ST. PETER’S COLLEGE OF MISAMIS ORIENTAL, INC.

15 de Septiembre St., Barangay 2, Balingasag, Misamis Oriental

GEE 3 Course Outline

Module 3: Philippines Indigenous Communities

Module 3.1: Indigenous Communities in the Philippines

The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act defines “Indigenous Peoples” as a group of pe ople or
homogenous societies identified by self-ascription and ascription by others; who have
continuously lived as an organized community on communally bounded and defined territory
and who have, under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied, possessed and
utilized such territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions and other
distinctive cultural traits, or who have, through resistance to political, social and cultural
inroads of colonization, non-indigenous religions and cultures, became historically
differentiated from the majority of Filipinos. Indigenous Cultural Communities/ Indigenous
Peoples shall likewise include peoples who are regarded as indigenous on account of their
descent from the populations which inhabited the country, at the time of conquest or
colonization, or at the time of inroads of non-indigenous religions and cultures, or the
establishment of present state boundaries, who retain some or all of their own social,
economic, cultural and political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their
traditional domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral lands (Sec. 3 (h)
Republic Act 8731, or the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act IPRA 1997).

Historical Colonial Disenfranchisement and Resistance

 Spanish Colonial Period (1565 – 1898)

Military expeditions and religious missions were launched by Spain since the Regalian Doctrine declared
that the entire Philippines was under the ownership of the King of Spain. The indigenous peoples were
marginalized and the majority-minority dichotomy with its attendant problems of discrimination and
exploitation persisted. These were heightened as the IPs resisted Christianization and integration into
the colonial structure. The Japanese (1940 – 1944) who took over did not change the system.

 American Colonial Regime (1898 – 1949)

Politico–military, economic and cultural measures were instituted to subjugate and integrate indigenous
people into the political structure which they controlled. The Regalian Doctrine upheld and promoted
the private system of ownership.

Laws that undermined the communal land ownership concept were:

a. Torrens system of land registration (Land Registration Act No. 496 of 1902);
b. Philippine Commission Act No. 178 of 1903 (all unregistered lands became part of public domain);
c. Mining Law of 1905 (Acquisition of public lands by Americans for mining purpose; and
d. Public Land Acts of 1913, 1919, and 1925 (Mindanao and all other fertile lands the State considered
unoccupied and unreserved; unappropriated public lands became available to homesteaders and
corporations).

 Postcolonial Period (1950 onward)

The postcolonial period did not change the western concept of land ownership and use. The 1935
Constitution stated that all agricultural, timber, and domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and
other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, and other natural resources of the Philippines belong to
the State. The 1987 Constitution retained the Regalian Doctrine stating: “all lands of the public domain,
waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forests
or timber, wildlife, fauna, and fauna, and other natural resources are owned by the State.” The
constitution also recognized the rights of indigenous cultural communities within the context of national
unity of development.

When the Philippines achieved independence in 1949, a program of assimilation of the IPs/ICCs was
adopted by the government. The IPs/ICCs were steadfast in their attachment to their ancestral domains,
exercising the self-governance system characterized by traditional leadership and political structures,
customs and judicial intervention (Meltogina, 1995).

Encroachment by lowlanders and colonizers persisted. The socio-economic situation of the IPs further
deteriorated in the 19th century when cultivation of crops such as tobacco, sugar, abaca, coconuts
failed. Cutting of timber and mining of metals and minerals resulted in their displacement and loss of
economic resources. Furthermore, the American and subsequently, the Philippine government policy of
cultural assimilation and resettlement of indigenous people pushed them farther into the hinterlands
where they survived with fewer resources.

From the late 1970s to the 1990s, a group of IP leaders with the assistance of civil society, called for the
government’s recognition of their rights. Hence, Republic Act No. 8371, or the Indigenous Peoples’
Rights Act (IPRA), was signed into law on October 29, 1997 by then President Fidel V. Ramos. It was
enacted in 1997 to fully recognize, protect and promote the rights of ICCs/IPs. The IPRA created the
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples to serve as the primary government agency to implement
the rights-based approach in their development.

Despite the legislation, the IPs remained a neglected group with high incidence of poverty, illiteracy,
unemployment and underemployment, continuous conversion by outsiders of their ancestral lands and
dissipation of their cultural heritage.

In provinces with indigenous cultural communities, most Local Government Units (LGUs) were assisted
by the UNICEF Philippines’ Sixth Country Programme for Children (CP6). The UNICEF rapid assessment
focused on poverty, livelihood, education, health, water and sanitation, child abuse and exploitation and
status of women in these communities. Indigenous children who reside in nearly every area covered by
the program may not have been attended by the CPC6 due to distance and/or cultural factors that make
it difficult to deal with them efficiently.

The assessment contributed to UNICEF’s inclusive development program to improve the socio- cultural
and economic well-being of indigenous children, youth and women by efficiently addressing their
specific and expressed needs. These provided inputs into the UNICEF and Philippine government’s
Programme for Child (CPC) 6 Medium Term Review in May 2007 and UNICEF’s Country Programme for
Child (CPC) 7 for 2010-2014.

UNICEF signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples
(NCIP) to undertake the assessment. A series of field researches were carried out in 17 provinces within
the CP6 areas.

Geographical Distribution

In the Philippines, there are 110 ethnolinguistic groups comprising 17 percent of the country’s total
population in 2010. There are seven ethnographic regions as follows: 1) Cordillera Administrative Region
and Region I; 2) Region II; 3) Region III and the rest of Luzon; 4) Island Groups and the rest of Visayas; 5)
Northern and Western Mindanao; 6) Central Mindanao; and, 7) Southern and Eastern Mindanao (Guide
to IPRA, CIPRAD-PANLIPI cited from NCIP Info Kit).

The total population may not have been reported comprehensively. Different reports indicate different
numbers of IPs. Neither the National Statistics Office nor LGUs have updated their data on the IP
populations. Many of the surveys at most provide rough estimates.

Furthermore, IP groups are often referred by various names. Historical accounts and anthropological
studies differ in classifying the indigenous cultural communities. They do not always accord on the
nature and variations in language, social organizations and economic practices in what constitutes an
indigenous cultural community (Jocano, 2000).

