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Sowing the Mustard Seed Overview

This document provides a summary of the book "Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda" by Yoweri Museveni. It discusses Museveni's life journey from childhood in Uganda to leading guerilla wars in the 1970s-1980s and becoming President of Uganda in 1996. The review praises Museveni's vision of African leadership and responsibility but critiques the lengthy historical narrative style of the autobiography. It analyzes Museveni's perspective on the political failures of past Ugandan leaders and his reliance on the military and "no-party system" to restore order and national unity in Uganda.

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0% found this document useful (1 vote)
2K views6 pages

Sowing the Mustard Seed Overview

This document provides a summary of the book "Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda" by Yoweri Museveni. It discusses Museveni's life journey from childhood in Uganda to leading guerilla wars in the 1970s-1980s and becoming President of Uganda in 1996. The review praises Museveni's vision of African leadership and responsibility but critiques the lengthy historical narrative style of the autobiography. It analyzes Museveni's perspective on the political failures of past Ugandan leaders and his reliance on the military and "no-party system" to restore order and national unity in Uganda.

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  • Introduction and Publication Info
  • Review and Access Information
  • Sowing the Mustard Seed Review
  • Themes and Historical Context
  • Political Challenges in Uganda
  • Economic Policies and Future Directions

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Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda

Article  in  Foreign Policy · October 1999


DOI: 10.2307/1149386

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Gilbert Muruli Khadiagala


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Review
Author(s): Gilbert M. Khadiagala
Review by: Gilbert M. Khadiagala
Source: Foreign Policy, No. 111 (Summer, 1998), pp. 141-144
Published by: [Link] Interactive, LLC
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ism, the peace processin the MiddleEast (a region that suppliesmore


than half of China'scrudeoil imports),and stabilityin South Asia.
The views expressedwithin StudyReportson International Relations
1997-98 suggestthat its publisher,authorship,and content are indeed
noteworthy--butnot for the [Link] tryingto discern
how officialChinesepolicyhas seepedinto this survey,Westernanalysts
shouldreadtheseessaysforwhat they reflectabouta changingChina. Its
political system, though still undemocratic,is beginning to open up.
Frankand often unorthodoxviewshave gaineda measureof acceptance
both in officialandscholarlycircles(even thoughthe CommunistParty's
censorshave frequentlycriticizedStrategyand Management as violating
partyideologicalguidelines). China's of
rising6lite foreign-policyanalysts
representa new generation,one that is increasinglycosmopolitan,sophis-
ticated,well informed,[Link] fact,asthe contentof thissur-
vey indicates, its authors may have more in common-in terms of
analyticalskills,outlook, and knowledgeof world politics-with their
Americancounterpartsthan with theirelderChinesecolleagues.

Sowingthe MustardSeed:TheStrugglefor Freedom


and Democracyin Uganda
byYoweri Museveni
Kaguta
224 pages,London: 1997
Macmillan,

byGilbert
Reviewed M. Khadiagala

U gandan presidentYoweriMuseveniwas a prominentfigure


duringBillClinton'srecenttripto [Link]
highlightAfrica'spoliticalrenaissance, the roleof
particularly
leaderssuchasMuseveni,in usingstatepowerto rebuildthreedecades
of [Link] Uganda,Clintonlent legitima-
cy to fragile,yet hopeful,trendsof reconstructionby promisingan
Americanpartnership with the [Link] of the
much publicizedvisit missedthe unparalleledopportunityit gave
Musevenito articulatethemes dear to Africa'snew generationof
andleadership.
politicians:responsibility

G ILBERT M. K HA DIAGA LA is an associateprofessorof Africanstudiesat thePaul


H. NitzeSchoolofAdvancedInternational
StudiesandauthorofAlliesin Adversity:
The
FrontlineStatesin SouthernAfricanSecurity(Athens:OhioUniversityPress,1994).

SUMMER 1998 141

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Two examplesfromClinton'svisit sufficeto illustratethese themes.


