GE 2 Readings in Philippine History

TOPICS ACTIVITIES
III. Content and contextual analysis of
selected primary and secondary sources
on traditional Philippine History Reflection Paper
(Continuation) on the Poem

A. Philippines Under the American Regime “ The white Man’s

burden (Apologies to
1. Explain the life of people during the Rudyard Kipling)
American regime
2. Examine the context of life during the The Brown Man's
American Regime Burden‘ is a parody
3. Discuss the contribution of Americans in of
Philippine history ―Kipling's notorious
4. Describe the ways of living during the poem,
American Regime

20pts
QUIZ 20pts
B. Philippines under attack and
Japanese Imperialism

1. Determine the underlying reasons of the

attack.
2. Examine the Philippine situation during
the occupation.
3. Discuss the different events that took
place under Japanese occupation.
4. Describe and explain the impact of
Japanese occupation in the Philippines.

QUIZ 20pts
C. Philippines After World War 2
1. Analyze the challenges faced by the
Philippines after the war.
2. Describe the context of life and the
policies after the war.
3. Discuss the programs and challenges of the
Philippine presidents after the war.
4. Analyze the impact of WW2 to the
Philippine economy and political
leadership.
QUIZ 20pts
D. Contemporary Philippines
1. Analyze the different issues and challenges
in contemporary Philippines
2. Discuss the laws and policies implemented
to cope with the problems of contemporary
Philippines
3. Describe and explain the impact of
different problems in contemporary
Philippines.
QUIZ 20pts
Readings
in
Philippine
Lesson 1. Philippines under the American Regime
History
EXPLORE
Before we proceed to the content or information that would explain the Philippine situation during American Regime, let
us analyze the cartoon below. It was published by The Independent on November 27, 1915. Here, we see the caricature of
Uncle Sam riding a chariot pulled by Filipinos wearing school uniforms. McCoy, in his caption to the said cartoon, says
that this cartoon was based on an event in 1907 when William Howard Taft was brought to the Manila pier riding a chariot
pulled by students of Liceo de Manila. Such was condemned by the nationalists at that time.

[Link] would you describe the American Regime based

EXPLAIN
CHAIN OF EVENTS

Benevolent Assimilation December 21, 1898

Mock Battle of Manila August 13, 1898
Treaty of Paris December 10, 1898

The aforementioned are the events that led to American Regime in the Philippines. If you notice they started from a
conspiracy to a treaty, then to a policy leading to a regime that brought both advantages and disadvantages in the
country.
The Benevolent Assimilation
In the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, it is said the US came “not as invaders or conquerors but as
friends”.
Here is an excerpt from the Benevolent Assimilation of President McKinley.

…it should be the earnest wish

and paramount aim of the military
administration to win the confidence,
respect and affection of the inhabitants
of the Philippines by assuring them in
every possible way that the full
Readings in Philippine History

THE CONTROVERSIES OF FILIPINO-AMERICAN WAR

1. The San Juan Incident

 February 1, 1899- a group of American engineers was arrested by Filipino troops.

 February 2, 1899- General Arthur MacArthur protested the presence of some Filipino soldiers within
American lines.
 February 4, 1899- Private William Grayson shot 2 unarmed Filipino soldiers who crossed into their lines.
The Filipinos answered with rifle dire and the Philippine-American War was on.

2. Bates Treaty Provision

Article 1. The Sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo, and its
dependencies, I declared acknowledged.
Article 2. The United States flag will be used in the Archipelago of Jolo, and its
dependencies, on land and sea.
Article 3. The rights and dignities of his Highness the Sultan, and his Datus, shall be fully
respected; the Moros are not interfered to on account of their religion; all religious
customs are to be respected, and no one is to be prosecuted on
account of his religion.
3. The Death of Antonio Luna
 June 2, 1899- Luna received a telegram asking him to see Aguinaldo at his headquarters in Cabanatuan.
 June 5, 1899- Luna left his headquarters at San Isidro accompanied by a cavalry escort of 16 men. Upon entering
the town, he was accompanied by 2 aides, Col. Francisco Roman and Capt. Eduardo Rusca.
 A captain named Pedrong Kastila hacked Luna with a bolo. He died with more than 40 wounds in his body and
head.
AIMS OF THE AMERICANS IN THE PHILIPPINES

1. Economic Interest
Due to the expanding and growing business in the United States, they need to look for another country where
they could export their products. Moreover, the American would like to use the natural resources of the country
and use these to trade with other Asian countries.
2. The Challenge of Global Politics
The United States would like to be known as one of the powerful countries in the world. Aside from
that, they would like to take advantage of the strategies location of the Philippines in the Pacific for
their military bases.
3. The Interests of Religious Group
The different sects of Protestants, as dominant religion in US had an interest to colonize the archipelago to teach
their religion to the Filipinos. Among them were the Evangelicals, Baptists, Methodists, Lutherans, Adventists,
and some others.

AMERICAN COLONIAL RULE: POLICIES AND GOVERNANCE

THE MILITARY RULE

 After Manila fell into the hands of the Americans, the country was administered by the President of the United
States through the military.

 The military governor exercised wide powers which included the executive, legislative, and judicial.

 The military government introduced the public school system in the Philippines with some soldiers acting as
teachers (Thomasites)

THE SCHURMAN COMMISSION

It conducted an investigation into the condition of the country.
Readings in Philippine History

Recommendations:
 The enforcement of American Sovereignty over the entire Philippines.
 Training for self-government of the Filipinos compatible with the maintenance of order and with a wise, just,
and economical administration of the public.
 Protection of the civil rights of the Filipinos
 Promotion of the welfare of the Filipinos
Here is the report to the US government by the Schurman Commission:

TAFT COMMISSION
…Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn,
the commission believes that the government of the
 It aims to establish a government for the Filipinos and that the steps toward attaining this goal should be in
Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy,
accordance with the customs and traditions of the people;

 Free primary education was to be introduced; and

 English language should be the medium of instruction

RESISTANCE TO TAFT’S POLICY

 Not all provinces of the Philippines were pacified. Guerilla fighting continued and reached its peak in 1899-
1900.
REPRESSIVE LAWS
 Re-concentration Act- provided for the zoning of the inhabitants of a town to have “thieves” and “outlaws.”
The purpose of this law was to discourage the civilian population from supporting the guerillas, and to subject
them to zoning.
 Sedition Law (1901)-provided that any Filipino advocating independence or separation from the US would
be punished severely by death or imprisonment.
 Brigandage Act- was passed providing for severe penalty to those found in the company, or were members,
of armed groups who were stealing carabaos, which were in great shortage due to rinderpest.

THE JONES LAW OF 1916

Here are some of the provisions of the law.
HARE-HAWES-CUTTING LAW
whereas it is, as it has always been, the
 Providedpurpose
that at theofend
the
of apeople
ten-yearofperiod,
the United
to be named as the Commonwealth Period, Philippine
States to withdraw their sovereignty over
Independence would be granted.
the Philippine Islands and recognize their
 Reservation: “retention of the military and other reservations”
independence as a stable government
TYDINGS-MCDUFFIE LAW
 Manuel L. Quezon thought that the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act was not a good law.
Readings in Philippine History
 It was signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on March 24, 1934 with one reservation: “the retention of the
naval reservations and fueling stations”.

…An act to provide for the complete

Due toindependence
the oppressiveof structure of theIsland,
the Philippine society during the American Regime, some Filipino nationalists expressed their
to provide
for theOne
grievances. adoption of was,
of them a constitution and a form
Fidel Alejandro of in his editorial entitles “Mga Ibong Mandaragit” published in the El
Reyes,
government for the island and for other purposes.
Renacimiento.
…Recognition of Philippine Independence and

On the surface of the globe DECLARATION

some were born toOF PRINCIPLES
eat and devour,
The Philippines, iseaten
others to be and devoured.
a republican state. Sovereignty resides in the people and all
Section 1.
government
Now andauthority
then theemanates
latter from
havethem.
Section 2. The defense ofendeavoring
bestirred themselves, the State is a to
prime duty of government, and in the fulfillment of this
rebel
duty all citizens may be required
against an order of things which makes them by law to render personal military or civil
service.
prey and the food of the insatiable voracity of
the [Link]
Section 3. Philippines
At times renounces
they have been war as an instrument of national policy, and adopts
fortunate,
the generally accepted principles
putting to fight the eaters and devourers, but of in
international law as part of the law of the
Nation.
Section 4. The natural right and duty of parents in the rearing of the youth for civic efficiency should
receive the aid and support of the government.

THE 1935 CONSTITUTION AND THE COMMONWELATH

Readings in Philippine History
Section 5. The promotion of social justice to insure the well-being and economic security of all the
people should be the concern of the State.
---Retrieved from: [Link]

ACHIEVEMENTS OF COMMONWEALTH
1. Foreign trade increased
2. Improvement of transportation and communication facilities
3. Establishment of National Economic Council, National Development Company, National food Products
Corporation, and National Rice and Corn Corporations
4. Public Welfare was improved
5. National Relief Administration was established
6. Women Suffrage Law was passed
7. Arts and Literature were encouraged through contests and competitions.

Guide Question:
Rudyard Kipling, a British novelist and poet wrote a poem in February 1899 that
1. Why do we say that there was no autonomy in
advised theU.S.A ―to when
Philippines take up to the
it comes burden of empire, as had Britain and other European
economic
nations. policies
Thisduring
poem titled regime?
the American The Explain
White Man’s Burden: The United States and The
Philippine Islands‘ was published in the McClure’s Magazine and its publication
―coincided with the beginning of the Philippine-American War and U.S. Senate
ratification of the treaty (of Paris) that placed Puerto Rico, Guam, Cuba, and the
Philippines under American control. ([Link], n.d.)