Study sites, Indigenous Cultural Communities (ICCs) / Indigenous Peoples (IPs)

Region Province ICC/IPs community ICC/IPs
1 ARMM Maguindanao Barangay Labungan, Datu Téduray
Odin Sinsuat
2 Region IX Zamboanga del Sur Barangay Lacarayan, Tigbao Subanen
3 Region III Aurora Barangay Diteki, San Luis Dumagat
4 Region X Bukidnon Sitio Kibuwa, Barangay Bukidnon
Impalutao Impasug-ong
5 Region Agusan del Sur Barangay Poblacion, Loreto Manobo
XIII
6 Region Negros Oriental Abaca, Barangay Sab-Ahan, Ati/Ata
VII Bais City
7 Region Cebu City Side B, South Reclamation Badjao
VII Project, Barangay Mambaling
8 Region XI Davao City Sitio Pigdalahan, Barangay. Matigsalog/ Ata-
Pandaitan, Paquibato District Manobo
9 Region Saranggani Sitio Wali, Maitum T’boli
XII
10 Region Northern Samar Barangay San Isidro, Las Mamanwa
VIII Navaz
11 Region North Cotabato Amabel, Magpet Manobo
XII
12 Region Sultan Kudarat Sitio Tanansang, Barangay B’laan
XII Palavilla, Lutayan
 13 Region Guimaras Sitio Kati-Kati, Brgy. San Ati
VI Miguel, Municipality Jordan,
Guimaras
14 Region Capiz Sitio Tag-Ao, Dumarao Ati
VI
15 Region Antique Sitio Igcaputol, Poblacion Ati
VI North, Barangay Tobias
Fornier, San Jose
16 Region II Isabela Brgy Dalig Kalinga, Aurora Gaddang
17 CAR Mountain Province Brgy Caneo, Bontoc Bontok

Subsequent analysis encompassed three major geographical aggrupations in Luzon, Visayas and
Mindanao.

Module 3.2: Significance of the Indigenous Communities in

the Country
THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN LUZON
Mountain Province
The IPs in this region are the Balangao, Bontok, Applai, Kalinga, Kankanaey, Ifugao, Ibaloi, Bago,
Gaddang, Itneg/Apayao, Barlig, Aeta, Ikaluna, Kalanguya, Baliwen (OSCC and ONCC, 1996). The five
major tribes are Applai, Balangao, Baliwon, Kankana-ey, and Bontok. Majority are Kankanaeys followed
by Bontoks and Applai. Their major sources of livelihood are farming mainly for consumption; weaving,
and construction labor. They live in ancestral domains.

Barangay Caneo is one of the 16 barangays of Bontoc located in the eastern part of the municipality. It
has a land area of approximately 2,491 hectares consisting of forest cover estimated as 1,290 hectares,
grasslands at 562.5 hectares, pastureland of about 400 hectares, and the agricultural area covering
203.50 hectares, divided into rice and non-rice lands (CANEO BNRMP). The barangay has steep to
sloping terrains. The residential area is situated along the sloping terrain. The barangay is located 900
meters above sea level with the residences situated at the lower elevation bounded by steep
mountains.

Majority of Bontok households in the community are engaged in rice farming (CANEO BNRMP). The farm
is located in an ancestral domain. However, the land title has not been officially granted to the Bontoks
through Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT). Nonetheless, some villagers consider that they
own the land they are tilling. The Social Census Map of the PRA showed that 10 percent of Bontok
families feel that they own the land because they inherited the land from their ancestors. However,
most of the villagers did not inherit the land, so they think they do not own any. They work on the lands
owned by the others.

Isabela
Isabela (Region II) had 1,489,645 population in 2010. IP groups in this province are constituted by
Bontok, Bago, Dumagat, Gaddang, Iballoi, Ifugao, Ibanag, Itawes, Ilongot/Bugkalot, Kankanaey, Applai,
Kalinga, Kalanguya, Agta, Bago, Gaddang, Kalinga, Kankana-ey, Ibanag, Itawes, Itneg, Tinggian, Ybanag
and Yogad. The study area was Barangay Dalig, Kalinga.

Percentage Distribution of IP Population in Isabela, 2010

Indigenous Groups No. Percentage (%)
Bontok 169 0.03
Bago 551 0.10
Dumagat 2, 102 0.39
Gaddang 89, 536 16.63
 Iballoi 801 0.15
Ifugao 5, 286 0.98
Ibanag 425, 815 79.09
Itawes 3, 611 0.67
Ilongot/Bugkalot 242 0.04
Kankanaey 2, 162 0.40
Applai 1, 444 0.27
Kalinga 6, 284 1.17
Kalanguya 376 0.07
Total 538, 379
The main source of livelihood of the community is tobacco and corn farming. They own the land which
they inherited from their ancestors. According to the NCIP of Isabela Province, the Gaddangs do not
officially hold the land title despite the fact that they dwell in their ancestral domain. The contradiction
shows the complex situation of land ownership among the IPs. However, they claim that they own the
land despite continuous threat of mortgage, foreclosure, and being taken from them.

Aurora
Four IP groups are in the province namely: Baluga, Dumagat, Igorot and Ilongot. Majority are Dumagats
(78.4%). The Dumagats are a subset of the Agta Negrito groups. In the past, they lived in the coastal
areas of Aurora and Quezon provinces. With the arrival of other groups, they moved to the mountains,
scattered in small groups. Inter-marriage between the Dumagats and non-Dumagats has been observed.
In Barangay Diteki many Dumagats married lowlanders. While some have the characteristic features of
Negritos, such as dark skin and kinky hair, others have light skin and straight hair as a result of inter-
marriage over the past generations.

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE VISAYAS

The IPs in the Visayas are based in Antique, Capiz, Guimaras, Negros Oriental, Cebu City and Northern
Samar.

Antique
In 2010, the total population was 546, 000 of whom 3,030 were indigenous peoples (5.5%). They
constitute the Ati, Cuyunen and Bukidnon groups. Their main sources of livelihood are laundering, farm
labor, handicraft, fishing and hunting.

Food shortage with concomitant hunger is alarming in the Ati community. Majority of them eat twice a
day and some once a day. They are thin and frail-looking. The adults combine breakfast and lunch in one
meal. The schoolchildren skip breakfast.

Sometimes they have to be absent from school to help their parents. A 12-year-old Grade V student
occasionally helps her mother do laundry, which results in her being absent from school. Every day is a
struggle for the Ati to obtain food. Hunger and shortage of food supply are the most serious problems
needing immediate attention. The fact that the Atis do not plant root crops worsens the situation. The
place where they live is located in a coastal area. The soil is unfit for planting. Root crops serve as their
food in emergency. However, since the Atis are not able to plant these, they rely on their low income to
purchase food. A day care center and elementary schools are located in their vicinity. Nonetheless, most
of school age children do not attend these.

