Chapter 1

Introduction of Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani

Introduction

Many educated young people today may not be familiar with Nawab Mushtaq, yet in his
prime, he was a very versatile individual who provided Pakistan with invaluable services from
the country's creation. Nawab Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was born on October 25th, 1905,
and passed away on June 29th, 1981. He was buried in his Lahore home. He was a member of a
Nawab family from Thatha Gurmani, a village in the Punjabi district of Muzaffer Garh. Ali Garh
School was where Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad received his early schooling. Nawab Mushtaq moved
back to Muzaffar Garh and stopped him from completing his academic education. Nawab
Mushtaq's maternal uncle, Khaloo, took custody of him after his father passed away. Nawab
Mushtaq received all forms of official and informal education under the guidance of his uncle.

Nawab Mushtaq became great friends with Faqir Syed Waheed ud Din, as a classmate at
Ali Garh School and the nephew of well-known Lahori businessman Syed Maratib Ali shah.
Nawab Mushtaq often had a midway stay at his house in Lahore during travelling between Ali
Garh and Muzaffar Garh. When his father passed away, Nawab Mushtaq moved permanently to
Syed Maratib Ali shah's residence in Lahore where he spent time studying. This family also
made the arrangements for Nawab Mushtaq's wedding. In the Indian state of Loharu, he was
married into a Nawab family. Mr. Col Z.A. Ali, his father-in-law, was a physician.

At the age of twenty, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad began his political career in 1925 as
Chairmanship of the District Board in his home district of Muzaffer Garh. In 1928-1929, he also
took part in the All Parties Muslim Conference in Dehli. In 1932, he became a member of the
Muslim League, and on the platform of his party, he was then elected as a member of the Muslim
Conference Executive Board. Prior to that, she joined the Unionist Party in 1930 and came to the
position of party spokesperson. Gurmani was nominated as a candidate for the Punjab
Legislative Council in 1937.

Because of his political skills, he served in many departments of the governments of

Pakistan and India. From 1937 to 1942, he served as the Parliamentary Secretary for the Punjab
Minister of Education and Health. He was also designated as the Labor Department's Joint
1
Secretary and Director General of Resettlement and Employment. He was also an enthusiastic
participant in the Pakistan Movement, which fought for the creation of a new Muslim state in an
unbroken India. He joined the Bahawalpur state service on March 25, 1947, as an officer on
special duty because of a personal relationship with Nawab Sadiq of Bahawalpur State. On April
16, 1947, he was appointed prime minister of Bahawalpur State.

After the establishment of Pakistan Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani worked in a different

positions.  Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was appointed by the Pakistani government as a
minister without portfolio on June 3, 1949. From 1951 to 1953, he served as minister of Kashmir
State and Frontier Regions. From 1951 until 1954, Pakistan's Minister of Home Affairs, 1949–
1951. The Karachi Agreement of 1949, which created a ceasefire line between the Pakistani and
Indian parts of Kashmir and later became known as the Line of Control, was signed by Nawab
Mushtaq, who deserves credit for presenting the first resolution on Kashmir before the General
Assembly (L.O.C).

Nawab Mushtaq made every effort during his political career to support the agrarian
community in India and Pakistan because he came from a landlord and agricultural family. He
was a supporter of education, a patron of the arts, and a reformer of agriculture. In nearly every
field, including communication, agriculture, irrigation, education, industry, etc., he contributed
significantly to the development of his native District Muzaffar Garh. Nawab Mushtaq launched
the Thal Project, Muzaffar Canal, Thal Canal, and Taunsa Head Works, among other large-scale
undertakings of the era.

A Historical overview of Gurmani Family

The Gurmani family of the District Muzaffer Garh belonged to Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad.
The word "Gurmani" comes from the Gurman region. This region was near the border between
Iran and Baluchistan. The locals were referred to as Gurmani. Mushtaq Ahmad's ancestors
arrived in India with Nasir-Ud-Din Muhammad Humayun's army from Iran during the second
Mughal Empire. The Gurmani tribe also assisted the second Mughal Emperor Humayun in
regaining control of the Mughal Empire from Sikender Shah Suri, the son of Sher Shah Suri, on
June 22, 1555, during the battle of Sirhind. The enormous area was a gift from the Mughal
Emperor (Abid, 2013).

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 They thereafter made their home at Thatha Gurmani. This region was formerly a part of
Multan City. The Sikh Empire conquered and occupied this region after the Mughal Empire fell.
Nawab Muzaffer Khan Sadozai, the governor of Multan, founded Muzaffer Garh in 1794.
"Muasan Hatti" was the previous name for this location. Since District Muzaffer Garh had two
tehsils at the time—Muzaffer Garh and Ali Pur—this area was then situated in Ali Pur Tehsil.
The Viceroy and Governor General of India bestowed the title of Khan Bahadur upon Mian
Mehbob Gurmani, the great-grandfather of Nawab Mushtaq (Afzal, 1999).

The Mughal Empire also gave this title to Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad's great-grandfather in
appreciation for his contributions to society. Khan Bahadur Mehbob Gurmani, his grandfather,
passed away in 1895. One of Khan Bahadur Mian Mehbob Gurmani's two sons, Mian
Muhammad Zaman Gurmani, was the father of Nawab Mushtaq and was born in 1868. Mian
Muhammad Zaman Gurmani's second brother, Mian Sheikh Ahmad Gurmani, was born in 1864.
After the passing of Nawab Mushtaq's grandfather in 1895, Nawab Mushtaq Uncle Mian Sheikh
Ahmad took over as the head of the Gurmani family and carried on his father's duties as
Provincial Durbar chief. As a result of his considerable influence in his region of "Thatha
Gurmani," Mian Sheikh Ahmad Gurmani was also given the honorary positions of Magistrate
and Sub Registrar by the British government. As Mian Mehbob looks after the shrine of his
great-grandfather Mian Mehbob Gurmani and his grandpa Mian Habib Gurmani. The
relationship between Peer and Murids has ended for a long time since the Gurmani family was
unable to offer their Murids the required time and care (M. R. Afzal, 1987).

Early Life of Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani

The three sons of Mian Muhammad Zaman On October 25, 1905, in Thatha Gurmani,
Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was born. at the age of 37 of his father. He attended a nearby
school for his studies before being admitted to Muhammadan Anglo Oriental College Ali Garh.
His father, Mian Muhammad Zaman Gurmani, passed away in 1919 as he completed his
Matriculation. Nawab Mushtaq was fourteen years old at the time. Mian Mushtaq Ahmad
returned to Muzaffer Garh after being unable to finish his official education at MAO College Ali
Garh due to the passing of his father. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani afterwards began his
official education under the guidance of his maternal uncle (Khaloo) (R. Afzal, 2021)

3
 His uncle had a college degree from Ali Garh and was well-educated. The finest guardian
for Mushtaq Ahmad turned out to be his uncle. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad, who was under the care
of his uncle, built a little library in his house because he enjoyed reading. Nawab Mushtaq
Ahmad studied works on Islam, fiction, the languages of the East, history, poetry, and
biographies of world leaders. Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was also knowledgeable about the
beliefs and teachings of many other Sufi saints, such as Shaikh Bahawal Haq Zakariyya Multani
(RA), Shah Rukn-i Alam, Data Ali Hejwiri, Sultan Bahoo, and Baba Bulhe Shah. After Nawab
Mushtaq Ahmad passed away, his book collection was given to LUMS University and BZU
University Multan. One of the most cunning Sindhi politicians, Muhammad Ayub Khuro, who
himself had attained the highest rung of the Sindhi political ladder, referred to Nawab Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani as the "master of diplomacy" despite the fact that he had any higher education,
degrees, or certifications. Since his uncle was a writer, he served as an excellent source of
inspiration for him.(Ahmad, 2022).

In order to gain a thorough understanding of Persian, Urdu, Punjabi, and Arabic as well
as History, Political Science, and literature, Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani read a lot of reliable books
under the tutelage of his uncle. Nawab Mushtaq was always well groomed and dressed due to his
informal schooling. He loved creating innovative clothing silhouettes. 1 had adopted the lightest
Muslin Lucknow clothing in Delhi after his influence.(Ahmed, 2007).

This assertion is absolutely accurate. A close family member revealed to the writers
during an interview that Gurmani Sahib was a very neatly dressed man. They all agreed that he
was quite knowledgeable and well-informed. That he was a gentleman beyond reproach. Nawab
Mushtaq had positive interactions and relationships with the nation's citizens, and he was
familiar with their issues firsthand. He was proficient in Urdu, English, Saraiki, Balochi, and
other languages. He was also highly skilled at quoting significant passages from well-known
Urdu, English, Persian, and Saraiki poets at just the appropriate moments.(Akhtar Ali Baluch,
2018).

Matrimonial Life of Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Ghurmani

In 1925, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani wed a member of the Loharu State's Nawab
dynasty (1806–1947). The Loharu family claims to be descended from a legendary clan of
"Khawajas" from the central Asian city of Bokhara. With the Mughals, this family emigrated to
4
India in the middle of the 18th century. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad's (Zaulnoor Ali Ahamd's)
father-in-law was a doctor and army officer from United India. Col. Z. A. Ahmad was a member
of the "Loharu" State's political and governing dynasty in United India. The first doctor of
medicine (M.D.) in Assam was Zaulnoor Ali Ahmad (Z A. Ahmad), the husband of Nawab
Mushtaq Ahmad. Additionally, Sahibzadi Ruqaiyya Sultan, the mother-in-law of Nawab
Mushtaq Ahmad, was a Loharu Nawab. Fakharuddin Ali Ahmad, the 5th President of India
(1905–1977), was the son of Col. Z. A. Ahmad (1974-1977). He was Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad's
brother-in-law. Fakharuddin Ali Ahmad received his early schooling at a Gonda District
government high school. He also graduated from the Government High School in Delhi.
Fakharuddin then obtained his London bar degree and began practising law in the Lahore High
Court in 1928. A daughter Hajira Sultan (1904–1989), got married with Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad
Gurmani. The account of Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad's marriage is mentioned in Syed Babar Ali
Shah's autobiography, Syed Babar Ali Shah is the son of Syed Maratib Ali Shah. "Learning from
Others," along with other passages that highlight the close ties between the two families. (Alkire,
2013).

According to Syed Babar Ali Shah the Gurmani Sahib was elected to the Punjab
Legislative Council and came from a powerful family in Muzaffer Garh,. My cousin Faqir Syed
Waheeduddin, who was a classmate of his at the Aligarh School, which is located near to Aligarh
University, had initially introduced him to our family. He was such a likeable individual that my
family adopted him and made him a permanent resident of our home. He frequently stayed with
us in Lahore when travelling between Aligarh and Muzaffer Garh. As a result, Gurmani Sahib
frequently visited our home from the time I was a child. Although his mother used to visit our
household, his father had passed away. She was also from Muzaffer Garh and was an extremely
intelligent woman (Allen McGrath, 1996a).

Col. Z.A. Ahmed from Assam, who worked at Ferozepur's medical service, was one of
my paternal grandfather Syed Wazir Ali's closest buddies. My father inherited Syed Wazir Ali as
a buddy and an elder when he passed away in 1900. In 1908, my father received a T.B.
diagnosis. Col. Z. Ahmed visited my father while he was in Lahore and spent three months there
while on leave from his work in Ferozepur. (Allen McGrath, 1996b).

Nawab Mushtaq only had three daughters and one son, who had passed away at a young age.
Mrs. Khalida Sultan, Mrs. Zahida Sultan, and Mrs. Abida Sultan are the names of the daughters.
5
Khalida Ghazanfer, one of Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani's daughters, has passed away, but
the other two are still alive. Mrs. Abida Amin Ullah, the chairman of the Gurmani Foundation,
and another member of the board of governor are both still alive.(Aziz, 2001)

Personality attributions and Relationship of Mushtaq Ahmed Ghurmani

In every way, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was a man of characteristics. Despite
coming from a landowner and Nawab family, he was an extremely good man. Additionally, he
had a strong sense of religion. He adhered to the tenets of Islam and the obligations of the
believers. He was a devoted devotee and personal friend of Pir Syed Mehr Ali Shah of Golra
Sharif, who is credited with converting the village into a sizable religious complex. However,
Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani never made an effort to force his opinions on loved ones, friends, or
strangers. Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was known for his firmness, secular outlook, and
assertiveness. He harshly rebuked and forewarned Mian Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana for
endorsing the Punjabi Anti-Ahmadia Movement just for political gain in order to boost his own
political career. During the interview, one of Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani's close cousins recalled
visiting Gurmani Sahib at his farm in Muzaffar Garh one day to greet him during "a period when
he was looking after his fields." After the Zohar and Fajar prayers, Gurmani Sahib used to recite
a wazifa.(Batliwala, 1995 ).

He was reading the wazifa when I arrived at the property and motioned for me to have a
seat. Nawab Mushtaq never skipped the five daily prayers, fasting, or traweeh during Ramadan,
according to a close relative of the Nawab family. She sobbed as she explained to the author that
Nawab Sahib never missed a Ramadan, but just before his final Ramadan, a doctor had urged
him not to fast. Unable to find consolation, he opted to give "Fidiya," but sadly, he passed away
before Ramadan began. She went on to say that a mosque was built in the midst of the residences
of the two brothers, Shaikh Muhammad and Mushtaq Ahmad, and that mosque is still there
today, albeit in poor condition. (Bryden, 2003).

To his personal servant, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad showed great kindness. In an interview,
"Allah Bukhash Bhutta," one of the personal attendants, claimed to have worked for Nawab
Sahib for more than 20 years while living at the rural mansion thatha Gurmani and caring for it.

6
All of the servants immediately felt at ease and appreciated by Nawab Sahib. Clothing for the
winter and summer was brought by Nawab Sahib.(Cabinet W ing).

Political career of Mushtaq Ahmed Qhurmani

After completing his education, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani began his political career at
the provincial level. He was not only heavily involved in provincial politics, but also in Muzaffar
Garh politics, where his group consistently nominated candidates in the district board elections.
In 1925, he contested for the District Board's vice-chairman position. He was elected Vice-
Chairman of the Muzaffar Garh District Board at a general meeting held in January 1926, with
the District Magistrate retaining as Chairman. For four years, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani held the
position of vice chairman on the Muzaffar Garh District Board. (Callard, 2022).

The All India Muslim League was not a well-known or well-organized organization when
he began his illustrious political career in 1926. When the Muslim League broke apart in 1927
over the issue of cooperating with the Simon Commission, internal divisions within the
organization emerged. Sir Muhammad Shafi's conservative wing of the party made the decision
to work with the Simon Commission. The opposing group, led by M. A. Jinnah, chose to boycott
it. Mushtaq Ahmad began his political career at the provincial level by joining the All India
Muslim Conference, but he had been involved in local politics for a very long time prior to then.
(Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, 1973a).

Gurmani was elected to the Punjab Legislative Council, but his real political influence
didn't start until the Unionist Party became the dominant force in the region's politics in 1937.
Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani showed interest in the League's activities before he formally joined in
1932. Despite having a preference for the Unionist Party, he took part in a number of Muslim
League sessions.(Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, 1973b)

With the exception of the Punjab, where the first Legislative Council was constituted in
1897, all of British India had Legislative Councils after the Legislative Council Act of 1861.
Knowing that the League would gain popularity and serve as a legitimate representation of
Indian Muslims, Gurmani made the decision to join. Because he immediately began his
experimentation with provincial-level ideas, his local-level political career served as a turning
point in his future. His political career reached a turning point in 1930 when he was elected from

7
Muzaffar Garh District to the Punjab Legislative Council, where he served until 1936.
(Choudhary, 2020).

He was proposed in 1932 as a candidate for Representative of the General Interests. His
unofficial nomination was based on the Constituency of Muhammadan Land Owners in 1930. He
joined the Unionist Party during this time, which was established in 1923 by Mian Fazal-i-
Hussain with a small group of Hindu and Sikh members of the Punjab Council. Its primary goal
was to offer a uniform strategy for the management of the transferred departments and the
improvement of rural and other underdeveloped areas, as well as the population there. I am a
member of the unionist party, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani declared in 1940. The Unionist
advocated for the protection of landowners' rights and interests as well as the general
improvement of rural communities.(Choudry Mohammad Ail, 1967).

