Sarah Loomis

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Bloodshed and Bloodlines:

Mortuary and Sacrifice at Los Guachimontones

Introduction 

This essay examines the mortuary practices in excavated burials at Late Formative and

Early Classic (300 BCE - 400 CE) Los Guachimontones in Jalisco, Mexico. This site, with

features such as shaft tombs and circular public architecture, is exemplary of the unusual

regional cultural tradition of ancient West Mexico. An analysis of the mortuary remains found in

both public and residential contexts across Los Guachimontones reveals the lineage-based

hierarchical social organization that structures symbolism and ideology at this ceremonial center.

Some burials are associated with wealth and status. Others are consistent with sacrifice. In these

cases, specific groups of individuals (e.g. warriors, the deformed, and children) were targeted for

violent deaths, symbolic arrangements of remains, and possible cannibalism. The choice of

sacrificial offerings and the cosmological structures seen in the burial arrangements connect Los

Guachimontones to ideologies found in the broader Mesoamerican sphere. The burials also

demonstrate the emergence of a lineage-based hierarchy, capable of directing the construction of

monumental architecture, alongside sacrificial and ceremonial activities to emphasize and

maintain the power of the sacred center. The skeletal remains at Los Guachimontones indicate

sacrificial practices tied to cosmological elements from Greater Mesoamerica which were used to

promote social cohesion and legitimize social hierarchy within a stratified, lineage-based

political structure at the site. 

Background
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During the Late Formative and Early Classic periods (c. 300 BCE – 600 CE) the West

Mexican states of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Colima were home to a shared tradition of architectural

and burial practices that are unique within the greater Mesoamerican sphere (Weigand and

Beekman 1998; Townsend 1998a). Since it was first traversed by Westerners in the late 1800s,

the region has been known for its shaft tomb burials and elaborate burial figurines. The shaft

tombs of the region’s elites consisted of a long vertical shaft leading to one or more open burial

chambers where one or more individuals were interred with burial goods including vessels, tools,

adornments, and ceramic figures. These figures were especially noteworthy. They were often

large, elaborately modeled, and colorfully decorated. They quickly became sought after in the

international art market, even acting as muses for Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. As West

Mexico was long considered a “beyond the pale of Mesoamerican civilization” (Townsend

1998a: 19), it wasn’t until the 1970s that the Tequila Valleys were surveyed and excavated by

archaeologists led by Phil Weigand (Weigand and Beekman 1998). Through these investigations,

the monumental ceremonial architecture associated with the shaft tomb burials was brought to

light. This architecture was exemplified by Los Guachimontones, a major regional ceremonial

center.

Los Guachimontones is an archaeological site, located in central Jalisco, about 60 km

west of modern Guadalajara. The site is located on a hillside in the shadow of the Tequila

volcano, overlooking the La Vega marshy lake and a fertile valley, which today includes the

town of Teuchitlán. The archaeological site’s earthen monumental architecture comprises at least

ten ceremonial circles. Each circle is defined by a tiered circular pyramid encircled by

rectangular platforms. The ceremonial center also includes two large I-shaped ballcourts.

Residential and burial areas surrounded the central ceremonial architecture, but these are largely
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unexcavated and/or unanalyzed. Los Guachimontones was occupied from approximately 300

BCE to 1600 CE, reaching its height during the Late Formative and Classic periods. The

majority of its ceremonial architecture was built and occupied during this zenith. The circular

arrangement of pyramids and platforms was echoed at other sites throughout Jalisco and Nayarit,

with Los Guachimontones standing out as the largest and most central site. Phil Weigand dubbed

the regional pattern of shared architectural and mortuary traits as the Teuchitlán tradition. The

political power of Los Guachimontones within the regional tradition is under debate, but its size

alone suggests a high degree of local power and labor control.