Capiz
Capiz had a total of 720, 000 population in 2010 with an IP population of 25, 200. The main income
sources are broom making, farming, livestock breeding, hunting, labor in non-IP farms, charcoal making,
handicraft (buon buon) making, orchid and herbal medicine gathering. The Atis are considered nomadic
due to their itinerant search for livelihood. Food adequacy is one of the most serious concerns. They
occasionally eat, only once a day. Some eat only once the day before.
In addition to economic reason, lack of land ownership and unbearable discrimination from lowlanders
force the Ati families to move from one place to another.

One female respondent works as a house help to support her education. At 21 years of age, she is still in
her 4th year of secondary school since she had to stop schooling for three years when she was in grade
school. She worked in Iloilo during those years. Frequent relocation prodded the Atis schoolchildren to
repeat their grade level and even schooling. One Ati had to stop because her family transferred to
Mindoro when she was in Grade III.

In some cases, only the parents move to find a job and children are left behind in the care of relatives.
This life style is traumatic for many of the children because of the loneliness being far from their parents
and other family members.

Guimaras
The Atis of Guimaras constitute 3.8 percent of the total provincial population. They are involved in
handicraft making, hunting, gathering and paid labor.

Traditional healing is widely practiced in the province and herbs are essential in treatment. There are
plenty of herbal plants in the mountainside and the hills. Many herbal medicines are sold in Iloilo City,
which takes only fifteen minutes to reach by pump boat from the port of Guimaras islands. A busy street
in the center of Iloilo city, called Iznart Street, is known for stalls where merchants offer various herbal
medicines. The Atis are major vendors of these herbal medicines on the street. An old Ati tribal healer
said that the skill of healing has been handed down by the older generation. However, the younger Atis
are no longer interested in traditional healing and acquisition of indigenous knowledge.

In fact, the government and private sectors have been interacting with the Atis and assisting the
community through health seminars, livelihood projects, relief operations, educational assistance and
vocational training among others. The Ati women seemed to have been used to interacting with
outsiders. They are talkative and lively, and looked comfortable in expressing themselves. The
interventions so far are generally appreciated.

Negros Oriental
There are two groups of IPs in Negros Oriental – the Ati/Ata/Magahat, and the Bukidnon. They normally
work in haciendas, farm, or make handicrafts. They mostly stay in the upland hiking plains, hills and
covered footpaths.

The Atas in Bais City originated from Mabinay, Negros Oriental. They were forced to seek other lands
because of poverty in the area. The Ati families have been there for about 15 years. The Atas of Mabinay
are believed to have come from the first batch of Negritos who occupied the island of Negros during the
pre-Hispanic time and are considered to be the last of the remaining groups who inhabited the areas of
Mabinay. A large percentage of them do not own the land they till.

Cebu City
The Badjaos in Cebu City are engaged in fishing, vending, coin diving, begging, pearl, and fruit vending.
The Badjao community is located five kilometers south of downtown Cebu City, close to a busy highway.
They live along a river— some households live on one side of the river called Side A area, and the other
households and individuals settle on the other side of the river, called Side B area. Despite its location
near a busy street, the community looks like a refugee camp. Their living condition is harsh. They do not
have adequate housing, sanitation, livelihood and access to water and health services. They live in
temporary shelters and tents, built with light materials such as clothes and plastic sheets. Some shelters
do not even have walls and doors. The house consists of a single, tiny room where an average of seven
family members. People cook on the street in front of their shelter exposing kitchen utensils and food to
dirt. Some sell their fish on the street. Others wash their clothes inside their houses, and throw the used
water into the river underneath their houses. No Badjao family has a toilet. They dispose their
excrement in the river where the children play without clothes. The river has become a place for waste
disposal. It is contaminated with an unpleasant smell. Children run and play on the street and the river.
A private organization distributes packed food to the families. Some do not know how to eat canned
foods.

The Badjaos in Cebu City originated from Zamboanga. Headed by Molo Daomani, they relocated from
Rio Hondo, Zamboanga City to Cebu City in 1960, and formed a slum community in Alaska, Mambaling,
Cebu City. Another group, headed by Berting Asama, followed and settled in the same place. They are
divided into two groups with different leaders. Their situation became miserable when the community
was ravaged by fire in April 2005. This resulted in the internal displacement of a large number, who
relocated to Side B. Others decided to stay in the burned place.

Northern Samar
The number of IPs in Northern Samar is undetermined. They consist of the Mamanwa, Abaknon and
Manobo. A remarkable characteristic of the Mamanwas is suspicion of outsiders. They barely smile or
laugh, and select words carefully when they respond. The men lower their voices and whisper to each
other. The youth behave defensively. They are reluctant to talk about themselves and when they speak,
the words are cautiously chosen. They seldom smile. It is reasonable to have such defensive attitude
towards outsiders, due to the fact that they have never received any basic services, have been
continuously discriminated by lowlanders, and left behind.

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN MINDANAO

In Mindanao, there are eight provinces where most IPs are identified: Zamboanga del Sur, Bukidnon,
Davao City, Saranggani, Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, Agusan del Sur and Maguindanao.

Zamboanga del Sur

In the province, four ethnic groups are identified. Sama (Badjao), Subanen, Kalibugan and Sama (Samal).
The Subanens dwell in a mountainous ancestral domain with vast areas of rice fields. Majority work as
tenant farmers on fields owned by non-IPs because the agriculturally developed and irrigated areas have
already been titled to non-IPs before the IPRA law took effect.

Many of the Subanen in the community manage to eat three meals a day and send their children to at
least an elementary school. However, poverty incidence in the community is still high. The children need
basic provisions such as school bags and sandals. A Subanen school girl mentioned,

“I want to have an umbrella. It is very difficult to walk for an hour to school during rainy seasons without
it.”

Alternative sources of income were suggested to improve their livelihood.

Bukidnon
Bukidnon is composed of six IP groups. They are mainly involved in farming, paid labor, mat making,
fishing, hunting, honey gathering and metal working

Sitio Kibuwa is located in an ancestral domain, and all residents are Bukidnons. Majority of them engage
in farming. The major crops are corn, camote (sweet potatoes), beans, tomatoes and peppers. The low
level of income is notable. They sell their products in a market weekly, but the average household
income from selling agricultural products, is merely 50 pesos per week. To obtain additional income,
many Bukidnons work as paid laborers in the farms owned by non-IPs or transnational corporations,
such as Del Monte, Inc. However, not only do they receive low wages; they are also subjected to difficult
working conditions.