Mian Fazal-l-Hussain firmly believed in the autonomy of the provinces. Numerous Hindu
and Sikh Zamindars also supported his party, which was quite popular. Despite being a non-
communal organisation, the Unionist Party had a strong Muslim influence. Mushtaq Ahmad
Gurmani continued to be involved in politics at the time and was a dual member of the All India
Muslim League and the Unionist Party. The Government of India Act of 1935 was a clear
improvement over the earlier constitutional setup, but it fell short of what the people had hoped
for. The act did not satisfy the political parties of India, according to the League and the
Congress, who both disapproved of it. The future constitution of India could only be drafted by a
Constituent Assembly based on adult franchise, according to a Congress resolution from 1936.
(din, 1949)

Nehru had called the Act a charter of servitude. The League expressed its willingness to
implement the Act's provincial plan while criticising the Federal Part of the Act. The League was
reformed in 1936 and decided to participate in the election thanks to Mr. Jinnah's efforts, who
had just returned from England. The Congress, on the other hand, was a party that was
considerably well structured. The All-India Muslim League established its electoral machinery at
its Bombay session in April 1936, and Mr. Jinnah was given permission to establish a national
election board.(Dixon-Mueller, 1978).

Gurmani was a fervent advocate for Unionist principles. He asserted that the issue would
be quickly resolved if the Congress followed the Unionist party's example. He immediately

8
refuted Nehru's assertion that there were two main ethnic groups in the subcontinent: Hindus and
British. In front of the legislature, Gurmani questioned this assertion and added that Muslims
made up a sizable portion of the subcontinent. Only two seats were won by the Muslim League.
The Muslim Unionist Party members were highly concerned about losing their connection to the
Muslim League, especially Nawab Shahnawaz Mamdot, who advised Sikandar to mend fences
with the League. They had been given the assurance that Jinnah was willing to assist Sikandar in
resolving the crucial logistical issues involved in including the Unionist Party or its Muslim
members in the League. A formal invitation to the League session in Lucknow was given to
those Unionist Party members who were also League Council members. Even if they ran a
campaign against the League, their constitutional standing remained the same. (Hassan, 2011).

On October 15, 1937, the All India Muslim League's twenty-fifth session got under way
in Lucknow's Lal Bagh. The members agreed and went to the League meeting with Sikandar.
Those who dealt with the League and made arrangements for Sikandar to attend as a "special
invitee" included Mamdot and Raja Ghazanfer Ali. Since Iqbal was ill and unable to attend,
Malik Barkat Ali specifically represented the Punjabi Muslim League members who were
present at the meeting. As promised, Jinnah and Sikandar had a conversation. Sir Sikandar
rejected a manuscript that Barkat Ali had written. He claimed that the draft's terms implied that
he would be required to remain outside the League rather than join it. Another draft was done
by Mir Maqbool Mahmud with Raja Ghazanfer Ali and Nawab Mamdot aiding him.
Both Sikandar and Jinnah singed this pact and it was satisfied by the Council of the
League.(M. Hassan, 2011)

The agreement's terms were uncomplicated. It made arrangements for Muslim Unionists
to take part in the League while discussing national issues but to remain Unionists when
discussing provincial issues. Sikandar would request that all Muslims who were members of the
Unionist Party in the Assembly join the League's national and local organisations. Future and by-
elections to the League's central and regional organisations would be held in the Assembly under
the banner of the Unionist Party, and the winners would create the Muslim League Assembly
Party. They would have the freedom to form ties or agreements with any organisation that had
more limited objectives, and the Punjab Muslim League Parliamentary Board would be
restructured. (Kapur, 2009)

9
 The agreement's terms were uncomplicated. It made arrangements for Muslim Unionists
to take part in the League while discussing national issues but to remain Unionists when
discussing provincial issues. Sikandar would request that all Muslims who were members of the
Unionist Party in the Assembly join the League's national and local organisations. Future and by-
elections to the League's central and regional organisations would be held in the Assembly under
the banner of the Unionist Party, and the winners would create the Muslim League Assembly
Party. They would have the freedom to form ties or agreements with any organisation that had
more limited objectives, and the Punjab Muslim League Parliamentary Board would be
restructured. After signing the League vow, Quaid-i-Azam reassured them that their differences
could be settled amicably.(Huntington, 1991).

Allama Muhammad Iqbal resigned as president of the Punjab League in March 1938, and
Sir Shah Nawaz of Mamdot took his position. Sir Sikandar attended the Muslim League's special
meeting in Calcutta in April 1938. He also professed his complete faith in the leadership of
Quaid-i-Azam. When the All India Muslim League Council gathered in Calcutta on April 18 and
19, 1938, with Jinnah serving as its president, the Punjab League was disaffiliated during the
same session. (Huntington, 1991)

Jinnah appointed a 35-person organisational committee to work under Sir Sikandar

Hayat's presidency. Three days before Allama Iqbal passed away, Sikandar and his group
received 25 of the 35 seats on the League organising Committee in the Punjab, while Iqbal's
group received only 10 seats. A member of this organising committee was Gurmani as well.
(Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 2019)

The League's Sind provincial arm initiated the split process in October 1938. The
Conference began on October 8 and ran through October 13. There were many people there,
including Jinnah, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, Fazal Haq, Liaquat Ali Khan, Shaukat Ali, Raja of
Mahmood Abad, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, Nawab Jamal Khan Laghari, Maulana Hamid
Badayuni, Ghulam Hussain Hidayat Ullah, Sheikh Abdul Majid Sindhi, M.A. Khuro, Mir Bunde
The issue of the type of upcoming constitutional reforms that were in the best interest of
Muslims in India came up at the Sind Provincial Muslim League Conference, which was held in
Karachi under the presidency of Quaid. (Hussain, 1993)

10
 The Conference was primarily inspired by Haji Haroon. On the direction of Muslim
politics, he held strong opinions. These leaders' discussions led to the Conference's adoption of a
resolution that read:

The immense Indian continent's long-term stability, as well as the interests of unhindered
cultural advancement, social and economic advancement, and the political autonomy of the two
nations known as Hindus and Muslims, are all considered to be absolutely essential by this
conference. Therefore, this conference urges the All-India Muslim League to draught a
constitution that will allow Muslims to achieve complete independence.(Ibid and Hamid Yousuf,
1999)

Sheikh Abdul Majid Sindhi read out the key political resolution, which took him
approximately 30 minutes to do. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani of the Punjab seconded the
motion, which was also backed by Haroon of Sind and SajjadAbdurRauf Shah of the Central
Provinces. Its decision had sent Pakistan's ball in motion. It has given Muslim India's politics a
fresh, revolutionary turn. The distinction of having been a leading planner and executor of such
turn belonged to Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani.(Jali, 2017)

The All India Muslim League's 26th Annual Session began in Patna on December 26,
1938, and was presided over by Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah for the following three
days. Jinnah gave a speech to the group in which he discussed the work of the Congress
Ministries. He underlined the need for Muslims to come together. For their own interest and the
good of the broader Muslim community, he recommended the Muslims in the Congress Camp to
join the Muslim League. The Muslim League believed that it was required under its current
programme and policy to retain an attitude of non-interference in the affairs of the Indian States
as the third day of the session's sitting started in the morning. .(Javaid, 2017).

The League has already stated that it will not meddle with the domestic affairs of the
states. The League was supported mostly by Indian state rulers, which was the fundamental
justification. However, in several states where Hindus were the majority, the Congress and a few
other Hindu organisations were actively meddling. Because Hyderabad was ruled by a Muslim
Ruler, many accusations were levelled against that state in particular. As the private
parliamentary secretary for the Punjabi government, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani backed the

11
motion and claimed that Congress had established its Home Department. Hindu Mahasaba will
take action to exert its influence over the state.(Javaidis, 2018)

He claimed that the Congress had turned a blind eye to the plight of Muslims in Kashmir.
He charged that both in British India and the Indian states, the Congress was motivated by a fear
of minorities and was making every effort to repress Muslims. The All India Muslim League
once again requested at this meeting that British Baluchistan receive comprehensive reform and
a state equivalent to that of the other Indian provinces. He asked the British to move swiftly and
without further delay in that direction. Khan Bahadur Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani proposed this
resolution.(Kandpal, 2013)

Jinnah began his efforts by making a thorough tour of the provinces and corresponding
with the powerful figures to enlist their support for the League. Jinnah travelled to all the
provinces to persuade them to join the League. He arrived in Lahore on April 19, 1936, in this
context. At Mian Sir Fazal-i-home, Hussain's he met the man. Jinnah recommended that Muslim
candidates run for office on the League platform and create a cabinet in the provincial assembly
with the backing of those who shared their policies and programmes (Khalid, 1974).

Sir Mian Fazal-i-Hussain believed that the minority Muslim presence in the provincial
legislature prevented the Muslims from forming a stable government in the Punjab without the
backing of a trustworthy non-Muslim faction. He had established a combined National Unionist
Party for this reason. His main goal was to undermine the Punjab Muslim League's position
while keeping Unionists firmly in control of Punjab politics. Mian Fazal-i-Hussain was asked to
chair the Muslim League meeting in 1936, but he declined since he was working to reform the
Unionist Party. The Quaid-i-Azam was urged by Fazal-i-Hussain to refrain from participating in
provincial politics and to instead focus on activities at the All-Indian level (Khan, 2018)

The Muslim League and the Unionist Party decided to run as rival parties in the
provincial election of February 1937 as a result of their agreement. Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, a
representative for the Unionist Party in the Muzaffar Garh constituency, participated in these
elections (N. Kiran, 2012 ).

Sir Fazal-i-Hussain started election efforts in April 1936 with the primary goals of
formalising the selection of candidates and providing ways to generate campaign funding. At the
Mamdot mansion in Lahore, he reformed the Unionist Party and established a formal secretariat.
12
On August 7th, 1936, Fazal-i-Hussain passed away, but Sikandar, his successor, carried out the
post-election portion of Fazal's plan. In the majority of the eastern and central Punjab, the party
moved through with the election portion by nominating a single candidate. Many candidates
were loyal to the Unionist Party in the west Punjab districts where there was no other party (N.
Kiran, 2016)

In the winter of 1936–1937, there were provincial elections. The Provincial Assemblies
had 1,585 seats. According to the results of the election for provincial Assemblies, 716 out of
1,585 Hindu constituencies were won by the Congress. However, the Muslim League's
performance was not very strong. Only 109 of the 485 Muslim seats were won by the Muslim
League. 86 of the 175 members of the Punjab Assembly would be chosen from Muslim-only
territorial seats. A different electorate system would be used for the election. (N. Kiran, 2019)

Only two Muslim seats in the Punjab Legislative Assembly, held by Malik Barkat Ali
and Raja Ghazanfer Ali, were won by the League in the election. Out of the 175 seats, the
Unionist Party won 88, and Congress only managed to win 18 seats. The remaining 8 Muslim
representatives, including the Muslims elected on the Unionist ticket from the joint big landlord
and 23 Hindu zamindar and schedule caste constituencies, were elected (Latif, 2002).

Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani participated in these elections from the Muzaffar Garh North
Constituency. Gurmani defeated Mian Mehbob Ali with 6581 votes, and the turnout was 49.5%.
On June 19, 1936, during the election campaign, he sent Mian Fazal-i-Hussain a letter in which
he suggested that the province's influential Pirs release a suggestion in favour of the unionist
party. He also included copies of the following Pirs: Pir Sahib of Golra Sharif, District
Rawalpindi; Pir Sahib of Sial Sharif, District Shahpur; Pir Fazal Shah Sahib of Jalal Pur, District;
Pir Sajjada Nashin of Diwan Sahib of Pak Pattan; Pir Sahib of Taunsa Sharif Khawaja Ghulam
Nizam Din Sahib; and Pir Sahib. Pir Jamaat Ali Shah of Alipur Sharif, District Sialkot; Pir Sahib
of Nairia Sharif, District Rawalpindi; Pir Lal Bad Shah Sahib of District Attock; Pir Sajjada
Nashin of Sultan Bahoo, District Jhang; Pir Sahib of Pir Kot, District Jhang; Khan Bahadur
Makhdum Murid Hussain Qureshi of Multan; Khan Bahadur Makhdum. (Lawrence Ziring,
2004).

He advised approaching those Pirs and Sajjada Nashines who had local clout in their
districts and seats to solicit the Unionist Party's support.

13
 Studying the Unionist Party's policies reveals that the Pirs themselves were eager to
support it since doing so served their own interests as large landowners who desired to keep
things as they were in rural areas. Landlords and Pirs operated as brokers during the 1937
elections in their communities to persuade their Kinsmen, Murids, and patrons to support the
Unionist Party in exchange for promises of government favours. (Mahmud, 2012).

In the election campaign, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani had a significant impact. He advised
us to get in touch with Khawaja Hassan Nizam Sahib of Delhi, Sajjada Nashin Sahib of Piran
Kaliar, District Saharanpur (U.P.), and Sajjada Nashin Sahib of Ajmer. Leading landlords and
Pirs made up the majority of the winning unionist candidates. Due to their dominance of the
most potent of all established political support routes, the Pirs played a particularly significant
role in the Unionist Party's victory. As candidates and propagandists for the Unionist party, a
handful of Pirs actually had a significant influence on the election.(Malik, 2000).

The Sher Garh Pirs, Shah Jiwana, had a significant impact on gaining support for the
unionist. The Multan and Shuja Abad Constituencies were divided between the competing
Gillani and Qureshi, Pir families of Multan. The Unionist Party made an election appeal on
behalf of fourteen of the most prominent Pirs in the Punjab and its adjacent regions.(Masood
Hassan Shahab, 1977)

Fazal-i-Hussain and his successors were particularly eager to win the Pire's support in the
1937 election. A number of powerful Pirs were approached by the Unionist high command to
lend their support in the elections. The Unionist Party was backed by the majority of notable
Pirs. Voters typically don't vote based on their political convictions but rather on tribal or
personal considerations. The rural electorates followed their Pirs and landlord's orders. The
traditional landlords and Pirs families, whose goals were to maintain their control, were a
particularly fascinating aspect of the 1937 election.(Mian Muhammad Tufail, 2000)

The National Unionist Party started to take the lead among the Council's factions. It gave
the people of the Punjab new prospects and a wide-ranging intercommunal perspective, but in
reality, it organised the landlords—the British government's preferred candidates—and elevated
them to positions of authority. By endorsing the Land Alienation Act, the Unionist platform
protected the current system of power. In exchange, the landlords and Pirs gave the Unionist
Party the support it needed to bolster its position in the Punjab Legislative Council against the

14
Congress and the Muslim League. By organising their kinsmen, tenants, labourers, and Murids,
the feudal class consistently won elections. (Michalek, 2012)

A very unique feature of Gurmani's political history was also revealed to us during his
1937 election campaign. He had close ties to the notable members of his constituency who were
ultimately responsible for his achievement. The Hassan Pur family includes Sehars, Saheetay of
Layyah, Tungwani of Kot Sultan, Makhdum of Daira Din Panah, and Jukhar. Thathai Gurmani
Gurmani was one of his fervent supporters. The opposition consisted of Jukhar, Qureshi, and
Dasti. Additionally, he was aware of the political significance of the spiritual guides (Sajjada
Nashin) in his region and the western Punjab. In a letter to Sir Fazal-i-Hussain that he wrote in
1937, he made them aware of Sajjada Nashin's significance in politics and pushed them to
support the Unionists. To gain support for himself and his supporters, he made contact with the
Pirs of Taunsa Sharif, Gillani of Multan, Qureshi of Multan, Makhdum of Daira Din Panah, Pir
of Siwag in Layyah, Bukhari of UchSharif, and Makhdum of Bahawalpur. Additionally, he had a
personal relationship with a Pir, which gave him a spiritual conviction and earned him the
respect of both Pirs and residents of other Pir-inhabited regions (Ministers of Federal Cabinet,
2016).

