THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAMBIA

SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

STUDENT NO: 22102241

CONTACT NO: 0777452243

COURSE: CRIMINOLOGY AND SECURITY STUDIES

LECTURER’S NAME: Dr MACHACHA

COURSE CODE: CSS1110

TASK: ASSIGNMENT ONE

DUE DATE: 2nd June, 2023

QUESTION

Gender Based Violence (GBV) cases have been on the increase in the past ten
(10) years in Zambia. Victims have characteristically been women and girls,
with several such cases not being reported to law enforcement agencies. To
counter the ever rising cases of GBV, the Judiciary introduced GBV Fast Track
Court in 2015 to expeditiously handle and counter such cases. Some
criminologist and sociologists feel that women and girls contribute to their
victimization. Taking a neutral stance and using practical examples from your
society, critically discuss the notion that women and girls contribute to their
victimization. Furthermore, explain why a big number of GBV cases are never
reported to law enforcement agencies.

INSTRUCTIONS:

 Font size: 12
 Theme fonts: Times New Roman
 Line spacing: 1.5
 Referencing system: Harvard Referencing System
 Unacknowledged use of other people’s ideas, words or work either
verbatim or in substance is not allowed: Plagiarism
 Number of pages: Not less than 5 pages and not more than 7 pages
Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global
pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime. It is becoming a common occurrence
and an everyday thing. Barely a day passes in Zambia without the report of a case of violence
against women, whether in a rural or an urban setting. In some areas, the number of reported
cases averages 50 a day. It is widely believed, however, that many cases go unreported. And
the numbers keep going up. An annual survey by the Victim Support Unit of the Zambia
Police Service reveals that in 2016 the country recorded 18,540 cases of gender-based
violence, more than the 18,088 cases recorded in the previous year. Taking a neutral stance
and using practical examples from our society, this academic piece of writing will critically
discuss the notion that women and girls contribute to their victimization. Furthermore, it will
explain why a big number of GBV cases are never reported to law enforcement agencies.

Gender based violence is a phenomenon deeply rooted in gender inequality, and continues to
be one of the most notable human rights violations within all societies. Gender based
violence is violence directed against someone because of their gender. Both men and women
experience gender-based violence but the majority of victims are women and girls. Gender-
based violence (GBV) in Zambia takes the form of physical, mental, social or economic
abuse against a person because of that person’s gender and includes violence that may result
in physical, sexual or psychological harm and suffering to the victim. It may also include
threats or coercion, or the arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether in public or private life
(Bott and Ellsberg, 2005)

Women in Zambia experience a variety of forms of violence including battery, sexual abuse
and exploitation, rape, defilement (rape of a child) and incest. Similarly, the 2017 Gender
Based Violence third-quarter report indicated that the total number of GBV cases in just one
quarter countrywide was 16,090, compared to 13,092 cases in 2016 during the same period
an 18.6% increase. Esther Katongo, by then the public relations officer for the Zambia police,
said when releasing the report that there had been an increase in physical GBV cases such as
those involving assault and murder. Last year, the country joined the rest of the world in
observing 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence from 25 November to 10
December. The theme was, “Leave No One Behind: End Violence against Women and Girls,”
reflects the core principle of the transformative 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Zambia’s minister of gender, said the right to life, to freedom of thought and expression and
to equality before the law are being compromised by acts of GBV. Widespread violence
against women is one of many realities that worsens women’s subjugation in Zambian
society. Child marriage is another form of GBV and a human rights violation that robs girls of
their right to health, a secure life and the right to choose when and whom to marry (Lee and
Ostergard, 2017).

Zambia Demographic and Health Survey 2013–2014, carried out by the Central Statistical
Office in partnership with the Ministry of Health, the University Teaching Hospital, the
Tropical Diseases Research Centre and the Department of Population Studies, found that
child marriages were more common among girls than boys. About 17% of Zambian girls
aged 15 to 19 are married, compared to only 1% of boys of the same age group.

