MARIANNA ESTHER G.

GAYATIN
BSHM MH 2-3

MODULE 6

Given the social tensions between Chinese mestizos and indios, why were indios willing
to become the kasama of mestizo inquilinos?

Indios were able to become mestizo inquilino's Kasama because they wanted to have
the privilege and comfort of sitting on the altar's front and right side. As the alternative
was a kasama of Chinese mestizas, which was not a good option in view of their wars,
the Indios were ready to be a kasama (tenants) of mestizo tenants. The Inquilinos were
in the provinces of the Philippines ready to emulate the wealthy. The Indios could also
have access to such resources and information that they would not otherwise have
accessed if they were a kasama of the mestizos. The Indios and Mestizos are similarly
mistreated by Spanish settlers, regardless of race or class in a group. The brutality and
maltreatment of the people of Spain suffered from the Indians and the Chinese Mestizo.
The reason the Indians are prepared to work with the Mestizo Chinese is that they pay.
In return for their free labor, some agricultural portions were received from their masters
by the Inquilinos mestizos. The Indians belonged and were completely landless to the
lowest social strata. It is mainly because of the eradication of their poverty status to get
to be a kasama of the Inquilinos. For Indians, this forced labor is also an excellent way
of filling up the kasama system where they can have some benefits and territories. Even
in this setting, the Indians agreed to be the kasama of Mestizo Inquilinos in order to
prevent violence, intolerance, and overwhelm the Spanish colony. It is clear that what I
have mentioned are Chinese mestizos, not Spanish mestizos. Although the Chinese
mestizo population in the Philippines was more than 200,000 by the end of the 19th
century, it is likely that the Spanish mestizo population never surpassed 35,000. Those
who had written on Spanish mestizos, however, found that he was interested in arts or
military matters - he was never interested in commerce. In striking comparison to this
were the skills and attitudes of the Mestizo Chinese. Between 1741 and 1898, mostly as
a landowner and as a medium-sized wholesaler of domestic products and foreign
imports, Chinese mestizo became more common. The emergence of the mestizo
means that there is social change in Spain, which has been overlooked or indirectly
dismissed by many people who have written about the Philippines. The mestizo effect
should be emphasized in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. We can not yet generalize to
other fields. An unusual mixture of cultural characteristics among the mestizos of China
in the Philippines. Fancy couples, devoted Spanish devotees - they seemed to be
almost more Spanish than Spanish, more Catholic than Catholic. They coupled,
however, a financial mentality with these characteristics that seemed out of place. They
denied their Chinese roots, and they weren't truly at home with their Indian legacy. The
nearest approach to them was the urbanized and extremely Spanish Indian. Only after
heparization reached a high degree in the urban areas of the 19th century could the
Mestizo find a structure of friendship with Indians. Thus, because of cultural, economic
and social changes, the Mestizos gradually aligned with the Indians at the end of the
19th century. National and ethnic agreement with "Filipino" in a new form.

ASSESSMENT

1. What is the broader history of the friar lands?

As landowners, the friars of the Dominicans, Augustinians, and Franciscan orders not
only governed the land itself but also acted as political authorities. They handled many
of the municipal government's executive and control roles and were responsible for
academic schools, welfare measures, tax record keeping, and even upholding public
morality and reporting incidences. The economic status of the orders of these friars was
secured by their vast landholdings, which were normally donated to them to finance
their churches, schools, health services, and other establishments. The religious orders
had become the largest landholders on the islands, given the general lack of interest on
the part of the Spanish colonials in developing agriculture. The monopoly of education
at all levels, and thus their power over cultural and intellectual life, was fundamental to
the dominant role of the friars. The Spanish government decreed in 1863 that a system
of free public primary education, which could have been perceived as a threat to this
monopoly, should be established in the country. Later on, both at the local and national
levels, the friars were given the task of supervising the scheme. The Jesuits were
granted charge of the teaching colleges, except that the religious orders were opposed
to the teaching of modern foreign languages, including Spanish, and to the Indios of
science and technical subjects because they did not want us to learn things against
them. Their rights to occupy their territories in the Philippines seem to be clearly
defined. The disputes between them and the civil government, but in the end, as long as
they don't misuse the privileges that were granted to them, they were given the freedom
to keep their lands. In 1834 and 1846, because of an interruption in friendly relations
between the Spanish government and the papal court, the church lands were briefly
alienated. The further right was given to the church and to the ecclesiastical corporation
on December 4, 1890, "to dispose of the holdings and possessions they have in these
provinces in accordance with the Indies' canon law and law." This was the condition of
the friar lands when the islands were taken possession of by the American government.

2. Why did the Hacienda de Calamba become a site of agitation in the late nineteenth
century?

In the late nineteenth century, it became a center of agitation when it became hostile as
the Agrarian conflict took place. In the Spanish colony, the peasants in this territory,
which is now Calamba, expressed their dissatisfaction. The Rizal family that had
respect at the time also engaged in this conflict.

3. What conflicts marred relations between the secular and regular clergy?

The Philippines had two kinds of priests serving the Catholic Church. The regular clergy
belonging to religious orders spreading Christianity and the secular clergy who did not
belong to any religious order but were expressly authorized to administer the parishes
and were under the control of the bishops. Moreover, when bishops insisted on visiting
the parishes run by regular priests, the dispute began. They insisted that auditing the
administration of these parishes was their responsibility. But the regular priests refused
these visits, claiming that they were not under the bishop's jurisdiction. They threatened
to abandon their parishes if the bishops persisted. The regulars resented the move as
they considered the Filipinos unfit for the priesthood. They said that, among other
reasons, the brown skin of Filipinos, a lack of education, and limited experience. The
controversy became more serious when the Jesuits returned to the Philippines. They
were removed from the land because of some of the Order's policies that the Spanish
authorities did not like. Conflicts within the Catholic Church influence Philippine history
since the actions of the Church and Spanish colonial authorities led to conflicts and
social upheaval in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial period.

4. Why did these conflicts within the Catholic Church impinge upon Philippine history in
general and on Rizal’s politics in particular?

Conflicts within the Catholic Church influence the politics of Rizal because the church
regarded the works of Rizal as opposed to them, so when Senator Claro M. Recto
proposed that all the schools in the Philippines should teach students about the life and
work of Jose Rizal or the Republic Act 1425, the only people who strongly opposed the
Rizal Bill were the church organizations and clergy.