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Steger's Six Core Claims of Globalization

Manfred Steger introduced six core claims of globalization in response to another author who argued globalism was not yet a fully formed ideology. The six claims are: 1) Globalization involves liberalizing and integrating global markets. 2) Globalization is inevitable and irreversible. 3) No single entity controls globalization. 4) Globalization benefits everyone in the long run. 5) Globalization spreads democracy. 6) Globalization requires a global war on terror. However, the author argues globalization has become a diverse, flexible force that cannot be confined to any single ideology.

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132 views2 pages

Steger's Six Core Claims of Globalization

Manfred Steger introduced six core claims of globalization in response to another author who argued globalism was not yet a fully formed ideology. The six claims are: 1) Globalization involves liberalizing and integrating global markets. 2) Globalization is inevitable and irreversible. 3) No single entity controls globalization. 4) Globalization benefits everyone in the long run. 5) Globalization spreads democracy. 6) Globalization requires a global war on terror. However, the author argues globalization has become a diverse, flexible force that cannot be confined to any single ideology.

Uploaded by

Mavis Luna
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

Good morning,

Manfred B. Steger, a professor of Global Studies at the University of Hawaii and one of the leading experts on
globalization has introduced the Six Core Claims of Globalization in his article entitled Ideologies of Globalization. It
was his response to Michael Freeden’s article; Ideologies and Political Theory: A Conceptual Approach. Freeden
somewhat acknowledges globalism as a possible holistic contender but argues against its status as an ideology,
seeing it as too early to proclaim it as such.

Steger however, contradicted his idea and he intends to establish in his article that globalism is mature enough
to be pronounced as an ideology and Freeden was wrong with his brief assessment of globalism. For, according to
Steger, that globalism not only represents political ideas and beliefs coherent enough to warrant the status of a
new ideology.

Steger breaks apart globalism into six core claims that play crucial semantic and political roles.

First, we have the first core claim which states that: Globalization is about the liberalization and global
integration of markets.

This claim highly emphasizes the market or economic aspect of globalization, specifically to the free market.
It came from the liberal idea of the self-regulating market as the normative basis for a future global order. A
self-regulating market is a market in which the participants (buyers or sellers) create their regulations governing
that market. Liberalization in context refers to the state letting go of the market. Because of this, the
liberalization and global integration of the market will result in a more profound economic state.

Steger cites Thomas Friedman which perfectly summarizes claim one, which says “The driving idea behind
globalization is free-market capitalism.”

Next we have Claim two

Claim two: Globalization is inevitable and irreversible.


Claim two assumes that globalization is inevitable, and it is accelerating the reality of the modern world.
Steger states that since the emergence of a world, based on the primary of market values, it dictates the history
of resistance would be unnatural, irrational, and dangerous. An important thing to note from claim two is that
globalism’s ability to new realities of the post 9/11 war gives ample proof of its responsiveness to a broad range
of political issues.
It is inevitable and irreversible because to progress civilization, you need to pull in more and more
resources with our technological advancements.

Claim three: Nobody is in charge of globalization.


Also around the concept of the self-regulating market, where globalization does not reflect any party’s
agenda. After 9/11, the survival of globalization is conceived as the liberalization and global integration of
markets that depended on the political leadership of the United States where instead it showed globalization’s
ideational flexibility and ability to respond to political issues. Steger ends claim three by stating that
globalization wears the marks of an ideational family. Although no one is in charge of globalization, it does not
mean that nobody can influence it.

Claim four: Globalization benefits everyone in the long run.


This claim focuses on the benefits gained in material terms such as economic growth and prosperity. Steger
states from the G7 summit of 1997 wherein they defined economic growth and progress is tied to the process
of globalization because it provides great opportunities for the future for all countries.
The industrialization of a country indeed increases the chances of its citizens to live prosperously but it fails
to see that there are always nations who profit and nations who are enslaved.

Claim five: Globalization furthers the spread of democracy in the world.


This claim links globalization and the market to the adjacent concept of democracy. Steger says that
globalized trade freedom, free markets, free trade, and democracy as synonymous terms.
The quotes Francis Fukuyama in saying that “There’s a clear correlation between a country’s level of
economic development and successful democracy.”
Additionally, Steger knows that the claim that globalization furthers the spread of democracy in the world is
that largely based on a narrow, formal, procedural understanding of democracy. Most of the world considers
democracy as a key player to globalization but in 2020 that can easily be considered a myth.
When Steger published Ideologies of Globalization, nobody saw China becoming a global superpower in just
a little more than a decade. And the idea that more freedom because more globalization was a prevailing
thought.
Most people thought that China will just be a manufacturing hub and did not recognize the profound effect
of globalization would have. Democracy does not always work and you don’t need democracy to experience
economic growth.

Claim six: Globalization requires a global war on terror.