Under Sir Sikandar Hayat's direction, Mushtaq took the oath of office as a Private
Parliamentary Secretary in the Punjab Unionist Party in April 1937. As a Parliamentary Private
Secretary for Education and Health, Mushtaq Gurmani was chosen. The government committed
to a future advancement programme in the province's rural areas, an increase in educational
possibilities, the abolition of caste-based disabilities, and the implementation of new
development plans. The minority population had gained faith in the Congress, which prided itself
on being the largest representative political body in the nation. The Congress reassured them that
the majority would protect the interests of minorities and that no separate electorates or
communal awards would have ever been necessary. In response to the topic of minorities' rights,
Gurmani said that if people wanted to get rid of communities and electorates, they could try to
provide the minority a sense of security by imitating the Unionist Party in the Punjab. (Ministries
of the Federal Government, 2001).

The government declared the date of the Provincial Assemblies elections following the
passage of the Act 1935. The political parties in 1936 were focused on this statement. The
Muslim League and the Congress both made the decision to run in the provincial election. The
15
League or other parties led by Muslim leaders were predicted to win the provinces with a
majority of Muslims, while Congress was predicted to win the regions with a majority of Hindus.
At the start of 1937, the All India Muslim League lacked a well-organized body (Mohammad
H.R. Talukdar, 1987)

A planning committee headed by Sikandar Hayat was established at the Muslim League's
Patna session. Its primary objective was to encourage the formation of District Branches of the
League across the Province.

Under the leadership of Sikandar Hayat, this Committee convened on March 6th, 1939,
to begin the process of carrying out its tasks. With the help of Pir Taj-ud-Din, Mian Bashir
Ahmad, and Fayyaz Ahmad, he named Mian Ramzan Ali as caretaker for carrying out the
organisation decision. Veterans of the Punjab Muslim League believed that Sikandar Hayat
planned to run both his own Unionist Party and the Punjab Muslim League. He was prevented
from becoming the leadership of the Punjab Muslim League by Malik Barkat and others. Jinnah
vehemently rejected the existence of any oral agreement beyond the parameters of the Jinnah
Sikandar Pact when the topic was brought to his attention. The animosity between Sikandar and
Barkat Ali was reduced during the All India Muslim League meeting in Patna thanks to the
efforts of their fellow participants. When the League organising committee started meeting under
the chairmanship of Sikandar, tensions between him and Malik Barkat resurfaced. The
organising committee met on August 11th, 1939, to finalise plans for the creation of the new
Provincial Muslim League and to begin planning for the next League session in Lahore in 1940
(Mohd. Qamar-ul-Zaman Abbasi, 1999)

The All India Muslim session began on August 27 in Delhi, and Unionist Party members
Mian Ahmad Yar Daultana, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, Raja Ghazanfer Ali Khan, Syed Afzal
Ali, Syed Amjad Ali, Nawab Muzaffar Ali Khan, and Nawab zada Khurshid Ali Khan all
participated. Mushtaq Gurmani, however, chose not to take part in the conversation. Further
debate on the formation of the Punjab Muslim League took place at the organising committee's
meeting on November 8, 1939. On January 10, 1940, the Committee did have a second meeting
at Sikandar's house. (Moon, 2022).

On January 11, 1940, Batalvi declared the formation of the Punjab Muslim League to the
press when, in his account, only Muslim Unionist were present. The Punjab League elected

16
Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot as its president, Mian Ramzan Ali as secretary, Mian Amir-ud-Din
as financial secretary, and Muhammad Ali Jafri as organising secretary. The Muslim League
chose Sikandar to be its head. Shah Nawaz attended the All India Muslim Council meeting in
Delhi on February 25, 1940, to present the case for the affiliation of the newly formed Muslim
League. The League Council established an inquiry committee with Khaliq uz Zaman, Raja
Mahmood, and Nawab Ismail as members to address this issue. Before the Enquiry Committee,
which also heard testimony from Malik Rab Nawaz of Feroz Pur, Syed Mir Ahmad Shah of
Compbelpur, and Nawaz Wilayat Ali Khan of Karnal, Malik Barkat Ali and his colleagues
presented their case. (Mushtaq Ahmed, 2022)

While Sir Sikandar's main, reliable witness, Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot, Mian Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani, Mian Ramzan Ali, Raja Ghazanfer Ali Khan, and Syed Amjad Ali argued for
the newly formed provincial League. On March 16th, 1940, the Enquiry Committee decided to
grant affiliation after considering the Punjab Muslim League's application. Quaid and the
Unionists began to disagree on the meaning of the Lahore Resolution and the issue of
participation in the war committee in the interim. Sir Sikandar wanted to give the government's
military operations his full backing. The Muslim League working committee issued a warning to
its members on June 17th, October Bumby, against joining any war Committees or Boards.
(Nawa-i-Waqt, 1970)

Some Muslim members of the unionist party's who were present at the meeting, were not
pleased with this choice. This meeting was attended by Sikandar Hayat. Sikandar, however,
officially launched the Governor's Punjab War Board upon his arrival in Lahore. Nawab Shah
Nawaz, Mamdot, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, Syed Amjad Ali, Raja Ghazanfer Ali Khan,
and Mian Amir-ud-Din were among those who attended this first session. The District War
Board of the Province was established during this conference. (Parveen, 2011).

In a September 1940 interview, Sikandar vehemently opposed the notion of splitting

India along racial or ethnic lines. He argued that all Punjabis should dominate Punjab rather than
just one nation. When asked about his stance on Pakistan, he unequivocally responded that it
remained the same as it had been following the Lahore Session. He further highlighted that the
division of India was not contemplated by the Lahore Resolution. (Penderal Moon, 1964).

17
 In general, the Inqalab of Lahore endorsed his position and reading of the Lahore
Resolution. In a letter in February, Jinnah disputed his claims and urged him to do so. Earlier, in
February 1942, Sir Sikandar reaffirmed that I do not support Barkat All's Pakistan in his
response to a motion for adjournment about the detention of Congress members of the Assembly.
Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani and Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot objected to his strong statement and
threatened to resign from the parliamentary body unless he denied the press report. The Punjab
Muslim Student Federation made the decision in March 1941 to host a special Pakistan
Conference in Lahore in support of the League's resolution on Pakistan. This was the most
important, meaningful and magnificent of all student Conference. The Federation took the
initiative to organise such a meeting for the first time. Following the Quaid's approval of the
initiative a few days later, the Muslim students laboured nonstop under the direction of the
Punjab Muslim Student Federation. The Federation sent letters inviting men from all around the
nation to the meeting in an effort to gain the support of the Muslim leadership. The reaction was
commendable. The country's Muslim leaders from all regions expressed their best wishes. The
names Sardar Aurangzeb, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang, Sir Shah
Nawaz Mamdot, Qazi Isa, and Chaudhry Khaliq uz Zaman were significant among the Muslim
leadership. (Qaiser, 1991).

As a member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, Gurmani shown interest in the growth of his
neighbourhood. He offered numerous plans for enhancing Muzaffar Garh district. Gurmani
proposed implementing a progressive educational system in Muzaffar Garh, which would aid in
assessing and preparing its residents to meet the demands of the day. In the district, only 1.9
percent of the population was literate, a dismal percentage when compared to the educational
standards in other districts. He emphasised that primary education was insufficient to enable
people to sign the "Sahookars" ledger while their dads left their thumbprints on it. Primary
education was also insufficient to alter the reality on the ground, he said. Their education should
prepare them to work as professionals, farmers, and other contributing members of society. He
stated that in order to accomplish these goals, agriculture forms should be attached to both
industry and schools in urban and rural locations. Establishing such schools in places like
Amritsar and Lahore, where individuals have enough of possibilities to learn about the industry
in various industries, would not produce the desired results. He also advocated making
adjustments to the school curriculum. According to him, education should enlighten people who

18
are in the dark, and the curriculum should be developed so that the area's males could at least
read the local newspaper. The boys' understanding of the modern approach to their separate
vocations must have been evaluated by the text's content. Additionally, up to the sixth level,
education should be made both mandatory and free (Qamar, 2005).

As a member of the Punjab Legislative Council in 1932, he was also particularly worried
about the economic situation of the Muzaffar Garh district and questioned the agriculture
department's performance there. He created their improved seed, which should be distributed to
farmers and experimental farms set up in the area where crops that are good to the environment
are being researched. He also noted how the government had encouraged fruit farming in the
area. He proposed locating the district's fruit expert headquarters there. Fruit farms were built in
climates where plants were studied, and the agriculturist was given the produce at a nominal
price. Payment was made in instalments. For the first five years, the abiyana rate should be
reduced for gardens. He urged the establishment of cottage industry by the government. In this
region, the sugar industry was more prosperous. This will protect rural interests from being taken
advantage of by people who don't care about the land (Qamar, 2005. ).

The Muzaffar Garh was frequently inundated with river water, which led to several human and
animal ailments. Gurmani condemned it and drew attention to the Health Department's subpar
operation, which was contributing to the development of malaria among people and several
illnesses in kennels. He requested that the proper arrangements be made so that people would
have access to mobile hospitals, free medicine, and vaccination programmes for preventable
illnesses. He also blasted the district's civil administration for their lack of competency. He
recommended that the government get regular progress reports from the involved department and
that the chiefs of the relevant departments closely monitor that department's activities in the
region. The Punjab government's initial irrigation project was called the Thai Irrigation Scheme.
This plan was created in 1871, but up until this point it had only existed on paper (Rafiq, 1997).

Nawab Gurmani says: "The residents of the districts of Muzaffar Garh, Mianwali, and
Shahpur have waited long enough and are now hoping to witness the results of this project. The
government needs to work diligently to put this plan into action as soon as feasible. He also
questioned the Ghazi Ghat's building process. That was a boat bridge over a canal close to Ghazi
Ghat during the time. In March 1942, the Indian government nominated Mian Mushtaq Ahmad

19
Gurmani to the position of Director of Recruitment (Technical, Vocational Training, and
Publicity).” (Rafique Afzal).

In his book, Syed Baber Ali Shah, a family friend of Nawab Mushtaq, asserts that their
family initiated Nawab Mushtaq into politics. After completing his education, he ran for vice
chairman of the district board in 1925. He won, and at the young age of 20, he was chosen vice
chairman of the district Muzaffar Garh. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad began his formal political career
in 1926 in his home district of Muzaffar Garh. However, before he joined the All India Muslim
League, he began attending Muslim League Conferences in Dehli in December 1928 and January
1929 under the leadership of Sir Agha Khan. He officially joins the Muslim League in 1932 after
attending the Muslim League Conference. In 1930, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, a resident
of District Muzaffar Garh, was elected to the Punjab Legislative Council. He remained a member
for six years, up to 1936. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad's life took a turn at that point because he
started playing a significant political role in the Punjab. The Unionist Party was founded
specifically to defend the rights of the landlords, peasants, and agrarians in the Punjab. In 1940,
Nawab Mushtaq joined this group (Rashiduzzaman, 2020).

As a vocal spokesperson for the Unionist Party, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani also
offered his services. He also held the positions of Interior Minister of Pakistan (1951–1954),
Governor of Punjab (1954–1955), and Governor of West Pakistan during one Unit Scheme
(1955–1957) after Pakistan's creation. Thus, Vice Chairmanship of Muzaffer Garh was the
beginning of Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani's political career, which culminated with
Premium Ship of Bahawalpur and Governor Ship of Punjab and West Pakistan. After serving in
politics for nearly 45 years, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad took early retirement in 1970. After that,
Nawab Mushtaq relocated to his ancestral home in Muzaffar Garh, "Thatha Gurmani," and began
to take care of his farming. Nawab Mushtaq gave his entire focus to enhancing the situation of
his territory while he was at Muzaffar Garh. Nawab Mushtaq, a very successful farmer in
Pakistan, promoted innovative farming methods and the idea of self-cultivation while paying
workers a living wage. Mushtaq Ahmad used tube wells and other contemporary methods to
cultivate the unirrigated area and grow cotton, wheat, and rice in his spare time (Richard S.
Wheeler, 1955).

Mian M. A. Gurmani relocated to Lahore and has spent the previous few years living
here (44-G Gulberg II). Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad founded the "Gurmani Foundation" in 1980 to
20
realise his vision for the improvement of his home district and access to education for all. In
addition to providing scholarships for students from Muzaffar Garh, Multan Districts, D G Khan,
and Bahawalpur Division, the Gurmani Foundation is a key player in the development of
Muzaffar Garh District in terms of infrastructure, education, and health (Rizvi, 1987).

Death of Mushtaq Ahmed Ghurmani

Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani passed away At his home at 44/G Gulberg II, Nawab
Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani spent his final few years of life in Lahore. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad,
who had an illness, passed away in Lahore on June 29, 1981. He was buried in the courtyard of
his residence at 44-G Gulberg II. It is extremely unexpected that, according to the Islamic
calendar, the dates of birth and death, i.e., the 25th Shaban ul Moazzam, are the same.

Research objectives:

1. To asses the impacts of political struggle of Ghurmani Family

2. To asses the educational developments of Ghurmani Family
3. To asses the influence of social services of Ghurmani Family

Research Questions:

1. What are the impacts of political struggle of Ghurmani Family?

2. What are the educational developments of Ghurmani Family?
3. What are the influence of social services of Ghurmani Family?

Chapter 2

Political services of Gurmani Family

21
 On August 14, 1947, Pakistan was established as a separate and independent country for
Muslims, making the Quaid-i-struggle Azam's fully successful. The Two Nation Theory was the
cornerstone of Pakistan and was founded on "Islamic philosophy," which promised a sovereign
state where people could live rationally and according to Islamic principles (Routledge. Khan,
2005).

M. A. Gurmani held the position of prime minister of the Bahawal Pur state prior to the
founding of Pakistan. However, once Pakistan was established on August 14, 1947, he
volunteered his services to the country's citizens by holding positions in several government
ministries. The accession of Bahawalpur, Khair Pur, and later the states of Dir and Swat State to
Pakistan was greatly aided by Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani. The Nawab of Bahawalpur also
generously donated five lakh rupees to Pakistan, which Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah,
the founder of Pakistan, greatly appreciated. He held many positions in the government,
including governor of West Pakistan and Pakistani ambassador for Kashmir affairs.(Rowland,
1997a).

Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani's services as the Minister of Kashmir

Affairs

In the early years of its existence, Pakistan had to deal with a variety of concerns, the
"Kashmir Dispute" being the most significant. First, on January 3, 1949, the Pakistani
government decided to name him a Minister without Portfolio. In 1951, he was named Minister
for Kashmir, States, and Frontier Regions after accepting Nawab Mushtaq's assistance with
Kashmir issues and as a result of his political acumen. Up until April 7th, 1953, he served as
Minister for Kashmir, States, and Frontier Regions. Liaqat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of
Pakistan, gave Mushtaq Gurmani the authority to bring the Kashmir dispute before the
international community since he was aware that no one else could do it. Gurmani, serving as
Kashmir's minister.(Rowland, 1997b).

Affair handled his responsibilities well. In order to highlight the Kashmir Issue, he
travelled to both the Muslim world and the USA. Along with a group, he also paid a visit to the
UN Security Council in October 1949. As Pakistan's ambassador, he also travelled to other
Muslim nations to explain Pakistan's position on the Kashmir dispute. Beginning in Egypt in
November 1949, M. A. Gurmani began his visit. M. A. Gurmani highlighted the Kashmir Cause
22
when meeting with the general secretary of the Arab League and other Egyptian dignitaries
during his tour. All of the politicians made commitments to Pakistan about the Kashmir dispute
during his visit.(Sayeed, 1980)

Gurmani visited "Karim Sabit Pasha" while there and obtained his promise that King
Farooq had positive feelings for Pakistan and that Egypt would support Pakistan. Gurmani
further reassured him that Egypt will have the full support of Pakistan.