The work at these corporation farms does not provide a stable income since it is significantly reduced
after the harvest. Other livelihood activities are mat weaving, fishing, hunting, honey gathering and
metal working. However, these hardly increase their income. For instance, one husband is a blacksmith
and earns only about 2,000 pesos a year. Mats are sold for approximately 200 pesos and some villagers
produce a couple of mats in a year while others weave more.

Majority of the Bukidnons earn 1,000 pesos per month. In addition to their income, the need to
purchase rice regularly renders their economic situation difficult. After purchasing food, nothing much is
left to meet their other basic needs. However, they are eager to set aside as much money as possible for
their children’s education.

“I do not mind eating once a day to save money and send my children to school.”

Davao City
Davao City has four tribal groups – the Bagobo-Tagabawa, Bagobo-Guiangan/Clata, Manobo- Ubo, Ata-
Matigsalog. Sources of livelihood are banana planting, copra making and paid labor.

The Matigsalogs and Ata-Manobos in the community have limited access to basic services because it is
difficult for them to reach the city due to the physical condition of the road. From the center of Davao
City, it takes two to three hours to reach the community by vehicle. The road is not cemented, and is
uneven with many large holes which make it difficult for vehicles to pass through. There is a service jeep
once a day during dry season, but the operation stops during the rainy season because the road
becomes muddy and rough.

In addition, there is a part of the road which is owned by a banana corporation with vast plantations.
People cannot pass through the gate which serves as the area’s entrance without the corporation’s
approval. The government has limited access to the community due to the fact that the road is privately
owned and the gate usually closes at six o’clock in the afternoon. Even an ambulance could not enter
the corporation’s territory without permission.

On the contrary, the Matigsalogs and Ata- Manobos do not recognize the inconvenience of the privately-
owned road. This is due to the free transportation service provided by the corporation, which the
participants’ schoolchildren have been regularly using.

There are two major routes to the community. However, the condition of the alternative road is worse.
Furthermore, the route is besieged by security problems related to rebel forces. There were frequent
encounters between the government forces and the rebels in that area, which hinders the government
from extending basic services to the community. In fact, the plan to provide health services to the
community was cancelled due to the intensifying security concern.

Access to markets is also an important issue. Banana farming is a source of livelihood for the majority of
the Matigsalogs/Ata-Manobos in the community. They need to go to the market to sell their bananas.
There are two major markets where they sell their products - one is about two kilometers away from the
community, and the other is located in a town called Panabo, which is about 45 kilometers away from
the community.

The Matigsalog and Ata-Manobo women prefer to sell their products at the market in Panabo even
though it is far and hard to reach because their products are sold for a reasonable price there. In the
nearer market, the price is not good because of middlemen. However, transportation to reach the
market in Panabo costs more than Php 35, in addition to fares for the agricultural products to be loaded
on the vehicles. The actual sales become smaller after the transportation fees are deducted.

Saranggani
Saranggani Province has the following IP groups: B’laan, T’boli, Manobo and Tagakaolo. They derive
their income from farming. Polygyny is practiced by the T’boli community. Polygyny refers to the
practice of a man having more than one wife at the same time. It is the most common form of
polygamy. The reasons vary from wealth, social status, inability of the first wife to bear a child to the
custom of levirate, i.e. the obligation of the brother to marry the widow of his deceased sibling. Some
husbands have two to three wives. One became the second wife of a tribal healer in the village at the
age of 15. Since she did not produce a child, her husband married another woman.

The income and harvest from their communal farm are divided into the number of families.

“I accept my life as it is. This is how it is. I just hope my children finish school and help us in the future.”

The other T’boli women are worried that their husbands would also have another wife someday, and
consequently their income and wealth would be reduced. Lack of parental interest in education and
early marriage deprived women of an opportunity to get an education. They marry young.

Sultan Kudarat

The educational attainment of the B’laan parents’ generation is low. Few proceeded to secondary
education. More than half dropped out of grade school and others have never been enrolled in formal
school.

When women talked about their lost opportunity of studying in formal schools and their early
marriages, they become very emotional. One mother who managed to study up to 2nd year of
secondary school but stopped and married at 17 years was scolded by parents.

“They told me to get married rather than spend more money for school. I was sad when they said that.
We were poor. I had only one dress and one piece of underwear, which I washed every day. Father said
that if I would insist on going to school, I had to eat leaves and roots of plants. My parents did not have
money.”

They even did not know what shoes are for. They would have been frightened to touch them. Also, the
school was very far. The low educational attainment is associated with poverty and early marriage.
Women expressed deep regrets for their lost chances to study. They decided not to repeat these sad
experiences in the next generation as they are determined to send their children to school. They no
longer have the intention to force their children to marry early in the form of arranged marriages.

North Cotabato
North Cotabato has five groups of IPs: B’laan, Manobo, Téduray, Bagobo, and Ilianen. They derive their
income from broom making and subsistence farming.

The Manobos dwell in a mountainous ancestral domain and plant corn and root crops, such as camote,
gabi and onions. However, they regularly encounter food shortages. The inability to bring packed lunch
is a major reason for the children to be absent or drop out from school. A day care center is located near
their residence. Most children 3-5 years of age are not attending a day care center. Similarly, a fifth
(24%) 12-18 did not study although there is a grade school in the community. The reason is lack of food
to bring to school.

One of the reasons for the chronic food shortage is that pasturelands, which cover the biggest portion of
the land area, are not efficiently utilized to produce sufficient crops. Another reason is that income is
limited due to the inadequate production of crops and the poor access to markets.

Aside from farming, they are engaged in making brooms, called tahiti. The tahiti is made from grass,
called tiger grass. They sell a dozen brooms for Php 100. A Manobo family generally earns Php 500-1,000
per month from this. However, tiger grass is harvested only in February, March and April. Therefore, the
period that the Manobos obtain income from tahiti is also limited within these three months.
Agusan del Sur
Agusan del Sur has Mamanwa, Manobo, Tigwayanon, Higaonon, Dibabaon, Umayamnon and Mandaya.
They are farmers, government employees, fishers, loggers and paid laborers. Barangay Poblacion is
where the municipal government centers are located and various basic services are accessible. The
Manobos live in the barangay, and they are generally educated. Six out of the ten Manobo women are
college degree holders and four are government employees.

Educated Manobo women are sincerely concerned about their fellow-Manobos who are under-
privileged. They talk about their circumstances. They were anxious talking about the lives of the
Manobos and other indigenous people who live in remote areas who were harmed by armed conflicts
between the government and the rebels.

Maguindanao
The IPs in Maguindanao are Téduray and Manobo-Dulangan. The source of livelihood is tenancy in rice
farms.