“Take up the White Man's burden - “Take up the White Man's burden -
Send forth the best ye breed - In patience to abide
Go bind your sons to exile To veil the threat of terror
Readings in Philippine History
To serve your captives' need; And check the show of pride;
To wait in heavy harness By open speech and simple,
On fluttered folk and wild - An hundred times made plain,
Your new-caught sullen peoples, To seek another's profit,
Half devil and half child. And work another's gain.

“Take up the White Man's burden -

The savage wars of peace - “Take up the White Man's burden -
Fill full the mouth of famine Ye dare not stoop to less -
And bid the sickness cease; Nor call too loud on Freedom
And when your goal is nearest To cloak your weariness;
The end for others sought, By all ye cry or whisper,
Watch Sloth and heathen Folly By all ye leave or do,
Bring all your hopes to nought. The silent sullen peoples
Shall weigh your Gods and you.
“Take up the White Man's burden -
No tawdry rule of kings, “Take up the White Man's burden -
But toil of serf and sweeper - Have done with childish days -
The tale of common things. The lightly proffered laurel,
The ports ye shall not enter, The easy, ungrudged praise.
The roads ye shall not tread, Comes now, to search your manhood
Go make them with your living, Through all the thankless years,
And mark them with your dead ! Cold-edged with dear-bought wisdom,
The judgement of your peers.
“Take up the White Man's burden -
And reap his old reward,
The blame of those ye better,
The hate of those ye guard -
The cry of hosts ye humour
(Ah slowly !) towards the light:-
"Why brought ye us from bondage,
"Our loved Egyptian night?

Henry Labouchère's ‗The Brown Man's Burden‘ is a parody of ―Kipling's notorious poem,
[which is] offering a view of imperialism. The poem ―offers an indictment of imperial
hypocrisy, with particular emphasis on the violence employed in subjugating countries
like the Philippines in the name of freedom. ([Link], 2020)
Readings in Philippine History

“Pile on the brown man's burden “Pile on the brown man's burden,
To gratify your greed; And if his cry be sore,
Go, clear away the "niggers" That surely need not irk you--
Who progress would impede; Ye've driven slaves before.
Be very stern, for truly Seize on his ports and pastures,
'Tis useless to be mild The fields his people tread;
With new-caught, sullen peoples, Go make from them your living,
Half devil and half child. And mark them with his dead.

“Pile on the brown man's burden; “Pile on the brown man's burden,
And, if ye rouse his hate, And through the world proclaim
Meet his old-fashioned reasons That ye are Freedom's agent--
With Maxims up to date. There's no more paying game!
With shells and dumdum bullets And, should your own past history
A hundred times made plain Straight in your teeth be thrown,
The brown man's loss must ever Retort that independence
Imply the white man's gain. Is good for whites alone.

“Pile on the brown man's burden,

compel him to be free;
Let all your manifestoes
Reek with philanthropy.
And if with heathen folly
He dares your will dispute,
Then, in the name of freedom,
Don't hesitate to shoot.

In the excerpt below, Anongos and Sagandoy

(2019) narrate about the aims of American
education in the Philippines:

In President McKinley‘s instruction to the Taft Commission, he exhorted them to extend

and improve the kind of education started by the US military in the Philippines. The
improvement being considered is a kind of education which shall fit the people for the
duties of citizenship and for the ordinary avocations of civilized community.‘
The duties of citizenship has been interpreted by the Taft Commission to be related to a
Readings in Philippine History
future period of Filipino self-government. In one of the occasions when Governor
General William Taft justified American takeover of the Philippines, he reasons that US
objective is to develop the people into a self-governing people, and, in doing that,
popular education is, in our judgment, the first and most important means‘. US policy
makers assumed as a matter of course‘ that self-government, especially democratic self-
government, can only be realized through an educated population, thus making
education a necessary requirement for the future Philippine independence.

Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr. is more illustrative of how education could support self-
government. He bares that the basic doctrine of American education revolves around
character building‘, without which any self-government is impossible. This entails the
imposition of American values such as democracy, honesty, industry, thrift,
sportsmanship and patriotism. Of the His old habit of running amuck will old greatly
on the football field From the war dance to the cake walk is but a step enumerations,
democracy is the most vital of the American values and Americans emphasized
participation, equality, respect, and fair taxation to put meaning to this value. It is only
when Filipinos become absorbed into these values and transforms their character along
these lines that they could be deemed ready for self-government. It is also only when
the Filipinos go through American education that the transformation would become
possible. The courses of instruction established along the supposed aims are
a 3-year primary grade and increased to 4 some years later, a 3-year intermediate
grade, and a 4-year secondary. The key features based on the Education of Act of 1901
are the use of English as a means of instruction, prohibition of religious instruction,
insertion of physical education, and inclusion of industrial education. English was used
on practical reasons since the official language of the government was English, the
teachers were English speaking, books were written in English, and there was a desire
to impose the colonizer‘s language plus the acquiescence of the Filipinos for a new and
common language. From the very beginning, Education policy makers perceived that
because the country is agricultural the masses must always remain dependent upon the
soil for their maintenance and thus agricultural education became a significant
character of Philippine education during the American rule and beyond. The Bureau of
Education pursued industrial education for three reasons. One is the backward state of
development that the Americans reckoned there was a great need to improve the
homes in terms of cooking, sanitation, care of infants, and to provide the necessary
convenience in the home. Another is the presence of natural resources in land, timber
and minerals that remained untapped, and colonial education wanted to involve the
young Filipinos in the extraction of these resources. The third is what the Americans
saw as a given Filipino capacity for manual dexterity and patience that suit
the nature of industrial work. The Americans also considered the economic
benefits of industrial education in the form of uplifting the standard of living of the
Filipinos. This is achieved through farming, housekeeping, and fabrication of articles
for home use, production of articles which are normally imported from abroad, and
production of export products in commercial quantities for income purposes.
Agriculture is one of the four principal areas of industrial education. The others are
Household industries, Trade Instruction, and
Readings in Philippine History
Housekeeping. These four areas are offered in the intermediate grades even if there are
created specialized schools for each. Of the four fields in industrial education,
agriculture is recognized by the Bureau of Education as the most significant. This
recognition is based on a perceived agricultural potential of the country and the
evaluation that nothing noteworthy was done to exploit it. Agriculture, says the
American Chamber of Commerce, is the ‗paramount industry in the country and
‗upon its volume production rests all other activity…The importance attached to the
agricultural education can be shown in the primary and intermediate programs. Since
the beginning gardening has been offered as an industrial activity in the two levels.
Nurseries were required in all public schools and school ground improvements were in
accordance to agricultural aims. Occasionally, garden days, agricultural fairs and food
campaigns, as well as agricultural extension works are sponsored by public
schools. Educating the non-Christians. ―In the Philippines, the Americans recognized
different ethnic groups but simplified these into the Christians and non-Christians.
During the 1903 Census of the Philippines, categorization of the inhabitants of the
Philippines posed a puzzling question. The anthropologist and head of the Bureau of
Non-Christian Tribes, David Barrows was given that task and conveniently divided the
Filipinos as Christian or civilized tribes ‘and Non-Christians or wild tribes‘. Being a party
in the classification, Dean Worcester, explains that there was difficulty for an
appropriate term for these people. The only characteristic which they
have in common is their refusal to accept the Christian faith, and their
adherence to their ancient religious beliefs… I am therefore forced to employ the term
―non-Christian‖ in designating them although I fully recognize its awkwardness.‘
Although the classification was too simple, temporary, and perhaps convenient, it
became the bases of further categorization and identity formation as well as colonial
policy formation. A bureau called the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was created in
1901 to aid the Philippine Commission on the matters pertaining to these people.
Through the bureau, and with the keen interest of Commissioner Dean Worcester, the
Americans interpreted McKinley‘s instruction in very paternalistic way. In 1903, the
Moro province was created for the non-Christians in Mindanao and in 1908, a
Mountain Province was created for those in Northern Luzon… The creation of special
provinces, like Mountain Province for Igorots, had some economic reasons favoring the
colonizers, but it was the political agenda that appeared to have been more important
at that time. Because the Americans, in their ‗imperial indigenism‘, have determined that
the Igorots were ‗weak, passive, and easily preyed upon by… Christian neighbors‘, such
creation has tucked the Igorots in the safe and protective hands of Americans… The
primary purpose for the education of non-Christians was ‗to bring them up to the same
cultural plane of, and into closer union with, the Christian Filipinos. This is especially
significant given the new approach adopted by the Harrison administration in 1914 that
non-Christians should be integrated to the larger Filipino population instead of being
isolated. The Jones Law of 1916 revived the Bureau of Non- Christian Tribes as an
administrative body, and it was guided by the principle the mutual intelligence
between and complete fusion of all the Christians and non-Christian elements…‘
Integration was understood to be easier when the non-Christians had
Readings in Philippine History
adjusted themselves to the culture of the general population. Education
was decided to be a universalizing tool.

Lesson 2. Philippines under Attack and Japanese Imperialism

1. Determine the underlying reasons of the attack.

2. Examine the Philippine situation during the
occupation.
3. Discuss the different events that took place
under Japanese occupation.