The issue of the Arabs' failure in Palestine and Khaleeq Uz Zaman's visit were discussed
during the meeting with Karim Pasha, and it was determined that Pakistan had no intention of
organising or supporting any group hostile to the Muslim World. Pakistan further stated that "I
personally did not believe that Britain had any need for launching a political movement to break
the unity of Arab countries which did not really exist." In reality, he continued, "I did not
understand how it would be to their advantage to have dissensions and strife in this crucial
region. It was in the Anglo-American block to have unity and peace in the Middle East."
(Shafqat, 1989).

In a news conference, Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani outlined Pakistan's perspective

on the Kashmir dispute. The Kashmir issue was brought to attention as a result of this press
conference, and all reputable news outlets covered it on their top pages. On a global conference,
he also raised the Kashmir issue. Gurmani met with Ibrahim Abdul Hadi Pasha, a former
Egyptian prime minister, to provide the truth about the Kashmir dispute. He also emphasised that
the Kashmir conflict must be resolved for the region to experience true peace, and that the
international community must play a significant role in doing so (M. Shoaib, Saeed, Y., Cheema,
S.N.: , 2012).

A meeting between Gurmani and Hussain Serri Pasha, Egypt's 25th Prime Minister, took
place on November 9 at the Presidency. Following a thorough discussion with the two leaders,
the Egyptian Prime Minister noted that Pakistan "hardly needs any assurance from us as we have
always worked together and I have always been on Pakistan's side." He stated that Egypt's
representatives would completely support Pakistan's position on the Kashmir dispute during the
General Assembly of the United Nations meeting (M. Shoaib, Saeed, Y., Cheema, S.N.:, 2012).

After meeting with him, Nawab Mushtaq talked about the Kashmir conflict with Mustafa
Kamal Pasha, the former Egyptian prime minister, and he also acknowledged the Pakistani
23
version. Nawab Mushtaq was able to dispel many misconceptions about Pakistan and the
Kashmir dispute after meeting with several world and Egyptian leaders. He thereby helped to
forge positive ties between Egypt and Pakistan.(Soomro, 2006)

Liaqat Ali Khan (late) proposed Gurmani as a participant in the Security Council meeting
in December 1949. The Pakistani government sent Gurmani on a special diplomatic mission to
clarify Pakistan's stance on the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, according to
Liaqat Ali Khan, the country's prime minister, who alerted the American Foreign Office before
Gurmani left for New York.(Times, 1957).

When Gurmani initially arrived in New York, he spoke with Dean Acheson, the secretary
of state, and told him that Kashmir was an essential component of Pakistan's foundation and
continued the Muslim struggle for freedom. The freedom of more than a million people is at
stake, therefore it is not merely a question of geography or financial rewards. Gurmani also gave
him a briefing on the government of Pakistan's perspective on this crucial matter in light of the
most recent developments. (Waseem, 1994).

He was well-versed in all facets of the Kashmir conflict, and he wrote a book named
"Kashmir, World's Biggest Question Mark" on it. In it, he discussed the UN's role in the conflict
and noted that it had been unsuccessful in bringing about a cease-fire between India and
Pakistan. He maintained his position that the people of Kashmir should decide whether or not to
join the United Nations through a free and fair referendum. Additionally, he said that none of the
Security Council's agencies had been sent by the UN to mediate disputes between Pakistan and
India, particularly the Kashmir dispute, in accordance with Security Council resolutions. The
United Nations Security Councils received a false report from the Prime Minister of India that
claimed Kashmir belonged to Pakistan, not India. M. A. Gurmani vehemently refuted this claim
and made it clear that Kashmir belongs to Pakistan, and the dispute should be resolved in
accordance with the resolutions of the Security Councils. Gurmani also gave the Kashmiri people
his word that Pakistan will aid their struggle for freedom. (Weikersheim, 2005).

Despite his best efforts, he received criticism from some Pakistani leaders and other
people for promoting the Kashmir conflict. Qudrat Ullah Shahab made accusations against
Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani and criticised and argued that after the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs
was established and Gurmani was appointed as the minister, he did not serve the Kashmiri

24
people properly and, instead, engaged in conspiracies that hurt the cause of Kashmir after
causing irreconcilable divisions in the Kashmiri leadership.(West, 2006a).

M A. Gurmani is accused of killing Liaqat Ali Khan

The 1951 killing of Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawab Liaquat Ali Khan in Liaqat Bagh
Rawalpindi was one of many disputes that were created to harm the Gurmani's political life and
career. It was also the most significant one. On October 11, 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan declared his
intention to travel to the Punjab for five days before leaving Karachi on October 16. (West,
2006b).

He was shot dead on the spot while addressing the public at Rawalpindi's Company Bagh
(now known as Liaquat Bagh) by an Afghan assailant named Syed Akbar, who also killed the
woman nearby to destroy any solid evidence. This sealed the assassin's lips for all time.
Investigations of the police officer were also conducted, however they were fruitless because no
evidence of any conspiracy could be found. There were numerous rumours following Liaqat Ali
Khan's murder. It was claimed that Mian Mumtaz Daultana participated in the murder of the
prime minister in order to promote the parity formula with Pakistan's eastern wing, a significant
constitutional provision allegedly designed to protect the interests of the Punjabi elite.(Yusuf,
1998).

Due to the fact that Liaqat Ali Khan's security was the responsibility of both Nawab
Mushtaq and Daultana during his travel to the Punjab, it was questioned whether Daultana and
Gurmani were also involved in the tragic incident. By coincidence, both Gurmani and Ghulam
Muhammad, a member of his cabinet, were in Rawalpindi on the day of the murder. General
Ayub Khan, who later took control of the country in a peaceful military takeover in October
1958, observed the political situation and, as a result, he remembered the assassination and put
pressure on the top political leadership:

"When I returned to Pakistan, I met the Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin, Chaudhry
Muhammad Ali, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, and numerous other members of the new
government in Karachi. None of them named Liaquat Ali Khan, and not one of them expressed
any regret or sympathy. The reality that the nation had lost an accomplished and famous Prime
Minister due to an assassin's heinous conduct appeared to be equally unknown to Governor-
General Ghulam Muhammad. I was astounded by how harsh, heartless, and self-centered people
25
could be. Every single one of them appeared to have secured a promotion in some capacity. The
end of the Prime Minister's life had signalled for them the start of a new career. It was revolting
and awful. Although it may sound harsh, I received the strong sensation that everyone was
pleased that the only person who could have held them in check had left the area. They could
now engage in a free-for-all in the political sphere. Everyone was devastated by the Prime
Minister's murder. There were many irrational rumours, and some cabinet members and
important people were charged with plotting the murder. I never once thought that any of them
had any connection to an assassination, either directly or indirectly. I've seen the expert's report
from Scotland Yard, and according to it, there is no proof that the murder was anything other
than the work of a single person. I have no doubt that it would have been revealed if there had
been any collaboration or involvement of any kind. These things are not kept a secret.”(Abid,
2013; Ziring, 1980)

Being publicly assassinated while serving as Prime Minister was unprecedented in

Pakistani history till Liaqat Ali Khan was killed. Different authors expressed their own thoughts
that both Gurmani and Daultana were engaged in the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan despite
the lack of conclusive evidence. According to Fida Hussain, a former senior civil servant of the
Pakistani government, when Gurmani requested the file containing the information regarding the
murder of Liaquat Ali Khan, he handed it over. However, when Gurmani later returned the file,
the crucial documents that were required for the murder were missing.(Abid, 2013)

Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Khan and the parity formula

The National Assembly elections would be based on population, and the Senate would
have an equal number of representatives from each of the five constituent divisions, according to
Muhammad Ali Bogra's constitutional formula, which he presented to the Constituent Assembly
on October 7, 1953. There must be equitable representation for both West Pakistan and East
Pakistan. The people of the entire nation, including those in the West and East, like and value
this formula. The Assembly's Punjabi members, however, rejected this approach. According to
their account, Bengali would control the Central Government through an alliance with Sind and
the North-West Frontier Province, which would lead to the unitaryization of West Pakistan first.
(Afzal, 1999)

26
 The parity formula caused controversy, which led to a significant division of the Pakistan
Central Cabinet into the Punjabi and Bengali groupings. The new Minister for the Interior, States
and Frontier Regions Gurmani and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Minister for Finance, were
leading the Punjabi group, with Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad supporting this group.
Fazal-ur-Rahman, the Minister for Commerce and Education, was leading the Bengali group and
was supported by Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin, who succeeded Liaquat Ali Khan. (M.
R. Afzal, 1987)

When Azad Jammu Kashmir students protested the government's education policy in
January 1953, the government opened fire, necessitating the deployment of security forces to
preserve peace and order. The struggle for dominance between these two politically opposed
organisations intensified as a result of this circumstance. The Bengali group leaders supported
this terrible circumstance. Both Nawab Mushtaq and Fazal-ur-Rahman were held accountable for
the situation's development.(R. Afzal, 2021).

A political battle between the Governor-General and the Constituent Assembly began as
a result of this circumstance. On September 21, 1954, during a meeting of the Assembly,
members of the opposition group, led by Nazimuddin and assisted by Fazal-ur-Rahman, Noor-ul-
Amin, Abdul Sattar Pirzada, and Abdul Qayyum Khan, attempted to curtail the Governor-
authority General's by repealing the Public and Representative Offices Disqualification Act
(PRODA) and trying to amend the Government of India Act, 1935, in accordance by introducing
a Bill without In reality, they seek to abolish the Governor-ability General's to remove any
ministers from office. The Assembly was disbanded by the Governor-General, Ghulam
Muhammad, who displayed a severe response. Muhammad Ali Bogra was asked to remain as
prime minister on October 2, 1954. Gurmani was appointed Governor of the Punjab in West
Pakistan on November 27, 1954.(Ahmad, 2022)

Mushtaq Gurmani's role in the Ahmadia Crisis

The relationship between the Bengali and Punjabi groups was sparked by the "Anti-
Ahmadia crisis." The Anti-Ahmadia crisis brought to a peak previously strained relations
between the two groups inside the cabinet. The Bengali faction intended to satisfy the Ulemas'
request. In reality, Nazimuddin advocated for Zafar Ullah to be removed from the Cabinet and
the Ahmadiyya sect to be recognised as a non-Muslim minority. Ghulam Muhammad, one of the
27
leaders of the Punjabi group, was hesitant to classify the Ahmadiyya sect as a minority of non-
Muslims. The Governor-supporters, General's particularly Gurmani and Chaudhry Muhammad
Ali, emphasised and emphasised these distinctions. He harshly rebuked and forewarned Mian
Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana for endorsing the Punjabi Anti-Ahmadia Movement just for
political gain in order to boost his own political career. Nearly everyone in the Punjab supported
Nawab Mian Mumtaz Daultana's rule as a minister. Sadly, he had injected bigotry and extreme
ideologies into Pakistan's otherwise moderate and secular political system. (Ahmed, 2007).

Due to riots and the labour dispute in East Pakistan in 1953–1954, the law and order
situation in Punjab was significantly altered. Gurmani encouraged Ghulam Muhammad to
believe that the country's civic and military leaders were the only ones capable of rescuing the
people. Other options were unavailable. On April 16, 1953, Ghulam Muhammad removed
Nazimuddin's cabinet due to the dire need for peace and order in the nation and chose to name
Muhammad Ali Bogra as Pakistan's next prime minister after carefully considering the political
climate. However, several ministers, such Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Sardar Bahadur Khan, and
Dr. I.H. Qureshi, were left in place. (Akhtar Ali Baluch, 2018).

Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani and the one-unit scheme

West Pakistan and East Pakistan were the two wings that made up Pakistan. West
Pakistan had four provinces and only a few tribal regions, while East Pakistan only had Bengal
(now Bengala Desh), with unequal Assembly representation. Through One Unit, Muhammad Ali
Bogra aimed to provide equitable representation for both wings of Pakistan. Different ideas were
offered to the prime minister by the citizens of Pakistan's two provinces. After the former
provinces of the Punjab, Sindh, and the North-Frontier Province were combined, Nawab
Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was the primary architect of the "One Entity" Scheme in Pakistan and
the designer of the system for the administration of West Pakistan as a separate unit. (Alkire,
2013).

The Sind Assembly members expressed various reservations about this plan. They
wanted to endorse the One Unit plan, but only if the reservations were lifted. A list of
reservations was forwarded to the prime minister for this reason. The security of Sind, taxation
concerns, rights to work for applicants who are Sinds in the Sinds, and central services were all
covered in this list of several conditions. A few other problems were also discussed under similar
28
circumstances. The government made it clear that it will abide with Sind's terms. On November
22, the Central Government agreed to these terms in order to fully implement the one unit
system. The Sind Assembly passed the resolution on December 11, 1955, with a full majority of
98 votes out of 102, making it the most significant day in Pakistani history. Only four members
opposed the resolution. On January 1st, 1955, Muhammad Ali Bogra introduced the One Unit
concept after eliminating all provincial reservations.(Allen McGrath, 1996a).

On November 25, 1954, Sardar Rashid of the NWFP Assembly moved a resolution in
favour of one unit. A Jirga of the Frontier States and the tribal belt adopted the same resolution.
Similar to this, the Punjab Assembly approved a resolution in favour of One Unit on November
29. On November 26, 1954, Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani became the governor of the Punjab after
the Assemblies passed resolutions in support of the One Unit Scheme. Following this, the
Bahawalpur State, Khair Pur State, Quetta Municipality, Baluchistan, the Shahi Jirga of
Baluchistan and Baluchistan States, as well as the Karachi Municipality Corporation, passed
resolutions of recognition. (Allen McGrath, 1996b)

On December 16, 1954, the Governor General issued an order creating the Provincial
Council for West Pakistan. Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani was appointed as its chairman. The
primary objective of this Council was to establish the framework for the new, united province's
government. As expected, a typical province One Unit also had a secretariat, a single chamber
legislature, a governor, a cabinet of provinces, and a provincial administration. A resident
minister was appointed for the tribal territories within its jurisdiction to address the concerns in
such areas.(Aziz, 2001).

The province of West Pakistan was created by an ordinance that the Governor-General
issued in March 1955, altering the constitution. Gurmani was chosen to serve as the province's
first governor. However, the conflict between the Speaker of the disbanded Constituent
Assembly and the Governor, which lasted from December 1954 to May 1955, caused the whole
thing to be postponed for a while. In fact, the One Unit Scheme had to wait for a newly elected
Constituent Assembly to approve it.(Batliwala, 1995 ).

Various parties began staking claims in the new government at the inaugural session of
the newly elected Constituent Assembly, which was presided over by Gurmani in Murree, on
July 7, 1995. While in power in West Pakistan, Nawab Mushtaq forged a political wise alliance

29
with Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, the head of the Awami League. Gurmani led the Daultana
group, which included Gurmani, in forging this alliance. Suharwardy was the prime minister that
Gurmani sought. The "Murree Pact" was the result of protracted negotiations between the
Awami League and Muslim League. In accordance with this Pact, Gurmani would be named
Pakistan's Governor-General (President) if Suharwardy were to become the country's prime
minister (Bryden, 2003).

This agreement was signed on July 13th, 1955, by the political leaders of several parties
from both wings of the nation. It was signed by Prime Minister Bogra on behalf of the Muslim
League. It was signed on behalf of West Pakistan by Gurmani, Dr. Khan Sahib, and Chaudhry
Muhammad Ali. East Pakistan's representative, Maulvi A.K. Fazal Haq, was supposed to sign,
but he insisted on waiting until Abdul Rahman and Abdul Mansoor Ahmad signed first. Of
Pakistan, Gurmani saw to it that everyone signed (Cabinet W ing).