Nearly every Téduray household is engaged in farming. The farms are located several kilometers away
from their residence. They produce rice, corn, mongo beans, root crops and bananas. Although some
Tédurays dwell in their ancestral lands, majority are working as tenants in farms which are privately
owned by Non-Tédurays.

The production scale is small, and heavily depends upon natural conditions, especially rainfalls, due to
lack of an irrigation system.

“We are happy whenever we hear that a typhoon is coming because it will help us.”

The net income is Php 4,000-5,000 annually. In cases when they need extra money, they sell their
livestock in Cotabato City. A chicken is sold for Php 100; however, the transportation to the city costs
Php 40. Low income directly affects their food consumption and their children’s education. Many of the
Tédurays eat twice a day. Sometimes, they eat only once.

Dropping-out from formal education frequently occurs among schoolchildren because of their inability
to purchase school supplies. The children often work in the farms as well. Romel, an 18-year-old high
school lad said;

“I work to have money to buy school supplies because I really want to finish my education.”

Module 3.3: Challenges that Indigenous Communities are

Facing
Poverty and low income

Marginalization, exclusion, exploitation and discrimination characterize the IPs in the Philippines.
Poverty and low levels of education are common features in their lives. Child labor is an alarming
concern. Many IPs such as the Tédurays in Maguindanao, the Subanens in Zamboanga del Sur, the
T’bolis in Saranggani, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat and the Bukidnons in Bukidnon dwell in ancestral
domains work as tenants or laborers on farms which are privately owned by non-IPs. In some cases,
agriculturally developed and irrigated areas have been titled to non-IPs before the IPRA (Zamboanga del
Sur) and the lands the IPs’ get are not fertile or have been damaged by diseases or chemicals (Sultan
Kudarat and Davao City). Their farm area is small and pasturelands, which cover the biggest portion of
the ancestral domain are not productive as well. Their economic activities are highly vulnerable to
natural conditions such as dry and rainy seasons which affect their income. Lack of irrigation systems
and other agricultural technologies, limited farm areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of capital
lead to low production. Root crops are produced in small scale and if not sold in the markets, are mainly
consumed by the families.

Poor access to markets severely limits their economic improvement. They have to sell their agricultural
produce in the market, which is far. Accessibility is marred by poor road condition and lack of transport.
There is seldom regular transportation to and from the markets. The Subanens in Zamboanga del Sur
and the Manobos in North Cotabato, walk for a couple of hours or ride on horses to take their crops to
market. These poor conditions of roads seriously threatens food sufficiency in IP communities, as the
case of the Bontoks in Mountain Province, where landslides frequently erode the roads during the rainy
seasons which are often closed. Due to limited food supply outside of the community, the IPs
experience food shortages. Increase of prices of basic commodities lead to inability to purchase food
leading to hunger and malnutrition.

For additional income, the IP families are engaged in non-farm activities, such as broom making by the
Atis in Capiz and the Manobos in North Cotabato; basket making among the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat;
weaving in the Bontok community in Mt. Province and the Bukidnons in Bukidnon; rattan gathering and
charcoal making in the Mamanwa community in Northern Samar, the Dumagats in Aurora, the B’laans in
Sultan Kudarat, the Atis in Capiz; begging and vending in Cebu City and construction work in the
communities of Bontoks in Mt. Province and the Atis in Guimaras for which they do not generate
adequate incomes for their basic needs.

IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains

Poverty is higher among the IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains and/or who do not have land
titles and land security. Those who own land have enough food since they usually produce root crops
and raise livestock. However, food sufficiency of those who do not have land security is severely
threatened by the fact that they do not have land to till or the available land is too small to produce
enough crops, as in the Atis in Antique and Negros Oriental and the Badjaos in Cebu City. Furthermore,
the situation of the Mamanwas indicates that landless IP communities who are not fully recognized by
the government and external entities are in a serious situation. They experience food shortages. In
Negros Oriental, Antique and Capiz, they suffer from hunger. For them, food shortage is the major
reason for their inability to send their children to school. Hungry children do not have the energy to go
to school which results in repetition or drop out. In the areas where lack of food is serious, child labor is
widely practiced accounting for dropping out of school.

Health

 Access to health services - Most of the communities have poor of access to formal health
services or medicines. They are usually assisted by a traditional birth attendant called hilot when they
deliver at home. This is due to the problems of accessibility, affordability and acceptability to their
cultures and customs. Birth registration is done. The major reasons for default in birth registration are
inability to pay the registration fee; not having a marriage certificate that is required for birth
registration; and distance to registration offices.
 Water - Access to safe water sources is seriously limited in some areas. Atis in Capiz, walk for an
hour to fetch water from a spring. The Badjaos in Cebu City purchase water. During dry seasons, they
experience difficulties in procuring water because springs usually dry up. This shortage brings about
sanitation problems. People reduce the frequency of washing clothes and taking of baths.
 Sanitation - Many of the IPs do not have water-sealed toilets. Some do not own toilets at all.
Those who do not live in ancestral domains or who do not have land titles tend to have more hygienic
issues than those living in ancestral domains, in the cases of the Badjaos in Cebu City, the Atas in Negros
Oriental, the Atis in Guimaras and the Mamanwas in Northern Samar. Many households do not have
toilet facilities. They tend to dispose human excrement in the surrounding areas and the river.
IP mothers

Early and arranged marriages are common among the women in some communities. They tend to have
low educational attainment and but eager to send their children to school.

Education

 High incidence of school dropout - A large number of out-of-school children and youth is
evident among the IPs. Low levels of income are major factors that limit access to basic education. The
main reason for an IP child to stop going to school is the lack of funds to purchase school supplies such
as papers, pencils and uniforms. The NCIP’s educational program is limited to granting support
interventions only through its Educational Assistance Program. Many IP children are engaged in work,
such as farm work and/or Hacienda labor, scrap gathering, selling vegetables and working as
housemaids to support their own education. Inability to bring packed lunch to school is also a major
reason for children to stop going to school. This is one of the common reasons for parents to fail in
sending their children to day care centers as seen in the case of the Manobos in North Cotabato.
Distance to school and associated cost of transportation to and from the school is the third reason for
dropping out.

There are also IP children and youth who have never been enrolled in any formal school in some
communities. For instance among, the Mamanwas in Northern Samar, nearly every child and youth has
never been enrolled in any formal school. They desire to go to school and their mothers share this
aspiration. The situation of the Mamanwa community suggests that IP children whose communities lack
land titles and have not been fully recognized by the government and other external bodies tend to lose
their opportunity to study.

