[Link]

com/definition/Public-
distribution-system

Definition of 'Public Distribution

System'
Definition: Public distribution system is a government-sponsored chain of shops
entrusted with the work of distributing basic food and non-food commodities to
the needy sections of the society at very cheap prices.

Wheat, rice, kerosene, sugar, etc. are a few major commodities distributed by the
public distribution system.
Description: Food Corporation of India, a government entity, manages the
public distribution system.

The system is often blamed for its inefficiency and rural-urban bias. It has
not been able to fulfill the objective for which it was formed. Moreover, it
has frequently been criticized for instances of corruption and black
marketing.

[Link]
distribution-system

Protecting the poor from a rise in food prices remains a global policy
priority. Indian households spend 45% of their income on food and
many poor households rely on government subsidized grains for core
cereal intake. Thus, programs to mitigate losses from food price shocks
are an important part of India’s social protection system.
India’s food subsidy program continues to be one of the largest in the
world. The Public Distribution System (PDS) provides nearly 800 million
people with subsidized grain through a network of over half a million fair
price shops. In 2017, the government spent some $16 billion dollars on
the program, or almost 1 percent of GDP. Viewed from the perspective
of public administration and state capability, what can the history of the
PDS teach us about social protection and subsidy reform in India?

First, the PDS tells us that large scale “turn-around” of leaky

programs, even in poor states is possible.  Thirteen years ago, the
PDS data on coverage and leakage exposed alarming
inefficiencies. In 2005, only three out of ten of India’s poorest
households bought grains from fair price shops, while more than half the
grains failed to reach intended beneficiaries. Policy makers were
pessimistic about the program’s future, reform seemed impossible, a
Herculean challenge. Today, after concerted efforts from civil society,
administrators, politicians and the judiciary, many states have seen
improvements in the PDS. The program is reaching many more of
India’s poor, and the diversion of food-grains has reduced.

The numbers tell the story. In 2004-05, just 22.4% of Indian households
reported buying food grains from fair price shops. This doubled to
44.5% in 2011-12, the highest since 1997, when the targeted PDS was
introduced. Following the implementation of the National Food Security
Act’s in 2016, coverage has further expanded. Administrative data for
2016, shows that 74% of Indian households possess a ration card; in
2012, nearly six out of ten poor households purchased grains from the
PDS. All told, these improvements protected poor households from food
price increases, and alleviated poverty during times of drought and high
food inflation. While all-India decline in leakage has been moderate –
going from - 58% in 2004/05 to 43% in 2012—the reductions in
leakages were particularly strong in the low-income states with
historically weak administrative capabilities of Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand
and Chhattisgarh. Micro-surveys in select low income states conducted
in 2016 and 2017 found that citizens received nearly 90% of the
subsidized grains to which they were entitled. 

"Any reform on social protection should come in

tandem with carefully crafted reforms on the
agricultural and food price risk management
sides. This is not a call for inaction, but for
concerted cross-sectoral policy."

Second, there are no magic-bullets to reform. Efforts required patience

and calibration of various tools and the reform configuration varied
across states. Political incentives helped, relaxed eligibility criteria
expanded the number of people across stratas of society using the
program. Improvements used technology to complement reforms
including marrying a host of accountability tools to enable citizen-
centricity. 

Third, learning across state governments is key to scaling up reforms.

State governments led the PDS reform process. Initially, Tamil Nadu,
Kerala and Himachal Pradesh implemented reforms. These were later
adapted by Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Bihar. Following
this, the central government incorporated lessons learnt into national
policies. Today, the central government has made modernization of the
PDS supply chain a prerequisite for receiving subsidies under the
National Food Security Act of 2013. Based on lessons from Tamil Nadu,
the central government has also given states financial and technical
support to digitize their ration card databases.

However, challenges remain. Critics highlight that the in-kind delivery of

food subsidies is far too costly, and that the current subsidy regime
encourages farmers to favor production of cereals which are procured
by the central government for the PDS. Cash transfers are logically an
alternative -- although this begs the question of how the government
would release procured grains under current policies into the market
without simultaneous dismantling of the MSP and procurement system.

The NFSA empowers states to decide the modality of delivering food

subsidies –in cash or kind. Urbanized Union Territories are already
testing the use of cash in place of grains. While awaiting national
procurement reforms, each state government can be assisted in making
more informed decisions on how best to protect farmers and consumers
from food price shocks based on diagnostics and feedback loops – as a
gradual and sequenced path based on learning and local requirements.

A new set of proposals to reform the PDS center on “letting

beneficiaries choose for themselves” –enabling people to express a
preference for any given (digitally-enabled) transfer modality at the point
of distribution – should that be cash, in-kind food or even vouchers.
Where markets function well – cash assistance would ignite demand-
based approaches that could help uphold consumer sovereignty, spark
efficiency gains, and ignite competition among retailers.

However, a choice-based solution is yet to be implemented at scale in

any developed country and may pose several nuts and bolts challenges.
For one, a cash-or-kind system would place an even larger bet on
technology: at any point in time, the system should be able to provide
people what they want, anywhere. Whether the current system can
accommodate the simultaneous, multiple and real-time demand of
almost a billion people is an open question.  Delivery of cash remains
far more complex than is often imagined, even in urban areas. Recently,
activists have also highlighted how the use of modern technology such
as electronic-point of sale devices and biometrics may trigger delays
and exclusion in food delivery –thereby eroding gains made in the
recent past. Bolstering the capacity of local governments to test and use
ICT effectively maybe more important than complex changes in the
delivery chain.

More fundamentally, the choice approach may kick the can down the
line and not fully address the underlying tension in the PDS – that is, its
dual objectives of protecting families from price rise and stabilizing
farmer incomes. Any reform on the social protection side should come
in tandem with carefully crafted reforms on the agricultural and food
price risk management sides. This is not a call for inaction, but for
concerted cross-sectoral policy. After all the PDS is not a program in
vacuum, but part of a larger system-wide set of interventions.

There are some articles on economic and political weekly which would in fact be good
but I have no access to it
[Link]
[Link]

[Link]
The magnitude of the issues with the technologies used by the Aadhaar
project is hard to discern, as the government is not easily forthcoming
with its data, and primary data is limited. 2 This note relies on case
studies, secondary data and primary data, covering a number of welfare
programmes and states, ranging from those known to have reasonable
administrative capacity to those with weak administration.
There are two overlapping issues with the technology. One is the
soundness of the technology and the other is its implementation. Often
it is not possible to disentangle the two neatly. The following sections
list these problems along with examples of practical difficulties people
have faced with Aadhaar.
Getting an Aadhaar Number

Biometrics at the enrolment stage: When the quality of the biometrics is

inadequate, enrolment can be a problem. In theory, there is a system in
place for "biometric exceptions," in fact, it is often not available on the
ground. When it becomes a media embarrassment, some cases get
resolved. For instance, a visually-impaired school going boy was
denied Aadhaar services in rural Odisha while Amba
Kunwar and Budhni Devi were denied services in Jharkhand.
Failure to get Aadhaar for other reasons: Some are too sick to get
Aadhaar (like Gangi Tuti), or immobile or bedridden (Kapil Paikra has
been bedridden after a road accident in 2009 – before UIDAI began
issuing Aadhaar numbers), and so, are unable to get it. Sometimes
people apply and just never hear back.
Lost Aadhaar: In some cases, there were people who lost their
Aadhaar number/card and could not get it reissued, like Jugli Devi,
whose Aadhaar card was eaten by a rat.
Bogus and duplicate Aadhaar numbers: Several reports have
highlighted how fake Aadhaar numbers are being generated. A
compilation of news reports on bogus or fake Aadhaar is available here.
There are also a few documented cases of duplicate Aadhaar numbers
being issued.
“Illegal immigrants”: In states like Assam, Aadhaar numbers have not
been issued because of a controversy about immigrants from
Bangladesh. Rohingyas from Myanmar have faced similar issues.
Linking Aadhaar
Linking Aadhaar has become compulsory for a range of government
services and benefits. Though linking may seem an easy enough thing
to do, in fact, it is cumbersome or impossible in many cases for a
variety of reasons.
Lack of awareness:  Mangri Pahnain in Jharkhand did not receive her
pension for 13 months because of a failure to link with her bank
account.
Immobility due to age or physical disability: Soma Tidu lost his
disability pension because no one could get his paperwork done.
Inability to link: There have been instances when, owing to absence
(for example, Daniel Topo, a migrant worker, missed the deadline), or
illness ( Sarita Devi could not link her Aadhaar because her son was
very ill), during the designated time when Aadhaar was being linked,
people have been unable to link their Aadhaar.
Errors in the process of linking: Bhoja Mahto’s pension was stopped
because of an error in linking Aadhaar and often no one knows what
the error is.
Middlemen and bribes: Money is demanded to link it. For
instance, Laxman Parhaiya was asked for ₹120.
Inconsistency between the details recorded on Aadhaar:  Sanni
Tuti’s name is misspelt, so her linking does not work because it does
not match with the database with which it is being linked.
Lack of accountability: There are instances when people submit their
details, but concerned functionaries do not do the needful. Dukhni
Devi had been waiting for 13 months after submitting her paperwork.
Authentication