ENGAGE
Before you proceed, try to fill out the 3-2-1 chart below. It would help you to check your prior knowledge about the lesson
and the thing you would still want to know about the lesson.

3- You are going to write your prior knowledge about the lesson.
2- You are going to write the main events that you want to learn about the lesson. 1-
You are going to write what you have learned from the lesson.

3 2 1

EXPLORE
Match Column A with Column B. Write your answer on the space provided before the number.

1. AXIS Power a. President during the attack

2. ALLIED Power b. The leader of Germany during WW2

3. Benito Mussolini c. He declared Manila as “Open City” during the war.

4. Adolf Hitler d. He was the leader of Italy during WW2

5. Manuel Quezon e. His government was considered as “Puppet Republic”

6. Jose P. Laurel f. Japan, Italy, and Russia

7. Douglas McArthur g. Japan, Italy, and Germany

8. Hirohito h. US, Great Britain, and France

i. Leader of Japan

EXPLAIN
THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION
Readings in Philippine History

HOW JAPAN VIEWED THE PHILIPPINES

1. As a place of expansion
2. Source of raw materials
3. Market for their products

 Japanese immigrants to the Philippines were more or less transient visitors.

 As early as 1922, Japanese leaders advocated the takeover of the Philippines. At that time, Japan annexed
Formosa as part of its war indemnity in the war with China in 1884-1895 and earlier colonized Korea in 1910.

THE ROAD TO WAR

(1931)- Annexation of Japan to Manchuria
(1937)-Provoked an undeclared war with China. Japan massacred the inhabitants of Nanjing. (1940)-
Japan allied itself with the axis powers. Japan occupied French Indochina.
 In reaction to the Japanese aggression, the US imposed an embargo on oil an scrap metal exports to Japan. It
also froze Japanese assets in American banks.
 To negotiate with the Americans and lift the economic sanctions, the Japanese sent Saburo Kurusu to negotiate
in US.
 Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere- “Asia is for Asians”.
 The Bombing of Pearl Harbor

In September 1941, during the peak of Axis colonization and expansion in Europe, Japan sent Admiral K. Nomura to the
United States. The American thought that it was an expression of intention for peace. However, they were suddenly
startled on December 07, 1941, when the Japanese jet fighter attacked the Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. The attacked was
blitzkrieg leading to the death of 2, 897 American soldiers.
Due to the bombing, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt urged the congress to declare a war against Japan. Just few
hours had past, the US congress had formally declared a war against Japan. Since the Philippines was a colony of US, it
was also implicated in the war.
JAPAN ATTACKED THE PHILIPPINES
Just few hours past after the attack on Pearl Harbor, the Japanese also attacked the Philippines. The Japanese first
attacked Olongapo, Davao, Baguio, Aparri, and other places in the country. After a week, the Japanese also attacked
Manila, thus on December 26, 1941, Douglas MacArthur declared Manila as an “Open City” to avoid attacks and
devastation. Nevertheless, Manila was almost devastated because of US and Japan bombing retaliation.
Due to the aggressiveness of the Japanese, Manila fell into their hands on January 2, 1942. In the light of this, MacArthur
decided to consolidate his men and moved to Bataan as their last line of defense. Manuel L. Quezon, who, had been
elected for the second term as the President of Commonwealth also moved to Bataan to save his government.
Unfortunately, he became sick thus President Franklin Delano Roosevelt advised him to go to Australia.
On February 22, 1942, Quezon and his family along with some of his cabinet members left the country to Australia. It
was Jorge Vargas and Jose Laurel who were tasked to talk with the Japanese. Douglas MacArthur also left the country to
Australia and assigned Jonathan Wainwright and other Filipino and American soldiers to defend Bataan—their last line of
defense.
JAPANESE MILTARY GOVERNMENT
The Japanese established a military government in the Philippines which is composed of different agencies that will
ensure the peace and order in the country. In January 21, 1943, Hideki Tojo the Premier of Japan announced the
establishment of the Republic of the Philippines because of the cooperation of the Filipinos to the Japanese government.
Jose P. Laurel was appointed as the president of the second republic.
Readings in Philippine History
ECONOMY
The destruction brought by the war resulted to the decrease of the products that led to the rapid inflation and devaluation.
The shortage in food supply led to the government to create agencies like BIBA (Bigasang Bayan) to administer the food
distribution and NADISCO but because of the confiscation of food supplies of the Japanese soldiers the efforts of the
government proved to be not enough.
SOCIETY
To teach the Filipino discipline, the Japanese government taught them an exercise that they will perform every time they
hear the music Radio Taiso. Every morning and late afternoon the Radio Taiso will be heard in the country so the
Filipinos should perform the exercise to show their obedience to the Japanese officials and who will not follow will be
punished by the Japanese soldiers. The Filipinos created their own defense against the Japanese, the Hukbalahap or the
Hukbong Bayan Laban sa mga Hapones is one the armed groups composed of the majority Filipino farmers in Central
Luzon headed by Luis Taruc.
Life was indeed very hard as massive hunger surfaced brought forth by the lack of employment and economic activity and
while food is being shipped from Japan, a great majority of this used to feed the multitude of Japanese Imperial army.
Widespread looting and robbery occurred as some stores were ransacked by people who became desperate money to feed
their families. The Mickey Mouse money is almost a useless inflation ridden money. People also became distrustful and
skeptic of one another for fear of being tagged as an American sympathizer by the MAKAPILI and ordered executed.
DEATH MARCH
One of the veterans in the Battle of Bataan was Captain Jose P. Javier. In his book, “A Century’s Journey”, he
remembered some important events at that time. Here is some of the part of his work:

Our troops dug in and fought from their

foxholes. Our cannons fired continuously day
andthe
night. But the Japanese couldWilliam
not be E. Dyess, a survivor of the Bataan
In excerpt below, Lt. Col.
stopped. Their advance could only be delayed.
Death March
narrates his from
News experience as a prisoner
the US received by the of war (POW). His account was published in
clandestine
February radio reported that reinforcements
5, 1944 in The Atlanta Constitution.
promised by President Roosevelt were on their

SUN TORTURE. Eventually the road became so crowded we were marched into a
clearing. Here, for two hours, we had our first taste of the oriental sun treatment,
which drains the stamina and weakens the spirit. The Japs seated us on the scorching
ground,
Guide Question:
Readings in Philippine History
exposed to the full glare of the sun. Many of the Americans and Filipinos had no
covering to protect their heads. I was beside a small bush, but it cast no shade because
the sun was almost directly above us. Many of the men around me were ill. When I
thought I could stand the penetrating heat no longer, I was determined to have a sip of
the tepid water in my canteen. I had no more than unscrewed the top when the
aluminum flask was snatched from my hands. The Jap who had crept up behind me
poured the water in a horse‘s nose-bag, then he threw away the canteen. He walked on
among the prisoners taking away their water and pouring it into the bag. When he had
enough he gave it to his horse. SQUAD JAP GRINS. Whether by accident or design we
had been put just across the road from a pile of canned and boxed food. We were
famished, but it seemed worse than useless to ask the Japs for anything. An elderly
American colonel did, however. He crossed the road and after pointing to the food and
to the drooping prisoners, he went through the motions of eating. A squad Jap officer
grinned at him and picked up a can of salmon. Then he smashed it against the colonel‘s
head, opening the American‘s cheek from eye to jawbone. The officer staggered and
turned back toward us, wiping the blood off. It seemed as though Japs had been
waiting for just such a brutal display to end the scene. They ordered us to our feet and
herded us back into the road. FEROCITY GROWS. We knew now the Japs would
respect neither age nor rank. Their ferocity grew as we marched on into the afternoon.
They no longer were content with mauling stragglers or picking them with bayonet
points. The thrusts were intended to kill. We had marched about a mile after the sun
treatment when stumbled over a man writhing in the hot dust of the road. He was a
Filipino soldier who had been bayoneted through the stomach. Within a quarter of a
mile I walked past another. This solider prisoner had been rolled into the path of
trucks and crushed beneath the heavy wheels…THIRST UNBEARABLE. The thirst of all
had become almost unbearable…A Jap officer walked along just after the thirsty soldier
had been beaten. He appeared surprised that we wanted water. However, he
permitted several Americans to collect canteens for their comrades and fill them at a
stagnant caribou wallow which had been additionally befouled by seeping sea water.
We held our noses to shut out the nauseating reek, but we drank all the water we
could get. At dawn of the second day the impatient Japs stepped among and upon us,
kicking us into wakefulness. We were hollow eyed and as exhausted as we had been
when we went to sleep. As we stumbled into the road we passed a Jap officer who as
eating meat and rice…The rising sun cast its blinding light into our eyes as we marched.
The temperature rose by the minute. Noon came and went. The midday heat was
searing. At 1 p.m. the column was halted and Japs told American and Filipino
soldiers they might fill their canteens from a dirty puddle beside the road.
There was no food. KNOCKED SENSELESS. During the afternoon traffic picked up
again. Troop laden trucks sped past us. A grimacing Jap leaned far out, holding his
rifle by the barrel. As the truck roared by he knocked an America soldier senseless with
the gun‘s stock. Other Japs saw this and yelled. From now on we kept out of reach if
we could. Several more
Readings in Philippine History
American and Filipino prisoners were struck down. At 2 p.m. we were told it would
be necessary to segregate the prisoners as to rank…This separated all units from their
officers and afforded opportunity for another hour of sun treatment. There was no
mention of food. WALKING IS AGONY. Our guards had been increased for the night
march and rigid discipline was imposed. We were formed into columns of four… [We]
were forced to walk practically at double quick to keep up… The change of gait so
cramped our leg muscles that walking was agony. Many prisoners began falling out
now. They went down by twos and threes, some of them trying to rise. They were
moaning. Others lay lifelessly in the road. I observed that the guards paid no attention
to the fallen ones, and wondered why. I soon had an explanation. There came the
sharp crackle of rifle fire behind us. Bringing up the rear of our contingent skulked a
cleanup squad of murdering Jap buzzards. The American and Filipino soldiers who
had fallen were sprawled darkly against the white of the road. Members of the murder
squad stooped over each huddled form…The bodies were left where they lay, that other
prisoners who are marching behind us may see them. Orange flashes and thudding
shots followed us through the night, always just a few paces
behind.‖ (p. 3)
In the excerpt that follows, Ricardo G. Hechanova (2003), another survivor of the
Bataan Death March recounts his experience in the prison camp in Camp O’Donnell,
Capas Tarlac. Hechanova was a technical sergeant of the 2nd Infantry Regiment, 1 st
Regular Division, of the Philippine army.