Claim six attests to globalism’s political responsiveness and conceptual flexibility. Wherein it combines the
idea of economic globalization with openly militaristic and nationalistic ideas revolving around the war on
terror. Steger states that if global terror ended quickly, in claim six it would be contingent on. Thus, less
important.
In the core claims Steger praises globalization to be quite flexible and cites it as evidence for it to be an
ideology. However, this claim states that it needs a war on terror. This is quite perplexing because globalization
was doing just fine before the US started its ever crusade against terror.
In hindsight, the war on terror did not affect globalization’s progress in a significant way.

To conclude, Steger gives evidence of globalization as a new ideology and concludes it as such but maybe
for the wrong reasons. Globalization is not really exclusive as an ideology it specifically in a diverse world. It
seeps into the cracks of different ideologies and then suddenly becomes an unstoppable force that can
narrowly in the past decades to describe families of the pod. Globalization for all its openness and broadness
simply does not fit to have the description of ideology and may even have already transcended it.

Common questions

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Steger illustrates globalization's adaptability post-9/11 as both a strength and a weakness. Its strength lies in its ability to evolve and respond to new political challenges, showcasing a resilient and flexible ideological framework. However, this adaptability can also be viewed as a weakness, as it exposes globalization to ideological contradictions, such as embracing militaristic strategies that may contradict its peaceful economic integration claims. The dual nature of this adaptability reflects both assurance and susceptibility within globalization’s ideology .

The claim that globalization benefits everyone in the long run is grounded in material prosperity, economic growth, and opportunities for the future, as echoed by sentiments from the G7 summit of 1997. However, Steger acknowledges the criticisms that globalization disproportionately favors industrialized nations, leaving others lagging behind. This uneven benefit challenges the universal claim and highlights economic disparity as an ongoing issue within globalist ideology .

Steger counters Michael Freeden's skepticism about globalism being an ideology by arguing that globalism encompasses coherent political ideas and beliefs robust enough to be considered an ideology. Steger deconstructs globalism into six core claims to substantiate its ideological status and challenges Freeden by highlighting its capacity to function as a mature ideological framework .

Steger's assertion that globalization necessitates a 'global war on terror' seems contradictory, as globalization thrived even before the onset of such militaristic endeavors post-9/11. The necessity of aligning economic globalization with militaristic nationalism for security purposes conflicts with the ideology's foundational claims of peace and mutual benefit. This contradiction highlights inconsistencies within the claimed ideology, reflecting globalism's capacity to adopt diverse ideological tenets without being intrinsically bound to them .

The rise of China challenges the assumption that globalization necessarily supports democratic values, as evidenced by China’s economic prowess without democratic governance. Steger notes that this development highlights a significant oversight in predicting globalization’s effects on political systems, where economic growth and success can occur independently of democratic frameworks. This discrepancy suggests a need to reassess the intrinsic linkage between globalization and democracy and to understand globalization’s broader implications .

Steger’s assertion that globalization transcends traditional ideologies stems from its pervasive influence and ability to infiltrate various ideological landscapes as an integrative force. This claim is supported by globalization's flexibility and adaptability, but it also faces counterpoints, such as the persistence of nationalism and other competing ideologies that challenge its universal applicability. Steger implies that while globalization penetrates these spaces, it does not necessarily replace or surpass them uniformly, highlighting both its power and limitations concerning ideological transcendence .

According to Steger, globalization permeates various political ideologies rather than promoting a singular ideological dominance. This relationship reflects globalization's ability to integrate with different ideological domains, adapting ideationally while impacting political and economic paradigms across the globe. This synthesis allows it to exert influence without exclusively propagating one fixed political ideology, showcasing globalization's transformative and integrative capacities in a diversely ideologically structured world .

Steger associates democracy with globalization through the connections between free markets, trade freedom, and democratic values, declaring them synonymous in promoting economic development. Citing Francis Fukuyama, he underscores a correlation between a country's economic development and its democratic success. However, Steger notes skepticism about this linkage given current global realities, such as China's rise as an economic power without a corresponding democratic evolution, indicating a nuanced relationship between these variables .

Steger's claim that 'nobody is in charge of globalization' implies a decentralized influence in global affairs, marked by the absence of a singular controlling entity. This shifts the power dynamics from traditional hierarchical control to a form of ideational influence, where globalization, while not steered by any one party, can still be impacted by multiple entities. This decentralization enhances globalization's responsive adaptability to political issues, further embedding it within an ideational 'family' without strict leadership .

Steger posits that globalization is inevitable and irreversible due to the emergent global market-oriented world order, where resisting such progression is considered unnatural and irrational. He correlates this claim to the modern world's technological and resource-expansion demands. Furthermore, Steger argues that the ideological adaptability of globalism to new political realities, exemplified by its evolution post-9/11, illustrates its persistent obscurity and influence .

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