
womenpl
ayedkeyr
olesi
nthe
tr
adi
ti
onal
rel
i
gion.

-Col
oni
alEducat
ionandadmi
nist
rat
ivepol
i
ciesf
avour
edmenandnegl
ect
edwomen.

-Col
oni
ali
sm sonehoefr
eedwomenf r
om domesti
cvi
olenceandbat
ter
ybyintr
oduci
ngand
enf
orci
ngsomel awsatthedi
str
ictandpr
ov i
nci
ngcour
tsundertheI
ndi
rectRul
e.

*Women'
spr
otestagai
nstt
heBr
it
ishCol
oni
alsAdmi
nist
rat
ion.

-Womenprotestagai
nstt
heBri
ti
shCol
oni
alsAdmi
nist
rat
ionbegani
nAbeokut
aandgr
adual
l
y
spr
eadt
hroughsouthernNi
ger
ia.

Somewomenl
eader
swer
eMr
sOl
ufunmi
l
ayoRansomeKut
i,Mr
sEkpoandMr
sG.I
.Okoy
e.

*
GenderandRel
i
gioni
ntheCol
oni
alper
iod.

-Bot
hChri
sti
anit
yandIsl
am expandedrapi
dlybyt
hev
irt
ueoft
hepr
oli
fer
ati
onofchur
ches,
mosques,
schoolsandot
herinst
it
uti
ons.

*
OsuCast
esy
stem i
nIgbol
and

-TheOsui
sapeoplesacr
if
icedtothegodsinigbocommuni
[Link]
stt
hehi
ghpr
iestt
o
ser
veandappeaset
hedei
tiesorgodsinthei
rshri
nes.

-Chr
isti
ani
tybecamewel lest
abli
shedinIgbolandi
n1885,
themissi
onar
iescrusadefort
he
abol
i
tionofosucast esy
stem beganinearnestandov
ertheyear
sseemedt ohaverecor
deda
modicum ofsuccess.

*
GenderandCul
tur
einpost
-col
oni
alNi
ger
ia

-Si
nceNi ger
iaIndependencein1960,the3ti
ersofgover
nmentf
ormulatedandi
mplement
ed
developmentpoli
ciesthataddressthesoci
o-economi
cprobl
emsofcolonial
i
sm i
ncl
udi
ngthe
neglectofwomeni nallramif
icati
ons.

-Gener
all
y,
womeni
neducat
ional
inst
it
uti
onsbegant
oincr
easet
ost
udyi
nal
ldi
sci
pli
nes.

-Thei
mpar
toft
heci
vi
lsoci
ety
,thel
ocal
andi
nter
nat
ional
NGOsi
sal
soappr
eci
atedi
nbr
ingi
ng
casesofv
iol
ati
onofhumanrights,
humantraf
fi
cking,
kidnapping,
chil
dabuse,domest i
cvi
olence
andwomenempower mentt
ot hevari
ousgovernmentandinternat
ional
organizat
ions.

STUDYSESSI
ON8

THEI
NFLUENCEOFWESTERNCI
VILI
ZATI
ONONTHEEVOLUTI
ONOFNI
GERI
ANCULTURE

-WesternCiv
il
izat
ionref
ertocount
ri
eswhosehi
stor
yisst
rongl
ymar
kedbyEur
opean
i
mmi grat
ionorsettl
ement.

*TheCont
ri
but
[Link]
eri
ndeandEy
oIt
a

-Nathani
elDavi
dOyeri
ndewasbornar
[Link]
i
shedtheBapt
istCol
l
egeand
Theologi
calSemi
nar
[Link]
ormedOgbomosoProgressi
veUni
on(OPU)in1933.

-EyoI
tawasacol
l
eagueofOy
eri
ndeatt
heBapt
istCol
l
egei
n1929andhadr
etur
nedt
o
Ogbomosoi
n1934aft
erhi
sst
udyabr
oad.

-TheOgbomosoPeople'
sInsti
tut
ewasfor
mall
yopenedinOctober1938withEyoItaasi
t'
sfi
rst
pri
nci
palandi
twastheexistofEyoI
tat
hatl
edtothecl
osingdownoft hesecondar
y
depar
tmentofOPIi
n1947.

-OgbomosoHi
ghSchool
wasest
atei
n1952.

-Ey
oI t
awasbornonthe9t
hJanuary,
1903atCr
eekt
owni
nCal
abar
.Hegotamast
erdegr
eei
n
Phi
losophyf
rom t
heuni
ver
seofLondon.

-I
n1936, Ey
aItai
nspi
redhi
scoll
eaguesandcont
emporari
[Link]
eri
nde,Herber
t
Macaulay
,NnamdiAzi
kiwe,
Alv
anIkokue.
t.
[Link]
hni
cuni
onstofor
mt henati
onal
Educat
ionMovement.

-Ey
oIt
a'scont
ri
but
iont
oWest
erneducat
ioni
nNi
ger
iacanbev
ivi
dlyseen

STUDYSESSI
ON12

I
NTERGROUPRELATI
ONSAMONGNI
GERI
ACOMMUNI
TIES

-Twomaj
ordi
sti
ngui
shi
ngf
act
orsf
ori
dent
if
yinggr
oupsar
e:Cul
tur
eandLanguage.

-Ther
ear
eabout348l
anguagegr
oupsand374et
hni
cgr
oupswhi
chexi
sti
nNi
ger
ia.

-Kanem andBor
nuempi
resev
olv
edf
rom Kanur
i.

-I
ndi
cat
orsofi
nter
groupr
elat
ionsar
e:

[Link]
adi
ti
ons

[Link]
li
ct
[Link]
adeandCommer
ce

[Link]
i
gion.