Failure in authentication: It is not obvious how people who were

enrolled through the biometric exception clause are supposed to
routinely authenticate themselves when availing benefits. 3 Even among
those who were able to enrol with all their biometrics, many face
fingerprint authentication issues (“false negatives”). The government
has admitted to high authentication failures in the Supreme Court of
India. On paper, the government claims that exception mechanisms are
in place – such as the use of one-time passwords (OTPs) – but on the
ground, these are rarely visible. In this video, the shopkeeper tries
a commonly used tactic (for example, innovative ways of greasing
fingers).
The elderly are more vulnerable to biometric authentication failures
(for example, Jainath Ram,  in rural Jharkhand can no longer draw
subsidised rations due to biometric failures; this clip shows an old
woman in Andhra Pradesh failing to authenticate herself). Other
vulnerable groups include manual labourers (Tilo Kumari, in the same
village, has the same problem), and people like Magda Ram, a leprosy
patient.
Hassles with authentication: Here, an old bent-over lady, has to be
carried to the ration shop so that she can authenticate herself. Olasi
Hansda cannot walk, and so cannot authenticate herself. Mada
Mallavya and his visually challenged daughter lost access for similar
reasons and eventually gave up trying to authenticate themselves.
Updating biometrics: Biometrics are not stable over the lifespan of an
individual, so they are asked to update/re-enrol their biometrics. This
costs money or may take time, and in some cases, it may take repeated
efforts (for example, if an enrolment centre is not easy to find).
Architecture/Design Issues

To the extent that Aadhaar is being made an essential feature of the

banking system, there are issues of platform design.
Redirected payments: The Aadhaar Payments Bridge (APB)
architecture hopes to use the UID number as a financial address, and at
any given point, the APB architecture allows for only one bank account
number to be linked to Aadhaar. But, because of the “Last Aadhaar
Linked Account” (LALA) rule when people have more than one
account, the last Aadhaar-linked bank account automatically starts
receiving all payments, even those that were directed to previously
linked Aadhaar accounts. The most infamous case here is the Airtel
mobile wallet case.
e-KYC requirements: Initially bank accounts were linked with
Aadhaar numbers to meet the government’s deadlines. This was often
done without informing the person concerned. Later, the banks were
required to complete ‘e-KYC’ and take consent from customers to
connect bank accounts to Aadhaar through biometric authentication.
Until e-KYC formalities are completed, bank accounts could be
"frozen." E-KYC verification sometimes requires a few months to be
successfully completed, as was seen in the case of Kiso Devi).
Aadhaar linking failures: This could be because a wrong Aadhaar
number is entered or if the demographic details on the Aadhaar card do
not match those associated with the bank account. When failures
occur (for example, Aadhaar may be deactivated), functionaries are
unable to fathom the cause of the failure, because they do not know
what the error codes stand for or where they can be remedied.
Consequences of Problems with Aadhaar

Cancellation: Sometimes, names are cancelled without any

notice because of which benefits are revoked. Rajkumari
Devi completed her paperwork after her name was struck off, but no
luck. Many have lost benefits because they were unable to link their
Aadhaar numbers to essential welfare services. For instance, Radhu
Parhaiya lost his subsidised ration card while Dileshwari Devi lost her
pension.
Suspension: Those who are lucky may be successful in having their
names reinstated, such as Bhoja Mahto or Sarol Lohra, who had their
pensions reinstated. However, no arrears were paid. Fewer were
successful in getting the arrears for those months when their names
were wrongfully struck off.
Delayed and rejected payments: e-KYC requirements have held up
pensions and Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
Act (MGNREGA) wages for months in for millions of labourers and
pensioners.
Denial of basic rights: Sanjay Parhaiya could not get admission to a
school because of biometric issues which prevented his enrollment.
Women have delivered babies in the parking lot of a hospital because
they did not have Aadhaar.
Increased transaction costs: The effort required to avail existing
benefits has gone up – either due to longer waits at the ration shop, or
repeated trips for authentication, or trips to different places that either
support online transactions or disburse other welfare benefits.
Bribes: Middlemen continue to play a role in the process of getting an
Aadhaar card made and in linking it (for example, Laxman
Parhaiya had to pay ₹120). They even play a role when benefits are
disbursed. For example, Dasiya Kunwar was asked for ₹2,000 when
she went to the “customer service centre” to withdraw her pension.
Identity fraud and theft: As Aadhaar cards get linked with people’s
financial details (bank account numbers, mobile numbers and tax
returns) there have been nearly 300 reports of identity fraud and
identity theft. Readily replicated biometrics have opened the door to
identity theft.
Deaths: According to a compilation prepared with Siraj Dutta and
other activists, we have been able to document 42 hunger-related deaths
since 2017 that were precipitated by Aadhaar being made compulsory
for welfare programmes. Others died when they were denied healthcare
at hospitals (a partial compilation is available here). Using technology
to cheat people: Ration shop dealers and customer service providers in
places where the use of Aadhaar is compulsory, often use the
technology to obfuscate matters in ways that disempower people. Some
of these people have been figuring out loopholes within the Aadhaar
ecosystem and exploiting it for their own benefit (see this scam in
Uttar Pradesh’s public distribution system).
[Link]
articles/[Link]

[Link]
4.3. Barriers and Enablers to the Efficient Working of the PDS
A number of barriers and enablers influencing the efficient working of the PDS were
investigated across the studies included in this review. One key barrier to a more efficient
system was the presence of illegal (or ghost) cards, with the finding that some households
hold multiple cards [51,58]. The illegal cards were identified in several states, with
Kumar [58] suggesting that there were approximately 230 million excess cards across the
country in 2006.
Despite a number of significant, system-wide changes over recent years, high levels of
corruption and leakage continue to plague the PDS [48,53,54]. Part of this leakage occurs
at the level of the fair price shops, where Gupta and Singh [48] reported that some store
owners exchanged the high quality goods provided from the government for distribution
through the PDS with lesser quality goods from the general stores. Both Khera [54] and
Dhanaraj and Gade [53] reported very high rates of corruption within the system, in some
states this was up to 100% leakage or ‘diversion’ from the supply chain. Transparency,
better governance, technology and the introduction of computerisation, along with use of
global positioning system and distribution via doorstep delivery have been suggested as
potential ways to address these issues [45,56].
Targeting errors, specifically the problems associated with targeting BPL and APL
households were identified as areas where efficiencies could be made [45,52,58]. These
studies suggest that while there was some effort to target the BPL households, the
targeting has had a marginal effect on poor households [52]. There is also a suggestion
from Kumar [58] that non-poor households have been included in the PDS to the
detriment of the system. This is consistent with the work of Nair [61], who suggest that
better targeting and the removal of APL households, that is, a removal of universal nature
of the system, would have significant positive impacts on the operation and effects of the
PDS.

5.1. Failure of PDS

The PDS is the largest food distribution network in the world [20,71,72], and its effective
and efficient functioning is an essential component of any response to food insecurity.
However, inefficiencies, miss-targeting, and corruption mean that there remain a large
number of food insecure people in India. This review has found two key reasons for the
failure of PDS in addressing food security: (1) problems with targeting; and (2) problems
of diversion and corruption.

5.1.1. Targeting
In 1997, the PDS was restructured, shifting from a universal system, where all Indians, in
principle, were eligible to receive a food subsidy, to a system that targeted those most in
need. This targeting had two main purposes: (1) to bring down the ever increasing costs
of the system; and (2) to provide more food to those in need [73]. Under this change BPL
households continued to receive subsidised foods, while subsidies for APL households
were phased out [54]. BPL households were identified via household income, compared
against an absolute income line. However, households with any assets (such as
televisions, fans, two or four wheeled vehicles, or land) were classified as APL under this
change, and despite owning such goods, many of these APL households were food
insecure, and with the removal of rations were unable to purchase sufficient goods
[21,45,74]. The problem of targeting is compounded by the lack of good quality regular
data; no regular official estimates of the actual income of households are conducted, with
many households BPL not classified as such, and some BPL households not holding
ration cards [73]. These problems with targeting limit the usefulness of the PDS in acting
as an effective food safety network [58,75], and are further exacerbated by the existence
of illegal cards [76].