 Bullying and discrimination - Physical distance should not be the only factor in accessibility to
education; psychological concerns should also be considered. IP children and youth are frequent
victims of discrimination and bullying at schools where IPs and Non-IP students co-exist. This finding is
common in almost all the communities studied. Many IP children had painful experiences of being
bullied and discriminated both at the basic and tertiary education levels. IP children are verbally
abused and treated in a discriminatory way. In most cases, the children endure the bullying although it
hurts them. Being discriminated and bullied were the most hurtful experiences that they ever had in
their lives. Aside from the devastating emotional impact it it pushed them to drop out of school. Even
when IPs are well-educated, discrimination persists in employment recruitment. Moreover, the Ati
children in Antique who have been seriously bullied at school are unwilling to enroll or use their own
language because people would notice that they are Atis.
 Out-of-school youth - More serious attention should be paid to out-of school youth in IP
communities. They either do not have a chance to enroll or eventually drop out from formal school
because of financial difficulties. They have been working to help their family since they were young.
However, they strongly hope to return to school and dreaming to have professional jobs. Many out-of-
school youth mentioned that dropping out was the saddest experience that they had in their lives. Some
of them were hesitant to talk about these experiences. However, they wanted return to school. So far,
the government has attempted to promote alternative education through the Alternative Learning
System (ALS), but this falls short of what is needed by the majority of the out-of-school youth who want
to study at formal schools. Majority wanted to go back to the same grade where they stopped at formal
school even if it means that they would study with younger children in the same class, while few wanted
to get a literacy education.

Children at risk

 Security concerns - Non admission of involvement in armed conflicts is due to the fear of
consequences. There were signs of security-related concerns that cannot be disregarded in Northern
Samar and Maguindanao. One cannot overlook the possibility of IP children’s involvement in armed
conflicts in other parts of Samar and Mindanao.
 Human trafficking - There is the concern that indigenous children in certain areas have been
possibly recruited as house helpers by brokers, but are eventually forced to be sex workers in
Bukidnon and Sultan Kudarat.
 Working children and child labor - IP children and youth largely assist their parents daily in
various forms of tasks, such as fetching water, cooking, washing clothes and baby-sitting their siblings.
Some are engaged in income generating activities, such as rattan gathering, charcoal making, working as
laborers in farms, working as construction workers, selling vegetables and working as house maids in
cities. The IP children whose community lacks land security engage in more arduous works, such as
gathering scrap irons among the Ati communities in Antique and Guimaras, working as Hacienda
laborers in the Ata community in Negros Oriental and begging by the Badjao children in Cebu City. In
some cases, work prods the children to repeat the same grades at school enroll late, drop out of formal
school and be unable to be enroll in any formal school. Out-of-school children engage in economic
activities to support their families at an early age.
 Early marriage and girls’ education - Early and arranged marriages are common among the
mothers’ generation. The women who married early stopped schooling before they marry. Many of
them have low educational attainment. Economic benefits mainly through bride price are reasons why
parents encourage them to marry early. To be forced to marry at an early age and lose the educational
opportunity are extremely painful experiences. These women wanted their own children to go to school
as the B’laan community in Sultan Kudarat.

Module 3.4: How to Address the Problems Faced by

Indigenous Communities
Mainstreaming indigenous peoples’ concerns in the delivery of basic services

Access to basic services, livelihood programs and basic social infrastructures are priorities in indigenous
communities. Yet, they are often marginalized and their access to various basic services is severely
limited. It is imperative that the government’s programs and policies be formulated to ensure the
adequate provision of basic services to indigenous people, develop most of human capabilities and
involving them in policy design and implementation at local and national levels. Strategies to improve
their socio-economic well-being in modes that are acceptable and appropriate to them should be
developed. The norms and practices of indigenous cultures need to be understood and incorporated to
address inequity.

Implementation of existing legislations on IP’s participation in governance

Self-determination is of utmost importance to indigenous people. However, their circumstances prevent

them from representation in decision- making in local governance. There are major legal bases for the
indigenous peoples’ mandatory representation to local policy-making/legislative bodies. These have to
be recognized and put into practice.

The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) or R.A. 8371 states “ICCs/IPs have the right to participate
fully, if they so choose, at all levels of decision-making in matters which may affect their rights, lives and
destinies through procedures determined by them as well as to maintain and develop their own
indigenous political structures. Consequently, the States shall ensure that the ICCs/IPs shall be given
mandatory representation in policy-making bodies and other local legislative councils.” (Chapter IV,
Section 16, IPRA-Republic Act No. 8371.) They should be equipped with capabilities for this participation.

Local Government Code 1991 R.A.7160 states that one representative from the urban poor, indigenous
cultural communities or disabled persons shall be added to representatives in Sangguniang Bayan
(Section 446, R.A. 7160), Sangguniang Panlungsod (Section 457, R.A.7160) and Sangguniang
Panlalawigan (Section 467, R.A. 7160) as follows: “In addition thereto, there shall be three (3) sectoral
representatives: one (1) from the women: and, as shall be determined by the sanggunian concerned
within ninety (90) days prior to the holding of local elections, one (1) from the agricultural or industrial
workers, and one (1) from the other sectors, including the urban poor, indigenous cultural communities,
or disabled persons.” This provision should be strictly enforced.

LGUs are usually not aware of the aforementioned terms in the legislations. It is important for these
provisions to be fully understood and implemented to enable indigenous people to adequately
participate in their governance and address their issues to improve their situation.

Formation of Tribal Council to address concerns pertaining to the IPs

IPRA states that “The ICCs/IPs living in contiguous areas or communities where they form the
predominant population but which are located in municipalities, provinces or cities where they do not
constitute the majority of the population, may form or constitute a separate barangay in accordance
with the Local Government Code on the creation of tribal barangays.” (Chapter IV, Sec.18) Local
Government Code R.A. 7160 states, “to enhance the delivery of basic services in the indigenous cultural
communities, barangays may be created in such communities by an Act of Congress, notwithstanding
the above requirement.” A supportive environment should be provided for the involvement of the tribal
councils.

According to NCIP, an Indigenous Peoples Consultative Body (IPCB) has been formed at the provincial
level, ethnographic regional level and national levels. The creation of tribal barangays is one of the
major agendas of the IPCB (“Guidelines in constituting and operationalizing the indigenous peoples’
consultative body”, prepared by Assis Development Foundation, Inc. NCIP with the support of
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, European Commission, Danish Foreign Ministry).