Ceremonialism

There are multiple lines of evidence for ceremonial practices occurring at Los

Guachimontones (Townsend 1998b; Witmore 1998). Many of these rituals are illustrated in the

ceramic burial figurines. Some are also attested through archaeological evidence. These

ceremonies have shared characteristics with the practices and beliefs in other areas of

Mesoamerica and the more recent peoples of West Mexico. These similarities provide additional

information through which to interpret the ceremonies of Los Guachimontones. The rituals

served to honor and renew the cosmological cycles of the site, particularly the passage of the sun

and the seasons, the human life cycle, and the human relationship with the dead and the divine.

The renewing of cosmological order can be seen in the pole rituals, during which a pole

was raised on the top of the central pyramid and dances were performed atop it. There are

figurines showing this practice (Beekman 2003; Witmore 1998). Other figurines depict the

pyramid with a tree full of birds atop it, suggesting that the pole may have represented a cosmic

tree, connecting the earth with the sky (Beekman 2003). Similar practices were also attested to
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throughout Mesoamerica during the colonial period and later ethnographic sources (Nájera

Coronado 2008). The dancers were known as “voladores” for their acrobatic descent from the

pole on long ropes, mimicking the flight of birds or the movements of monkeys. The dancers

represent the souls of the warrior dead who accompany the sun on its journey from the east to the

west. These dead, and by extension the dancers who take on their roles, have sacrificed

themselves for the continued survival of the sun. Other versions of the dance were connected to

the deities of the storm or the wind instead. In every instance, however, the dancers summoned

and brought to the earth the masculine powers of the sky: sunlight, wind, rain, and lightning. Still

other versions represent the dance as the forces of the moon or the underworld fighting against

the forces of the sky, before returning to their rightful places. In every case, the cosmic dance

that has been performed ensures fertility is brought to the earth. Ethnographic accounts from

West Mexico suggest that these ceremonies were performed to coincide with the agricultural

cycle, ensuring that fertility was brought to the maize and other crops of the region (Beekman

2003).

Other ceremonies were more related to the human life cycle (Townsend 1998b). Ceramic

figurines from Teuchitlán often depict male and female pairs, often believed to be married pairs.

This interpretation is supported by the rarer dioramic figures which display marriage ceremonies,

with couples wrapped together in one blanket, presided over by a shaman, musicians, dancing,

and feasting. Other classes of figurines show nude women with body markings, either paint or

tattoos, marking their thighs, hips, breasts, and lower abdomens. These may represent

ceremonies women-focused ceremonies celebrating femininity, puberty, and/or fertility. Also

depicted are warriors, ballplayers, women giving birth, public festivals, and funerals, all showing
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events that were often ritualized and used to mark passage through the life course in

Mesoamerican societies.

The practices and figurines in the Teuchitlán society also display the veneration of the

dead. This can be seen in the elaborate burials constructed for rulers and the humble burials of

common folk, which still included burial goods such as ceramic vessels and figurines. It can be

seen in the funeral diorama figurines found in some burials (Townsend 1998b). There are also

models of houses which include an open cavern beneath the house, often occupied by human or

dog figures (Butterwick 1998). This space likely represents the underworld and thus the

connection between the worlds of the living and the dead. It may also represent a practice of the

burial of the dead beneath house floors, as is occasionally found in other areas of Mesoamerica,

though there have not been household excavations to confirm this theory at this time. Overall,

ceremonial practices seen at Los Guachimontones and throughout Teuchitlán society are used to

perpetuate the natural cycles of the world, particularly those of the agricultural season and the

human lifespan, and to strengthen the ties between the human society and the spiritual planes of

underworld and sky, including both their divine and ancestral populations. These concerns can

also be seen in the burial practices found within this society.

The Burials 

Betancourt Lopez’s (2011) analysis includes 12 burials from the late Formative period,

holding the remains of at least 17 individuals. Three of these burials are of particular interest for

this discussion. These burials are each found in association with monumental ceremonial

architecture. The burials are those from Circles 3 and 6. These burials illustrate the symbolic

importance of the physical characteristics and social identity of the interred individuals,
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alongside the orientation of their remains and accompanying grave goods, in harmonizing with

the symbolic meanings of the ceremonial architecture where they were buried.