5.1.2. Diversion and Corruption

Leakage and diversion continue to limit the efficiency of the PDS [77]. Whole India data
have shown mixed results over the past two decades, with figures from 2007–2008
showing a 44 percent diversion rate for grain, down from 55 percent three years earlier.
While these figures reflect a decrease in losses from the system, there remains a
significant amount of food displaced in the system [78]. These diversions of
commodities, intended for the PDS, into the general market result in shortages for those
who rely on subsidised rations [73]. Targeting has not resolved problems with leakage
and diversion, some suggest that it has in fact made it worse [79]. Dual pricing
introduced through the TPDS is seen by some as an incentive for stakeholders to divert
commodities into the open market where they can command a higher price [80]. These
diversions and leakages coupled with the inefficiency in monitoring partly due to the
decentralised operation increase the likelihood of ingrained, and ongoing corruption [80].

5.2. Mechanisms to Strengthen the PDS

While there are many challenges with the working of the PDS, it has the potential to play
an important role in addressing food security in India. This review has identified two
mechanisms to reinforce efficiency into the functioning of the PDS: (1) the National
Food Security Act, 2013; and (2) tracking and electronic governance.

5.2.1. The National Food Security Act

The introduction of the NFSA in 2013 was a constructive step towards strengthening the
PDS. Representing a shift from a traditional welfare approach, to an approach
underpinned by the acceptance of the human right to food and adequate nutrition, the
NFSA formalises the aim of the PDS to provide subsidised food grains to over 800
million people, or approximately two thirds of India’s population. The broad nature of the
NSFA allowed for a number of existing food security measures to be entered into law.
The NSFA is underpinned by a life cycle approach, that is, it considers the nutritional
requirements of the population across all age groups [81], and it includes both universal
aspects, available to all Indians, such as the Midday Meal Scheme and the Integrated
Child Development Services Scheme, while retaining PDS targeting. Under the NFSA,
75 percent of the rural and 50 percent of the urban population are entitled to 5 kg food
grains per month at Rs 3, Rs 2, and Rs 1 for a kg of rice, wheat, and millet, respectively
(100 Rupees (Rs) is equal to 1.39 USD).
In addition to the formalisation of a number of pre-existing entitlements, the NFSA aimed
to reinforce the role of the states in the coordination of the PDS, as well as improving
transparency and accountability [26]. With empowerment of women and the vulnerable
sections of society among the key objectives of the NFSA, monitoring measures to
address issues of corruption, diversion and leakages through better partnerships between
the central and state governments are also highlighted [26,28].
While the NFSA has every potential to be a “game changer” to strengthen the agricultural
industry and the economy of the country, the ability of the NFSA to have a sustained
effect on nutrition is questionable [10,65]. Problems with identifying those households in
need have not been resolved by the NSFA, and there remains problems with illegal cards
[82]. Finally, the expanding need of food grain associated with the NFSA may be
detrimental to the environmental sustainability as it demands increased fertiliser, water,
and land use, which if unchecked, may lead to land, air, and water pollution [65].

5.2.2. Tracking and Electronic Governance

The role of information and communications technology has the potential to be a critical
element of success if endorsed and implemented. With the dissemination of digitalisation
into the public sector, computerisation can improve the operation of PDS reducing some
leakage [83]. It can aid in the identification of beneficiaries and reduce inclusion and
exclusion errors associated with targeting while increasing transparency and
accountability [56]. Other technology currently trialed in some areas is the application of
global positioning system in tracking the food supply chain. This approach works by
ensuring that goods are scanned in and out at all points of the supply chain, and has so far
shown a reduction in corruption, leakages, and diversion [57,76], and has also shown that
goods provided to consumers are higher after the implementation of the system [84].

5.2.3. Food Insecurity in India in a Global Context

India is not alone in seeking a range of measures to combat food insecurity. China, like
India has a growing economy and a large population. Despite economic growth in China
over recent years, like India, China is home to one of the largest populations of hungry
people [85]. While India relies on the PDS to mitigate food insecurity, China has focused
significant attention on programs that seek to redistribute wealth, and non-food based
social security. China is also experiencing a shift in diet patterns, a shift that is having an
impact on agricultural production and on the use of land [86]. Likewise, the food
insecurity situation in Brazil is undergoing a transformation in the agricultural sector.
Like the populations in China and India, the people of Brazil have an increasingly global
diet, forcing a change in agricultural patterns. This transition, however, is being
supported by the government, alongside cash transfers and school meal programs as an
avenue to address increasing food insecurity, with initial indications suggesting some
success [87,88]. Given the very large populations in need in these countries, there is
unlikely to be a single solution that will work within or across countries. What is
important going forward, is that complete and comprehensive data are collected to
effectively evaluate these programs.
[Link]
boosts-savings-6248158/
Till October 2018, the Public Distribution System (PDS) of wheat through 17,000 ration
depots was being done manually requiring the beneficiary to show the ration card. But in
October 2017, the electronic point of sale (ePOS) was initiated on a pilot basis in four
districts of Punjab — Patiala, Fatehgarh Sahib, Mansa and Mohali — in an effort to bring
about automation in the PDS system. Under ePOS, beneficiaries can get their ration
under the PDS just by getting their finger prints matched at the ePOS machines, instead
of having to show their ration card.
Eventually, in April 2018, ePOS was rolled out in the entire state. Beneficiaries have also
been issued smart ration cards by government. The government has spent Rs 26 crore on
the entire automation plan. The results: Punjab has saved a total of Rs 207 crore worth of
ration according to Anandita Mitra, Director (Food and Civil Supplies), Punjab.
Meanwhile information from Punjab Food and Civil Supplies Minister Bharat Bhushan
Ashu reveals that while the state government was being told to undergo automation of
PDS system since 2012, the project never took off. “But our government worked on it
soon after coming to power in 2017. When we took over, nearly 2.5 lakh fake
beneficiaries’ names were struck off the list after anomalies were found in their records.
However ever since we started distribution through ePOS, 12% beneficiaries, which is
approximately 16.4 lakhs, are not coming to claim ration as ration will be given only after
pressing finger prints on the ePOS machines. This indicates that they were ghost or bogus
beneficiaries,” said Ashu.
Andhra Pradesh was the first state in country to adopt the automation of PDS following
which directives were issued nationwide to all states to carry out automation.
There are a total of 17,000 depots in Punjab and the department has 1,700 ePOS
machines issued in the name of food inspectors. One food inspector covers 10 villages
and hence a machine is taken to the ration depot by an inspector for the 4-5 days when
the ration distribution is to be done. “This further checks that machine is not being
misused,” said Mitra.
She added, “Rs 2 are the charges for wheat, which is given to beneficiaries and our
records have reflected that earlier, in many places, even this amount had also not been
deposited by many. Earlier 20 paise per kg was the commission of depot holder which we
have increased to 50 paise per kg and he/she has been authorised to keep his 50 paise
commission with himself/herself and deposit the rest Rs 1.5 per kg of the wheat amount
in the bank account opened by the state government,” clarified Mitra.