First,Museveni refusedto be part of the bandwagondemandingan
Americanapologyfor the ravagesof [Link],with characteristic
candor,he insistedthat the primaryresponsibilitybelongedat the feet of
the precolonialAfricanchiefs who had sold their own people for trin-
kets. Second, while conventionalwisdomdecriesthe world'smarginal-
ization of Africa, Museveni arguedthat it is local leaderswho have
marginalizedAfricathroughtheirfailedpoliticalandeconomicpolicies.
Sowingthe MustardSeedcapturesthe broadoutlinesof
Museveni'svision of Africanleadershipand responsibil-
[Link] visionemergesthrougha long-winded, his-
torical narrativethat catalogueshis life from
childhoodin westernUganda,to theguerrilla warsof
the 1970sand 1980s,andendswiththe presidential
electionsof [Link] is an autobiography written
witha passionfordetail,the inevitableresult,perhaps,
of a desireto wantto [Link] trees,
youwillneeda lot of [Link] not
only see Musevenias a childherdingcattle,but froman earlyage,as
one educatinghis people,the Banyankole, aboutmodempracticesof
cattlerearingandagriculture. Fromhisyouth,therefore, he wassoldon
the idea of modernization through formal education. But he is also
skeptical of the Christian passivity that led many Africans to transfer
theirwelfareandresponsibility to God'smercy,andduringmostof the
independence period,to governments.
Inhisearlydays,Museveniforgedcloselinkswitha cohortof "young
nationalists" whowereto joinhim in his politicalstruggles duringthe
tumultuous yearsfollowingUganda'sindependence. Organized firstas
promoters of pan-Africanist ideals,the groupbroadened itsconcernsto
thescourgeof [Link] keyto Uganda's problems, Museveni
says,stemmed from "opportunistic" and "sectarian" [Link]
he led his NationalResistanceMovement(NRM)to powerin 1986,
claimsMuseveni,"Uganda's leadershadnot beenableto handlecor-
rectly relativelysimpleproblemof buildingnationalunity."
the
In his relentlesssearchforwhathe describes as"principled politics,"
MusevenicastsMiltonObote,the country's firstcivilianpresident,as
the villainof [Link] earlyas 1966,whenOboteplunged
Ugandaintochaosbysuspending its constitution,Museveninotesthat
he contemplated going into exile with his friends to launchan armed

142 FOREIGN POLICY

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struggle:"Weknew that dictatorshad to be actively opposedand that


they wouldnot just fall off by themselveslike ripemangoes."Museveni
vilifiesObote for exacerbatingthe country'sethnic and religiousdiffer-
ences and, more significantly,for creatingthe political conditionsthat
led to the emergenceof General Idi Amin and the subsequentmilita-
rizationand destructionof the fabricof [Link], in short,
is the politicalcrisisthat the NRMhas soughtto reverse.
Obote and Amin, we are told, symbolizethe largerproblemof "the
political bankruptcyof the independencegenerationof African lead-
ers,"who exploitedsectariandifferencesforpersonalgainsand, in turn,
destroyed the foundations of nationhood. The bulk of the book
describeshow Museveni,imbuedwith a messianiczeal,soughtto build
a movement that sowedthe seedsfor new structureswherefuturelead-
ers could create national unity without the personalambitionsof self-
advancementand [Link] Museveni'sUganda, the instruments
of regenerationhave been the armyand the "no-partymovement"sys-
tem, which seeks to build a consensusacrossa wide spectrumof Ugan-
dan [Link] militaryhas been the essentialtool for recreatingthe
state, restoringorderand the rule of [Link], despite 12 yearsof rule,
the armydoes not seem to be doing well in pacifyingcommunalwarsin
northern and southwesternUganda--casting doubt on Museveni's
imageas a domesticmodernizerand [Link] Musev-
eni attributesthe northerninsurgenceto a lack of "individualentrepre-
neurial spirit"among its inhabitants,his critics have accusedhim of
relyinginordinatelyon militarymeansto resolvethe conflict. He might
take seriouslythe recent advice of United Nations secretary-general
Kofi Annan that "Africamustdemonstratethe will to rely on political
ratherthan militaryresponsesto problems."
Yet,when it comes to Uganda'sfuture,the decisivestruggleis on the
economicfront-a taskthatMusevenivividlydepictsasjump-starting
his backwardcountryinto a modemindustrial society(a tallorderfor
an agricultural
societydependentprimarilyon foreignaid).One func-
tionof leadership
in a backward
country,he contends,is to disseminate
the virtuesof responsibilityand wealth [Link]"teach-
he hasexhortedUgandansaboutpovertyreduction,
ingsessions," mon-
etization of the economy, and the need for a new social contract
between the individualand the state. Although he has won the hearts
and minds of peasantswhose lives have improvedmarkedly,Museveni
has invited the ire of "radicaltheorists"and bureaucratswho question