Burial Grounds. I was prisoner of war, in the Camp O’Donnell Japanese

concentration camp in Capas, Tarlac. I was assigned to the GR & BS—Grave
Registration and Burial Service—a gruesome assignment of which I was the
officer in charge. I had to lay out plots to be dug and to give the picks and shovels
to a company of POWs, and to keep a registry of the burials. Because of illness,
malnutrition and extreme stress, hundreds of POW‘s had to be buried daily at a
pace faster than the diggers could dig. Some of them, perhaps, were willing to die
if only to free themselves from the agony of hunger, disease, despair and the
cruelties of the Japanese Imperial Army. The year was 1942. The helplessness of
the men was the most dreadful part, the feeling of absolute impotence in the face
of evil, making the emotional texture of warfare vastly different from that of
prisoner-hood. Not being able to strike back or take action to save oneself or one‘s
comrades, not being able to pick up a weapon, was a terrible feeling. I could only
watch when, for instance, a Japanese soldier pressed the muzzle of his rifle to the
forehead of a prisoner who was pleading for mercy and was shouting at the top
of his voice; one shot was all that was needed to keep the POW quiet.
Camp O’Donnell had been a training ground for the Philippine Army. It was
designed to accommodate no more than 9, 000 people. By the time the prisoners
Readings in Philippine History
who survived the infamous death march entered its gates, O’Donell’s population
swelled to 50, 000 Filipino and American POWs. Each barrack designed for 50
men was crammed with more than a hundred. It was a place for men to go
to die. Job and those of five others was to lay out the plots for the digging detail
to excavate, then for us in the team to bury the dead into the many 6 by 12 foot
holes. My count of the dead we buried in the biggest of the three burial grounds
was 25, 384; there were about 6, 000 Filipinos and 4, 000 Americans in the other
two cemeteries. Burial was the camp‘s main activity. Disease was the real enemy,
killing the POWs and sapping our morale. The daily toll was indeed tragic but for
most of the prisoners, the desire to live was very strong.
Body Count. The burial crew had to be careful when handling the dead,
particularly the bodies of those who died from wet beriberi. The feet, legs, hands
and testicles would hideously swell, and the patient would drown in his own
pus. If we were not careful, the body would burst on us. Once I lifted a body by
grasping the hands; the body slid into the grave but left part of the skin in my
grasp. We buried the dead sardines-style, and covered the pile with a thin cover
of earth, thus leaving room for the next day‘s batch of dead. In some of the holes, a
hand or leg would protrude out of the covered pile, only to disappear the
following day after the dogs had eaten the carcass. When the monsoon rains
came, the holes would fill up with water and the bloated dead would arise to the
surface. Once, a POW whom we buried ―woke‖ up after a light rainfall. He came
to me in my shack, crying. The cold shower had awakened him. The following
day we buried him again. Of course, the second time around, we had to be
sure that he was really dead. Camp O‘Donell was more of an incubatorium for
disease rather than a prison. Pathogens spread from men to insect to beast to feces
and to men again. Disease was the real enemy: disease that modern medicine had
long since learned to cure were killing the POWs by hundreds or even more.
Diseases due to lack of vitamins, bad hygiene, malaria, typhoid and dysentery.
The worst of malarial cases was the cerebral malaria. A victim would froth at the
mouth and shout at the top of his voice. I had my malarial attacks, which
occurred daily. I would be feverish and the chill would last about 10 minutes. My
joints and elbows would sort of rattle. My friends would wrap me in layers of
blankets. I would smile a little after the attack. O‘Donell was a bedlam of delirious
people clinging to dear life, praying, cursing, and wondering how long the
scourge would last.(pp.A1,A17)
Readings in Philippine History

Lesson 3. Philippines After World War 2

1. Analyze the challenges faced by the

Philippines after the war.
2. Describe the context of life and the policies
after the war.
3. Discuss the programs and challenges of the

ENGAGE
Write down the Philippine Presidents after world war two until 1992.

1.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.
Readings in Philippine History
9.

EXPLORE

EXPLAIN
From the Official Gazette, the official journal of the Republic of the Philippines, we can
read this introduction about the Third Philippine Republic:

The Third Republic of the Philippines was inaugurated on July 4, 1946. It marked the
culmination of the peaceful campaign for Philippine Independence—the two
landmarks of which were the enactment of the Jones Law in 1916 (in which the U.S.
Congress pledged independence for the Philippines once Filipinos have proven their
capability for (self-government) and the Philippine Independence Act of 1934
(popularly known as Tydings McDuffie) which put in place a ten-year transition period
during which the Philippines had Commonwealth status. The Third Republic also
marked the recognition by the global community of nations, of the nationhood of the
Philippines—a process that began when the Commonwealth of the Philippines joined
the Anti-Axis Alliance known as the United Nations on June 14, 1942, receiving
recognition as an Allied nation even before independence. Thus, the inauguration of
the Third Republic marked the fulfillment of the long struggle for independence that
began with the Philippine Revolution on August 23, 1896 (recent scholarship suggests,
on August 24) and which was formalized on June 12, 1898 with the Proclamation of
Philippine Independence at Kawit, Cavite. From 1946 to 1961, Independence Day was
celebrated on July 4. On May 12, 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal issued
Proclamation No. 28, s. 1962, which declared June 12 as Independence Day. In 1964,
Congress passed Republic Act No. 4166, which formally designated June 12 of every
year as the date on which we celebrate Philippine independence.‖ (―Third Republic,
n.d., par. 1-3)
Readings in Philippine History

The Official Gazette further narrates a brief history of the 1935 Constitution, which
served as the legal basis of the Third Philippine Republic from 1946 to 1973:

In 1934, the United States Congress passed the Philippine Independence Act, which
set the parameters for the creation of a constitution for the Philippines. The Act
mandated the Philippine Legislature to call for an election of delegates to a
Constitutional Convention to draft a Constitution for the Philippines. The 1934
Constitutional Convention finished its work on February 8, 1935. The Constitution was
submitted to the President of the United States for certification on March 25, 1935. It
was in accordance with the Philippine Independence Act of 1934. The 1935 Constitution
was ratified by the Filipino people through a national plebiscite, on May 14, 1935 and
came into full force and effect on November 15, 1935 with the inauguration of the
Commonwealth of the Philippines. Among its provisions was that it would remain the
constitution of the Republic of the Philippines once independence was granted on
July 4, 1946.
―In 1940, the 1935 Constitution was amended by the National Assembly of the
Philippines. The legislature was changed from a unicameral assembly to a bicameral
congress. The amendment also changed the term limit of the President of the
Philippines from six years with no reelection to four years with a possibility of being
reelected for a second term. During World War II the Japanese-sponsored government
nullified the 1935 Constitution and appointed Preparatory Committee on Philippine
Independence to replace it. The 1943 Constitution was used by the Second Republic
with Jose P. Laurel as President. Upon the liberation of the Philippines in 1945, the 1935
Constitution came back into effect. The Constitution remained unaltered until 1947
when the Philippine Congress called for its amendment through Commonwealth Act
No. 733. On March 11, 1947 the Parity amendment gave United States citizens equal
rights with Filipino citizens to develop natural resources in the country and operate
public utilities. The Constitution, thereafter, remained the same until the declaration of
martial law on September 23, 1972.‖ (―Constitution Day,‖ n.d., par. 3-6)

The Third Republic

After the restoration of the Commonwealth government, President Sergio Osmena headed the reopening of the congress
in June of 1945 together with Mauel Roxas as the president of the senate and Jose Zulueta as the speaker of the house.
However, in the 1946 elections, Roxas together with the new breed of politicians founded another political party-- Liberal
party against the Nacionalista Party of Sergio Osmena. Manuel Roxas won as the last president of the Commonwealth and
the first president of the Third Republic in the national election held in May 28, 1946.
Manuel A. Roxas (May 28, 1946 - April 15, 1948)
Programs and Challenges
The Roxas administration allocated the 300 million dollars that the Philippine government received form the United
States of America in accordance to War Damage Act for the reconstruction and established the Rehabilitation Finance
Corporation to administer the reconstruction. In return to the budget that he received from the United States he signed the
bell trade act which allow the free entrance of the products of the US to the country without quota and tariff, the parity
rights which grant the equal rights to the Americans like the
Readings in Philippine History
For BSU use only