[Link] -- How Punjab is

making the best use of the flawed public distribution system.
Inclusive economic growth is a political, economic and social necessity. The question is:
what is the right strategy to ensure this? Most of our programmes to help the
underprivileged have suffered from leakages and inefficiencies, so that the benefits have
not accrued to the targeted groups but the strain on our fiscal deficit remains. Subsidies
are a classic example of this failure. The task of distributing them is colossal and we have
not been able to arrive at a proper system. This article will focus on the issues with the
creaking public distribution system (PDS).
The PDS assumes greater importance with the passing of the National Food Security Act,
which entails a manifold increase in foodgrain distribution. It would be unable to meet
the objective of food security even with substantial investment. The former chairman of
the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices estimates a minimum investment of Rs
6.8 lakh crore in production and infrastructure over the next three years to make the
system work well. This is in addition to the Rs 1.15 lakh crore budgeted for subsidies this
year, considered by most analysts to be a conservative figure. From a fiscal perspective,
this seems unviable.
The problems with food distribution have always seemed too large to tackle, and the
programme doomed to inefficient execution. The choice has been to live with it or
dismantle the system altogether.
But there seems to be a middle path. Recently, the Kellogg business school-educated
Adesh Pratap Singh Kairon, food and civil supplies minister of Punjab, updated us on the
new PDS that the state had introduced to address the shortcomings of the prevailing
system. The system he outlined was elegant, simple and effective. While it underlines the
need for administrative and process reforms, it also highlights the fact that there are
workable solutions to improve the system.
Today, the PDS operates through a network of approximately 5.3 lakh fair price shops,
which reach out to more than 90 crore people. There is a multilevel process in place,
through which the Centre and the states share the responsibilities of procuring and
disbursing grain. But a World Bank study showed that just 41.1 per cent of the grain
reaches the intended beneficiaries.
The Punjab food and civil supplies ministry has studied the process changes required to
ensure efficient implementation. In Punjab, the process used to start with artiyas or
commission agents aggregating wheat from farmers and selling it to the procurement
agencies in the mandi. This grain was bought by five agencies from 1,750 mandis across
Punjab. These would supply the wheat to the Food Corporation of India (FCI), where it
would be stored in Central godowns. The government would then release the monthly
quota through the FCI, which transported this stock back to the state depots. Finally, at
the state depot, the grain was distributed to the end users.
This multilayered process had several drawbacks. First, the grain had to move from the
farmer to the Centre and then back to the state before it was distributed. This involved
heavy transportation costs. Further, the FCI has insufficient storage space and has to
incur additional costs to build warehouses or hire them. Then there are the costs of
fumigating and preserving the wheat at the Central godowns.
Due to this lengthy process, the grain that was finally disbursed would often be of old
stock or of poor quality, particularly if the preservation process had been inadequate. This
is still common across the country. Research by independent evaluators shows that, at the
national level, the government spends Rs 3.65 to deliver Re 1 of subsidised food and just
40 per cent of the disbursed food is usable.
If this grossly flawed system is flogged to meet the needs of the food security
programme, the situation looks grim. But I take heart from the initiatives of states like
Punjab, which have initiated reforms to address the gaps. While the Centre plays a big
role in implementing the PDS, states have the flexibility to customise it to meet their own
priorities.
Punjab, in recent months, has completely overhauled the method of procurement and
distribution. Under the new process, wheat is procured from the farmer through artiyas,
who then sell it to the mandis. But that is where the similarity with the previous system
ends. Rather than transporting the wheat to an FCI warehouse, this grain is packed in 30
kg bags, equivalent to six months’ requirement for one beneficiary. These packages are
then delivered directly to the villages from the mandi, where the food and civil supplies
inspector distributes it to the BPL families, in the presence of the depot holder, at Re 1
per kg. This quota is released twice a year rather than on a monthly basis, and end users
are issued blue cards — ration cards that rely on data and photographs available directly
from the UID portal. This innovative measure ensures that the grain reaches the intended
beneficiary.
This change in the supply chain has immediate positive repercussions. The beneficiaries
get fresh wheat that has been procured from a nearby mandi. The quality of the grain is
far superior to what they received under the earlier system. With the grain being
delivered just twice a year at predetermined times, the state spends far less on distribution
and storage costs are almost eliminated.
Initial reports suggest that, on the whole, the Punjab government will save Rs 190 per
quintal of wheat disbursed. This includes savings on transportation, administrative costs,
maintenance and custody charges. Taking into account the fact that the state government
distributes approximately 87 lakh quintals annually, this translates into savings of roughly
Rs 165 crore each year.
Punjab is not the only success story. Other states have also customised the PDS to reap
more benefits. Tamil Nadu has a universal PDS, which entitles every household to
subsidised grain, thus reducing the incentive for last-mile shops to sell grain at market
prices. States such as Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh have implemented IT measures
to modernise the PDS, digitising ration cards, using point of sale terminals to record
transactions and the GPS to track delivery.
But this is just part of a larger overhaul that our procurement and distribution system
needs. Take the minimum support prices (MSPs) declared by the government for key
crops. If the objective of hiking MSPs is to improve the lot of poor farmers, the question
we need to ask is whether farmers indeed get paid these prices. Improvement in the
distribution of subsidies and the procurement of food is just one way of achieving
inclusive growth. The implementation of a land or land holding policy in rural areas
could also go a long way in achieving this end.
Major reforms are also warranted in the case of perishable commodities. The Agricultural
Produce Market Committee Act that governs the sale of fruit and vegetables leads to the
centralisation of purchase and the creation of a needless chain of intermediaries. It also
leads to enormous wastage. This must be addressed immediately, given that inflationary
spikes are the sharpest for perishables.
If we implement the right administrative and process reforms, we can eliminate wastage
and inefficiencies, and move a step closer to reaching subsidies to the intended
beneficiaries. Associated changes like legal leasing and the overhaul of the APMCs will
help in the better movement of food from farm gate to plate.

[Link]

In effort to address the problem, until recently, the policy debates on this programme
have focused on the related issues of coverage, targeting, errors of exclusion and
inclusion, storage, transport, distribution, diversion, price and quality of the food grains.
A growing number of studies have identified that the success of the PDS in meeting its
stated objectives depends on the competency of the state governments to identify the
genuinely poor families or all needy population, removing ghost BPL/AAY cards, putting
in place an effective and efficient delivery system, procurement of food grains and timely
release of food stocks (Drèze, 2003, 2010b, Government of India, 2005a; Dreze and
Khera, 2010a; Jha and Ramaswami, 2010; Khera, 2011). Use of Unique Identification
(UID) number to minimize the misalliances and duplications has taken the debate of PDS
boo-boos to further level. The Reasons of not having and using Ration Card Table 9 and
10 display the reasons for not having a ration card and not using ration cards by states
and socioeconomic groups, respectively. Among the reasons for not having ration card,
‘bureaucratic reasons’ are the dominant reason for majority of the states. However, this
problem is more pervasive in poor states: Bihar (87%), Orissa (69%), and newly formed
states: Chhattisgarh (66%), Jharkhand (64%), and Uttarakhand (46%) compared to other
states (less than 40%). However, other reasons (unspecified reason) also equally
dominant reason for states like Andhra Pradesh (75%), Jammu and Kashmir (64%),
Tamil Nadu (58%), Rajasthan (45%) and Delhi (44%). Moreover, change in residence
(‘moved’) and ‘not needed’ also contributes reasonably for not having a ration card. The
assessment of reasons for not having a ration card by socioeconomic groups again revels
‘bureaucratic reasons’ are the major reason behind not having a ration card, more
particularly in disadvantageous socioeconomic groups. Households belong to ST caste
and poorest and poorer economic status are facing more bureaucratic problem for getting
a ration card. Substantial proportion of richest households and other religions (Christians,
Sikhs, Jains ect.) are indicating that they do not need ration card. Shift in the residence is
also a major reason for not having ration card for other religion, upper caste and
households with rich wealth status. Reasonable proportions of households have lost their
ration cards. Among the specified reasons for not using the ration
card, ‘irregular supply’ is the major reason, followed by ‘no
time’, ‘poor quality’ and ‘financial reasons’. However, the state level
results evident that reasons for not using ration card varies substantially. Except Punjab,
states with larger proportion of tribal population indicate that ‘irregular supply’ has the
major reason for not using ration cards. However, the picture is much clear in table 12
which is showing the reasons for not using the ration card by socioeconomic groups,
where, irregular supply is the major reason for all the disadvantageous socioeconomic
groups.

As per The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2018 report, almost
195.9 million people in the country (comprising 14.8% of India’s population) are
undernourished. What’s worse, malnourishment among women and girls in the
reproductive age triggers a cycle of malnutrition going down generations via the
reproduction of unhealthy babies. Moreover, malnourishment among children
leads to a higher risk of death from common childhood ailments such as
pneumonia, malaria and diarrhoea. Furthermore, by restricting physical growth, it
causes mental retardation, blindness, spinal and brain birth defects.

[Link]
the issue of Jharkhand and corruption was dealt with in this article

[Link]
stable/[Link] - discussion about the food security laws

[Link]
work/[Link] -

MIDDAY meal
MDM guidelines stipulate the meals should meet certain dietary stipulations. Children in Class I-V should get
450 calorie per day with 12 gm protein while those in the upper primary should get 700 calories including 20
gm protein. Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Puducherry have even
extended the scheme to Class IX and X. It now covers 11 crore students across 11.34 lakh schools.
However, shoddy implementation has marred the ambitious programme. However, shoddy implementation
has marred the ambitious programme. There have been reports that children were fed substandard or
adulterated food. In September, a video showed children in a school in Mirzapur being served chapati and
salt. In November, there were reports from Sonbhadra that one litre of milk was allegedly diluted with a
bucket of water and fed to 81 children. Though the scheme might have benefitted children and reduced the
dropout rate, a glaring issue has been the lack of monit ..