Circle 3 Burials

The four pit burials associated with Circle 3 were excavated in 2004 (Betancourt Lopez

2011). They date to the Late Formative period at the site. Rather than being located within the

circle itself, they were part of a habitational area 20 meters south of the circle. The area is a

semi-circular bluff or terrace, most easily accessible through Circle 3. This monumental access

point probably allowed access to be restricted. The area has a good view of the valley and its

lake. The burials found here include Burial 1, an infant; Burial 2, a high-status juvenile male and

mysterious young adult male with probably Pierre Rubin sequence; Burial 3, the articulated

limbs of two young males with highly visible congenital deformities; and Burial 4, a complete

and articulated canid, whose remains have not been otherwise described. The individuals interred

here show a shared tendency towards a young age and/or congenital abnormalities that are

suggestive of symbolic roles and likely sacrificial practice.

Circle 3, Burial 1

This primary burial contains the long bones and fragmented skull of an infant,

accompanied by two ceramic vessels and several shell beads (Le Fae 2017). The child was

approximately six years old. Long bone measurements indicate that the child’s height was large

for their age. They were also in very good dental health. Together, this suggests the child

received good nutrition and lived in generally healthy conditions, consistent with high status
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birth. Excavation reports indicate that fragments of adult long bones were found with the infant,

but no further information was recorded and they were unavailable for further examination.

Circle 3, Burial 2

The remains found in this burial belong to two individuals. Their dismembered limbs

make up the majority of the skeletal remains of this burial. These limbs were arranged in a row,

oriented on an east-west axis. They were accompanied by two ceramic ollas and three slate

pendants (Le Fae 2017).

Of the two identifiable individuals, one is notable for the size of his bones. This

individual was 25-30 years old, based on dentition and epiphyseal fusion. The Harris line on his

radius suggests arrested growth in childhood, but his teeth suggest good health and nutrition in

the years leading up to his death. The most notable characteristics of this individual are the

unusually large size, density, and muscle attachments of his bones, particularly in the skull and

extremities, all suggestive of pituitary gigantism or acromegaly. This condition would have been

highly visible, without causing any mental or severe physical disabilities.

The second individual identifiable within the burial is most likely male based on the size

and muscularity of the bones. His was 17-18 years old at death. He is represented by nearly

complete limbs, a small fragment of mandible, and a few vertebrae. These vertebrae are the most

notable feature of this individual in that the axis and 3rd cervical vertebrae are congenitally fused.

This condition would have caused visible shortening and mobility limitations in the neck. It may

also have caused chronic neck and/or back pain, but was most likely not debilitating. It is notable

that in each of the three cases of congenital deformities seen in the Circle 3 burials, the condition

would have been highly visible, without extreme mental or physical disability. In addition to the
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two individuals already discussed, the burial also contained additional small bones from at least

four juvenile individuals, though there are not enough remains to determine more about them

than their age range.

Circle 3, Burial 3

This burial includes two young males. The first burial is the primary interment of an

individual who is approximately 12 years of age. This individual is in very good health and

outfitted with rich funeral offerings, including conch shell, turtle shell, two ceramic vessels,

several shell and ceramic beads, jadeite, and green and red pigments that may have covered the

body or its funeral array (Le Fae 2017; Betancourt Lopez 2011). There is clear evidence of

inherited wealth and status in a young individual receiving such rich treatment.

The second burial is the secondary interment of an individual who is approximately 20-

25 years of age. He has been laid out obliquely above the feet of the younger individual. This

individual is marked by many health defects, especially in comparison to the younger individual.