Gender experts say the root causes of GBV can largely be narrowed down to inequality for
women and the associated violence and harmful and controlling aspects of masculinity that
result from patriarchal power imbalances embedded in much of Africa’s traditional and
cultural beliefs. This imbalance often leads to pervasive cultural stereotypes and attitudes that
perpetuate the cycle of GBV. Communities, especially in the rural areas, have continued to
embrace negative cultural beliefs whereby GBV is the norm. If a man does not beat his wife,
it is taken to mean he does not love her. Some beliefs condone men’s infidelity but never
women. The dependency syndrome, whereby women depend on the perpetrators of violence
for survival, puts survivors in vulnerable situations (Feindel and Roulette, 2010).

A 2010 report by the UN’s special rapporteur on violence against women showed that the
causes and consequences of GBV were disheartening to Zambian women. The report cited
the prevalence of customary law and its institutions, and the power of traditional leaders to
influence and shape societal norms. This system affects women differently from men, as
structures and attitudes within the family and the community marginalize them. Deeply
embedded patriarchal values have led to women remaining discriminated against and
disadvantaged in many sectors and to their being at a higher risk of violence (Nawal, 2006).

Gender discrimination has limited women’s access to land, education, credit and other
productive assets and has created a power imbalance preventing women and girls from
having full control over their lives. This has led to women being overrepresented among the
extremely poor, the unemployed, the illiterate and those living with HIV and AIDS while at
the same time being underrepresented in political and decision-making bodies.

Zambia Sexual Behavior Study 2005 indicated that 15.1% of female respondents reported
having experienced forced sex and that 17.7% of urban females and 13.7% of rural females
reported having been subjected to sexual violence. About 43% of married women reported
having experienced some form of physical or sexual violence from their husbands or partners
in the year preceding the survey.

Gender inequality is prevalent in many sectors and is reflected in low status and limited
opportunities for women and girls. In addition to poverty, cultural and traditional practices
continue to infringe the rights of women and girls. Some of the customary practices that
contribute to discrimination against women and fuel violence include sexual cleansing (a
tradition whereby a woman is expected to have sex as a cleansing ritual after her first period
or after becoming widowed, initiation ceremonies that indoctrinate young women to be
submissive to male domination, early marriages, lobola (bride price) and polygamy. This
issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails
significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is
estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP more than double what most
governments spend on education. Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost
for the future. Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are
more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future. One
characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and
affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed
in both developing and developed countries (Wilsa 2001).

Having talked about what GBV is, its prevalence in Zambian society and globally, the
question is do women and girls contribute their victimization? Gender-based violence, and in
particular violence against women, is one of the most pronounced expressions of the unequal
power relations between women and men. The main cause of the violence is the perpetrator
him or herself, it is very important to note that abuse is never the victim’s fault. Women do
not contribute to being abused. Abuse is a choice made by the abuser and it is their
responsibility alone.

Intimate partner and sexual violence are the result of factors occurring at individual, family,
community and wider society levels that interact with each other to increase or reduce risk
(protective). Some are associated with being a perpetrator of violence, some are associated
with experiencing violence and some are associated with both. Risk factors for both intimate
partner and sexual violence include; lower levels of education (perpetration of sexual
violence and experience of sexual violence), a history of exposure to child maltreatment
(perpetration and experience), witnessing family violence (perpetration and experience),
antisocial personality disorder (perpetration), harmful use of alcohol (perpetration and
experience), harmful masculine behaviors, including having multiple partners or attitudes that
condone violence (perpetration), community norms that privilege or ascribe higher status to
men and lower status to women, low levels of women’s access to paid employment and low
level of gender equality (discriminatory laws, etc.).

Factors specifically associated with intimate partner violence include; past history of
exposure to violence, marital discord and dissatisfaction, difficulties in communicating
between partners and male controlling behaviors towards their partners. Additionally, factors
specifically associated with sexual violence perpetration include; beliefs in family honor and
sexual purity, ideologies of male sexual entitlement and weak legal sanctions for sexual
violence (Holmes and Hunt, 2017).

Gender inequality and norms on the acceptability of violence against women are a root cause
of violence against women. A big number of Gender based violence cases are never reported
and reasons for not reporting includes; there are many policies and legislation addressing
relative violence, yet individuals are frequently hesitant to report it and to seek help. Often
society asks why partners do not leave abusive relationships, instead of asking why does the
perpetrator abuse or why does society accept relationship violence? Two major theories of
help-seeking survivor theory and process model explain how survivors, for instance, cope
when experiencing relative violence.