The creation of tribal barangays has been seen by indigenous peoples and NCIP as one of solutions to
their current suppressed position in mainstream governance. When the current political mechanism
does not fit their heart and system, “the IPs/ ICCs will be more vulnerable and prone to manipulation,
control, exploitation and oppression by the greater majority of the Philippines society, a situation which
has been the experience of the IPs/ICCs especially through methods of approach in the encroachment
by migrant settlers to their ancestral domains.” These have to be implemented. Monitoring of
implementation and identification of obstacle should be undertaken.

However, this may be controversial from various perspectives. The major issues discussed include
political segment with original barangays, political position in relation to the LGUs and other
government agencies and source of revenue would marginalize the IPs. In the course of the discussion of
creation of tribal council, capacity building of the indigenous people themselves, such as literacy
training, should also be proposed. Clarifications of issues need to be made.

Registration of Acts and Events Concerning Civil Status of Indigenous Peoples

Birth and civil registration is not complied by indigenous people. The major reasons are lack of
knowledge or information on registration procedure, distance from their residence to the office of local
civil registrar, inability to pay the charges especially for late registration and obtaining a marriage
certificate. Cultural factors may also influence compliance, especially in the IP communities where
polygamy is widely practices and people have one-name/ indigenous name/ tribal name. Administrative
Order No. 3, Series of 2004 (NSO Office of the Registrar General) aims to assist civil registrars in
registering birth, marriage, death and other registrable events of indigenous people. Its full recognition
among LGUs and implementation was observed to remain challenge. More efforts need to be exerted in
ensuring the sought for registration.
Disaggregation of Census and other Data into IPs and non-IPs

Data at either national or local level are not disaggregated to reflect the situation and living conditions
of indigenous peoples, which further hinders adequateprograms against discrimination. NSO’s data
processing should be disaggregated by sex and by each indigenous peoples’ groups. LGUs similarly
should reflect indigenous peoples’ situation in the socio- economic profile of the respective province
which need to be updated and trended

Coordination between NCIP and LGUs

Inter-agency coordination on indigenous issues can significantly enhance programs related to

indigenous issues. However, effective coordination between NCIP and PTWG/CTWG is absent. In some
cases, the TWGs consider that IP issues are matters to be dealt merely by NCIP. In other cases, NCIP and
TWGs have firstly met in the meeting. Coordination needs to be enhanced to address the concerns
related to indigenous children. Thus, inclusion of NCIP. Regional or Provincial Offices in the PTWG/CTWG
is highly recommended. Likewise, tasks and functions related to coordination should be spelled out.

Enlistment of Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) of IPs

IPRA states that “Free and Prior Informed Consent-as used in this Act shall mean the consensus of all
members of the ICC/IPs that is determined in accordance with their respective customary laws and
practices: free from any external manipulation, interference and coercion and obtained after fully
disclosing the intent and scope of the program/project/activity, in a language and process
understandable to the community. However, there are two major concerns in its implementation. Firstly
NCIP provincial and regional offices are not always fully aware of the correct procedure on the FPIC
indicated in the IPRA. A problem arose in antique and Davao city that NCIP Regional/Provincial officers
provided different information when they applied for the certification of FPIC according to the IPRA. The
absence of knowledge about the right procedure among the NCIP offices caused delays in certificate
procurement of FPIC from NCIP. It is necessary for the NCIP offices to be fully aware of the procedure
about FPIC and IPRA. Secondly, there are controversies that FPIC has been occasionally influenced by
external forces. An allegation by indigenous people in Davao, is that the FPIC is given to development
related companies and entities including mining corporation and logging companies without consulting
indigenous communities. For harmonious collaboration and coordination, representation by both IPs
and non IPs need to be ensured.

IP curriculum development

Education should be culturally appropriate to indigenous children. It should also aim at raising
awareness of the human rights perspective and eliminating discrimination against them. DepEd has
embarked on indigenization of the curriculum. Indigenous Peoples Core Curriculum (DepEd,
Development of Indigenous Peoples Education) which states that “Making the education and training
curriculum appropriate to the unique circumstances of ICCs/IPs, or what is commonly known as
“indigenization of curriculum”, is vital to the concretization of education’s role to the empowerment,
development and protection of IPs.” (General Framework for the Core Curriculum of Indigenous
People’s Education). There is still work to be done to ensure its implementation. The level of awareness
and understanding of the IP curriculum and its concept differs from one LGU to another. More
situational and culturally specific curriculum must be developed. Education of IPs of their rights and
entitlements need to be undertaken and assistance should be provided in upholding these rights.

Implementation of IPRA in the ARMM

ARMM Regional Legislative Body Resolution No. 269 passed on August 15 2003 allows the
implementation of the IPRA with non-Moro IPs and communities living in ARMM (Guidelines in
constituting and operationalizing the indigenous people’s consultative body, 2004). However the
complicated territory issues hinder this. These need to be addressed.

Poverty and income levels

The average household income of indigenous people varies from 250 pesos to 5,000 pesos, which are a
small percentage of general average of household income of each region. The average of the IP
household income of all provinces is 1,036-1,899 pesos, which is about 8-15 percent of national average
household income. Furthermore, indigenous people tend to receive lower wages than the regional daily
minimum wage rates. Average daily income of the Atis in Antique Province is 118 pesos, which is 47-61
percent of the regional daily minimum wage rate. Many of the Atis in Negros Oriental work as farm
laborers in Hacienda plantation and their daily wages is 50 pesos or 120 pesos during harvest season,
which is 22 -65 percent of the regional minimum wage (185 – 232 pesos for agricultural workers). For
the Manobos in North Cotabato, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat and the T’bolis in Saranggani, farm
laborer on Non-IP’s farm is a major cash income source. Their regular wage is 100 pesos and 150 pesos
during harvest season, which are 48-72 percent of the regional daily minimum wage (209 pesos). The
study found that the Tedurays in South Upi, Maguindanao often work as a farm labor on non-IP’s farm,
where they receive 50-70 pesos, which is 25-35 percent of the regional daily minimum wage (200
pesos). Information on income and expenditures need to be documented vis-à-vis non IPs in the same
area.

Statistical comparison based on the Phase II study of Atis in Antique Province

According to the provincial socio-economic profile CY 2004 of Antique Province, the literacy rate in the
province of Antique as of 1991 was 90 percent. However, the in-depth study in Ati communities in
Antique indicates that literacy rate among the Ati is lower than the regional estimate. On sanitation, the
in-depth study in the Ati communities indicates that 49 percent of the Atis use sanitary toilets, while
majority of the households in Antique province have sanitary toilets. Two thirds of the Ati households
own toilets at home while almost all of households in the province own their own toilets at home. Data
must be accurate to reflect the situation of communities.