There is a mild porotic hyperostosis, enamel hypoplasia, and Harris lines consistent with poor

nutrition throughout his lifetime. In addition to these, his remains display several markers of

congenital abnormalities. These include microcephaly; a small, narrow jaw; a pronounced

overbite; a congenital lack of first and second molars; and later loss of his third molars. These

traits are consistent with a diagnosis of Pierre Robin sequence. Together, the abnormalities of the

mouth would have made chewing difficult, leading this individual to develop an unusual

chewing motion that lead to heavy wear on his front teeth and unusual musculature around the

jaw. Despite this compensation, the individual would have had a difficult time keeping up with

his nutritional requirements. This in turn lead to the nutritional deficiencies, small size, and low
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bone density of this individual. Pierre Robin sequence often includes a cleft palate and airway

obstructions due to facial malformation as well, though these are not noted in the skeletal

remains. Finally, there are several markers of this individual’s lifestyle. His skull has been

modified by tight banding in infancy, which has resulted in an elongated occipital region. Cranial

modification is generally considered a mark of inherited nobility, since it was performed in

infancy within noble families. Other features, however, suggest harsh treatment not

commensurate with nobility. His calcaneus is callused, suggested that he squatted for extended

periods of time. There are defensive wounds from blows and a cut mark on his arms, suggesting

violent treatment. Together, all these traits suggest an individual of noble birth with visible

congenital abnormalities that would have presented lifelong nutritional, airway management, and

possibly speech challenges. This individual received enough care to make it to adulthood, but

also suffered from frequent nutritional deficiencies and harsh treatment near the time of his

death.

The identity of the second individual in relation to the first is unclear. Since both appear

to have been born with noble status and buried within the same circle, a family relationship is

possible. On the other hand, the difference in treatment between the two may suggest that the

older individual was a retainer or sacrifice for the younger. Then again, the young age of both

individuals at death may suggest that they were both sacrificial victims, though neither have

strong evidence of peri-mortem injury consistent with this explanation. Whatever their

relationship, this burial exemplifies the reoccurring selection of children and congenitally

deformed individuals for burial within this ceremonial circle, as has been seen in the discussion

of the other Circle 3 burials.

Sacrifice

The location and social identity profiles of the remains found in Circle 3 are suggestive of

sacrificial practice. Sacrifice to gods and ancestors was practiced throughout Mesoamerica at all

periods of its history. These sacrifices played roles in connecting with and renewing both the

cosmic order of the world and the human relationship with spiritual forces (Carrasco 2014).

Ethnographic and ethnohistorical accounts attest to sacrificial practices in West Mexico. The

Relación de Michoacán, an account of pre-Hispanic life among the Tarascans, speaks frequently

of human sacrifice, most often as part of seasonal festivals or in propitiation to the gods before

war or during disaster. More recent ethnographic accounts of the Huichol people report only

animal sacrifice, but describe how it retains many aspects of earlier human sacrifice: “For

Huichols, sacrificial blood is a key feature of most ceremonies. The aim of blood sacrifice is to

feed the gods and so avoid terrible punishments, droughts, or illnesses. As long as the gods are

fed, Huichols may ask favors of them” (Gutierrez del Angel 2000: 111). Prior to the animal

sacrifice, the ritual participants perform purification rituals. They “do not sleep; instead, they

dance or sing for hours, fast for several days, do not drink water, avoid salt at all cost… [and]

consume large quantities of peyote (híkuri), relieving themselves of their sins as they confess

them to the shaman” (Gutierrez del Angel 2000: 112). These practices “imply a serious physical

cost that identifies participants with the sacrificed animal, making the ritual into a kind of self-

sacrifice as well as an animal sacrifice” (Gutierrez del Angel 2000: 112). Given the widespread

practice of human sacrifice throughout Mesoamerica and in Michoacán, it seems likely that

human sacrifices may have provided the sacrificial blood that ensured the strength and favor of

the deities of Los Guachimontones.