SUMMER 1998 143

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his patriotismon everythingfromprivatizationto his decision to wel-


come back the Asians expelled by Amin. Museveni has nothing but
praisefor the InternationalMonetaryFundand the WorldBank,which
made "usrealizethe importanceof macro-economictools such as let-
ting pricesfind their own level."As a starpupil of the BrettonWoods
institutionswith regardto economic reforms,Ugandahas been reward-
ed with Westernlargesseand, morerecently,debt relief.
Is economic reconstruction,at whateverprice,a lesserevil than the
perilsof poverty?Museveni'sresponseis an unabashed"yes."This view
stands in starkcontrastwith the opinions of South African president
Nelson Mandela, who criticizedClinton following his visit to Cape
Town for peddlinginterventionisteconomic policies that manySouth
Africans believe are bound to erode what remainsof African sover-
[Link] Mandelahas pointedlycriticizedthe stringentrulescon-
tained within the U.S. African Growth and Opportunity Act,
Museveni stands to be one of the beneficiariesof this legislation,
which rewardscountriesthat undertakefundamentalpoliticaland eco-
nomic [Link] two differingpositionsreflect broaderquestions
about the mode of integratingAfrica into the global economy, ques-
tions that Africans have only now begun to confront. One suspects
that Museveni will triumphin these debates,as he has done over his
domestic criticswho have often accusedhim of "betrayingour princi-
ples and selling out to Westernideology."
Throughout this book, one senses Museveni'syearningto fill the
intellectual void left in easternAfrica with the retirementof Tanzan-
ian presidentJuliusNyerere. Museveni seems to want to be the new
philosopher-king,cajoling his people with presidentialwisdomon all
mannerof things. But if this tome is his entry into the annalsof philo-
sophic presidencies,then he does not quite measureup to Nyerere's
[Link] diatribesand invectives against his opponents that litter
almost every page demean the philosophical traditionof moderation
and caution. Besides,Nyerere'sleadershipstemmedfromdeep-seated,
yet unchanging convictions born of grand conceptions of the indi-
vidual and society. Museveni'sideas are limited and pragmatic,nur-
tured in the battlefieldsof Uganda'sruralLuweroTriangleand within
the constraints of global capitalism. This book is steeped more in the
narrow convention of a street fighter than the contemplative tone of
a scholarly treatise.

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Yoweri Museveni articulates the responsibility of African leaders by focusing on a narrative of self-reliance and accountability, emphasizing that the challenges faced by Africa are largely due to the failures of local leadership. He propounds that the primary responsibility for Africa's marginalization lies with its leaders, who pursued opportunistic and sectarian politics that stunted national unity and development. Museveni is critical of historical leadership, particularly figures like Milton Obote, whom he blames for exacerbating ethnic divides and setting the stage for leaders like Idi Amin. He underscores the importance of principled politics and economic responsibility, exemplified by his own governance, which leverages the army and a no-party movement to restore order in Uganda .

Museveni reconciles his modernization desires with critiques of traditional African societal structures by advocating for modernization through education while recognizing the limitations of past reliance on both colonial and traditional governance systems. He challenges the passivity encouraged by external religious influences, promoting instead a proactive societal role in wealth creation and development. His policies aim to merge modern economic practices with African contexts, spearheading economic and social reforms while addressing historical failings. This synthesis attempts to maintain cultural integrity while fostering economic growth and political stability through refashioned governance and economic frameworks .

During Bill Clinton's visit, Yoweri Museveni diverged from conventional wisdom by rejecting calls for an American apology for slavery, instead placing responsibility on precolonial African chiefs. He also challenged the idea that Africa's woes were primarily due to external marginalization, arguing that poor political and economic policies by African leaders were the true culprits. This approach emphasizes internal accountability over external blame, signaling a shift towards greater self-responsibility and leadership within Africa .