The next session of the Constituent Assembly was held in Karachi on August 7, 1955,
under the leadership of Nawab Mushtaq. Suharwardy was named Leader of the Opposition, and
Chaudhry Muhammad Ali was named Leader of the [Link] Minister Chaudhry
Muhammad Ali was ordered by Governor-General Sikandar Mirza to create a new
administration, which he did by August 10th, 1955. In the government, Daultana had no place.
Daultana believed that Gurmani had given his approval for everything to be done.(Callard,
2022).

After taking the oath of office, Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali's first action
was to ask the Constituent Assembly to approve the One Unit Bill. The bill was formally
introduced in the Assembly on August 23, 1955, by Sardar Amir Azam Khan. Gurmani made a
compelling argument in favour of passing the Bill. In reality, he contended that the One Unit
would lead to a considerable improvement in the country's political structure. The plan would
eliminate party manoeuvres and provincial feelings that had raised politics to the level of a
District Board in every province (Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, 1973b).

A plan with the term Zonal federation was suggested by Feroz Khan Noon. Mushtaq
Gurmani vehemently opposed and denounced Feroz Khan Noon's alternative plan of "Zonal
Federation," calling it utopian. He made the case in support of One Unit, saying that he was
confident that under the One Unit plan, true power would reach the two units of West Pakistan

30
and East Pakistan, where each partner would fully enjoy their respective shares.(Chaudhri
Muhammad Ali, 1973a).

The Muslim League and other United Front coalition parties voted together to pass the
One Unit Bill after a one-month long debate. 43 MPs supported the bill, while 13 opposed it,
hence it was passed with a vote of 43 to 13. In October 1955, the Bill was signed into law. The
Governor-General made a proclamation on October 5th, 1955, creating West Pakistan as a
separate province with Lahore as its capital. While Gurmani took the oath of office as Governor
of West Pakistan, Dr. Khan Sahib was named Chief Minister. To run the new administrative
structure, a West Pakistan provisional government with six ministers was chosen. The ministers
were Ayub Khuro, Mumtaz Daultana, Abdul Hameed Dasti, Khan Qurban Ali Khan, and Sardar
Bahadur Khan.(Choudhary, 2020).

The Muslim League won a majority in the newly formed Legislative Assembly of the
united province in January 1956. The chief minister declined to join the Muslim League, Dr.
Khan Sahib. Abid Hussain, Dr. Khan Sahib, Mumtaz Daultana, Mushtaq Gurmani, Col., and
Ayub Khuro were present when Governor General Sikandar Mirza summoned a meeting in
March 1956 to discuss a compromise strategy. After some time, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali
joined this conference as well. After protracted negotiations, it was finally decided that Dr. Khan
Sahib would serve as the Chief Minister of the Non-Muslim League and would not join any other
party. Until new elections were held within a year, he would serve as the government's "neutral"
leader, with all other ministers coming from the Muslim League party. (Choudry Mohammad
Ail, 1967).

Dr. Khan Sahib, the Chief Minister of West Pakistan, announced his desire to create and
head a new political party in West Pakistan on March 19, 1956. The Muslim League leadership
was taken aback by Dr. Khan Sahib's choice. The leaders of the Muslim League were very
troubled by the prospect of a rival political party. The Muslim League's then-president, Sardar
Abdur Rab Nishtar, along with other members including Ayub Khuro, Mumtaz Daultana, Sardar
Bahadur Khan, and a number of other politicians, wished to replace Dr. Khan Sahib with one of
their own associates. A resolution stipulating that only a member of the Muslim League could
become a minister or the head of a provincial government was adopted by the Muslim League
party in the Legislative Assembly of West Pakistan on April 3, 1956, in an effort to resolve the
political crisis.(din, 1949).
31
 Dr. Khan Sahib immediately called Sikandar Mirza, who was currently on a tour of Azad
Kashmir. In order to discuss the recent political development, the governor general hurried to
Lahore and met with Mushtaq Gurmani. They were left with no choice but to create their own
party in order to govern the province as they saw fit. They extended an open offer to potential
Muslim League defectors to assume positions in the government in order to support the new
party. Dr. Khan Sahib notified Gurmani on April 6 that he wanted Ayub Khuro, Mumtaz
Daultana, and Sardar Bahadur Khan to be removed from their positions as ministers (Dixon-
Mueller, 1978).

These three Muslim League members have already given Gurmani their resignation
letters. Many Muslim League members who opposed the deal between the Center and the
Muslim League jumped on the bandwagon and quit the group. Eight people made up the new
government that Dr. Khan Sahib, the Chief Minister of Punjab, formed. Assumed as new cabinet
members are Ghulam Nabi Pathan, Qazi Fazullah, Abdul Sattar Pirzada, and Ali Nawaz Talpur.
Other well-known Muslim League members, including Makhdum zada Hassan Muhammad and
Abdul Hameed Dasti, the previous chief ministers of Bahawalpur and the Punjab, respectively,
joined the cabinet. Without being aware of or caring about the damage they had done to the
established parliamentary ideals of representative government, President Sikandar Mirza and
Mushtaq Gurmani had been successful in their attempts to retain Dr. Khan Sahib as Chief
Minister. As the head of the Muslim League's parliamentary party, Sardar Bahadur Khan
requested to the governor that he be given the authority to create a new ministry. Instead of
responding directly, Gurmani submitted the letter to Chief Minister Dr. Khan Sahib. Dr. Khan
Sahib declined to assist in this matter. Dr. Khan claimed he was not a Leaguee and hence was not
had to follow the Muslim League parliamentary party's ruling. (Hassan, 2011).

With the backing of President Sikandar Mirza, Gurmani, and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali,
Dr. Khan Sahib announced the founding of a new political party on April 23, 1956, calling it the
Pakistan Republican Party. Numerous observers believe Sikandar Mirza came up with the idea
for the Party, but Sikandar Mirza vehemently rejected it. He claimed that when the Republican
Party was established in Lahore, Dr. Khan Sahib visited him at his home in Karachi to inform
him of his choice. According to Dr. Khan Sahib's assertion, Mushtaq Gurmani was the one who
came up with the concept. However, Sikandar Mirza, Mushtaq Gurmani, and Dr. Khan Sahib

32
were the three men that actually came up with the idea for the Republican Party.(M. Hassan,
2011).

The importance and power of two parties—the Republican Party and the Muslim League
—were highlighted during the inaugural session of the West Pakistan Assembly, which was
convened on May 19, 1956. Additionally pulling a fast one, the Central Government proposed
Mumtaz Hassan Qazilbash as the Acting President of the Assembly. On May 20, there was
voting. As their candidates for speaker, the Muslim League put forth Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur
while the Republicans put forth Chaudhry Fazal Ilahi. There was a lot of uncertainty while
voting. Mumtaz Hassan Qazilbash played a significant role for the Republicans Party and
asserted that the votes were split equally between the two parties (Kapur, 2009)

"I have been following the political developments in this province with growing anxiety
for a while now. Political players in the Provincial Assembly had been hard at work forming new
coalitions and employing various strategies to win over the support of legislators from
organisations or parties other than their own. However, the government was able to do its
business with a secure majority in the House. Dr. Khan Sahib decided to recommend the
dissolution of the Assembly and prorogation of the Assembly session in light of the situation
after meeting his cabinet”. (Hassan, 2011).

Gurmani gave the go-ahead to suspend the assembly's session and gave the President
advice to impose presidential authority in the province. The roots of democracy were cut by the
imposition of the presidential role. Additionally, it averted the establishment of a precedent
whereby a legislature should be permitted to vote a ministry out of office rather than sacking
both the legislature and the ministry (Kapur, 2009)

Mushtaq Gurmani's resignation as governor and the breakup of One Unit

After West Pakistan was established as "One Unit" on October 5, 1955, Mian Mushtaq
Gurmani took over as governor of the province. Since Dr. Khan Sahib did not belong to any
political party, it was agreed to appoint him as the impartial Chief Minister for the interim time
in order to operate the governance of the one unit smoothly. After taking over as governor,
Gurmani did well, on average, during the election, which Muslim league won with a majority.
Dr. Khan sahib was given the chance to join the Muslim League, but he turned it down.
However, the political landscape soon changed when West Pakistan's Chief Minister, Dr. Khan
33
Sahib, announced the formation of a new political party called the "Republic Party” (Huntington,
1991).

As a member of the Republic Party, Dr. Khan Sahib continued to serve as chief minister.
The Republic Party was also backed by M. A. Gurmani and Sikandar Mirza. A meeting of the
Republican Party was conducted on July 2, 1957, and 146 members, out of a total support of
170, were present. A motion calling for the Republican ministry to be reinstated was approved at
this meeting. However, the Republican Party was now split over the issue of the party's leader
because some members wished to keep Dr. Khan Sahib in that position. Sardar Abdul Rashid
Khan, a former Chief Minister of the NWFP, took over as Chief Minister when Dr. Khan Sahib
voluntarily resigned due to pressure and to preserve party unity. The Assembly was called again
on August 14, 1957, after the Republican administration of West Pakistan took its oath on July
17th once more (Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 2019).

The National Awami Party made the decision to work with the Republicans in the
meanwhile after understanding that the Muslim League had virtually little prospect of forming
the government. As National Awami Party conditionally backed the Republican, the Republican
administration of West Pakistan decided to push through a resolution calling for the dissolution
of One Unit in exchange for National Awami Party support. Given the circumstances, Sikandar
Mirza had a good chance to unseat Mushtaq Gurmani as governor of West Pakistan. Sikandar
Mirza persuaded Nawab Gurmani to resign by claiming that the Republican Party had demanded
his removal because he allegedly refused to help the party continue to hold power without being
subjected to a vote of no confidence in the Assembly (Hussain, 1993).

President Sikandar Mirza officially summoned Gurmani to Karachi in August 1957 and
informed him that Republican Party leaders had expressed concerns about their ability to
maintain their majority in the Provincial Assembly in light of the new, phoney alliances being
formed on the issue of the dissolution of the One Unit of West Pakistan. They sought reassurance
that he would support their request for action under Article 193 and prevent the opposition from
forming the government in the event that they lost their majority in the Assembly. Gurmani'
Mirza stressed that he did not want a change in the central government to occur because "if the
Republican Party was not assured of such support, they may withdraw their support from the
coalition in the centre."(Ibid and Hamid Yousuf, 1999).

34
 Sikandar Mirza met with Gurmani once more on August 27, 1957, and requested his
resignation while informing him that the Republican leaders had insisted on an assurance of it.
Without waiting for an answer, Sikandar Mirza wrote him a letter the same evening, requesting
that he submit his resignation because the government had demanded it because he was the
governor of West Pakistan. (Inquiry, 1954 )

President, Gurmani had no choice but to resign. Sikandar Mirza accepted the resignation
as it was presented to him, saying, "I accept the resignation with deep regret, and in doing so,
wish to draw to our attention your excellent work at a period when the One Unit was in its early
stages. Future generations will be grateful for your assistance in this matter. Nawab Mushtaq
ultimately decided to resign because the political climate was not in his favour. And he turned up
control of his office on September 2, 1957 (Jali, 2017).

On October 7, 1958, Sikandar Mirza disbanded the Central and Provincial Assemblies
and the government in addition to repealing the 1956 Constitution. As the country of Pakistan
became martial law, General Ayub Khan assumed command. On March 21, 1959, Ayub Khan
introduced the "Public Offices Disqualification Order" ordinance to deal with the country's
politicians and allow for free government (PODO). The Public Offices Disqualification Order
became the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order on August 17. (EBDO). PODO only applied
to politicians, but EBDO included politicians, government employees, and members of local
organisations including the Municipal Corporation, Municipal Committee, Cantonment Board,
and District Board. Politicians only had two choices: go on trial or voluntarily give up politics
for the following six years. In an interview, Mian Mushtaq Gurmani discussed the nation's
political climate (Javaid, 2017).

"Zindagi magazine" was the recipient of this interview. Gurmani decried the imposition
of martial law in Pakistan during this interview. In this interview, it was asserted that in the
beginning of 1957, General Ayub Khan, Sikandar Mirza, and the United States of America had a
well-thought-out plan to establish Martial Law. He added that they had made an effort to get him
to join their plan during one unit, but he had turned them down. He was informed by Ayub Khan
and Sikandar Mirza that the Suhrawardy government was a complete failure. Both made
allegations about the Awami League's suspected misuse of East Pakistan's educational funding.
They made it clear that they intended to establish martial law. Gurmani asserted that I was

35
terrified by these two people's scheme. He did, however, caution them that doing so would create
a risky precedent going forward”(Javaidis, 2018).

General Ayub Khan wanted to govern the nation without any obstacles. To disqualify the
politicians, he made the decision to introduce an ordinance. The "Elective Bodies
Disqualification Order" (EBDO) was a law that went into effect in August 1959. 3000 public
employees and about 75 elected politicians from the assembly were disqualified as a result of
this ordinance. Mushtaq Gurmani was disqualified under the EBDO on the grounds that he
allegedly used government funds and his position of authority to buy a house and renovate it.
Gurmani, to alter the appointment of West Pakistan's Chief Minister and the irrigation
department's records (Kandpal, 2013).

Gurmani vigorously refuted these accusations, but in vain. He was immediately

eliminated. On November 19, 1963, Gurmani was approached by Khan Abdul Saboor Khan, the
communication minister in Ayub Khan's cabinet and a personal friend of Ayub Khan, who
offered to eliminate the EBDO limitations provided Gurmani joined the Convention Muslim
League. Gurmani didn't exhibit any enthusiasm or interest. In his own words, "I would not fit
into the current system of things and I cannot engage there." Despite everything, Gurmani
persisted in opposing Ayub Khan's attitudes against politicians and refused to join his party
(Kapur, 2009)

In the 1964 presidential election, Gurmanis supported Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah

wholeheartedly over Ayub Khan since she was the Combined Opposition Parties' (COP)
undisputed choice for president. On July 14, 1964, the Combined Opposition Parties (COP) were
established with the primary goal of unseating Ayub Khan in this election. However, the
election's outcome favoured the COP, and Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah lost this race because Ayub
Khan and Gurmani were unable to turn around his political fortunes. (Khalid, 1974)

The political environment shifted following the conclusion of the 1965 War. Mian
Mushtaq Gurmani was a military dictator who consistently criticised Ayub Khan's ideas. At this
point, Gurmani not only supported Ayub Khan but also gave 23 Murabbaas of rich land to the
families of the military personnel who lost their lives in the conflict. On October 13th, 1965, 500
acres of property were also donated to the National Defense Fund by Nawab Mushtaq, his
brother, and Niaz Gurmani. On December 28, Gurmani met a Chinese team in Muzaffar Garh

36
and offered to contribute 56 acres of land for the projected heavy engineering complex to be built
with funding from the People's Republic of China in tehsil kot Addu exchange for the
government's consideration. (Khan, 2018)

The first military dictator, General Ayub Khan, held control for almost 11 years. On
March 25, 1969, he resigned as president of Pakistan and turned the country over to General
Yahya Khan, another military dictator who served as commander-in-chief of the Pakistani Army.
The 1962 constitution was suspended by General Yahya Khan. Following his assumption of
power, General Yahya Khan stated elections for the National Assembly would take place on
October 5 and for provincial assemblies on October 22. But the polls were delayed until
December because of the cyclone in East Pakistan. The political parties in East and West
Pakistan viewed the news of the election's postponement favourably and commenced their
election campaign there with fervour and enthusiasm. The primary leadership of the parties
visited the two provinces of the country in an effort to canvass the populace with their alluring
manifestos in order to win the vote and support for their candidates. Due to the election's delay,
all parties acquired a lot of time for their campaigns. During the election campaign,
constitutional and economic problems were raised.(N. Kiran, 2012 )

The Awami League in East Pakistan focused mostly on Mujeeb ur Rahman's six
objectives. The Pakistan People's Party ran for office on the slogan "Roti, kapra aur makan" and
triumphed with a resounding victory in West Pakistan. According to the results, Pakistan
People's Party received a resounding victory. The Awami League also prevailed in the election
by a large margin based on the Mujeeb Six points. In his address, Mushtaq Gurmani said that
Pakistan was founded in the name of Islam and that it allowed its citizens to practise their
religious beliefs openly and with confidence. He made it plain that the Holy Quran and Sunnah
were the sole solutions to the nation's serious challenges on September 7th, 1970, during another
public assembly in Sargodha.(N. Kiran, 2016).