Read more at:

[Link]
scheme/articleshow/[Link]?
utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

ICDs - [Link]
India - Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) The average Indian child has a
poor start to life. Both infant and under-five mortality rates for Indian children – at 67
and 93 respectively – are higher than the developing country average. One in four
newborns is underweight. Only about one in three is exclusively breastfed for the first six
months. Nearly one in two children under five years of age suffer from moderate or
severe malnutrition. One in three children does not get a full course of DPT (diphtheria,
pertussis and tetanus immunization), and only one in three has the opportunity to be in an
early learning programme. Just about one in five is protected against vitamin A
deficiency. Their parents and caregivers experience grave disadvantages too. Forty-four
per cent of India’s people live on less than $1 a day. Less than 30 per cent have access to
adequate sanitation facilities. Skilled attendants handle fewer than half of all deliveries, a
major factor in the country’s high maternal mortality ratio of 540 deaths per 100,000 live
births. Less than half the country’s households consume iodized salt. Pervasive
discrimination against girls and women is reflected in a range of adverse indicators,
including nutritional and educational outcomes, and the declining ratio of girls to boys,
particularly in the youngest age group. Against this backdrop, the Government has
supported a monumental effort to improve the life chances of children. Integrated Child
Development Services (ICDS) in India is the world’s largest integrated early childhood
programme, with over 40,000 centres nationwide. Since its inception in 1975, the
programme has matured and expanded, despite difficulties in adapting to the vastly
different local circumstances found on the Indian subcontinent. UNICEF helped launch
the ICDS programme and continues to provide financial and technical assistance along
with the World Bank. The programme today covers over 4.8 million expectant and
nursing mothers and over 23 million children under the age of six. Of these children,
more than half participate in early learning activities. The purpose of ICDS is to improve
the health, nutrition and development of children. The programme offers health, nutrition
and hygiene education to mothers, non-formal preschool education to children aged three
to six, supplementary feeding for all children and pregnant and nursing mothers, growth
monitoring and promotion, and links to primary healthcare services such as immunization
and vitamin A supplements. These services are delivered in an integrated manner at the
anganwadi, or childcare centre. Each centre is run by an anganwadi worker and one
helper, who undergo three months of institutional training and four months of
community-based training. The cost of the ICDS programme averages $10-$22 per child
a year. · Evaluation studies have found that, despite some unevenness in the quality of
services, the ICDS programme has had a positive impact on the survival, growth, and
development of young children. For example, a study conducted in rural areas of three
southern states (Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka) found that the programme
had a significant impact on the psycho-social development of children, for both boys and
girls. The study also showed that undernourished ICDS beneficiaries attained higher
developmental scores than well-nourished children who were not enrolled in the
programme. · A national study conducted in 1992 by the National Institute of Public
Cooperation and Child Development confirmed the positive impact of ICDS. Where the
programme was operating, there were lower percentages of low-birth-weight babies,
lower infant mortality rates, higher immunization coverage, higher utilization rates for
health services, and better child nutrition. The percentage of severely malnourished
children declined, the positive effects of preschool were evident, and a larger percentage
of mothers were getting their children medically examined. · Changes in the programme
are improving its impact. Greater emphasis is being placed on children under three years
of age, links with existing health services are being strengthened, efforts in sanitation are
being supported, and community participation is being enhanced. These improvements
are consistent with the integrated approach to early childhood that UNICEF advocates
and that has been shown to yield results. · Over the last two and a half decades, ICDS has
demonstrated its effectiveness. Consequently, the Government of India has renewed its
commitment to making the programme universally available in order to achieve equality
of opportunity for all Indian children.

[Link]

The challenge
Two key problems relating to children in India are the large numbers of children out of
school and the extent of undernourishment. In 2004, around 15 percent of children in the
6-14 age group did not attend school. According to the third national family health
survey, carried out in 2006, 46 per cent of India’s children under 3 years of age were
underweight (compared to 8 percent in China), and India was home to 57 million - or
more than a third - of the world's 146 million undernourished children. Nutritional
anaemia, too, was widespread.

The figures have serious implications for personal development and the productive
potential of the nation and for Indian children’s basic human rights, such as access to
food and education. The policy challenge, in this context, was to address both the
educational and nutritional needs of school-age children.

The initiative
Successive federal and state governments have taken various measures to increase school
attendance, with some degree of success. One of the strategies has been the midday meals
in schools initiative.
The objectives of the initiative include:

 Increasing the number of children enrolling in and attending school.

 Improving children’s nutrition.
 Promoting social equality in terms of gender and caste.

Providing midday meals in Indian schools has a long history, going back to 1923 in
Madras. By the mid-1980s, three states had a universal cooked midday meal programme
for primary schoolchildren. By 1991, nine more states had followed suit.

The National Programme of Nutritional Support to Primary Education , a centrally

sponsored scheme, popularly known as the midday meals in schools (MDMS) scheme
was launched in August 1995. It has been updated since then, in 2003 and 2008, to
include all schoolchildren in classes I–VIII in government, government-aided and local
authority schools, as well as those in madrasas, in schools covered under the Education
Guarantee Scheme (EGS) and in “alternative and innovative education” centres (AIEs).

The public impact

The scheme currently supports 113.6 million schoolchildren in about a million schools.
There has been steady increase in the number of children covered under MDMS schemes
across many states. For example, after the Supreme Court judgment of November of
2001, the number of children getting a hot cooked meal in schools in Rajasthan increased
from 62.22 lakhs in 2001-02 to 76.76 lakhs in 2003-04.

A survey of 70 deprived villages in the state of Madhya Pradesh reported that:

 90 percent of teachers and cooks said the meal was being regularly provided.
 96 percent of parents wanted the scheme to continue.
 63 percent of parents and 74 percent of teachers felt that the meal had helped
improve the children’s learning abilities.
 There had been a 15 percent increase in overall enrolment.
 The scheme played an important role in reducing dropout rates, especially among
girls.

The survey concluded that the MDMS scheme increased social equality by bringing
children from different social groups together.

What did and didn't work

All cases in our Public Impact Observatory have been evaluated for performance against
the elements of our Public Impact Fundamentals.
Legitimacy
Stakeholder Engagement Good
MDMS was an initiative of central government, the major stakeholder. Other
stakeholders were the state governments and the local authorities and schools which were
responsible for carrying out the scheme. The central government implemented MDMS to
cover all 29 states at a time (1991) when 12 states were carrying out such programmes
out of their own: this makes its engagement clear. However, there is no information on
how the remaining 17 states treated the scheme at the time of implementation.

Political Commitment Strong
The political commitment to MDMS has been strong from the very beginning. When the
central government launched the scheme for the whole nation, it provided full support to
the states through the free supply of the 100 grams of food grain along with subsidies for
transporting it from the nearest Food Corporation of India distribution point. This was a
huge fiscal commitment on part of the central government which definitely stems from
strong political resolution.

The state government has had to bear the costs of infrastructure and the actual cooking.

Policy
Clear Objectives Good
The objectives of the scheme were clear from the outset. They have remained consistent,
as is evident from amendments and revisions carried out by the governments to make
MDMS more feasible and widespread.

However, as a caveat, the objectives are not in themselves backed up by quantitative

measures and are quite generic. For example, the objective is to increase the nutritional
level of children but the extent is not specified.

Evidence Good
MDMS was inspired by a number of similar schemes:

 The one run by Madras in 1923.

 The 12 states that had been operating nutritional programmes from the 1980s
onwards.
  One of the best known was the state of Tamil Nadu’s scheme which was started in
1982.
 By the mid-1980s, they had been followed by Kerala and Gujarat and
subsequently by nine other.

There are risks that had to be taken into account, as is evident from the tragic story of the
state of Bihar’s own midday meal scheme, which caused the deaths of 22 children. [1]

Feasibility Strong
Feasibility, in terms of money and human resources, was properly evaluated by the
government when it launched the scheme, estimating the requirement for each child of
food grains, rice, pulses, oil. The states implementing the policy were given
recommendations for sourcing finance. The implementing bodies were involved from the
start, e.g., NGOs and charitable trusts.

Action
Management Strong
There are formal monitoring committees, from national to school level, to ensure the
progress of the scheme. At national level there are two committees that hold quarterly
meeting to discuss the progress of MDMS. At state level, each state has an MDMS
steering and monitoring committee to mirror the national level approach.

Measurement Strong
The outcomes of MDMS are measurable: the number of children getting hot cooked food,
national progress in levels of nutrition, and the numbers of children being enrolled in
schools.

Alignment Fair
In 2004, when the guidelines were revised after the nine years of MDMS, it became clear
that universal implementation had not been observed. In six Indian states the scheme had
not even started and, in many states, the quality of food was not meeting the required
standards. There were also several schools that were without such midday meals in
districts where the scheme has been formally launched.

When it comes to implementation, there have been complaints of delays in disbursement

of funds to the implementing agencies at the field level from the state government. States
had been complaining about the financial constraints but this issue was resolved in the
2006 revision of MDMS.
However, there are examples of successful implementation of the scheme as well. For
example, a random survey conducted in 2003 in 27 villages of Chattisgarh, Rajasthan and
Karnatka found that in 76 out of 81 sample schools, meals were being regularly served
and the scheme was being run in a satisfactory manner.