Filipino in the utilization of the natural resources of the Philippines and the Military Base Agreement which grants the
United States the right to establish military bases in the Philippines in exchange with the military aide.
The agriculture became also one of the priorities of the government, in doing so the congress passed the Agricultural
Tenancy Act which mandates the fair division of the products to the Land lord and the tenant. He also created a five-year
development plan that will establish five industrial centers in different parts of the country however his programs did not
materialize because he died of heart attack on April 15, 1948, and his vice president Elpidio Quirino succeeded him.
His leadership experiences a lot of struggles because of the Second World War. Upon his election, he needs to solve the
issue regarding the collaboration of the high officials of the Commonwealth government to the Japanese, the rebellion of
Luis Taruc, the leader of the Hukbalahap because of the discrimination that he had experienced in running the Philippine
congress and the dependency of Philippine economy to the US because of the various treaties that he needed to sign
before he could get the financial aid.
Elpidio R. Quirino (April 15, 1948-December 30, 1953)
Programs and Challenges
He prioritizes agriculture and the industry to stabilize the economy. On June 15, 1949, he created the Central Bank to
stabilize the currency. He continues the land reform program to help the farmers and expanded the irrigation system to
increase the agricultural products and constructed roads and bridges to foster the trading between provinces. In the
industry, he signed the Magna Carta of Labor and the Minimum Wage Law.
The effects dependency of the Philippine economy to the United States was tried to hamper by Quirino thru his import
control. He also worked for the establishment and growth for the Foreign Service. He offered amnesty to the members of
Hukbalahap but because of the assassination of Aurora Quezon, the widow of Manuel L. Quezon and his daughter, the
program did not succeed.
The Quirino administration faced the continues rebellion of Hukbalahap, the dependency of the Philippine economy to the
United States because of the various treaties and the conflict brought by the rivalry between the Nacionalista and Liberal
Party.
Ramon D. Magsaysay (December 30, 1953-March 17, 1957)
Programs and Challenges
The projects of the Magsaysay administration were centered to the farmers, he established the Court of Agrarian relations
to decide on the tenancy disputes, the NARRA (National Resettlement and Rehabilitation to help the landless farmers for
their resettlement. To fulfill the promise to the provinces, he allotted budget for the construction of roads, bridges,
additional irrigations and deep well in the provinces.
First time in the history of Malacanang, he opens the palace for the public and for a long time of negotiations, Japan
agreed to pay $550, 000,000 for the damages that they made in the country during the war. In his administration, Luis
Taruc surrender to the government with the help of Benigno Aquino Jr. He was not able to continue most of his projects
because he died in a plane crash on March 17, 1957, in Manungal Cebu.
Like the previous presidents, ha was accused as a Pro-American because his foreign policies are in line with the US
policies such as the signing in the agreement against the spread of communism in South East Asia (SEATO). And the
issue to his betrayal to the trust given by Benigno Aquino Jr. that the surrender of Luis Taruc will be considered as the
return to the government of Taruc. The verdict to Luis Taruc contributed to the distrust of the other members of the
Hukbalahap to the government
Carlos P. Garcia (March 17, 1957-December 30, 1961)
Programs and Challenges
Carlos P. Garcia assumed the responsibility of the president on March 17, 1957 due to the death of President Ramon
Magsaysay and then in November 12, 1957 he won as the president under the Nacionalista party with Diosdado Macapagal
as his Vice president from the Liberal party.
Readings in Philippine History
The Garcia administration is known for the Filipino First Policy which aimed to strengthen the role of the local producers
in the Philippine market by the encouraging the Filipino to buy the locally made products and to control the exchange of
foreign currencies. He also encouraged the Filipino business community to invest in the industry by giving them incentives
and protection against competition. To solve the crisis regarding the national budget, he imposed the austerity program
which aimed to cut-off the expenditure of the government and he also worked for the war damage cost that the United
States had not yet granted to the Philippines.
The Anti-American policies of Garcia were utilized by his opponents to campaign against his administration. His
opponents accused him of corruption because under his administration the government purchased a private plane and other
transportation even though it is essential to the functions of the government because this will violate his austerity program.
Diosdado P. Macapagal (December 30, 1961-December 30, 1965)
Programs and Challenges
The poor farmer from Lubao Pampanga was able to make his own way to politics because in his profession as a lawyer. He
was the first president of the Philippine lawyer.
As a former farmer, Diosdado Macapagal aimed for the advancement of the agricultural workers so he signed the
Agricultural Land Reform code which aimed to give land to the landless but because of the lack of funds and influence of
the landlords the program did not succeed. He also launched a Five Year socioeconomic program to stimulate the different
sectors of the society. In foreign relations, he proposed the creation of the organization among the countries in the South
East Asia, like the MAPHILINDO and negotiates with Malaysia regarding the rights of the Philippines to Sabah. He also
transferred the celebration of the Philippine Independence from the July 4 (the independence given by the Americans) to
June 12, (the independence declared by Emilio Aguinaldo).
Ferdinand E. Marcos (December 30, 1965-Febuary 25, 1986)
Programs and Challenges
Ferdinand Marcos is one of the most brilliant leaders of the Philippines. Bearing the slogan “This Nation Will Be Great
Again”, he was able to defeat Macapagal and elected as the fifth president of the Third Republic and the only president of
the Fourth Republic.
In the first year of his administration, he faced the problem regarding the national budget because the funds in the National
Treasury is not sufficient for the various projects in education, health, defense, social welfare and in fractures. To solve the
problem regarding the budget, Marcos seeks that help from IMF (International Monetary Fund) and WB (World Bank). To
ensure the payments for the obligation in the said financial agencies, he imposed new taxes and method for the tax
collection.
The Marcos administration developed the infrastructure in the country thru building roads and bridges that could enhance
transportation of products from different parts of the Philippines. Miracle rice was launched to increase the production of
rice. Education is also prioritized by the building of schools in the rural areas. The different infrastructure projects of
Marcos required a lot of funds because of this the foreign debt of the country doubled.
In agriculture, he signed the Presidential Decree 27 of the Agricultural Land Reform Program which aim the distribution of
lands to the landless farmers and in line with the diplomatic relations, Marcos together the with other leaders of South East
Asian countries created the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) on August 8, 1967 to foster diplomatic
relationship in the region and to strengthen the Economic interactions among the members.
In 1966, there are successive internal problems regarding securities and rebellion that the Marcos administration
experienced. The resistance group had a constant rally against the government because of devaluation of peso and the
human rights violations. However, he managed to win in the 1969 presidential election.
In 1971, the student activists held their rallies in Malacanang and in Mendiola. In August 21, 1971 in the Miti de Avance
of the Liberal Party a mysterious bombing incident occurred which resulted to the injury of the hundreds of individuals and
political candidates of Liberal party including Jovito Salonga.
Readings in Philippine History
PRELUDE TO MARTIAL LAW: The FQS of 1970 was the Filipino people‘s uprising against
late dictator Ferdinand Marcos. It was the peak of arousing, organizing, and mobilizing
ever since Kabataang Makabayan was established in 1964. On January 30, 1970 more
than ten thousand youth, students, workers, and peasants stormed the Malacanang
Palace to demand an end to imperialist and anti-people policies.‖ (College Editors Guild
of the Philippines, 2018, par. 2) Rodel Rodis (2015) of [Link], in his reminiscence of
the First Quarter Storm of 1970 (January-March), gives us a glimpse of the anti-Marcos
rally.