Sacrificial victims are chosen based on their social roles, with the preferred victims being

those of unusual spiritual power and/or social expendability. According to Kieffer (2015),

“Ritual theorists have proposed that individuals chosen for sacrifice cross‐culturally are typically

outsiders either geographically or socially with slaves, prisoners of war, children (typically

orphaned), sorcerers and the physically handicapped”.  Scott (2016) provides some additional

context for those with physical abnormalities, stating that they were generally of high status,

generally as servants to nobility, due to the belief that they possessed spiritual power as a result

of embodying or being marked by deities. The sacrifice of these individuals, therefore - like the

sacrifice of children, warriors, embodied deities, or the blood of rulers (Ardren 2011; Carrasco

1995; Carrasco 2014) - would confer greater spiritual power than the sacrifice of an ordinary

person. This interpretation suggests that the individuals buried throughout the ceremonial circles

and perhaps the ballcourts were interred as sacrifices to charge the site and especially its

ceremonial precinct with spiritual power, likely during a time of dedication, upheaval and/or

renewal (Carrasco 2014).

The symbolism of the Circle 3 burials, likely sacrificial given the young age and unusual

physiology of the deceased, connects Los Guachimontones to the veneration of congenital

anomalies seen elsewhere in Mesoamerica (Kieffer 2015, Scott 2016; Von Winning 1986). The

selection of children is also consistent with practices elsewhere in Mesoamerica, where children

were considered closer to the gods by virtue of being more newly formed by them (Ardren

2011). The alignment of the Burial 2 limbs on an east-west axis alludes to the passage of the sun,

likely associated with the organization of the world along the axes of the cardinal directions and

the axis mundi connecting heavenly, earthly, and subterranean realms. These cosmological
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concepts, seen throughout Mesoamerica, are also implicated in the pole rituals, ball game, and

orientation of circular centers at the site (Whitemore 1998).

Circle 6 Burials

Circle 6 contains multiple burials arranged within the monumental architecture of the

pyramid and platforms (Betancourt Lopez 2011). The burials are distributed between four

peripheral single burials and two central burials, one containing only teeth and the other

containing five complete individuals. Like the Circle 3 burials, the Circle 6 burials also date to

the Late Formative period.

The Circle 6 peripheral burial remains are highly fragmentary. The largest fragments in

Tomb 1, for example, are only 8 cm long. Despite this, the dental and long bone remains suggest

that the individuals buried in this circle were adults over the age of 20, with varied nutritional

health. Many of the remains have signs of thermal color change (reddening and/or blackening)

and warping. Multiple cranium fragments show signs of traumatic injury. Several have

postmortem cut marks. Two long bones have marks that Betancourt Lopez has interpreted as

human tooth marks.

The first of the central burials contains only small, poorly preserved fragments, of which

the only identifiable fragments are the teeth. They indicate that at least two individuals are

present here: an infant between two and four years of age with good nutritional health and an

adult between 20 and 25 years of age with a history of poor nutrition. This set of remains has

signs of exposure to high heat, like the peripheral burials.

The remaining central burial is the largest. It contains the complete remains of five

individuals, all with identifiable, but badly preserved skulls. The remains are very fragmentary
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overall and the individual remains appear to be mixed together. Based on the skulls, all but the

most heavily weathered individual are identifiable as male. Three have identifiable ages:

approximately 20 years, 11-12 years, and 21-25 years. One individual has Harris lines in their

teeth, suggested poor nutrition and delayed growth in childhood.

The Circle 6 burials were accompanied by a variety of burial goods, commonly including

ceramic vessels; ceramic burial figurines; and bead necklaces and pendants made of ceramic,

slate, obsidian, tooth, and shell (Le Fae 2017). The number of burial goods ranges from 0-4 items

in several cases, with others being much more richly outfitted. The meaning behind the variation

in number, type, and finery of offerings is unclear, but suggests that the meanings behind each

offering were individualized rather than standardized and varied in value as well as symbolism.