After a prolonged period of Military Dictatorship came to an end and Dacca broke on
December 20, 1971, Pakistan People's Party was given control of the government. Prior to that,
PPP had won the majority of seats in West Pakistan in elections held in 1970, while Jamaat-I-
Islami, which had Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani's complete support, fared poorly. It should be
noted that M. A. Gurmani did not belong to the Jamaat-I-Islami; he was merely one of its
supporters. After loosing this election, Gurmani never again ran for office at the municipal or
37
even the national level. This was his final election. Z. A. Bhutto suggested they collaborate, but
Gurmani flatly declined. Additionally, Gurmani abstained from the Pakistan National Alliance
(PNA) movement, an anti-Bhutto movement, in 1977 (N. Kiran, 2019).

Since Pakistan was being governed without a constitution at the time, Z. A. Bhutto
assumed the roles of President and civilian Chief Martial Law administrator. Mian Mushtaq
Gurmani fiercely attacked this regime; he said that “during the Ayub government, Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto was so close to him and even Bhutto was member of inner cabinet. He claimed that
Bhutto was Ayub Khan's favourite cabinet member. Gurmani further alleged that Bhutto was the
permanent member of the Cabinet during the whole military dictator ship period. However, he
never specifically helped Sinds' underprivileged citizens. By using the meaningless catchphrases
"roti, kapra, aur makan," Bhutto allegedly intended to impose his own personal dictatorship in
Pakistan. (Latif, 2002).

After General Zia ul Haq imposed Martial Law in July 1977, M. A. Gurmani made the
decision to leave politics. He also absolved himself of all political obligations and moved back to
his ancestral house, "Thatha Gurmani," in Muzaffar Garh. Mushtaq Gurmani played his best role
for Pakistan's advancement from the founding of Pakistan till the day of his political retirement.
In particular, as minister for Kashmir affairs, his efforts and during the governorship were highly
commended. On August 21, 1982, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani's illustrious political career
came to an end (Lawrence Ziring, 2004).

Political services of Mushataq Ahmad Gurami

Rising discontent during gurmani family

Gurmani visited Hussain Heikal Pasha, President of the Senate, at the Senate House with
the help of a Pakistani embassy staff, and they had fruitful conversations. According to Pasha,
(2020) declared that he will lead the establishment of "the Friends of Pakistan Society" in Cairo.
Additionally, he consented to lead the Egyptian Kashmir Committee in that capacity. Pasha was
informed of the most recent developments in the Kashmir case by Gurmani. Gurmani also met
with King Farouq's press adviser, Karim Sabit Pasha, who reassured him that the King had warm
sympathies for Pakistan and that Egypt would do everything in its power to assist Pakistan.

38
 He also noted that the Arabs had great feelings of appreciation and respect for Pakistan
and were appreciative of its steadfast backing of their cause. Karim Pasha, King Farouq's
publicity advisor, was another person Gurmani spoke with. He promised him that the King had
deep affection for Pakistan and that Egypt would do everything in its ability to help Pakistan.
Pasha observed that Pakistan was greatly admired and respected by the Arabs, who valued
Pakistan's unwavering support . Gurmani strongly refuted this allegation, telling him that neither
the Muslim League nor the Pakistani government were advocating for an Islamic "block." He
also questioned how Pakistan, which had just recently gained independence from British
imperialism, could be involved in any plot against Muslim nations.

Later in the day, Gurmani addressed a press conference to discuss the Kashmir problem
and Pakistan's perspective. It was widely attended, which led to favourable press coverage in the
neighbourhood publications. Gurmani also paid a visit to Ibrahim Abdul Hadi Pasha, a former
Egyptian prime minister, at his home19 and gave him a brief rundown on the current
circumstances in the area and, in particular, the Kashmir issue. He also underlined the necessity
for a solution to the Kashmir conflict in order to guarantee peace in the area, which was crucial
for the world at large. Considering that we have always collaborated and that I have consistently
supported Pakistan, Pakistan scarcely needs any assurance from us. He assured them that the
head of the Egyptian delegation to the UN would back Pakistan's position on the Kashmir
dispute. Gurmani also met with Mustafa Pasha, the ex-prime minister of Egypt and head of the
Wafa Party, and spoke at length about the Kashmir issue with both of them as well as other
leaders (Abid, 2013).

According to Mustafa Pasha, (2017) also gave a good response. One of Gurmani's first
acts after arriving in the country was to phone Dean Acheson, the secretary of state, and inform
him that Kashmir is a crucial component of Pakistan's fundamental philosophy and a
continuation of the Muslim struggle for liberation. The freedom of more than a million people is
at stake, therefore it is not merely a question of geography or financial rewards. Gurmani also
gave him a briefing on the government of Pakistan's perspective on this crucial matter in light of
the most recent developments. Minister for Kashmir, States, and Frontier Regions since 1951,
Gurmani. The portfolio was his till April 7, 1953.   Even a book named "Kashmir, the World's
Biggest Question Mark" was written by him about Kashmir. where he stated that the UN's efforts
to broker a cease-fire between India and Pakistan had failed. He argued that the people of the
39
State should vote on the issue of joining the Union in an impartial, free referendum held in
accordance with United Nations guidelines. Gurmani harshly condemned the Indian Prime
Minister's remark that the "arbitration" section in the Security Council resolution was a threat to
the dignity of the people of Kashmir and India, arguing that it was a violation of UN standards.
Gurmani was adamant that the resolution of the Kashmir conflict was crucial for maintaining
regional peace and security since it affected much more than just the conflict between Pakistan
and India.

We want to live in peace and friendship with all nations, especially with India with whose
people we have long and close association, if India should agree faithfully and sincerely to
redeem her pledge which both India and Pakistan have given to the people of Kashmir. He
identified Kashmir as the primary source of tension between the two nations. Many in Pakistan
were not impressed, despite his best attempts to further the cause of Kashmir. For instance,
Qudratullah Shahab claimed that Gurmani engaged in conspiracies and sowed irreconcilable
divisions within the Kashmiri leadership rather than serving the Kashmiri people after the
Ministry of Kashmir Affairs was established and he was appointed as its minister in charge,
harming the cause of Kashmir. The most significant controversy surrounding Gurmani's political
life and career was the 1951 killing of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. Liaquat Ali Khan
declared on October 11, 1951, that he would depart Karachi for a five-day trip of the Punjab.  He
was wounded by a close-range bullet while giving a speech in public on October 16 at what is
now Liaquat Bagh in Rawalpindi. He passed away shortly after (Afzal, 1999).

Syed Akbar, the assassin from Afghanistan, was also slain there and then by Police
Inspector Muhammad Shah, sealing the assassin's lips for good. Muhammad Shah was the
subject of an investigation, but no proof of a plot could be found. On October 16, at what is now
Liaquat Bagh in Rawalpindi, he was struck by a close-range gunshot while delivering a speech in
public. He died shortly after that. The Afghan assassin Syed Akbar was also killed there and then
by Police Inspector Muhammad Shah, effectively cutting off the assassin's mouth. An
investigation of Muhammad Shah was conducted, but no evidence of a scheme was discovered.
The assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan led to accusations that Daultana and Gurmani, who were
both in charge of the Prime Minister's safety during his visit to the region, were also engaged in
the crime (Alkire, 2013).

40
 By coincidence, both Gurmani and Ghulam Muhammad, a member of his cabinet, were
in Rawalpindi on the day of the murder. 39 Thus, General Ayub Khan remembered the
assassination and its effect on senior political leadership after taking over the country in a
bloodless military takeover in October 1958. But writers keep speculating that Liaquat Ali
Khan's murder may have involved both Gurmani and Ghulam Muhammad. Former senior civil
officer Fida Hussain of the Pakistani government disclosed that Gurmani had once requested the
file relating to the murder of Liaquat Ali Khan, but that when he delivered it, the necessary
documents were missing (Callard, 2022).

Unification plan for provincial assembly

As a result, Ghulam Muhammad made the decision to take action and dismissed Nazimuddin and
his cabinet on April 16, 1953. The nation's new prime minister has been named as Muhammad
Ali Bogra. However, a number of ministers, like Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, Sardar Bahadur
Khan, and Dr. I.H. Qureshi, kept their jobs. Muhammad Ali Bogra made his announcement .The
Lower House elections were to be based on population while the Upper House was to have an
equal number of representatives from each of the five constituent units, according to a
constitutional formula established by the Constituent Assembly. Each of the two wings would be
equally represented in a joint sitting.  Many people from both ends of the political spectrum
agreed with this formula, however the Punjabi Assembly members disapproved of it. They
feared that Bengalis, in combination with Sind and the North-West Frontier Province, would
control the Central Government if West Pakistan was not transformed into a unitary entity. They
made an effort to ensure that the Governor-General would be unable to dismiss any other
ministry in the future using the Act. The Assembly was disbanded by the Governor-General,
Ghulam Muhammad, after a prompt and forceful response (R. Afzal, 2021).

Muhammad Ali Bogra was asked to remain as prime minister on October 2, 1954. Gurmani was
named Governor of the Punjab on November 27, 1954. West Pakistan was divided into four
provinces, a number of princely states, and tribal regions. In both wings, the public trend was
developing in very different ways. In the 1954 elections in East Pakistan, the United Front, a
coalition of various political parties, had won a resounding victory and established a provincial
administration. The provincial ministry was swiftly dismissed by the central government on May
29, 1954, after which governor's rule was implemented in the province because the provincial

41
ministry had failed to take any decisive measures to restore law and order. All of this greatly
alarmed West Pakistani politicians, especially the so-called Punjabi group, which suggested
combining all of West Pakistan's provinces and regions into a single political entity. Of course,
an alliance of East Pakistani representatives opposed this proposition vehemently. The Central
Government made the decision to exert more pressure on the merger plan. Prime Minister
Muhammad Ali Bogra unveiled a plan for the creation of "One Unit" on November 22, 1954. On
November 26, Sardar Bahadur Khan presided over a meeting of the central cabinet, chief
ministers of all the provinces of West Pakistan, and the agent to the governor-general in
Baluchistan. (Akhtar Ali Baluch, 2018). He vehemently argued that it was difficult to frame the
constitution under the current conditions and that it was crucial to establish One Unit in West
Pakistan for effective administration and the creation of a workable constitution for the nation.
the points are as following

 Provision of proper funds for the Sindhi language and culture for which Sind
government had allocated initial amounts.

 No law to be imposed on Sind against the wishes of the majority of its members.

 Sind’s share in the Indus system to be safeguarded.

 Maximum autonomy to be given to the provinces and the Centre to keep only three
subjects, i.e., Defence, Foreign Affairs and Currency.

 Agricultural land which was shortly to become available after the completion of the
lower Sind Barrage to be given to local landless and permanent inhabitants of Sind of
local or refugee origin.

 Income from the province of Sind to be spent on it.

The Central Government agreed to these terms, and on November 22, Bogra declared that One
Unit will take effect on January 1st, 1955. The several provincial assemblies were required to
approve the One Unit plan as a first step toward the unification plan's fulfilment. In the NWFP
and Sind, respectively, under the leadership of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Sattar
Pirzada, there was a general animosity towards the plan. However, the Central Government
instructed the province governments to use every available means to encourage the general
populace and the provincial assembly to support the plan. Sardar Rashid's motion for a resolution
42
in support of One Unit was heard by the NWFP assembly for the first time on November 25,
1954 (Hassan, 2011).

Resolutions from a Jirga of the tribal belt and the Frontier States came after that. The
Punjab Assembly approved the resolution on November 29. One of the scheme's original
proponents, none other than Gurmani, who took over as governor of the Punjab on November 26,
made the task easier. The Bahawalpur State, Khairpur State, Quetta Municipality, Baluchistan,
Shahi Jirga of Baluchistan, Baluchistan States, and the Karachi Municipality, the corporation,
then adopted resolutions of acceptance. The One Unit resolution was approved by the Sind
Assembly, which convened in Hyderabad on December 11. Governors, princely state leaders,
and cabinet officials gathered on December 14 for a summit that also approved One Unit. The
duty of establishing the new, united province's government apparatus was given to the Council.
The new province was expected to follow the customary structure of a single chamber
legislature, secretariat, governor, and cabinet. A resident minister was to be chosen for the tribal
regions under its control.  In February 1955, the Council published its finished report. The
province of West Pakistan was created by an ordinance that the Governor-General issued in
March 1955, altering the constitution. Gurmani was chosen to serve as the province's first
governor. However, the conflict between the Speaker of the disbanded Constituent Assembly and
the Governor, which lasted from December 1954 to May 1955, caused the whole thing to be
postponed for a while (Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 2019).

The One Unit Scheme had to wait for the consent of a newly elected Constituent Assembly. On
July 7, 1975, the first session of the newly elected Constituent Assembly was convened in
Murree under the chairmanship of Gurmani, and it served as a platform for various parties to lay
claim to various ministries. The Gurmani Daultana group, in which Gurmani played the
prominent position and allied himself with Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, the head of the Awami
League, predominated the Muslim League to a great extent. Suharwardy was the prime minister
that Gurmani sought. Following protracted negotiations, the Muslim League and Awami League
came to an accord known as the "Murree Pact." The Pact provided that Gurmani would be named
Pakistan's Governor General [President] if Shubarwardy were to be elected prime minister. The
following agreement was signed on July 13 by the heads of different parties. It was signed by
Prime Minister Bogra on behalf of the Muslim League. In the name of West Pakistan, Grumani,

43
Dr. Khan Sahib, and Chaudhri Muhammad Ali signed the document. For East Pakistan, Maulvi
A.K. Fazlul Haq was supposed to sign. (N. Kiran, 2019).

According to Ziring, (2004) The Constituent Assembly convened in Karachi on August 7

under the leadership of Gurmani once more. Suharwardy became the Leader of the Opposition
after Chaudhri Muhammad Ali was named Leader of the House, much to his chagrin. Iskandar
Mirza, the Governor-General, requested Chaudhri Muhammad Ali to create a new government,
which he did by August 10th, 1955. Daultana was kept out of the cabinet by him. Gurmani, in
Daultana's opinion, was responsible for his expulsion from the ministry.

44
 Chapter 3

Social and Educational services of gourami family.

As it was covered in the previous chapter, Main Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani began his
political career in his home district of Muzaffar Garh, where he also played a significant part in
the pre- and post-partition growth of the district. As a member of the Punjab Committee and
Punjab Legislative Assembly, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Education, Director of
New recruits for the Government of India, Director General of Resettlement, Prime Minister of
Bahawalpur, Federal Minister, Governor of Punjab, and Governor of West Pakistan, to recognize
a few, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani held a spectrum of political positions. In 1980, Nawab Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani established "The Gurmani Foundation" with the same objective after just a
prolonged battle for the improvement and progress of his native constituency Muzaffargarh. The
province of West Pakistan was established through an ordinance that the Governor-General
issued in March 1955, altering the constitution. Gurmani was appointed to serve as the province's
first governor.   Nevertheless, the dispute between both the Speaker of the dismantled
Constituent Assembly and the Governor, which spanned from December 1954 to May 1955,
caused the whole thing to be delayed for some time. In fact, the One Unit Scheme had to wait for
a new government Transitional Government to endorse it.                 