January 26, 1970 was the opening day of the Philippine Congress and a newly reelected
Marcos was set to deliver his version of the State of the Nation. But outside the
Congress, various student groups had also planned to deliver our version of the true
state of the nation in a mass rally jointly sponsored by the ―moderates‖ led by Edgar
―Edjop‖ Jopson, president of the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP)
and the ―radicals‖ led by chairman Fernando ―Jerry‖ Barican of the University of the
Philippines (UP) Student Council. In the days that followed, indignation rallies
denouncing police brutality were held in campuses throughout Metro Manila
culminating in the January 30 March to Malacanang from Plaza Miranda through the
Mendiola Bridge. By nightfall, thousands of students surrounded the heavily fortified
palace when suddenly the lights were shut off. The Metrocom riot police retreated into
the night, replaced with battle- hardened army soldiers armed with high-powered
Armalite rifles out to quell a rebellion. Before that long, dark bloody night was over,
four students lay dead, scores paralyzed, and hundreds maimed from gunshot
wounds… After the January 30 siege of Malacanang, the student groups formed a
coalition, the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP), to coordinate
the demonstrations and rallies. For the next three months, there would be
protest demonstrations, rallies, and ‗people‘s marches‘ that all came to be called The First
Quarter Storm, which Nelson Navarro described as ‗that cathartic student revolt in the
first months of 1970 that shook the nation with its intense and all-encompassing life-
changing experience.‘‖ (par. 2-6) Gemma Cruz Araneta (1970) of the Graphic Magazine
writes about those fateful days of the 1970s.
A climactic moment came unexpectedly during the second mammoth demonstration
on the night of 18 February at Plaza Miranda. A labour leader started his speech with
an exposé. Another labour group was allegedly given two million pesos by the CIA.
Immediately, a sizeable sector of the crowd reacted noisily. There was a commotion
which threatened to get out of hand as no one could tell whether they were crying for
blood or were simply offended by allusions. The leaders on the platform pleaded for
sobriety and, speaking in the vernacular, they reminded their companions that the
struggle is far from being over and that we should all first study the issues before
contemplating drastic action. “’Mag-aral muna tayo!’ cried the leaders and twice the
National Anthem had to be played to restrain the crowd and cool tempers. The leaders
also warned against provocateurs, falling into their vicious traps and destroying the
Readings in Philippine History
beautiful and peaceful union already formed. The pleas did not fall on deaf ears
because even if the group left Plaza Miranda, no unnecessary violence ensued. Verily,
the student demonstrations are the best things that have happened since the cry of
Pugad Lawin. Emulating the examples of the heroes of our Revolution, the students
have shaken the nation out of its lethargy by informing the masses about the causes of
economic dependence and the perpetuation of a corrupt and undemocratic social
structure. The students are undoubtedly well-informed as they can see through the
superficial, the symptoms and analyze the real causes of our problems, Soon, when the
oppressed farmers, the exploited laborers and factory workers, the deluded masses see
the advantage to nationalize strategic industries, make workers members of
corporations and tenants owners of the land they till, then we can be assured of a future
with social justice where the fruits of labor are distributed equitably. Call it Congress of
the People or Parliament of the Streets, the attempt to conduct nationwide ―teach-ins‖
among peoples from all walks of life is historically and socially
significant. The Vigilantes who are safeguarding democratic processes in lawmaking
bodies and government corporations have really forced our elders to be more conscious
of public good rather than self-interest. Frankly, to say that the students are
demonstrating because they lack love (First Lady, Daily Mirror, 17 February) is to over-
simplify matters. The student leaders at Plaza Miranda never for a moment sounded
like love-starved delinquents hungry for parental affection and attention. But there is
another way of looking at it. Perhaps parents do not love their children enough. If they
did, then they themselves would have demonstrated in their youth, formed
parliaments of the streets and vigilantes groups. Had they not allowed themselves to be
deluded by imperialist propaganda like Taft‘s Philippines for the Filipinos‖ or
McKinley‘s visions; had they remained idealistic like their grandfathers who fought the
Revolution, then their children would not have to demonstrate today. The social cancer
would not have festered and Rizal, as one writer so aptly put it, would have long been
obsolete. Some people have the most shocking attitude about what is going
on. Those who have fled in panic are ludicrous and those who speak with
contempt, calling demonstrators, rioters (remember the word insurrectos, tulisanes,
rebels?) are disgusting. Others have become nervous wrecks because of what
everything has done to the stock market and the thought of losing their worldly
possessions and privileges must have shattered them. Fear has made people resort to
hurried charity projects thinking that alms are an adequate substitute for social justice.
The callously apathetic — like that Blue Lady at a recent gathering — would rather not
think about it and leave everything to the military. In another era, she probably
would have said, ―let them eat cake.‖ When all is said and done — or in the
unfortunate event that not enough was done, the student revolution will always be
considered a blessing and a significant step toward enlightening the nation.
Readings in Philippine History
Ernesto M. Macatuno (1970) writes about the ―fronts involved in the First Quarter
Storm in his column in The Sunday Times Magazine.
Hours after the bloody January 30 demonstration, President Marcos was reported to
ponder in his study in Malacañang the explosive situation in the schools and streets.
One would presume that in assessing the situation, the President could have asked:
‗Who are our enemies? For it was quite obvious that whoever fomented the violence
that turned the demonstration into a riot, was no friend of the President and the
government. whatever the group, as it could only be presumed to be the working of not
one, not a few but quite a number of inciting persons, the students into violence and
later into frontal clash with the police and military, highlighted by an actual assault on
Malacañang itself, was, call it by any name, a pure act subversion. Viewing thus the
damage wrought on Malacañang after it had been cleared of the student demonstrators,
the President, had he said this to be an act of the enemy of the state, had ample reason
to say so. So that President Marcos, going on TV the day after the January 30
demo, told the people that the demo was ‗a revolt by local Maoist communists whose
immediate objective was the takeover or destruction of Malacañang ‘So there it was: The
Maoists, as usual, caused it all. But did they? Or were they alone? Had this been the
case, the problem of the government could have been greatly simplified. The cause or
root of the problem the so-called Maoists— having been pinpointed, it was but a matter
of small recourse to have them isolated. But, as days went by and tension mounted, the
government found out that the cause of the violence that attended the January demos
was not, could not be, the sole handiwork of the homegrown Maoist communists. As it
was, everybody wanted to get into the act, so to speak. Not only
the homegrown Maoists, but also other sectors, other groups used, exploited, rode on
the wave of student unrest so that their aims which are noble and otherwise, could be
heard and listened to and acted on by Malacañang. On one side was a demand from the
government that it take measures for a non-partisan (which eventually had to include a
non-sectarian) Constitutional Convention. This product of exasperation over the
excessive politicking in the government, by itself, could not have caused the
conflagration that were the demos. But such a demand, using the
student demonstrations as forum, had, taken at such a time when other groups, for
reasons of their own, were also exploiting these student demonstrations, added fuel to
the fire that almost gobbled up Malacañang.
On another side were the Americans and their vested interests in the country that have
to be protected from the onslaughts of Philippine nationalism. By adding fuel to the
student unrest with its resultant tension, anxiety and probable anarchy, these interests
could weaken the position of the government and, among other things, parley
concessions from it. Although this has not been officially confirmed and probably will
never be officially confirmed by the government, such American participation in the
student demos was alluded to by President Marcos himself when he said that, aside
from
Readings in Philippine History
the usual scapegoats — the Maoists— there also were ‗noncommunist‘ groups exploiting
this explosive situation. The student groups were quick to follow the President‘s
statement on this ‗noncommunist threat‘to the government. They even went further. As
one student leader, Fernando T. Barican, president of the UP Student Council, said in
effect, ‗the Americans want to use the student unrest to topple down Marcos and
institute a military junta government similar to the juntas in Indonesia, Korea, Vietnam,
Latin American and elsewhere. ‘With the exposure of the Rightist involvement in the
demos, the role of the military in the country became of great concern. Whatever it
would do in this period was more worrisome than the threat from the Left. The military
was unhesitating on where its loyalty lay. The sentiment of the military was
voiced out by Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen. Manual Yan who said, ‗We are sworn to
uphold the constitution. We shall resist every move to subvert the government whether
that move would come from the Right or the Left.‘
Having been assured that he could count on this strong counterrevolutionary force to
defend the government, President Marcos declared that things since the January 30
demo
‗had gone back to normal.‘ But again, rumors floated that the military itself is not that
solid, that it is permeated with officers of dubious loyalty because of their reported
attachment to foreign groups like the CIA. Again, it was Gen. Yan who, although
professing no knowledge of this, made assurances that ‗any officer found to be working
for any Rightist subversive group shall be severely dealt with.‘ On the other front,
reports continue to mount that the military arm of the Left has been
gathering forces, and that the Huks in Tarlac and Pampanga were ready to go down to
Manila and agitate the student demonstrators to commit widespread violence.
‘The military is taking a close look at the Huk activities,‘ Gen Yan said. ‗The subversive
elements have been identified…‘but will not be publicly known for reasons of security.
Assuring further the populace that all is under control and that the rumors on
subversion probably result from merely a bad case of jitters, Gen. Yan said: ‗Rest
assured that (as of this writing) the government is prepared to cope with these sorts of
crises and national emergencies like the student unrest and Red infiltration, all
cropping up at the same time… ‘So be it.
Martial Law Years
After the declaration of Martial Law, on January 17, 1973, the new constitution transformed the government from Presidential to
Parliamentary form. The congress is locked, educational institution and the mass media were closed for the reorientation of the
community towards the new society. The members of the Congress who were removed from their positions became the critics of
Marcos and among those senators, Benigno Aquino was one of the most prominent and because of that, he was imprisoned for a long
period, he was allowed to go to US for his bypass operation.

The revolution from the center is one pf the propaganda used by the Marcos regime in order to gain the trust of the people. Under his
various Presidential Decrees, he ordered for the reorganization of the bureaucracy in the government, the land reform that will allow
the tenant of farmer to gain land, the creation of NEDA (National Development Authority) to oversee and plan for the economic
programs needed by the country. However, like his previous projects the needed reform to attain the objectives of the new society
requires a lot of budget e.g. the nuclear power plant in Bataan. Aside from the amount of the projects, corruption in the government is
rampant.

EDSA Revolution 1
Readings in Philippine History
Due to the rampant cheating in elections (vote buying, confiscations of ballot boxes and using threats to the voters) and
long duration of the conjugal dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos made the military to withdraw their support to
the Marcos administration.
The military armed with weapons and tank face the millions of Filipino but instead a fear, the people show their dedication
and courage to fight against the dictatorship. The priest, nuns and other Filipinos lie in the ground to avoid the tank in
entering their vicinity. In five days, Corazon Aquino became the president of the Philippines as Ferdinand Marcos together
with his family traveled to Hawaii following the voluntary exile recommended by US government.

In the Official Gazette (n.d.), this we can read:

During those momentous four days of February 1986, millions of Filipinos, along
Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Metro Manila, and in cities all over the
country, showed exemplary courage and stood against, and peacefully
overthrew, the dictatorial regime of President Ferdinand E. Marcos. More than a
defiant show of unity—markedly,against a totalitarian rule that had time and
again proven that it would readily use brute force against any and all dissenters
—People Power was a reclaiming of liberties long denied.‖ (―A history of the
Philippine political protest,” par.1)
PRELUDE TO THE 1986 EDSA REVOLUTION. Below is a chronology of selected events
leading to the 1986 EDSA Revolution penned by Angela Stuart-Santiago (n.d.) of
[Link] [viewed from Marcos‘s men who turned their back against the
president].