[Link]
scheme-need-to-be-addressed
Launched in 1995, India's Rs 13,000 crore Mid-Day Meal Scheme
(MDM) seeks to provide daily meals to 10 crore children in almost
12 lakh schools in classes 1 to 8 across government and
government-aided schools. This serves two functions - boosting
school attendance and participation by giving children and
families an incentive to go to school, and also provide nutrition to
India's next generation.  With dedicated nutrition goals (450 to
700 calories, and 12 to 20 grammes of protein respectively for
primary and upper primary school children), the program has the
potential to end chronic malnutrition and starvation. However,
the program has many issues which the government must
immediately address.
Hygiene issues
As early as 2003, there have been multiple incidents of
unhygienic mid-day meals. These haven't been random one-off
episodes but showed how negligence in mid-day meal
preparation is rampant.  Year-on-year, dead rats, worms, lizards
and insects have been spotted in mid-day meals served at
schools across India.  There surprisingly has not been any
condemnation of the school facilities handling food, or of
agencies supplying food or ingredients. Recently, the CAG found
that schools in Punjab were noted to have no water testing, no
use of gloves, and violation of prescribed menus. Children were
made to wash utensils, despite the school having hired staff to
do so. In 2013, 23 students died and dozens fell dangerously ill
after eating a mid-day meal in a Bihar village school.
Fortification
85% of Indian children between the ages of 7 to 12 have high
rates of micronutrients deficiencies (in iron, folic acid, Vitamin
A). These can impair cognitive development, impair
concentration, cause school absenteeism and even illness. As
successful pilot projects in Odisha have shown, staple essentials
of Mid-Day meals like rice and wheat like can fortified with
micronutrients. Micronutrient premixes can be added to cooked
meals. These have shown success in reducing anaemia.
However, fortification has only made its debut in some states
like Karnataka instead of a pan-India rollout.
Save the Children’s role to battle malnutrition:
Support by those who give donation, Save the Children has
undertaken many programs to fight malnutrition across India.
i. Malnutrition Treatment Centre in Tonk to addresses high rates
of Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM)
ii. Nutrition for Babies campaign which provides nutrition rehab
for malnourished infants and resources for mothers, nurses,
doctors, and families.
iii. Save the Children's ‘Poshan Vatikas’ which involve school
teachers and Aanganwadi 'Sevikas' to grow seasonal vegetables.
These are served to children in Mid-day Meals
iv. Slum outreach to raise awareness about malnutrition cause
among mothers, families and communities.
v. Stop Diarrhoea Initiative via increasing WASH (Water,
Sanitation and Hygiene), as well as building toilets.
The initiative is attempting to end open defecation – major
causes of diarrhoea, which triggers malnutrition.
Conclusion
Considering the high number of complaints, the government has
asked states and union territories to institute automated
monitoring systems for the midday meals supply, via apps, SMS,
email or IVRS. The work of civil society, government schemes
and concerned citizens has led to some tangible results. End-
2014 results showed a dramatic fall in underweight and stunted
children (from 48 % to 39 % (2005-6 and 2013-14). This translates
to 14.5 million fewer stunted children, a big achievement for
India, home to the shortest kids in the world. A nation-wide Rapid
Survey on Children (RSOC), showed a marked improvement in
malnutrition. NGOs like Save the Children have successfully
contributed to a measurable increase in access to nutrition, as
well as counselling of nutrition choices to India's less fortunate.

[Link]

NEW DELHI, India— India’s Mid Day Meal Scheme is one of the largest food assistance
programs in the world with a 2013-2014 budget of Rs 30 billion ($490 million.) It is managed by
the Ministry of Education, which claims the program is in place to “enhance enrollment, retention
and attendance and simultaneously improve nutritional levels among children.”

Any government program of this size—with the goal of assisting 120 million children every day—
no doubt suffers from organizational problems.

Referencing a study done by Yamini Aiyar for the Accountability Initiative, The Guardian states
that “too many layers of government were involved in the scheme, resulting in poor information,
coordination and monitoring.”

A few examples of poor monitoring and coordination show the issues this scheme encounters. A
little over one year ago in July, 2013, 23 children from the Indian state of Bihar died as a result of
unsafe food preparation. Outrage within the community led to protests as well as a government
probe into the incident.

Death due to improper food preparation is luckily an extreme, but more often children fall ill. The
most recent incident, reported by the Times of India, happened earlier this month when 50
students became sick at a government run school in Bihar. The cause was found to be a dead
lizard in their food.

This follows 12 students in the Buxar district becoming sick, 33 students in Vaishali and 25
students in Siwan, all during the month of July.

Other issues range from delayed payments, poor food quality, snakes and worms in the food,
cooks not receiving pay and food not being delivered or being wasted. There is even
embezzlement of the money by way of fake enrollments.

It is also a difficult challenge to deliver food to rural areas. Roads are not paved and the
infrastructure is lacking. Even if food makes it to these remote areas, kitchens to cook the food in
are not available within the schools.

A few NGOs have solicited local women’s groups to do the cooking with some success.
An interview with The Guardian showed that a school in the rural village of Karulihai in the Indian
state of Madhya Pradesh hasn’t received a food delivery since November 2013.

Mr. Sonpal, the schools only teacher, said that the meal is often the children’s only food for the
day. Many have stopped coming in to school.

There is some attempt to deal with the issues. This past July the government of the Indian state
Bangalore approved a state review mission to assess nutrition and many complaints related to
distribution of the food.

All the aforementioned problems are not meant to support the dissolution of the meal scheme, as
it has in fact helped many Indian children.

Research from the nonprofit Akshaya Patra, which works with the government to implement the
program, states that the meal scheme has led to “increased enrollment in schools, increased
attendance in schools, improved performance of students in class in terms of better attention
span and academic progress, [and]improved nutritional status of students.”

Another study by Farzana Afridi of Syracuse University and the Delhi School of Economics
claimed that the program has “reduced the daily protein deficiency of a primary-school student by
100 percent, the calorie deficiency by almost 30 percent and the daily iron deficiency by nearly 10
percent.”

The meal scheme is generally a successful one, but that should not blind policy makers from
potentially dangerous problems that have arisen in this large-scale meal program or let its
success blind them from the serious issue of malnutrition in India.

Recent data released by UNICEF and the Global Health Database shows that by 2015 around 33
percent of Indian children will be malnourished. India currently has more malnourished children
than sub-saharan Africa and half of all child deaths are a result of malnutrition.

Hopefully nonprofits and the government can work together to improve and perfect the Mid Day
Meal Scheme, as India’s children definitely need it and can benefit from its proper
implementation.

[Link]

In February this year, nine students of a government school in Delhi fell sick after

consuming a mid-day meal which allegedly had a dead rat in it. While these
students from Delhi managed to survive their illness, in 2016, children from a
primary school in Mathura didn’t. Of the 127 that fell sick after drinking
purportedly adulterated milk as a part of the mid-day meal, two of them died.

That the mid-day meal has played an important role in enhancing enrolment,
retention and attendance in schools is doubtless. To that effect, it has surely done
its part in helping eradicate hunger. The incidents in Delhi and Mathura,
however, show that there is a lot that the government still needs to do to when it
comes to providing “safe, nutritious and sufficient food” to everybody or
of ending malnutrition by 2030 as promised by it under the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs).

Why Right To Food Must Include The Right To A

‘Nutritious Meal’
According to Dr Vandana Prasad, who is the national convenor of Jan Swasthya
Abhiyan and member of the Right to Food campaign, globally, the right to food in
effect means that governments should be providing nutritious food and not just
anything they like. “For children, it is even more important because they are
growing,” she adds.

After Supreme Court orders, nutrition has gradually become a part of what is
known as the Right to Food in India.

In 2001, every government and government assisted primary school was asked to

provide a hot-cooked midday meal to every child on at least 200 days in a year
under the Mid-Day Meal Scheme (MDMS). Furthermore, this meal was required
to contain 300 calories and 8-12 grams of protein. With the enactment of
the National Food Security Act in 2013, the nutritional content of food (calorie
and protein content requirement has since been increased for MDMS) has
become an integral part of the right to food in the country.

Distributing Mid Day Meal to Primary School students (Corporation School Children) in
Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India (Mid-day Meal Scheme).

Why Are Mid-Day Meals Not Nutritious?

Yet, over a decade after the Supreme Court passed guidelines regarding
nutritional standards of the mid-day meal, a joint review mission set up by the
government found that mid-day meals had little impact on malnutrition among
schoolchildren. Surveys conducted under the mission during 2013-14 found a
large number of elementary school children severely malnourished in as many as
9 states.

There are many reasons for this. Says Prasad, “Providing nutrition through one
hot-cooked meal is not easy.” The only way she says to deliver the necessary
calories to students is by adding animal-based proteins.

But providing animal-based proteins within a limited budget is not easy either.
Recalling her experiences as part of a committee in Delhi that looked at the issue
of improving nutrition in MDMS she says, “They made an attempt. But then
finally the constraints remain the same- we want to do it within the same cost,
we don’t want to do this, don’t want to do that. Then it’s not that easy.” It was
only after allocating additional funds from its own coffers that the Delhi
government finally decided to incorporate eggs and bananas in its scheme.

That there is no provision to independently monitor the quality of the meals

anymore is another problem according to Dipa Sinha, a convener of the Right to
Food Campaign.

“Other than regular programme data of the midday meal, there is no

independent monitoring that seems to be happening. And that is a problem.
There are of course the macro issues also – that currently with the amount of
budget, it’s difficult to do eggs and all,” Sinha told YKA.

