Understanding Lumad Groups in Mindanao
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Norashia MacabandingUnderstanding Lumad Groups in Mindanao
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Norashia MacabandingCommon questions
Powered by AIThe Lumad groups of Mindanao engage in varied economic activities such as slash-and-burn agriculture, swidden cultivation, and hunting, which have shaped their social structures significantly. The subsistence nature of their agriculture has led to social hierarchies where polygamy, often contingent upon the man’s ability to pay a bride price, plays a significant role in family arrangement as seen among the Ubo Manobo . Moreover, certain groups like the T'boli assign social prestige based on ownership of domestic animals and agricultural produce, with the father being the dominant household figure . This indicates an interplay between economic capacity and social structures, influencing hierarchies within these communities.
The Pala’wan people’s subsistence practices are closely tied to their environmental and migratory patterns. They move between caves and open fields based on the seasonal cycle, reflecting an adaptive strategy to the environmental conditions. This movement accommodates the swidden cultivation they practice, ensuring a rotational use of land that prevents exhaustion of soil nutrients. Cassava, a staple crop, is cultivated to align with these practices, reflecting an intricate relationship between migration, environmental adaptation, and subsistence that is crucial for their survival in the ecologies of Brooke's Point and Quezon, Palawan .
The Lumad groups, despite being diverse and belonging to different ethnolinguistic origins, adopted Cebuano as a common language because there was no other language common to all these diverse groups. The choice of the term "Lumad," which is of Cebuano origin, during their congress in June 1986, was also due to its meaning which refers to being 'native' or 'indigenous'. Cebuano was used as it was the most appropriate and widely understood language among the different Lumad groups who did not have another linguistic link .
The Subanen people's economic strategies are heavily influenced by their surrounding environment in the Zamboanga and Misamis Occidental regions. They primarily rely on farming, supported by hunting and fishing to supplement their farm incomes. Such activities highlight a balanced subsistence strategy relying both on land (for agriculture) and water (for fishing). Their patriarchal social structure is further supported by community gatherings, like the buklog, which not only serves as a harvest thanksgiving but also reinforces social and cultural connections within the community . This indicates an integrative approach where environmental resources dictate economic activities and contribute to cultural cohesion.
The 1986 Congress was significant for the Lumad groups as it was the first formal instance where representatives of these diverse ethnolinguistic groups adopted a unified identity under the name 'Lumad.' This marked an important step in differentiating themselves from the historically Islamized Moros and the Christian majority populace. By choosing a collective name in Cebuano, the only common language among them, the Lumad forged a distinct identity rooted in their indigenous cultural heritage, setting a political and social framework for asserting rights and recognition separate from other groups in Mindanao .
The Bagobo people have developed cultural and economic practices that reflect a strong adaptation to their mountainous environment near Mt. Apo and Cotabato. Their skills in producing brass articles, weaving abaca cloths, and basket-making demonstrate a use of local resources and craftsmanship suited to their surroundings. Their reliance on upland rice and other crops like sweet potatoes and bananas for sustenance further illustrates their adaptation to the agricultural potential of their terrain. These practices, steeped in cultural tradition, show a sophisticated adaptation to ensure economic survival and cultural continuity .
The B’laan people of Davao del Sur and South Cotabato integrate their agricultural practices with their indigenous rituals and customs, reflecting a holistic cultural approach to subsistence. Their engagement in sedentary agriculture with crops like rice, corn, and root-crops is not only for subsistence but also acts as barter commodities, intertwined with ritualistic significance. Their traditional practices and beliefs impact not only their choice of cultivation but also the manner in which these practices are remembered and maintained within their cultural heritage, demonstrating the inseparable linkage between cultural customs and agricultural methods .
The Mandaya people of Davao Oriental maintain cultural practices such as their unique styles of beautification—shaving eyebrows into thin lines, filing and blackening teeth—which serve as markers of identity emphasizing their distinct cultural heritage. Their practice of slash-and-burn cultivation and wearing traditional attire also indicates their connection to their environment and the cultural significance they attach to self-presentation and land use. These practices not only reinforce internal group cohesion but also distinguish them culturally from neighboring groups .
The T’boli people’s kinship system is deeply patriarchal, where the father is the dominant figure in the household. Upon his demise, the role passes to the oldest male child or, in his absence, to the father’s eldest brother. This ensures continuity in leadership within the family and maintains patriarchal norms across generations. The ownership of significant assets, such as horses, not only indicates wealth but also reinforces male dominance within this kinship system, impacting familial and communal structures. This kinship structure reflects and perpetuates gender roles and social hierarchies within the T’boli community .
The land policies during the American colonial period and early Philippine Republic marked a significant socio-political shift in Mindanao. These policies encouraged migration from Luzon and Visayas by promising land to settlers, resulting in "systematic or legal land grabbing." This redistribution was often done without the consent of indigenous peoples like the Bangsamoros and Lumads, leading to their disenfranchisement and loss of ancestral lands . Consequently, these policies altered the demographic configuration and exacerbated tensions over land ownership, contributing to long-standing conflicts between indigenous groups and settlers.