Cannibalism

Any implication of cannibalism at archaeological sites is bound to be contentious and

sensational, due to the long history of smear campaigns by colonial forces that focus on

cannibalism as evidence of the savage and heathen ways of American Indians. Nevertheless,

cannibalism has been attested for multiple native groups in the Americas. In fact, it is a natural

extension of the widespread belief that blood sacrifice nourishes the gods (Wade 2018). Given

the widespread burning and possible human tooth marks found on the remains at Circle 6,

cannibalism certainly seems to be a possibility in this case, but other explanations such as

cremation, animal scavenging, warfare, trophy taking, and natural decomposition must be ruled

out (Saladié and Rodríguez Hidalgo 2017) .

Types of archaeological evidence that are typical of cannibalism include highly

fragmented assemblages, damaged through percussion breakage, especially of the long bones
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and skull; missing or crushed vertebrae, ribs, ulnae, and/or extremities for fat extraction;

dismemberment and disarticulation; evidence of cooking (burning, thermal color changes, pot

polish); cut marks (relatively rare); scraping or peeling; human tooth marks (extremely rare); a

short visible event; and similar treatment shared between human and animal remains (Saladié

and Rodríguez-Hidalgo 2017). Many, but not all, of these traits are seen in the remains from

Circle 6, including the high fragmentation that is one of the most typical features of cannibalism

and relatively rare in other forms of mortuary treatment. None of the other explanations alone

accounts for the characteristics seen in these burials. Cremation does not account for the level of

disarticulation and fragmentation seen (Chinchilla Mazariegos et. al. 2015), while the others do

not account for the burning.

Cannibalistic mortuary treatment has been seen elsewhere in the Teuchitlán sphere. At

Los Guachimontones itself, many of the ballcourt remains have evidence of burning and several

have cut marks (Ripp 2012; Bailey 2015). Some of the Postclassic remains at Los

Guachimontones also show similar treatment, including high fragmentation, burning, percussive

blows. In this case, the remains were associated with a period of chronic disease and

malnutrition. A high degree of fragmentation is also mentioned in descriptions of remains from

other Late Formative and Classic sites within the Teuchitlán sphere (Pickering and Cabrero

1998), suggesting the possibility of a shared practice throughout the region. Finally, cannibalistic

behavior is attested to at a later period in the Relación de Michoacán (Alcalá 1970; Alcalá 2001).

While not part of the Teuchitlán tradition or its direct descendants, changes in culture in

Jalisco over time do suggest that the region was in contact with other areas of Mesoamerica,

particularly Central Mexico and the Pacific Coast, especially during its Late Classic and Post-

Classic periods. The cannibalism shown in the Relaciòn de Michoacán (Alcalá 1970; Alcalá
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2001) is a classic case of “Tarascan prince tricks rebellious priests into eating the flesh of their

co-conspirator”, not unlike the accounts of Aztec cannibalism shared in Isaac (2005). Although

depicted as a shameful punishment for their misdeeds, the act takes place within a context of

habitual consumption of human sacrifices. The nobles are filled with shame at having eaten a

priest and an ally, but were fully aware that they were eating human flesh, believing it to have

belonged to a sacrificed slave. The text explains that “This was all according to custom, for when

sacrificing anyone, these people would always divide the sacrificed one among the houses of the

chief priests, and they would make the offering to the gods and eat the meat” (Alcalá 2001: 140).

In pre-Hispanic Michoacán, then, cannibalism was closely tied to sacrifice. Sacrifice victims

were typically slaves, war captives, and criminals. They were consumed by priests, nobles,

rulers, and their households. The practice of cannibalism cannot be separated from the act of

sacrifice, since an important role of sacrifice was to distribute the spiritual energy contained in

the human body to the gods and the community (Carrasco 1995). This combined sacrificial and

cannibalistic meaning is consistent with the Circle 6 context, integrated as it is with the

monumental architecture that forms a point of connection between earthly and spiritual forces, as

seen in the pole ceremonies. The prevalence of young men and children among the remains is

also suggestive of the use of slaves and war captives as victims here.