For Biraj Patnaik, who was until recently the Principal Adviser to the
Commissioners of the Supreme Court, the lack of investment in the scheme is the
‘biggest issue’. As the budget allocation for the scheme hasn’t increased
proportionately to the rise in the cost of food, he estimates that the allocation has
been effectively slashed by 20-25 percent. “The issue is there is no money,” he
told YKA, “What will you monitor?”

Patnaik also identifies the recent circulars allowing NGOs and centralised

kitchens for cooking and supply of hot-cooked meals in even rural areas as a
problem. This was earlier only allowed in urban areas due to space constraints
within school premises. Prasad, who worked with the Delhi government back
then, had found problems with such kitchens. “Rotis became hard, food
sometimes had to travel for 5-6 hours, and in summers it was not quite
palatable by the time it got there,” she told YKA.

The insistence on Aadhaar cards for providing the benefits of MDMS is also

something that would exclude children from marginalised backgrounds from getting
food, experts believe.

How To Make Food More Nutritious

A child standing against a municipal school wall displaying the midday meal menu in a
Rajasthan village.
Experts believe that issuing specific guidelines that recommend certain fruits,
animal based proteins and leafy vegetables could help solve the issue of nutrition.
Sinha says monitoring menus regularly in a more stringent manner and
periodically testing samples for nutrient content may also be helpful in ensuring
that such guidelines are followed.

According to Patnaik, including ‘nutrition education’ in the curriculum may also

help spread awareness among children about the quantity and quality of their
meals. Procuring produce from local farmers and creating vegetable gardens in
the school are also ways in which, he says, healthy, hygienic, and nutrient-rich
food might reach children.
And obviously, there needs to be a concerted effort to increase investment in the
scheme. “Basically, decentralisation, sufficiency of investment, and allowing for
quality, locally available food rather than thinking in terms of centrally
packaging food is a better approach,” Prasad told YKA.

[Link]
notes/[Link]
Public Distribution System
Public distribution system is a structure that is sponsored by a government and includes

chain of shops trusted with the work of distributing basic food and non-food commodities

to the disadvantaged group of the society at very low prices. The central and state

governments shared the accountability of regulating the Public distribution system .

While the central government is responsible for procurement, storage,

transportation, and bulk allocation of food grains, state governments

hold the responsibility for distributing the same to the consumers

through the established system of Fair Price Shops. State governments

are also responsible for operational responsibilities including allocation

and identification of families below poverty line, issue of ration cards,

supervision and monitoring the functioning of FPSs system (PDS) is an

Indian food security system. Established by the Government of India under

Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food, and Public Distribution and managed cooperatively

with state governments in India, it distributes sponsored food and non-food stuffs to poor

community of India. Some of the commodities distributed by food department include

 staple food grains, such as wheat, rice, sugar, and kerosene, through as ration shops

established in several states across the nation. Food Corporation of India, a Government-

owned corporation, acquires and maintains the Public distribution system. It is

whispered that Public distribution system can be differentiated from private

distribution in terms of control exercised by public authority and the

intention primarily being social welfare in contrast to private gain. In broad

sense, the system includes all the agencies that are involved from

procurement stage to the final delivery of goods to the customer. The

agency that is involved in the process of procurement, transportation,

storage and distribution are Food Corporation of India . At the state level,

it is the civil supply departments/ corporations and fair price

shops, which are the agencies, involved in provision of Public

distribution system. The fair price shops are the last linkage in

this process, which are generally owned by private individuals .

Therefore, significant aspect that differentiates Public distribution system is

the involvement of government agencies and government control over the

whole distribution structure.

The objectives of the Public Distribution System are as follows:

1. To protect the low income groups by guaranteeing the supply of

certain minimum quantities of food grains at affordable price.

2. Ensuring equitable distribution.

3. Controlling the price rise of Essential Commodities in the open

market.

The Public Distribution System has been premeditated and implemented

by both the central and state governments. Central government primarily

deals with the buffer stock operations (though FCI) and also controls the

external and internal trade of food grains. The Central government through

its procurement activity tries to even out the differences of surplus and

deficit food grain producing states.

Public distribution system flow

Evolution of Public Distribution System
Public distribution system in India has developed since many decades. In

Indian scenario, there is numerous natural disasters occurring and it

results in famines and droughts that cause acute scarcity conditions.

Government of India took various measures to help the victims in which

the food security system was initiated. Such effort was taken up for the first

time in 1939 under the British regime when the Second World War started.

The government thought of distributing the food grains to the poor of some
 selected cities in which there was scarcity and also a situation where

private, failed to provide commodities affordable by the poor.

In 1943, after the great Bengal Famine, this distribution system was

stretched to some more cities and towns. Continued periods of economic

stress and disturbance like wars and deprivations gave rise to a form of

food security system. Originally, it concerned itself mainly with

management of scarce food supplies, and afterwards it was found

necessary to use a more organised and institutionalised approach

including measures suspending normal activities of markets and trade.

Such type of food security service existed in India for many years, in the

shape of constitutional rationing in particular urban areas and continues to

be present even today in a few metropolitan centres.

Reports signified that the development of Public Distribution System in

India can be grouped into three time periods that include;

1. From 1939 to 1965

2. From 1965 to 1975

3. From 1975 onwards.

In the first period, the Public Distribution System was basically visualized

as rationing system to distribute the scarce commodities and later it was

seen as a Fair price system in contrast with the private trade. Rice and
wheat occupied a very high share in the food grains distribution.

Government was aware of extending the Public Distribution System to

rural areas but it was not implemented. The operation of Public Distribution

System was unbalanced and dependent on imports of PL 480 food grains

with little internal procurement. In operation, imports constituted major

proportion in the supplies for Public Distribution System during this period.

Procurement prices offered were not remunerative.

In the middle period of 1960's it was decided to look much beyond

management of scarce supplies in critical situations. Stoppage of PL 480

imports forced the government to obtain grains internally. In effect, India

took a significant leap in the direction of providing a more sustainable

institutional framework for providing food security. FCI and Agricultural

Prices Commission (APC) were established at that time which are now

known as Bureau of Agricultural Costs and Prices (BACP) Commission in

1965 marked the commencement of this phase. On the basis of BACP's

recommended prices, the FCI procures the food grains to distribute

through Public Distribution System and a part of the procured quantity is

kept as "buffer stocks" to meet any unanticipated catastrophe situation.

Major components of this system were traditional arrangements and

procedures for procurement, stocking and distribution of food grains. The

food security system during this period, progressed as a vital part of a

development strategy to bring about a prominent technological change in

selected food crops, especially rice and wheat. It delivered effective price

and market support for farmers and organised range of measures to create

employment and income for the rural poor in order to improve their level of

happiness including better physical and economic access to food grains.

In the third period, there was an increase in the food grains production in

the country. The buffer stock accumulation too increased greatly. With this,

the initial stress on buffer stock maintenance and price stabilisation shifted

to increase in Public Distribution System supplies. In the 4th plan 69-74, it

states that "in so far as food grains are concerned the basic objective is to

provide an effective Public Distribution System. The procured quantities

were in excess as compared to the requirement of Public Distribution

System needs and minimum reserve was maintained". In fifth five year

plan, programmes such as Food for work, Antyodaya were started with a

view to lessen poverty as well as to reduce the overstocking of FCI

godowns. The imports slowly degenerated in this period and during the

year 1975, there was a net export of food grains though it was a small

quantity. Imports were continuous with relatively very less quantities to

maintain level of buffer stocks. The government strengthened the Public

Distribution System in this period, so that it remained a "stable and

permanent feature of strategy to control prices, reduce fluctuations in them

and achieve an equitable distribution of essential consumer goods".

In the end of seventies, the Public Distribution System was basically

confined to urban population and did not promise adequate food to the

rural poor in crisis period. During the late 1970's, and in the beginning of

eighties, some state governments extended the coverage of Public

Distribution System to rural areas and also introduced the target grouping

approach. These states are Kerala, Gujarat, Tamilnadu, and Andhra

Pradesh. This was also because there was an obvious change in the food

situation particularly in the later years, during 80's and early 90's. Thus the

net availability of food grains which had increased from 74 million tons in

1968 to 99 million tons in 1977, witnessed a rapid rise in later years

reaching 158 million tonnes in 1991 (Government of India, 1994).

Features of the Public Distribution

System
Public Distribution System of food supplies began to relief victims affected

by the famine and drought in 1939, and has increased its range of work to

include a larger areas of operations for procurement, and distribution of

food grains and other civil supplies, pricing policies. The indispensable

features of the Public Distribution System are mentioned below:

1. Public Distribution System is a system of distribution of selected

essential goods through the fair price shops (ration shops or co-operatives

owned by the government) which are operated by private dealers under

the government's control and direction.

2. Rice, wheat and sugar are main food grains throughout the period.

The other important items are kerosene, edible oil which are distributed to

disadvantaged group of society.