1981. Early in the year, amid preparations for Pope John Paul II's first visit to the
Philippines, Marcos lifted martial law but retained extra-legal powers. Midyear,
he was reelected to a six-year term, defeating Alejo Santos and Bartolome
Cabangbang. He appointed Fabian Ver [head of the National Intelligence and
Security Agency (NISA) and the Presidential Security Command (PSC)] chief of
staff of the Armed Forces, bypassing Lieutenant General Fidel V. Ramos.
1982. In July, Enrile received reports of plans to eliminate him and the "MND
(Ministry of National Defense) boys." To protect themselves, Enrile's chief
security aide, Lieutenant Colonel Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan, with four others
founded the AFP Reform Movement, later known as the RAM. With Enrile's
blessings, Honasan started building up their armory and expanding their base.

1983. In July, Marcos turned down offers by Enrile and Ramos to resign. On
August 7, Marcos underwent surgery for a renal transplant. Acute rejection
occurred; the transplanted kidney was removed forty-eight hours later. On
August 21, Aquino returned from self-imposed exile in the United States and was
slain as he stepped off a China Air Lines plane at the Manila International
Airport; his funeral drew millions of Filipinos to the streets in defiance of the
dictator. In December, Ramos'
Readings in Philippine History
Special Action Force joined up with Enrile's Security Operations Group; the two
units underwent battle training under the supervision of British mercenaries.

1984. In the elections for the Batasang Pambansa in May, Ninoy's widow, Corazon
‗Cory‘ Cojuangco Aquino, threw her support behind opposition parties UNIDO
(United Nationalist Democratic Organization) and PDP-LABAN (Pilipino
Democratic Party— Lakas ng Bayan). Despite allegations of fraud on the KBL
side, her candidates won 56 seats out of 183. In October, the Fact-Finding Board
found Ver, 24 other soldiers, and one civilian indictable for the murder of Ninoy
Aquino; Ver went on leave of absence and Ramos was appointed acting chief of
staff. In November, Marcos underwent a second renal transplant. Rumors of
Marcos dying and Ver taking over were rife. Enrile began to admit publicly that
he would like to be president in the future, when Marcos was no longer interested
in the position.
1985. In February, Ver et al stood trial before the Sandigan Bayan for the Aquino
assassination. In March, the RAM went public at the homecoming ceremonies of
the Philippine Military Academy (PMA). In his speech to the graduating class the
next day, Ramos confirmed the need for reforms and proposed sweeping changes
to strengthen the demoralized military in the face of a mounting Communist
insurgency. Soon after, Colonel Jose Almonte, former director of a Marcos think-
tank, joined RAM. In July, Marcos removed the Integrated National Police from
Enrile's ministry and placed it directly under presidential control. In August,
opposition Members of Parliament filed a motion to impeach Marcos, citing
culpable violation of the Constitution and allegations of "hidden wealth." The
RAM firmed up coup plans for the day after Christmas. US Senator Richard
Lugar, head of the U.S. Senate‘s committee on foreign relations,
sent a of his staff, Frederick Brown, to Manila to evaluate the deteriorating
situation. Brown concluded that one of the few promising developments was the
emergence of the RAM, a group that the Pentagon and CIA happened to be
quietly encouraging. In September, a US defense attache confirmed that
Malacañang had issued secret and undated warrants for the arrest of
RAM leaders. In October, in Washington D.C., a secret strategy meeting
attended by retired General Edward G. Lansdale discussed 2 questions: whether
to keep the U.S. bases in the Philippines; if yes, how to shift control of the AFP
from Ver to the RAM. US Senator Paul Laxalt visited Marcos to convey Reagan's
concerns about the communist threat and to discuss CIA director William Casey's
idea of holding snap elections, if only to disarm his liberal critics in America.
Newspaper publisher Joaquin "Chino" Roces launched the Cory Aquino for
President Movement (CAPM). A week later, Cory agreed to run
if (1) Marcos called for snap elections, and (2) if the CAPM gathered, as
promised, a million signatures endorsing her candidacy. On November 3, Marcos
declared on American television that he would run in a snap
Readings in Philippine History
presidential election three months hence. On November 19, the Batasang
Pambansa set February 7 as the date for the snap polls. On November 30, Cory
Aquino was presented with more than a million signatures drafting her to run
against Marcos. On December 2, Ver et al were acquitted by the Sandigan Bayan
of complicity in the Aquino assassination. The very next day, Cory declared her
candidacy under the UNIDO banner, with former Senator Salvador Doy‖ Laurel
as her running mate. On December 23, the Communist Party of the Philippines
sounded the call to boycott the snap elections. On December 28, Ambassador
Leticia Ramos Shahani, a sister of Lt. Gen. Fidel Ramos, announced her
resignation from the Philippine Foreign Service to campaign for Cory Aquino. On
December 31, KBL stalwarts began defecting to UNIDO. IBM Philippines refused
to take part in the COMELEC's plans to computerize the election.

1986 January. Their coup plans on hold, the RAM launched "Kamalayan '86," a
series of prayer rallies and consciousness-raising seminars funded by anti-Marcos
businessmen led by Jaime Ongpin to impress upon members of the military the
need for clean and honest elections. Meanwhile, in separate meetings, key officers
sketched Cory Aquino and Fidel Ramos their coup plans. The reformist military
tried, and failed, to convince Cory that she had no chance of winning at the polls.
February 4. A 21-member bi-partisan delegation of US senators, congressmen,
and private citizens arrived in Manila to monitor the election.
February 5. An estimated million, the largest political gathering in the nation's
history, attended Mrs. Aquino's miting de avance. NAMFREL (National
Movement for Free Elections) announced it would post poll-watchers to prevent
fraud in the counting. At least five banks, known to have ties with the Marcos
regime, experienced a run.
February 7. Election Day. NAMFREL mobilized 400,000 volunteers to monitor
voting, challenge wrongdoing, and guard against fraud. Broadcast alerts over
Radio Veritas urged volunteers into troubled areas to stop ballot boxes from
being stolen or tampered with.
February 8. Cory Aquino took the lead in NAMFREL's tally of precinct results.
She vowed massive protests and daily street demonstrations if cheated. The
government's counting proceeded more slowly and showed Marcos leading.
February 9. Led by Linda Kapunan, 30 computer technicians manning the
COMELEC tabulation machines walked out of their posts to protest alleged
deliberate changing of election results. A multinational team of observers cited
cases of vote-buying, intimidation, snatching of ballot boxes, tampered election
returns, and the disenfranchisement of thousands of voters, especially in Metro
Manila, by the ruling party.
Readings in Philippine History
February 10. Enrile warned of greater political instability. "Any untoward events
may cause the country to swing either to the extreme right or to the extreme left."
In either case, he said, only the Communist Party would benefit. Ver said that the
recent election was "the most peaceful in the history of the country," and exhorted
AFP men to keep up the good work.
February 11. LABAN leader Evelio Javier, former governor of Antique, was
gunned down in broad daylight. The Batasang Pambansa formally began the
canvass of election returns. Reagan said "hard evidence" of fraud was lacking,
and he would send Philip Habib to mediate between the ruling party and the
opposition camp. Cory Aquino asked "friends abroad" to set aside "short-sighted
self-interest" and stop supporting "a failing dictator." This, as President Marcos
invited her to join his government and "actively participate" in a planned Council
of State.
February 12. The Philippine peso fell drastically to an all-time low of P20 to a
dollar, dropping by 75 centavos from its rate the day before.
February 13. President Marcos took a virtually irreversible lead over opposition
candidate Cory Aquino in the Batasan's official canvass of votes. This, despite
efforts of opposition MPs to point out defects in almost all certificates of canvass
opened by Speaker Nicanor Yniguez. Statistical improbabilities were also cited.
February 14. The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued
its strongest statement ever, warning that a government which ‗assumes or
retains power through fraud‘would have ‗no moral basis.‘ President Marcos's lead
widened to 1.5 million votes, with only 1.1 million votes remaining uncanvassed.
Marcos called a meeting of senior generals – Ver, Ramos, Josephus Ramas of the
Army, Vicente Piccio of the Air Force, Brilliante Ochoco of the Navy, and
Prospero Olivas of the Metropolitan Command. They discussed the disciplining
of military reformists and arrest of their leaders; the arrest and assassination of
opposition leaders – Neptali Gonzales, Ramon Mitra, Homobono Adaza, Luis
Villafuerte, Aquilino Pimentel, Rene Saguisaag, Joe Concepcion, Dante Santos,
Ting Paterno, Jaime Ongpin, Vicente Jayme, among others; the declaration of a
state of emergency; and the arrest and liquidation of Enrile.