Yoweri Museveni views the military as a crucial tool for restoring order and rebuilding the state. In his vision, the military, alongside a no-party movement system, provides the framework for creating national unity and stability. However, his reliance on military means to resolve issues, particularly in conflict areas like northern Uganda, contrasts with international views such as those of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who advocates for political solutions over military interventions. Museveni’s military-centric approach raises concerns about over-reliance on force, reflecting a tension between domestic policies and broader international expectations for governance .

Yoweri Museveni's economic vision for Uganda centers on modernization and industrialization as pathways out of poverty, emphasizing responsibility and wealth creation. Influenced by the Bretton Woods institutions like the IMF and World Bank, he supports economic reforms such as privatization and market liberalization. This approach contrasts with traditional economic policies in Africa that often focused on state control and limited global integration. Museveni's policies have positioned Uganda as a model for Western donors, garnering economic benefits like debt relief in exchange for implementing such reforms .

Museveni's claim that sectarian leadership was a core reason for Uganda's previous governmental failures is supported by his critique of historical leaders like Milton Obote, who he argues deepened ethnic and religious divisions. This sectarianism is said to have led to political instability and fragmentation, which destabilized the societal foundation and allowed dictatorial regimes, like that of Idi Amin, to rise. Nevertheless, this evaluation requires recognizing how such narratives align with Museveni’s political expediency, as they bolster his justification for an authoritative governance style that aims to override these divisive legacies with notions of national unity and stability .

Museveni employs historical narratives by outlining a lineage of ineffective and sectarian leadership, most notably under Milton Obote, to highlight the necessity and righteousness of his political strategies. He portrays past leaders as failures who exacerbated ethnic and religious divides, laying the groundwork for leaders like Idi Amin who further destabilized the country. By casting himself and the National Resistance Movement as correctors of these historical wrongs, Museveni justifies his strict and pragmatic approaches, including military involvement and centralized governance, as necessary measures to restore unity and rebuild the state .

Criticisms against Museveni's governance focus on his military-heavy approach to ethnic conflicts, notably in northern Uganda. While his strategies have been partially successful in creating political stability, his reliance on military solutions over political conciliations has drawn criticism from both domestic and international figures. Critics argue that this reliance may exacerbate tensions and avoid addressing the underlying causes of ethnic conflicts. The regional disparities and a perceived lack of entrepreneurial spirit in the north have further complicated Museveni's ability to present himself as a unifier and modernizer within a diverse Ugandan society .

"Sowing the Mustard Seed" by Yoweri Museveni is described as a pragmatic and detailed autobiography that lacks the philosophical depth of Julius Nyerere’s writing. Museveni's work is criticized for being more akin to a narrative of a street fighter rather than a scholarly treatise, focusing on practical political struggles and strategies within the context of Ugandan society and global capitalism. In contrast, Nyerere’s writings are noted for their philosophical moderation, rooted in deep-seated convictions about individual and societal ideals. Museveni’s work is thus positioned as pragmatic and battle-hardened, while Nyerere's legacy is framed within a broader, philosophical discourse .

Museveni’s alignment with Bretton Woods institutions, such as the IMF and World Bank, significantly influences Uganda's economic policies by promoting privatization and free market practices. This alignment has facilitated debt relief and positioned Uganda favorably for Western aid and partnerships. However, it also raises questions about economic sovereignty and the long-term sustainability of adopting Western-prescribed models. This alignment contrasts with some leaders like Nelson Mandela, who critiqued similar policies for undermining African economic independence. Thus, while Museveni’s policies have spurred growth and development, they also tether Uganda’s economic future closely to Western interests .

(https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Gilbert-Khadiagala?enrichId=rgreq-9aa575b67a40840415e1b672c7c4967d-XXX&enrichSource=Y2
Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive, LLC is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign
P
Books 
ism, the peace process in the Middle East (a region that supplies more 
than half of China's crude oil imports), and s
Books 
Two examples from Clinton's visit suffice to illustrate these themes. 
First, Museveni refused to be part of the bandw
Books 
struggle: "We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that 
they would not just fall off by themselves like
Books 
his patriotism on everything from privatization to his decision to wel- 
come back the Asians expelled by Amin. Museve

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