3. The working of the Public Distribution System did not hamper the

functioning of the free market mechanism except in the limited statutory

rationing areas but works along with it. Therefore, this could be observed

as a "dual economy" in the vital commodities. Customers have liberty to

either purchase through Fair Price Shops or from the open market.

4. The required amounts of food grains and other items are acquired

by the government through internal procurement and or through imports

and a buffer stock is maintained with meet the demand of shortage period.

The government feeds the Public Distribution System with supplies, bears

the cost of subsidy, and decides as to which goods to supply, at what

rates, what amount to be sold per head or per family.

5. The purpose of Public Distribution System is to offer basic minimum

quantity of essential commodities at lowest prices especially to poorer

sections of society and also to stabilise their open market prices or at least

to stop an unwarranted rise in such prices under crisis period. The prices
 charged are usually lower than open market prices and also lower than the

procurement and other costs incurred by the government.

6. It has been principally an urban oriented system. Its origin as well as

development has been in sensitive urban areas where a scarcity of food

grains and other essential commodities could become political obligations

of administration.

In exposure and public expenditure, it is reflected as significant food

security network. However, the food grains supplied by the ration shops
are not enough to fulfil the consumption necessities of the poor or inferior
quality. The PDS has been condemned for its urban unfairness and its
failure to serve the poorer sections of the population successfully.

Reforming the Public Distribution

System
It has been observed that huge program was made by the ministry to

modernise Public Distribution System. Government used advanced

technology such as computerisation of Public Distribution System to

accelerate the Project. All the ration shops across the country are to be

automated. Government of Odisha and Gujarat took initiative to perform

these activities. The draft food security Bill talks of local distribution of

grains. Some states have implemented advanced ways to make sure that

distribution of food grains must be in a transparent manner, involving

panchayat leaders, village elders and gram sabha in monitoring.

 The Indian government and the Department of

Food and Public Distribution have identified

critical facets of the public distribution system

that need improvement, for the program to

function more successfully. These domain

include:

1. Beneficiary identification, and addressing inclusion/exclusion errors

2. Addressing diversions and leakages

3. Managing food grain storage and ensuring timely distribution

4. Effective accountability and monitoring, and enabling community

monitoring

5. Mechanisms for grievance redressal

6. Ensuring food security

The Centre is constantly involved to advise the states to approve

decentralised procurement system, which ensures local preference for

grains are met more economically. On local supply of food grains for

government-sponsored programmes, it is said that under the Integrated

Child Development Services Scheme, states have the choice to source the
food-grain requirement from either the central pool or purchase it nearby.

Statistical data indicated that more than 10 states and union territories are

buying the grains locally. The draft National Food Security Bill also

contains provision for support to local distribution models. After

introduction of the food Bill in the Lok Sabha on December 22, 2011, it was

referred to the Standing Committee on Food. It is difficult to fix a time

frame for the Standing Committee. But there is no plan to include

vegetables, milk and eggs in the domain of procurement and distribution.

Leveraging Aadhar
Aadhar card is one of the major element to modernize the public
distribution system. The Unique Identification number Aadhaar was
considered by the Indian government for residents of India to clearly and
exclusively verify their identity anywhere in the country. The mandate for
the UIDAI includes defining the usage of the number across critical
applications and services. The Public Distribution System is one
application, and the UIDAI has accordingly laid out the vital role Aadhaar
can play within the PDS. The recipients of public distribution system can
be enrolled into the Aadhaar system. The use of the Aadhaar number in
public distribution system will reduce duplicates, bogus and ghost
beneficiaries in PDS databases which will result in reducing wastage and
diversion in the system. An Aadhaar enabled system makes access to
public distribution system benefits portable across a State and also the
country. This would allow the PDS beneficiary due to portability of benefits
and choice of the PDS shop. The bargaining power will move from the
supplier to the recipient which will support empowerment and bring about
improved responsibility. Applying Aadhaar authentication at every
exchange point would enable governments to track the movement of food
entitlements across the public distribution system chain, and identify
blockages and diversions in real-time. In the case of centralized
procurement, such authentication would begin at the FCI point.
Figure: Adhar card authentication at every stage:
 Strengthening of public distribution system not

only requires computerisation of operations but

also an active involvement of Panchayati Raj

Institutions and local community through

transparent and open processes. An automated

computerised system will monitor the movement of the grains as well as

also ensure that there is no human interference in the maintenance of

records. The objectives of computerisation are many, such are as

follows:

1. To ensure that the lifting, and transport of the food grains to FPS

and its delivery to the beneficiary is transparent and monitored at each

stage
2. To eradicate diversion and leakages of the food grains

3. To ensure that the right kind of ration cards are issued to the public

without delay

4. To eliminate bogus ration cards, and

5. To make the supervisory staff more accountable to the consumers

and to the objectives of the public distribution system.

Modernization of Targeted Public Distribution System

(TPDS) is the primary importance of Government of India. TPDS intends to

provide subsidised food and fuel to the poor through a network of ration

shops. Food grains such as rice and wheat that are provided under TPDS

are procured from farmers, allocated to states and delivered to the ration

shop where the beneficiary buys his entitlement. It is a multifaceted and

challenging task as public distribution system operates in 35 States and

UTs through more than 5 lakh Fair Price Shops across diverse operating

environments. In order to make TPDS more focused and targeted towards

population, the “Antyodaya Anna Yojana” (AAY) was initiated in December,

2000 for one crore poorest of the poor families. AAY anticipates providing

them food grains at a highly subsidized rate of Rs 2/ per kg for wheat and

Rs 3/ per kg for rice. The States/UTs are required to bear the distribution

cost, including margin to dealers and retailers as well as the transportation

cost. Therefore the whole food subsidy is being passed on to the

customers under the scheme.

A strong community proprietorship would require the establishment of a

responsive complaint redressal mechanism. While, the use of information

and communication technology will assist this system. All States should

assume transformation of public distribution system with in time frame.

Challenges before Public Distribution

System
It was seen that since many decades, nation is hit by many natural
disaster. The great "Bengal famine" in India is lively example. Nation have
increased production significantly to ensure that they have enough food for
all people. But still there is difficulty in exchanging this availability into
effective accessibility to food in every corner of the country, and
particularly in the region where food grain is most needed. Besides
ensuring access to food for all people, it is must to ensure that Indian
citizens get basic nourishment to become more dynamic and be able to
take benefit of the opportunities that come from rapid economic growth.
The consciousness of food security for all has to be the basic building
block in efforts to navigate the economy in order to fulfil its development
goals. Food and nutrition is certainly the most basic need without which
education, work opportunities and wealth creation cannot achieved.

In India, the growth was fastest in Andhra Pradesh, 42 per cent and

Odhisa, 33 per cent. Even in States like Bihar and UP, the real farm

earnings went up by 19 and 20 per cent. This has augmented demand for

certain goods and services, which has translated into persistent high

inflationary pressures for those goods in the economy. The supply

response has been insufficient and along with weather induced shortages
in the food economy, have resulted in important challenges for inflation

management. A country with growing population and a sustained growth

impetus, food security challenge is also a challenge of improving

agriculture efficiency. India has huge population therefore, it is necessary

to build certain self-sufficiency in meeting basic needs of populace. It has

been designated that government must concentrate in increasing

production in the regions where land and productivity have lagged behind

so far. The Government has introduced a programme to take the green

revolution to the eastern part of the country. But, more investment in

agricultural infrastructure is required.

Presently, major challenge before the Public Distribution System is

reaching of the food grains to the actual recipients without leakages and

diversion on the route to grass-root level. For this a huge modernization

drive is required. There is also a need of digitizing the data base of

beneficiaries and computerization of the entire food supply chain so that

government can make the public distribution system more successful.

These efforts would make the schemes clear, help eradicate leakages and

dishonesty and authorize the beneficiaries to get products as per their right

and requirement.

It can be established after assessing the public distribution system, that

this process faces numerous challenges such as leakages and diversion of

food-grains, inclusion/exclusion errors, bogus ration cards, lack of

transparency; weak grievance redressed and social audit mechanisms,

and practicality of Fair Price Shops.

To summarize, The Public Distribution System in the nation expedites the

supply of food grains and delivery of necessary merchandises to poor

people through a network of Fair Price Shops at a subsidized price on a

regular basis. It is an important part of Government’s policy for

management of food economy in the country. This scheme was introduced

with an intent to control the rising food subsidy bill borne by the

Government as well as to confirm a more pointed targeting of the poor and

disadvantaged group. PDS is functioned under the joint responsibility of

the Central and the State Governments. The Central Government, through

Food Corporation of India (FCI), has presumed the responsibility for

procurement, storage, transportation and bulk allocation of food grains to

the State Governments. The functioning responsibility including allocation

within State, identification of suitable families, issue of Ration Cards and

supervision of the functioning of Fair Price Shops (FPSs), rest with the

State Governments. Under the PDS, the commodities namely wheat, rice,

sugar and kerosene are being allocated to the States/UTs for distribution.