1) Developments in muzafarghar:

To establish the various departments in the Muzaffar Garh district, Nawab Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani contributed his all. On November 24, 1932, Nawab Gurmani moved a
resolution in the Punjab Council recommended to the government the following: This Council
recommends that a committee composed of the Deputy Commissioner for Muzaffar Garh, the
Executive Engineer for Muzaffar Garh Canals, the Inspector for Schools Multan Division, the
45
Deputy Director Agriculture  Montgomery, the Deputy Registrar in Co - operative societies, To
inquire into the causes for Muzaffar's general and economic underdevelopment, two non-official
members of the Punjab Legislative Council and two non-official members of Muzaffar Garh
district were nominated, with Multan Division Commissioner functioning as their chairman.
muzafarGarh area is following thorough investigations into this issue, to identify improvements
that might be implemented with the fewest additional costs necessary, as well as to develop a
plan for the this town's countryside uplifting. Gurmani asserted that it was true that the Muzaffar
Garh district had a relatively low representation in the provincial and specifically the class one
officer group gazette ranks of government services17. The sole direct appointment from
Muzaffar Garh district, according to him, was to the cadre of extra assistant commissioners. That
up until this point, no straight Tahsildar has been taken from the Muzaffar Garh district. He
requested that the pressing needs of the Muzaffar Garh District be taken into consideration.
Members of the Punjab Assembly should be informed in the meantime about the steps the
government plans to take to ensure that that underserved district has a sufficient representation in
services. The Nawab recommended that the chosen individuals be given the opportunity to
become permanent members of their department. Mian Mushtaq Ahmad lamented that some
non-agriculturists held what he would refer to as the crucial positions, leaving the Zamindars
behind. Additionally, he had called particular attention of the Government to certain of these
important appointments. The fact that non-agriculturists held critical positions like
superintendentships and head-clerkships, he said very simply, was to blame for their inability to
advance. He also laid the blame squarely on the shoulders of the government and his own
Unionist Party, which was in power. He also voiced his surprise at the fact that certain cast
members of agriculturists had been asked to quit their occupations. There were 38 people whose
departure was requested, and 22 of them were agriculturalists. There were only 4 agriculturists
among the 15 who remained or were confirmed in their duty; the others were not. Mian Mushtaq
pointed out numerous further instances of injustice and inequity, including as the
underrepresentation of zamindars, while admonishing the House not to squander its time. Mian
Mushtaq Gurmani advocated that a committee should be established to give specific
recommendations on the government of the day's intended initiative to encourage zamindars to
enter the workforce. Domestic, cottage, and domestic industries play a significant role in rural
settings. The majority of the settlements were self-sufficient in terms of daily essentials. They
had their own cotton wavers, cobblers, potters, and carpet makers. Household or cottage
46
enterprises provide a source of income for many families. In cities and towns, cottage industries
have also become incredibly important. Handwoven carpets, bangles, clothing, and fake
jewellery are in high demand. These are likewise regarded as significant export goods and are in
high demand on global marketplaces. In his speech, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani emphasised
numerous times the importance of fostering domestic industry and becoming independent in
every sphere so as to not be dependent on nations like Britain, Japan, or the USA. His main goal
in introducing the put-motion in the Punjab Assembly was to convince the government of the
importance of creating a committee of non-officials, officials, and industry experts to prepare a
five-year plan for the development of cottage businesses in rural regions. He also wanted to
emphasise the urgency of starting these cottage enterprises.

2 evolution in agriculture sector

According to soomro 2006 in his article nawab ahmad mushataq gurami social service ,he
illustrated that On March 18, 1933, Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani offered the Assembly Members
and the Punjabi government another suggestion: it could be a good idea to start an experimental
farm in the Muzaffar Garh District. He noted that the Agriculture Department of the Government
of the Punjab had previously built a few experimental farms in a few districts where experiments
were conducted with regard to seeds and crops to determine which places and which soils were
best suited for the growth of specific types of crops. In the past, existing farms had been
discontinued in some districts rather than opening new ones in some other Districts where they
could be important for advancing the cause of agriculture. In Multan, the then-honorable minister
of agriculture himself presided over the official opening ceremony for a farm. For reasons that
were only known to those who had finally decided to abandon it, that very farm had also been
abandoned. The Nawab claimed that the government accepted the plea that it lacked the
resources to advance the province's agricultural growth. But if that were the case, the Nawab
questioned how it was possible to spend tax dollars on speculative projects in the Punjab while
rejecting the viability of other practical projects that he occasionally proposed. He made the case
that the government should take care to spend money only on initiatives that were absolutely
important for the province's overall welfare. Mian Mushtaq complained about the Punjab
Agriculture Department's operations. He voiced his opinions in a very open manner, despite the
fact that he was a Parliamentary Secretary and a significant member of the governing Unionist
47
Party. If such a farm had been constructed in this district, it would have been extremely
beneficial to the districts next door, including the Mianwali and Multan districts. He could
confidently state that the district staff engaged by the department was useless as far as he could
tell from his understanding of the operations of the agency. They offered the zamindars no
meaningful support. They gave them farming advice without taking into account the local
climate, telling them to plant sugarcane or 8-wheat on their grounds. According to that
resolution, the government was committed to taking the required steps to better the lives of the
people in his district, and he didn't believe it would later betray its commitment. Conditions in
his area would not improve without opening the farm. He gave a case study that was pertinent to
the discussion. A zamindar of a village that was close to his home village once approached the
officers of the agricultural department and stated his desire to buy seeds as well as ask for their
guidance. He was urged to act on this, so he did as advised, bought some form of seed, and also
asked the officers of this department for their recommendations. Both the Punjabi administration
and the currently in power Unionist Party saw this statement as a threat. Nawab Mushtaq
Gurmani suggested that the government of India would be wise to hire the department's
personnel since they were particularly skilled at gathering and manipulating data.

According to malik (2000) in his work last phase of sikh muslim dialogue, he illustrated
that Nawab Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani also spoke in favour of constructing an agricultural
farm and nursery in the Muzaffar Garh district, telling the Minister of Agriculture that they had
been thinking about starting a farm in the district since 1927 and had made a commitment to do
that as soon as they could find a suitable piece of land. The department's difficulties were
highlighted by the claim that they were unable to purchase land in Muzaffar Garh for a fair price.
Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani offered the Agriculture Department a portion of his own land on
lease as a solution to this problem, but it appeared that the Minister's assurance had no real world
application. Furthermore, he claimed that it wasn't necessary to describe the heartbreaking tale of
the struggles endured by the local poor; instead, he once more encouraged the establishment of
an agricultural farm and nursery in the Muzaffar Garh district. However, he asserted that
Muzaffar Garh's poverty was legendary and that the district's residents' appalling situation was
too widely known to be duplicated. Every time the government was asked to improve the
deplorable conditions of the people, it was claimed that nature was against Muzaffar Garh and
that no measures, no matter how powerful, could completely alleviate the people's suffering

48
because the limitations brought on by nature could not be overcome. The Nawab, on the other
hand, maintained that although the local environment was extraordinarily forgiving, the
government's brilliance had rusted. While dates were a specialty in Muzaffar Garh, the citrus
fruits grown there were in no way inferior to those grown in other regions of the province.
Without assistance from the Punjab Government, the people, who lived in abject poverty, could
not engage in substantial gardening.

3 industrial enlargement in muzafarghar

On March 13, 1933, Nawab Gurmani alerted the government to the fact that the issue of
promoting industrial education in his district, Muzaffar Garh, had received very little attention.
The residents of Muzaffar Garh would be able to set up their own domestic industrial units with
the aid of industrial education. He claimed that he did not harbour any resentment toward any
other Districts receiving greater sums of money than his underdeveloped District, but he was
trying to make the point that the Punjab Government should not have overlooked his District
because it had such great potential for industrial growth. He recalled that in the past, the
members of the Government and the Punjab Legislature had expressed their sympathies with the
people of Muzaffar Garh, saying that these people truly deserved the government's assistance
more than the residents of any other district in the Punjab. If that show of sympathy wasn't just
lip service, he questioned, then now would be the perfect moment and opportunity for them all to
support the opening of an industrial school in Muzaffar Garh, assisting the locals there to support
themselves. In addition, he informed the Government and the distinguished Punjab Assembly
that, at the time, agriculture was not a profitable industry, particularly in the Muzaffar Garh
District. And the explanation he offered for so was that land tilling alone could not assist to
ameliorate the deplorable circumstances of the people in that district, in part because of the
natural conditions and in part because of the poverty of the people. According to Qamar (2005)
in his article modernizing national agriculture argues that The Nawaz claimed that it was
important, as a result, to take additional steps to strengthen the District's industries together with
the improvement of agriculture. Only if the populace received industrial education and was
properly taught to expand the District's industries on a massive scale could that be accomplished?
Additionally, he brought to the House's attention the fact that the literary education these people
had in colleges and schools had not in the slightest allowed them to support themselves. At best,
that form of schooling had grown along with the passage of time, but every year saw an increase
49
in the number of jobless people. The Nawab went on to say that industrial education was also
crucial for enabling the rural people to take an interest in and gain as much as possible from
large-scale projects like the hydroelectric plan that the Governor and Viceroy had launched. Such
factories and businesses were not to be found in the rural areas, particularly in the
underdeveloped Districts like Muzaffar Garh; in reality, there were no financiers in those regions
to create such factories. He therefore made a strong case for those underdeveloped Districts that
were entirely dependent on the support of the ruling government at the time. He sincerely hoped
that the Government would consider the argument he gave with sympathy and pay close
attention before approving it. . To the point of condemning the British Government in that
regard, Mian Mushtaq Gurmani. He stated that the British people were well known for their
business and industrial prowess and had been setting the standard for the rest of the world in
those areas. It was unfortunate that the British government had not done more to develop their
wonderful nation's industrial riches. No country in the world had more favourable conditions for
industrial development than India, which possessed an endless supply of fuel, metals, and raw
materials, the cheapest labour, and an endless market for consumer goods.

4) inequitable access and service provision for a burgeoning population.

According to kirmani (2008) in his article gender based activism in muzafarghar

illustrated that, this essay examines the binary framework that has been used to categorise
women in Pakistan as either "authentic/Islamic/traditional" or "enlightenment" by political
actors, the state, and the general public. It starts by putting this binary's historical roots in the
context of Pakistan's colonial and political past, which led to the state marginalising moderate
religious voices and supporting right-wing religious parties that complemented its political goals.
Even the scholarship produced by the women's movement, which arose in response to a
politicised Islamization process that had started in the 1980s while the country was still under
military rule, unintentionally perpetuates this binary as activists tried to advance a rights-based
agenda while receiving funding from foreign donors. Work on women in Pakistan has changed
recently, and donors are turning to sponsoring faith-based initiatives, in reaction to international
study developed in the West after 9/11 that focuses on the subjectivity and organisation of
Islamist women. The report then looks at current grass-roots initiatives for gender justice that
have developed independently, highlighting their success despite having little ties to either the
50
women's movement or Islamist women. These include transgender activism, community health
workers, and tribal women in the Taliban/conflict-affected north-west, and rights-based
mobilizations by peasant women. It concludes by urging feminists to get more involved in
various types of campaigning. In order to sideline and delegitimize women's and other civil
society groups working within a rights-based framework, some aid agencies are increasingly
supporting programmes that are presented in religious terms and engage with local "religious"
and "traditional" players.

As Shaheed (2010) argues that these ordinances also made it illegal for unmarried women
and men to engage in consensual intercourse (zina), which carries a maximum penalty of death
by stoning. Women who claim to have been raped need to provide four male witnesses; if they
are unable to do so, they risk being prosecuted with zina, which involves a comparable penalty.
As B.S West (2006) argues in his article empowering women that the women's movement has
been active in producing research, and via its work with NGOs, it has contributed the majority of
the discourse and analysis that serve as the foundation for the creation of gender knowledge in
Pakistan. While activists have written about how Islamic rules harm women (Jahangir and Jilani,
1990), they have also discussed the long-term implications of Islamization in general. Since the
2000s, there has been a change in the scholarly literature on Pakistani women's activism from a
focus on the women's movement to a rising interest among academics in the structure and self-
identification of Islamist women's organisations. The academic literature on Pakistani women's
activism has changed since the 2000s, shifting from a focus on the women's movement to an
increase in interest among academics on the organisation and self-identification of Islamist
women's organisations. She pushes the point even farther by claiming that while Islamist parties
generally engage in political activism that is critical of secularism as a project, it really promotes
secularisation by rationalising religion and bringing it into the public eye. One rationale for
initial support, according to some, was to aid the government in reducing the massive backlog of
cases in the regular court [Link] Taliban and their brand of quick justice in communities.
"Just because someone labels themselves faith-based does not make them the holders of the
truth," asserts Farida Shaheed 2018 in reference to some NGOs' instrumentalization of religious
discourse.

5 fundamental rights granted to local rural people in muzafarghar

51
 According to shoib (2012) Women's rights in Pakistan have made significant progress.
Pakistani women received the right to vote in national elections in 1947, and under the interim
Constitution in 1956, this right was again confirmed. Pakistani women continue to have major
legal repercussions from the Muslim Family Law Ordinance of 1961, which governed polygamy,
divorce, and marriage. People have a right to equality for women. Millions of women and men
who actively fight for women's rights have adopted these phrases as their motto. Women's rights
advocates have started the process of changing international law and their local communities by
holding not just nations but also corporate actors accountable. There have been discussions and
evaluations of this technique. Diverse perspectives be included in the discussion of the human
rights framework's applicability and validity. The second half of the essay is an effort to adapt
some notions and conflicts in the debate over women's international human rights to the situation
in Pakistan. A select group of elite women and men who have access to state organizations have
served as the intermediaries between the Pakistani state and the remainder of its female
inhabitants. In actuality, the majority of Pakistani women's opinions are never heard in regional
or even relations and foreign of human rights. They also included the Hoodooed Ordinance,
which uses a few conservative interpretations of Islamic law to resolve "family law" and sexual
practice-related disputes. As west (2006) says The United Nations reports, press reports,
historical research, and news stories from local women's and human rights non-governmental
institutions (NGOs) in Pakistan are among the sources used to chronicle the status of female
issues. This should be mentioned that these groups have their own politically and economically
objectives. Because with his own bewilderment, a person cannot bring out any errors and
condemn other people's religion. He needs to do extensive research before developing competing
arguments. Since women have equal rights, the veil is for their protection, and they have the
right to free speech or expression, the misunderstanding concerning women's rights throughout
Islam needs to be dispelled. The common perception of non-Muslims and even some
contemporary Muslims is that women are treated like second-class individuals in Religion. This
notion is incorrect and to some extent is the result of ignorance. One must take account the stark
class divides, as well as the religious and ethnic divisions that divide women into numerous
groups with equally differing interests, in order to better grasp the conditions of women in
Pakistan. They also included the Hoodooed Ordinance, which uses a few conservative
interpretations of Islamic law to resolve "family law" and sexual practice-related disputes. As
khan (2018) argues that The United Nations reports, press reports, historical studies, and reports
52
by local women's and human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Pakistan are
among the sources used to document the state of women's rights. It should be noted that these
groups have their own political and economic objectives. The socioeconomic revolution that has
a favorable effect on society is explained by development. It encompasses more than just raising
the national revenue. In most productive pursuits in modern economies, people give everything
they have. They work for the general welfare of the community in addition to meeting their own
needs. A nation's progress is significantly influenced by women. Efforts have been made in
Pakistan to advance women's status in nearly every aspect of society, yet in rural areas, women
continue to endure appalling conditions. In Punjab province's Muzaffargarh area, the goal of the
current study was to examine how women's empowerment has impacted rural development. 120
female responders' information has been gathered. A beneficial impact on rural development was
shown to be caused by self-esteem, decision-making ability, and freedom of movement, whereas
control over resources was determined to be inconsequential. It has been suggested that giving
women access to a decent education and career possibilities can indeed be crucial to their
empowerment. Additionally, having access to media, particularly TV, can significantly empower
women. Statistics revealed that variables including education, family type, the number of kids, a
good pay, access to print and radio media, and social media were statistically insignificant. In
addition, women with higher qualifications had more control over resources than women with
lower qualifications.