Stratification

The individuals buried within and alongside the monumental architecture of Circle 3 and

6 act to contribute spiritual energy to these central, ceremonial spaces. The capture, sacrifice,

and/or cannibalism of victims would also have conferred spiritual energy to those in attendance

at the ceremonies, with higher participation corresponding to the greater share of the energetic

spoils. The organization and performance of these tasks, therefore, provides an opportunity for a
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subset of the Los Guachimontones population, particularly warriors, priests/shamans, and

political leaders, to gain greater power and control at the site.

Watts et. al. (2016) argue that “human sacrifice legitimizes political authority and social

class systems, functioning to stabilize such social stratification” (1). In their study of small-scale

traditional Austronesian cultures, these authors suggest that “human sacrifice stabilizes social

stratification once stratification has arisen, and promotes a shift to strictly inherited class

systems” (1). A similar transition to more complex and stratified social systems was occurring at

Los Guachimontones in the Late Formative and Classic periods. It was during this time that the

monumental architecture of the ceremonial center was constructed. DeLuca (2012) estimates that

just one of the ten or more circular complexes at the site required over 112,000 person days to

construct. While the banquette on which all the other structures were built was constructed

continuously and systematically, the platforms display a variety of construction methods,

materials, and measurements which suggest that they were each constructed by separate labor

teams. Lopez Mestas (2011) proposes that the sites of the Tequila valleys were ruled by lineage

or clan-based chiefs. He supports his argument through mortuary evidence, showing likely

familial resemblance in the occupants of elaborate shaft tombs. Beekman (2008) and De Luca

(2012) apply this interpretation to the platforms, suggesting that each was constructed and

occupied by competing noble families, who were able to muster their relatives for the necessary

labor.

This interpretation provides a model for the structure of stratification at the site.

Additional evidence for the presence of stratification can be seen in the variation in mortuary

treatment at the site, ranging from small pits with few grave goods to elaborate shaft tombs with

large numbers of offerings and adornments. There is also variation in health seen in the human
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remains, with conditions based in poor nutrition and/or living conditions seen more frequently in

some contexts than others. The labor and political clout required to construct monumental

architecture and host ceremonial events such as ballgames and pole rituals are also evidence for a

unifying directing force, most likely in the form of a ruler, head shaman, and/or heads of

lineages. With a population estimated to be well in excess of 4,000 people (Heredia Espinoza

and Sumano Ortega 2017), such a force would also be necessary for the organization of space,

labor, resource management, and territorial defense.

Social control and social cohesion would be both required for and strengthened by the

preparation and practice of human sacrifice, especially when accompanied by the cosmology

suggested by the choice of sacrificial victims, their association with the ceremonial center, and

their associated mortuary activities, including possible cannibalism. Social stratification at the

site is suggested by the rich burial of the young male at Circle 3 alongside his possible retainer,

as well as the variation in burial goods, burial architecture, and figurine representations at Los

Guachimontones and other Teuchitlán sites. Human sacrifice, therefore, likely played a role in

increasing lineage-based social stratification and political complexity at Los Guachimontones in

the late Formative.

Conclusion

The skeletal remains at Los Guachimontones are consistent with sacrificial and

cannibalistic practices tied to cosmological elements from Greater Mesoamerica. Ceremonial

practices seen at Los Guachimontones are used to perpetuate the natural cycles of the world,

particularly those of the agricultural season and the human lifespan, and to strengthen the ties

between the human society and the spiritual planes of underworld and sky, including both their
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divine and ancestral populations. Human sacrifice and cannibalism were particularly potent

forms of these ceremonial practices, transferring the divine energy stored in the human body to

the spiritual world and the ceremonial practitioners. These practices were used to promote social

cohesion and legitimize social hierarchy within a stratified, lineage-based political structure at

the site, as well as to charge the monumental architecture with spiritual energy through their

burial within this landscape.

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