Suggested projects and priorities

 Dual approach for poverty reduction and educational assistance

In order to minimize absenteeism and drop out in any formal school a dual approach is needed. One is
humanitarian, where school supplies, scholarships and food-for-education type of projects are to be
provided. These will have an immediate impact on reducing the number of absentees and out-of-school
students. The other approach is the medium and long term approach, where sustainable development
projects/programs are to be conducted in order for the parents to have stable means of livelihood, and
afford the school needs of their children.

 Highest priority to landless indigenous peoples

Poverty is most serious among the IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains and/or who do not have
land titles and land security in the cases of Atis in Antique, Capiz, Negros Oriental and Badjao in Cebu
City. Their food security is severely threatened by the fact that they do not have land to till or the
available land is too small to sufficiently produce. They tend to experience serious food shortages as well
as childhood malnutrition. Food shortage is the major reason why parents fail to send their children to
school. Urgent assistance for livelihood is of utmost importance for these communities.
  Agricultural development for indigenous people in ancestral domain

Agricultural development should be aimed for and priority be given to indigenous people who dwell in
ancestral domain due to their connection to land. People who dwell in ancestral domains are currently
likely to work as tenant workers or farm labors in farms. This is due to lack of access to technology and
other means of manufacture. Production is low due to absence of irrigation systems and other
agricultural technologies, limited farm areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of capital for
necessary investment.

 ADSDPP (Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and Protection Plan)

The NCIP issued guidelines on the formulation of the Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and
Protection Plan (NCIP Administrative order No. 01, series of 2004). The plan aims to ensure the
protection, promotion and recognition of the rights of ICC/IPs. It may also facilitate the conduct of the
Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) process. It states that “the ICCs/IPs shall be fully responsible for
formulating their ADSDPPs in accordance to their customary laws, practices, traditions and institutions.
As provided in the NCIP guideline, the formulation of the ADSDPP must adhere to the following
principles: (a) freedom of ICCs/IPs to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, (b)
fulfillment of responsibility to future generations, (c) interdependence of ancestral domains (d) just and
equitable sharing of benefits and (e) comprehensive or all-inclusive development.”

An issue concerning implementation of ADSDPP is the possible conflict with other development related
plans by different agencies. The ADSDPP states (page 20) that "in case of conflict, the ADSDPP that was
approved by the community shall prevail over other plans, such as the Comprehensive Land Use Plan
(CLUP) of municipalities, the Provincial Development Plan or Municipal Development Plan, the Protected
Area Management Plan and other plans.” Development plans for IPs need to be given priority in areas
where they reside.

Non-discrimination and mind-set/behavior change

Discrimination against indigenous people is a structural problem, which fundamentally hinders their
appropriate access to basic services, resources and opportunities. Indigenous children are more likely to
suffer from discrimination in school by not only the classmates but also the teachers. Well- educated
indigenous people tend to experience continuous discrimination especially in the process of recruitment
as in the case of Manobos in Loreto, Agusan del Sur. The principle of human rights requires specific
attention to indigenous people. Their right to self-determination, cultural integrity and diversity need to
be recognized. Efforts should start with the process of changing mind-set and behavior of government
personnel, including school teachers, at local and national level as well as school education for both
indigenous and non-indigenous children.

Indigenous youth and children

Indigenous children and youth require special and culturally sensitive programs. Efforts to express their
culture and identity and transmit their language and indigenous knowledge system and practices (IKSPs)
to their next generation need to be exerted. For them, recognizing their cultural identity is an
empowering process. Out-of-school youth in Ati communities in Guimaras and Gadang communities in
Isabela who often perform cultural dances in festivals and similar occasions exhibited their sense of
pride and self-esteem as their tribe. On the contrary, the Ati children who are often targets of bullying at
school tend to have low self- esteem. They are hesitant to be identified as an Ati and reluctant to use
their own language, as a result many of them no longer speak and understand their language. Programs
and plans also need to protect them from various risks, including child labor, trafficking, involving in
armed conflicts, sexual exploitation and violence.
There can be no security among indigenous peoples in the Philippines if their inherent right to own,
manage and control their lands is not respected. Majority still stay in the rural areas, in most cases, their
own ancestral domains which have been taken from them. As long as they are in control of ancestral
lands and waters, they can offset current survival struggles with their subsistence economies and other
economic activities such as small-scale mining, marketing of handicrafts, raising of agricultural products
and livestock for local markets. Education and health services are woefully inadequate in their
territories, which further exacerbate their insecurity. If their traditional values and customs of
collectivity, mutual reciprocity, labor exchange, social cohesion and accountability remain strong, their
survival could be ensured. Social capital embracing networks, norms and values of solidarity, justice and
equity, reciprocity and trust will enable them to work in an effective and collaborative manner to
achieve their objectives yet preserve their culture. If this capital is high, a better sense of security is felt,
more than any government pension scheme which the majority would not even know exists. Social
capital is the insurance mechanism which allows indigenous peoples to survive and sustain their
relationship with their environment. An increasing number of indigenous peoples are being forcibly
displaced from their lands by extractive industries like mining and logging, so-called development
projects like hydroelectric dams, expansion of mono crop plantations of fruits, biofuels, fast-growing
trees, and militarization. Others voluntarily leave to seek better economic opportunities elsewhere,
ending up as work hands in the town and city centers or workplaces outside the country. Whether the
situation of those who migrated is better than those left behind remains unanswered. Those who are in
the urban areas, end up in the ranks of the urban poor. Some are able to find decent livelihoods, set up
businesses or acquire property, but they still remain a minority. The Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of
1997—otherwise known as IPRA or Republic Act 8371, which aims to protect indigenous peoples’ rights
and help bring about sustainable and equitable development for them—is an instrument that should be
used to bring about better security. Unfortunately, the constitutionality of this Act was questioned at
the Supreme Court at the instigation of the Mining Chamber of Commerce. It took the Supreme Court
three years to decide on this and it was only in 2001 that the court upheld its constitutionality.
Implementation of the law was in limbo for a time, and effectively, it has been implemented for around
five to six years only. Within this period many indigenous peoples have complained about the weak
implementation of the law. A serious commitment to this act is called for.

The provision of basic social services should be expanded so that they will reach those who still live in
remote and isolated areas. It is convenient for the government to say that there is no budget to support
the setting up of schools in indigenous territories where the level of enrollment is low. Why should
those who opt to live in their ancestral domains, no matter how remote get penalized through the
inadequate provision of social services? The Millennium Development Goals need to be achieved among
indigenous peoples. There is no empirical evidence yet to show that these goals have been realized by
indigenous peoples. Poverty and insecurity are still their problems. A more proactive policy should be
pursued.