The survivor theory describes the ways in which survivors actively cope with relative
violence. These include repeated attempts to access informal and formal resources like
talking to a close friend or looking for a supportive agency (Gondolf and Fisher, 1988). The
process model describes the efforts of survivors to try to reduce or end the violence. It
includes recognizing the problem and trying to find solutions to it. Once the problem is
recognized, survivors often try strategies that they believe will help to end the violence
(Campbell et al., 1998).

Although these theories show patterns and strategies used by survivors, it is not enough to
expect that relationship violence can be diminished or even eradicated without considering
why people become offenders, and how and why society reinforces and accepts relationship
violence. According to the British Columbia Legal Society, survivors’ (women) help-seeking
behaviors in heterosexual relationships involve concerns that include the belief or hope that
the abuse will end.

The “make-up” period after violence reassures them or strengthens their emotional bond with
their partner, victims depend on their partner to pay the bills, take care of them, or for other
help fear that their partner will become even more violent if they leave, fear for the safety of
their children and other loved ones fear that their children will be taken into government care
fear of losing their home, fear for the safety of their pets or farm animals or even fear that no
one will believe that the abuse happened. They are isolated from their family and friends, and
part of the abuse may have been to ensure their isolation, they do not feel they have the
support they need and have the fear of being deported or of losing their immigration status as
they do not know about their rights or the help that is available and have a fear of the legal
system. They feel pressure from their family or friends to stay, they feel pressure or blame
from their community additionally, they live in a rural area with few services and supports
available and they live in a small town where everyone knows everyone’s business (Feindel
and Roulette, 2010)

They do not want to bring shame to their families, they want to save first. There are many
reasons for not reporting. It is time to switch the question from why do victims not leave to
why do people abuse? And why does society continue to normalize and accept relationship
violence? Society still continues to blame the victim and question their behavior.

Vulnerable groups like children and older adults experience further challenges because they
are often dependent on a family adult who might be perpetrating violence. Visible minority
groups like indigenous peoples, LGBTQ2SIA+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer,
2 spirit, Intersex, Asexual and more) and those with disabilities face extra challenges seeking
help, for violence and discrimination are widely accepted and propagated by individuals in
society (Lee and Oster, 2017). In addition, those already marginalized may have less access
to computers, phones and even to being out of the home alone to seek out services and
supports. This isolation was exacerbated during the COVID-19 with the closure of schools,
libraries, coffee shops and salon savior.

Finally, it is important to emphasize that violence is not a private matter. The perpetrator is
always responsible, and violence should be reported to the police, social work centres, or via
the SOS hotline.

REFERENCES
 Bott A. Morrison and Ellsberg M. (2005). ‘Preventing and Responding to Gender
Based Violence in Middle and low Income Countries: A Global Review and Analysis’.
World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3618.
 Campbell et al., (1998). The Human Rights [Link] Parameters of
Power; Women and decision making. Lusaka; New Horizons Printing Press, 2000.p.
31
 Feindel and Roulette, (2010) Breaking Free from Domestic Violence. Comp care
Publishers, p. 14. Minneapolis USA, Minnesota.
 Gidd K, (2000). “Gender Based Violence,” Technical Committee Report, Cabinet
Office, Zambia.
 Holmes M and Hunt R (2017). Research on the extent of child abuse in Zambian
schools. In C. Z. a. C. International (Ed.), (pp. 1-21): Campaign for Female
Education, Zambia.
 Lee Thomas and Ostergard Jr (2017). Local Contestations and Complexities in
Gender, Sexuality and HIV Vulnerability: Tailored Peer Research in Eastern Zambia.
(MA), University of Sussex Unpublished MA Thesis.
 Nawal M. Nour (2006). Health Effects of Child Marriage in Africa. Journal of
Emerging Infectious Diseases: 12(11): 1644–1649.
 Wilsa B. (2001). Gender Violence: The Invisible Struggle; Responses to the Justice
Delivery systems in Zambia. WILSA, Zambia