6 Gurmani effectual participation in Pakistan movement

In those days, the States were administered in a dictatorial fashion, and the public was
pushed out of the political process. However, as time went on and conditions changed, local
cultures and political systems changed as well. The semi continent's State has a unique cultural
identity. The political growth process was incredibly slow, however it should be emphasized that
a small number of groups founded as social and religious institutions had political goals. Even if
its impact is minimal, the political movement that is spreading throughout the subcontinent has
also affected Bahawalpur. A State statute governing political activity within in the Territory was
put into action in 1942.

53
 According to javaid (2017) in his article the historical prespective of successive
government in Pakistan that This was the Public Societies Act, and in conformity with it, it was
prohibited to found a political organization in the state of Bahawalpur. At Sadiq Eggertton
College in Bahawalpur, Anjuman Rafeeq Talba was established as the starting point for the
students' political activities. Muhammad Hussain Kanju, also referred to as the Sir Syed of
Bahawalpur, served as the country's first president. The active members of this organization then
established the Sadiq State Student Society with the intent of giving underprivileged kids access
to educational resources. Muslims, Sikhs, and Hindus in the United States were all feeling
uneasy. Muslims believed that their entitlements ought to be safeguarded. These connections
inevitably led to the State's admittance to Pakistan. The Nawab and his Prime Minister, Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani, wanted to "Maintain a quasi-independent life,"(javaid ,2017,pp.40) which led
to hesitancy and delay. The Punjab riots spread to Bahawalpur in the latter half of August 1947,
and by the end of September, Hindus and Sikhs had mostly evacuated from more than half of the
State. Despite the State authorities' zealous efforts to safeguard the non-Muslim minority, this
evacuation had not been completely successful. Bahawalpur joined Pakistan on October 3.
Gurmani himself didn't seem any less shocked and confused. It was not difficult to find the cause
of this odd advice. In an effort to persuade some of the Hindu kings to join Pakistan, the Muslim
League leaders had been making alluring concessions to them. Some believed that if the Nawaz
chose to accede to India rather than Pakistan, he may be able to obtain similar concessions from
that country. The leaders of the Congress had no desire to lure Bahawalpur into the Indian
Union. Bahawalpur's admission to India would be a fatal blow to Pakistan and inevitably lead to
a violent Muslim response since it was a Muslim State with a Muslim king and because it was
situated directly between Karachi and Lahore's rail and road connections. Bahawalpur State had
a refugee inflow from East Punjab and other Indian states during in the subcontinent's division.
As kiran (2014)in his article the federal cabinet and provincial issues in Pakistan argues that The
locals expressed sympathy with the migrants and gave them money, although there was a lack of
the enthusiasm that has been required at this develops over the course, both among the populace
or among the local political parties. A small number of camps were set up the Muslim Board and
Jamiatul-Musalmeen to offer help. On January 18, 1948, the State's government established
under the ministry of Refugees to address the issues surrounding immigration, and Mukdoom ul
Malik Syed Ghulam was named as the commission’s inside the Cabinet. When there was a
banking meltdown but there wasn't enough currency to cover expenses, the Nawab gave the
54
Pakistani government financial support shortly after the country gained its independence. Quaid-
i-Azam visited Nawab Sadiq "Al-Shams"(kiran,2014,pp.20) in Malir first when he first arrived
in Karachi on August 10, 1947, just before the partition. The Bahawalpur First Infantry Battalion
presented Quaid-i-Azam with such a royal salutation and a guard of reverence on the gate of Al-
Shams the previous day on the Nawab's instructions. The Nawabs of Bahawalpur had grown
very close to the British; several agreements between the organizations were established, but it
was always guaranteed that the Nawabs would retain complete internal control over the State.
Bahawalpur State cooperated with the British and supported them during the 1857 Struggle for
Independence. Although people of Bahawalpur State did not actively participate in the
revolutions, although their consequThe Public Societies Act of 1942, an act of the State
government that forbade the establishment of any political party or the establishment of any
subsidiary of the any political group of the subcontinent in the State, was the first and foremost
reason for this. It was passed by that of the Nawabs and prohibited democratic activities in the
Region. The citizens of the State were well aware that the Nawab controlled their destiny and
that whatever choice he made would be the faite accompali for them, regardless of what they
thought. According to khalid (1974) argues that consequence of the preponderance of Punjab
province State's inhabitants were Muslims as well as the fact that its monarch was a Muslim, its
citizens were spared the hardships of foreign control. The citizens of the State were aware that
the Nawab held power over their existence and that their opinions or decisions would be of little
consequence. However, there was a great deal of frustration and resistance to the establishment
of the new Muslim country. Within 50 days of its establishment, the State of Bahawalpur
rejoined Pakistan. Before that, the monarch of Bahawalpur gave Pakistan's first the need
preservation extremely financial and logistical help. le alluvial tract in the river valley, the
northern strip is located north of the railway tract.

Communication System's Improvement in Muzaffar Garh

Additionally, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani made every effort to strengthen Muzaffar
Garh District's communication channels. He made an effort to persuade the Minister of Public
Works to assist him in addressing the regional requirements of his district with regard to
enhancing Muzaffar Garh and its surrounding territories' communications networking. the
Unionist Government or the current Government's ruling Party dictatorship done nothing for the
Muzaffar Garh district in that regard. By claiming They also had faith that their king was
55
attentive to the mood of the populace. The general populace did not suffer the effects of the
direct foreign authority because Bahawalpur was a Muslim State. Although a substantial amount
of the central tract has been colonised and put under cultivation by canal irrigation, it is still
primarily a flat desert. A small, fertithat his domain was shaped like a long triangle, Nawab
Gurmani attempted to present a thorough defence. That triangle's length was around 200 miles,
and its base was about 55 miles long. The northwest region of the area was traversed by a single
railroad line running from Multan to Kundian. There were no railways that ran through the
district's southern region. Only two of the district's metalized roadways, which were maintained
by the Public Works Department, existed. One was the Multan-Dera Ghazi Khan Road, also
known as the India-Europe Road, which connected Baluchistan with India. About 25 miles of
that route were located in Muzaffar Garh district. The other Public Works Department road
stretched 52 miles from Muzaffar Garh to Alipur; only 27 miles of it were covered in metal, and
the remainder was kasha. Only 77 of the more than 454 kilometres of roads were maintained by
the Public Works Department, of which around 50 miles were metalized and 22 miles were not.
"Taunsa Barrage" was started by Nawab Mushtaq following a protracted struggle for the
residents of District Muzaffar Garh. President General Ayub Khan launched this project once it
was finished in 1958. Three major canals, Muzaffar Garh, T.P. Link, and D.G. Khan, were built
and connected to the Taunsa Barrage. The D G Khan Canal served D G Khan, while the
Muzaffar Garh Canal irrigated the Muzaffar Garh area. T.P. Link Canal, however, connects the
Chenab River to the River Sindh. In order to start building alongside the Haveli Project or as
soon as the Haveli Project was nearly finished, it should be presented to the Secretary of State in
plenty of time for approval. It was further mentioned that more colonisation plans needed to be
implemented in order to allow the surplus population to move to newly constructed colonies in
the Punjab because the population of the Punjab had grown significantly and was continuously
growing. It was the ideal time to begin such development initiatives in the Punjab province
because loans were available at extremely low rates. Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani noted that
he was quite happy to learn that the Irrigation Department was considering the idea of restarting
the Thal Project during his friend, the Honorable Finance Member's budget speech. He expressed
his concerns by noting that the Punjab Government's previous consideration of the programme
had not been very encouraging. However, he hoped that the Thai scheme would avoid the same
fate this time and would not be unnecessarily delayed by the bureaucratic nitty-gritty. When
discussing the project's history, he said that the Sind Sagar Doaba Irrigation Scheme was likely
56
the first that the Punjab Government had taken into consideration in 1871. But up to this point, it
had been ignored. The Sind Sagar Colonization Act was passed in 1892 in order to make the plan
financially sound and to make building easier. The Upper Chenab and Upper Jhelum Canal
Projects prevented the construction of that plan, which had been modified and added to, and
presented to the Government of India in 1903. Both of those initiatives were finished in 1912 and
1915, respectively. A committee of tax and irrigation experts was constituted in 1916 when the
Punjab Government decided to reexamine the Sind Sagar Project. The committee came to the
conclusion that the Thai Project was sustainable, practicable, and financially sound. Soil tests
were also conducted, and it was discovered that the land was of good quality and suitable for
cultivation. He made a few additional worthwhile recommendations for the government's
consideration. He advocated that the heads of the Haveli and the Lesser Thal ought to be built in
such a way as to include resources for hydroelectric power production. In this manner, the
government would receive additional income from the inexpensive electric energy supply given,
and the development of the local economy and agricultural sector would also benefit greatly.
Later on, Mian Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani continued to put pressure on the Punjabi government
in his remarks.

57
 Chapter 4
Conclusion

The broad and more specific research aims that have anticipated the outcome have been
highlighted in this qualitative study of social, political and educational service of mushataq
ahmad gurmani . In Pakistan, the government is working hard to empower women by giving
them access to quality education and assuring their involvement in the political process, as
seen by the rise in the proportion of women in local, provincial, and national assemblies.
Additionally, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the chairman of the newly founded Pakistan People's Party
(PPP), as well as the party's previous actions were harshly attacked by Gurmani.

When Bhutto was close to Ayub Khan and a key member of his cabinet, he was accused of
high handedness, lawlessness, and favoritism in Sindh. He turned down Bhutto's invitation to
cooperate with his administration and made no effort to join the Pakistan National Alliance
(PNA) movement, which was founded in 1977 as a countermovement to Bhutto. The future of
the nation and the country rested on how patriotic and Islam-loving people used their ballots
for the correct causes in the upcoming elections, according to Gurmani.

58
This study looked into the factors that contribute to empowerment and its subsequent impact
on rural development in order to validate these efforts to better understand the empowerment
process. The circumstance demonstrated that specific socio-economic elements had an impact
on four aspects of women's empowerment namely, self-esteem, decision-making authority,
mobility, and control over resources with some variety in how each aspect responded.

The results showed that self-esteem, mobility, and decision-making had a good impact on the
rural development process. However, the impact of the dimension "control over resources" on
rural development was not statistically significant. Overall, it was found that socio-economic
elements are crucial for boosting women's empowerment and enhancing rural development. A
colonial form of government was passed down to Pakistan. Which has its roots in the imperial
feudal order, which was influenced by the British Raj.

The country's economy is built on agriculture, and the initial form of government was designed
to achieve only two objectives: first, to develop an agriculture-based economy and having an
army helps the then-rulers' plans by supporting the fulfilment of needs. The rule of law and the

59
will of the people were not given much consideration in the past, and Pakistan's political leaders
carried on this tradition. The unethical use of power by Pakistan's ruling elite resulted in
political and constitutional corruption in that country. These kinds of hypocrites have plagued
history for the last 60 years or so. Additionally, efforts were made and some work was done in
these areas to maintain a balance between the rule of law and the rule of individuals. On the
other hand some jugglers also juggled their tricks in the name of religion, language,
parliamentary, presidential, provincial, one-unit, Pakistan first and so much so other tricky
terms.

Despite his support for the so-called process of Islamization started by General Muhammad
Zia- ul-Haq in the nation, he decided not to engage in any political action following the
declaration of Martial Law once more in July 1977. Gurmani's death on August 21, 1982,
without much political backing or interest in Pakistani politics, was indeed a devastating
conclusion to a career that had started out looking so promising and rewarding. The type of
transition that might occur following the fall of a state as a result of movements for the
transition to democracy is least addressed in the existing literature on democratic transitions.
Between Sandhi’s, Baluch’s, and Pathans, there is intraregional strife and interprovincial
enmity. They primarily oppose Punjabi dominance. Baluchi’s have strong separatist
sentiments. It's time to draw lessons from our own previous mistakes (1947–1958) in order to
prevent repeating them.

Huntington's (1991) modes of Transformation, Replacement, and Trans-placement and

Prezeworski's game theory are unable to account for Pakistan's particular experience (1991).
The following set of presumptions may result from an attempt to explain the potential for
transition in this circumstance, particularly when the military acts as an authoritarian regime.
A state losing the war in part and experiencing a partial collapse undermines its reputation and
severely lowers the morale of its military personnel.

Since no party held a majority in Pakistan's Constituent Assembly during the most recent era
under review, the Cabinets were coalitions. During this time, political stability suffered
greatly. Government performance was poor since no Cabinet could function for longer than a
year. Additionally, these Cabinets dealt with a number of issues that affected both provinces
60
and on which decisions were either delayed or made just to appease one or more coalition
partners. Because of the rising political unrest in the provinces as a result of the Cabinets'
methods of

61
operation, Pakistan eventually imposed martial law in 1958. Present day Pakistan exhibits
nearly the same regionalist and provincialism tendencies.

It has no choice but to swiftly shift power to the well-liked alternative when one exists. In the
absence of such a solution, there is a risk of further divisions as local and regional identities
fostered by the secession of one region may fight for their independence. Additionally, there is
always a risk of total collapse and the establishment of numerous new states. It is pertinent,
particularly in third-world heterogeneous societies that have struggled with nation-building
issues since gaining independence. When six out of the Cabinet's thirteen members, the
majority of whom were from West Pakistan, expressed concern about the danger of a conflict
of regions in 1953, it was more acute than it had ever been their capacity to contribute to the
next Cabinet. They had more interested in themselves than in democracy. The decision of
distinct electorates was supported by Pakistan's Federal Cabinet. The electoral duties were also
modified with Cabinet agreement. Later, the Federal Cabinet adopted a Bill to replace
combined electorates with separate electorates in the electorate Act as well as a Bill to amend
the Electorate Rolls Act accordingly.

Power was swiftly given to Mr. Z. A. Bhutto, the head of the dominant party in West Pakistan,
who became the first civilian Martial Law administrator of the new Pakistan, in order to
resolve the legitimacy dilemma. Martial Law was shortly removed, and the transition to
civilian rule reached a significant turning point with the promulgation of the 1973 constitution.
Between the two wings was an antagonistic and aggressive India. India did everything it could
to make life difficult for the fledgling nation of Pakistan, from disputes over the division of
financial resources to Kashmir's accession. In fact, Kashmir quickly turned into one of the
most important challenges for the fledgling state. The educational reforms has been introduced
by mushataq ahmad gurami Rural areas particularly lose out in terms of quality, as no teacher
wants be posted in a remote or disadvantaged area. To counter this, contract terms for teachers
should include compulsory one to two year tenure in such areas. But this may not be favorable
for female teachers, who may have concerns about conveyance.

Caveats in the policy can allow female teachers, who do not want to be posted in remote areas,
to serve this service term in a disadvantaged school near their place of residence. There are
62
currently benefits for teachers in large cities, but none are currently provided for those who
teach in rural locations. This increases the appeal of teaching in large cities. To combat this,
remote area benefits and allowances must be implemented, including transportation options
and lodging. The distribution of teachers among Punjabi schools is painted in a depressing
light in the previous section. It demonstrates an unequal distribution, with some districts
having a surplus and others having a lack of teachers.

Additionally, it shows that Punjab has a significant number of one-teacher schools and schools
that teach many grades, especially in rural areas. This ineffective deployment is the outcome of
improper post allocation during recruitment in the first instance and politically motivated and
unjustified transfers in the second instance. The significance of developing laws to prevent
political meddling in teacher placement has been addressed in this article. In order to mitigate
the problem of unbalanced teacher distribution and guarantee good policy execution, well-
thought-out policies are crucial.

Additionally, it's important to strike a balance between supporting teachers and running
efficient schools. Additionally, it's important to strike a balance between supporting teachers
and running efficient schools. In turn, a better utilization of instructional resources can
significantly enhance student learning outcomes in Punjabi public schools.

63
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