February 15. The Batasang Pambansa formally proclaimed Marcos winner of the
February 7 elections; all 50 opposition Members of Parliament walked out in
protest. Trade Minister Roberto Ongpin, speaking for the economic technocrats,
assured Marcos of support if he undertook military, political, and economic
reforms; Marcos signed an agreement to that effect. Philip Habib arrived in
Manila. February 16. At a ‗victory rally,‘ Corazon Aquino called for coordinated
strikes and the boycott of crony media, 7 banks, Rustan's department store, and
San Miguel Corporation in a civil disobedience campaign aimed at
overthrowing
Readings in Philippine History
Marcos. Marcos announced that Ver had resigned as AFP chief of staff and NISA
director-general and that Lt. Gen. Ramos would serve as chief of staff. The White
House grudgingly admitted that the election ‗was marred by fraud and violence
perpetrated largely by the ruling party‘and instructed Habib to work out a
compromise with Cory Aquino.
February 17. Marcos extended Ver's term to the end of February to allow him to
wind up his affairs. Habib met with Marcos, then with Cory. Cory bluntly refused
anything less than Marcos's removal from office. She announced that she would
go around the country to sound her call for civil disobedience and non-violent
protest actions; her first stops, Cebu and Davao, the coming weekend. (Habib also
met privately with Ramos and Enrile over the next few days.)
Crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard by the boycott. Deposit
withdrawals were reportedly heavy not only in the seven banks in Cory's boycott
list but also in banks either partly or wholly owned by known Marcos cronies.
Nestle pulled out its ads from government TV Channel 4 and newspaper Bulletin
Today. San Miguel-A shares went down to as low as P11.50 per share, while B
shares went down to P14.50 per. The financial fiasco extended to the beverage
industry. Beer quaffers suddenly shifted to gin or hard drinks. Restaurants,
eateries and cafes refused to serve San Miguel beer as well as Coca Cola, Sprite
and Royal True Orange. A small number also stopped drinking Pepsi Cola,
Seven-Up and Mirinda, thinking that these softdrinks were also under the control
of a crony. February 18. The peso fell to P22.04 to the dollar. NAMFREL chairman
Jose Concepcion, Jr. said at least 3.27 million voters, mostly from areas considered
as opposition bailiwicks, were unable to cast their votes in the February 7
election. Enrile's American friends warned him that Ver was positioning his
forces around Metro Manila.

February 19. The US Senate voted 85 to 9 in favor of a declaration that the snap
election in the Philippines was marked by "widespread fraud." Col. Irwin Ver
placed the Presidential Security Command on red alert. American bishops
announced their support of the local clergy's election protests.
February 20. Testifying before a US House subcomittee, Assistant Secretary of
State Paul H. Wolfowitz disclosed that Reagan's offer of new aid was ‗in
abeyance‘as long as Marcos remained in office. Diplomats from 15 nations –
Austria, Switzerland, Norway, Finland, Sweden, Japan, Britain, Ireland, the
Netherlands, France, Spain, Belgium, Italy, Denmark, and West Germany – called
on Mrs. Aquino who told them she was determined to assume the presidency "at
the earliest possible time." Jeepney drivers, consumerists, students, and
academicians joined the boycott wagon. RAM set the coup for
Sunday, February 23, at 2:00 AM. Col. Almonte detailed the plans to Gen.
Ramos.
Readings in Philippine History
February 21. Marcos admitted he was "nervous" about the decisions of foreign
governments to boycott his February 25 inauguration and that he was launching a
diplomatic offensive to inform foreign governments about what transpired in the
polls. In a 35-minute meeting with Habib, Aquino advised the envoy to "wait and
see...let events speak for themselves." Ver informed Marcos that Ramos and
Enrile and his Trade Minister Roberto Ongpin were involved with RAM in a CIA
plot to assassinate the President. Enrile received information that Ver had ordered
his men to prepare for a series of arrests. Enrile then wrote a letter of resignation
which he said he would deliver to Malacanang the following
Monday. Despite rumors of a weekend coup by RAM and suggestions that she
stay put in Manila, Mrs. Aquino said she would fly to Cebu Saturday morning as
scheduled to pursue her campaign for civil disobedience. In less than a week
since Aquino's call for a boycott of banks and business establishments either
owned by or aligned with cronies, there was a total of P1.78 billion in
withdrawals from crony banks and the Philippine National Bank, Security Bank
& Trust Company, Republic Planters Bank, and Traders Royal Bank. The first to
get their money out of the crony banks were groups belonging to the clergy; in
Union Bank, the clergy represented at least 12% of its deposit base. As a result,
deposit upsurges were recorded in Bank of the Philippine Islands, Metropolitan
Bank and Trust Company, and Citibank. Bulletin Today, the country's largest
circulated newspaper (circulation 350,000) trailed the Philippine Daily Inquirer,
Malaya, and The Manila Times. Rustan's department store was empty; most of its
customers moved over to SM Shoemart, Anson's, and Robinson's. The political
opposition said it was ready to set up a provisional government with strong
backing from concerned military officers and their men if Marcos insisted on
remaining in power. ‘Mrs. Aquino and I have been approached by sufficiently high
military officers‘who had secretly pledged support for the opposition and the
democratic process, Laurel said. He emphasized that he was not calling for a
military take-over. ‗We just want to let Mr. Marcos know that his threat to use the
military against the people will not work out.

Corazon C. Aquino (February 25, 1986-June 30, 1992)

Programs and Challenges
The triumph of the revolution made Corazon Aquino, the first woman president of the country, the 1973 constitution was
set aside so the Aquino administration utilized and interim Freedom constitution while the more comprehensive
constitutions is still on progress.
On April 23, 1987, in her proclamation no. 9, she called for a constitutional convention and appointed representative from
different groups and aspect of the society to draft the 1987 constitution. In the leadership of Cecilia Munoz Palma, the
delegates were able to create a constitution in October 15, 1986 and ratified in the plebiscite held in February 2, 1987.
One of the important projects of Corazon Aquino is the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program which expanded the
scope of the agricultural land that could be under land reform to provide land for the landless Filipinos.
Readings in Philippine History
The privatization of government owned companies is one of the highlights of her administration, because of the lack of
funds and high foreign debt; she needed to sell the companies under the supervision of the government to private
companies. To gain additional income, the government also imposed the Value Added Tax.

Lesson 4. Contemporary Philippines

1. Analyze the different issues

and challenges in
contemporary Philippines
2. Discuss the laws and policies
implemented to cope with the problems of
Readings in Philippine History
EXPLORE
Readings in Philippine History
Readings in Philippine History
Readings in Philippine History
Readings in Philippine History
THE CONSTITUTION AND ITS RELEVANCE TO PEOPLE
A constitution caters for a system for governance of a country that aims to establish s stable government and rule of law,
and which must be abided by all situations. It also provides protection from arbitrariness and recognizes rights of the
citizens which are never to be broken. The Philippine constitution, for example, contains a preamble and eighteen self-
contained articles with a section numbering that resets for every article. These are in written form and generally are rigid
in amendment to give static nature to the laws and the rule in the country.
The Philippine constitution’s purpose is to ground the government in the people’s authority. “It is our reason alone,”
writes James Madison, “that must be placed in control of the government. Our passions must be controlled by it.”
Under the Constitution, it takes time to do big things: We must think before we act. The constitution divides power across
the land and between levels and branches of government; the people and the parts of the government must cooperate if
anything is to be done.
Quotations from prominent people below will leave us into thinking.

THE ECONOMIC
Thomas Jefferson AND
once SECURITY
said, “I knowINTRICACIES
no OF THE BANGSAMORO STRUGGLE
safe depository of the ultimate powers of the
By Bobby Tuazon
society but the people themselves; and if we
thinkWiththem not historical
the deep enlightened enough
roots, the to struggle for independence and self-determination in the southern
Bangsamoro
exercise their has
Philippines control with for
been waged a centuries,
wholesomestarting with the Moro resistance against Spanish and US colonialism
from the 16th century to the turn of 20th century, the arm uprising in 1950’s, to the resurgence of independence and
Separatist armed rebellion in the late 1960s-1980s with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) has been
eclipse by the Philippines by the government—backed US war against terrorism, as represented by Abu Sayyaf
Group (ASG). The anti-terrorism war, given sensationalized treatment no less by the international and local media
and with some so-called “stakeholders” simplifying or narrowing the ground issues to such buzzwords as “Islamic
fundamentalism,” “terrorism,” and “extremism,” has affected the resolution of the armed conflict and has tended to
sideline the fundamental issues that must be addressed if any earnest conclusion to this armed feud is to be
achieved.
One of these fundamental issues, which include the historical and colonial roots of the conflict and the thorny issue
of ancestral domain, is that the war has been fueled by the scramble for the Bangsamoro provinces’ land and
bountiful economic resources. Aside from its traditional wealth, i.e., land and agricultural resources, southern
Mindanao offers gas, oil, and other energy resources now being coveted by the United States of America—which
has been a dominant investor for decades—as well as by Australia, Malaysia, China, and other countries. Through
the centuries, colonialism and war in Mindanao have been ignited by greed for its land, resources, and strategic
location.
Readings in Philippine History
References:

Agoncillo, T.A. & Mangahas F.B. (2010) Philippine history. South Triangle, Quezon City: C&E

Publishing, Inc. pp 250-251, 278

Candelaria P. & V. Alporha. (2018) Readings in Philippine History. Manila: Rex Book Store, Inc.

pp.35-38

Caliling, F.C. & Jaime, V.G. (2013). Kamalayan; kultura’t kasaysayan. Mandaluyong City: Books Atbp.

Publishing Corp. Pp 240-254

Magno, A. & Tiamson, A. (2014). Kasaysayan ng pilipinas. Cubao 1109, Quezon City: Trinitas

Publishing, Inc. pp. 221-231

Martinez, R., Tayaban, D., et al. (2018). The reading in philippine history. Recoletos St., Manila: Mindshapers Co.,

Inc. pp 229, 27

Philippine History (n.d) Cool Edge Review Center. pp 31-34

Sagandoy, T. (2020). Readings in Philippine History. Social Sciences Department, Benguet State University, La Trinidad,

Benguet