550293

research-article2014

ABSXXX10.1177/0002764214550293American Behavioral ScientistVaquera et al.

Introduction

Patterns of Incorporation
of Latinos in Old and New
Destinations: From Invisible
to Hypervisible

American Behavioral Scientist

2014, Vol. 58(14) 18231833
2014 SAGE Publications
Reprints and permissions:
[Link]/[Link]
DOI: 10.1177/0002764214550293
[Link]

Elizabeth Vaquera1, Elizabeth Aranda1, and

Roberto G. Gonzales2

Abstract
This special issue introduces a range of articles that analyze patterns of incorporation
among Latinos living in the United States. We discuss the importance of race and
institutionalized discrimination across various social institutions and through
legislation and policies that promote and/or blunt Latino incorporation. Building on
the findings of the studies in this special issue, this introduction considers how race
and racialization shape the lives of Latino youth and adults through directives and
policies emerging from a range of institutionsfrom the U.S. Census Bureau to State
Courts, and state and federal legislative bodies. Mediating incorporation is legislation
such as the Affordable Care Act and administrative changes such as the Deferred
Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which, while promoting inclusion of Latino
populations into the U.S. body-politic, also render some Latinos part of a class of
people that are subjugated based on their origins. We conclude this introductory
article with an assessment of how this structural discrimination results in various
forms of incorporation that include marginalized belonging, blocked mobility, and
both the invisibility and hypervisibility of Latinos in the United States.
Keywords
Latinos, incorporation, structural racism, racial discrimination
Race matters. Race matters in part because of the long history of racial minorities being
denied access to the political process . . .
1University
2Harvard

of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA

University, Cambridge, MA, USA

Corresponding Author:
Elizabeth Vaquera, University of South Florida, 4202 E. Fowler Avenue, CPR 107, Tampa, FL 33620, USA.
Email: evaquera@[Link]

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Race also matters because of persistent racial inequality in societyinequality that

cannot be ignored and that has produced stark socioeconomic disparities . . .
And race matters for reasons that really are only skin deep, that cannot be discussed any
other way, and that cannot be wished away. Race matters to a young mans view of
society when he spends his teenage years watching others tense up as he passes, no matter
the neighborhood where he grew up. Race matters to a young womans sense of self when
she states her hometown, and then is pressed, No, where are you really from? regardless
of how many generations her family has been in the country. Race matters to a young
person addressed by a stranger in a foreign language, which he does not understand
because only English was spoken at home. Race matters because of the slights, the
snickers, the silent judgments that reinforce that most crippling of thoughts: I do not
belong here.
Sonia Sotomayor (2014, pp. 45-46).

The epigraph above is from the dissenting opinion of Supreme Court Justice Sonia
Sotomayor in the case Schuette v. Bamn, in which the Supreme Court upheld Michigans
Proposal 2 prohibiting the use of racial preferences in university admission decisions.
In her opinion, Justice Sotomayor takes care to expand on the range of issues that are
shaped by race in the United States, calling attention to the need to address, head on,
why race matters.
This special issue is a compilation of articles that does just that: It addresses the
significance of race for the Latino population in the United States. Here we define
Latinos as an ethnic group that has been racialized in the United States. We take this
approach because of Latinos experiences with racialization, discrimination, and the
consequences of racial social processes for their efforts to integrate into U.S. society,
regardless of their actual skin tone and other phenotypic features associated with being
Latino.
This is a timely issue. The proportion of the Latino population in this country is
ever-increasing, and the ways in which this group continues to be marginalized require
further scrutiny. Furthermore, to argue that race matters for Latinos implores us to
consider what race means within the Latino population living in contemporary United
States. This calls for a consideration of how race and the cultural meanings of race
matter for individuals daily lives, but also a consideration of how Latinos, as a racialized group, are subject to institutionalized discrimination through government policies
and Court decisions that render them a class of people that are subjugated based on
their origins. We resolve that this structural discrimination leads to patterns of incorporation that include marginalized belonging, blocked mobility, and both the invisibility and hypervisibility of Latinos in the United States.

Latinos in the United States

While the U.S. population increased by a modest 12% from 2000 to 2012, the nations
Latino population grew to 53 million in 2012, a 50% increase since 2000 and nearly

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six times its population in 1970 (Brown, 2014; Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). Given
demographic trends, Whites are expected to cede their majority status by 2043 (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2012). Already in New Mexico and California, Latinos have become
the majority demographic group. Furthermore, compared to an aging White population, Latinos are relatively young; their median age is just under 28. In 2011, nearly
one fourth (24%) of the U.S. K-12 public school enrollment was Latino (Fry & Lopez,
2012). By 2050, Latino children will make up more than one third (36%) of the U.S.
child population (Passel & Cohn, 2008).
In addition to California and New Mexico, these national demographic trends can
be seen in many other traditional gateway states, such as Texas, Florida, New York,
and Illinois. Most important, Latino children are also growing up in places like
Georgia, South Carolina, and Nebraska, states where Latino populations have experienced dramatic growth. Since the 1990s, foreign-born Latinos have migrated to new
urban, rural, and suburban destinations (Alba et al., 2010; Massey, 2008; Ziga &
Hernndez-Len, 2005). Communities across the United States have seen large
influxes of Latino immigrants, shifting local landscapes and affecting schools, race
relations, community services, and work environments (e.g., Lichter, Parisi, Taquino,
& Grice, 2010). Today, Latino immigrants in Americas largest metropolitan areas are
more likely to live in the suburbs than in central cities (Alba, Logan, Stults, Marzan,
& Zhang, 1999; Frey, 2005; Hall & Lee, 2010; Wilson & Singer, 2011). The geography of poverty has also shifted, however. Low-income Latino immigrants are quickly
becoming concentrated in poor suburban neighborhoods that lack resources and a suitable social service infrastructure (Holliday & Dwyer, 2009). Consequently, their children are growing up under challenging social, economic, and educational contexts.
Immigration is driving large shares of the demographic growth among Latinos, as
they make up the largest legal and unauthorized immigrant populations in the United
States. But births accounted for 76% of Hispanic population growth between 2011 and
2012 alone, as Latinos now make up approximately 17% of the nations total population (Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). In short, the demographics of Latinos living in the
United States could be summarized as follows: they are the largest ethnic group,
younger, less educated, and poorer than the country average, with a large immigrant
component, represented by many national origins and races, and geographically concentrated in the southern and western states. This description, however, tells us nothing about why or how these demographics matter for their everyday experiences, nor
does it provide any insight on the diversity of experiences tied to their racialization
within those contexts in which they settle; whether in older communities, with long
histories of Latino immigration, or new destinations that have seen dramatic growth in
Latinos searching for a better quality of life.
These demographic trends beg us to ask how the Latino population is becoming
incorporated into new destinations, but also in older gateway areas. Moreover, an
assessment of the Latino presence and their experiences across social arenas and institutions is needed. For example, in education, over the last three decades the convergence of two trends has given scholars and policy makers cause for concern: Although
Latinos have become the nations largest ethnic minority group and the

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fastest growing segment of its school-age population, their educational progress has
flattened. Latino students are the least educated of all ethnic/racial groups (Kena et al.,
2014). As Patricia Gndara and Frances Contreras observe, Never before have we
been faced with a population group on the verge of becoming the majority in significant portions of the country that is also the lowest performing academically (Gndara
& Contreras, 2009, p. 18). In 2008, only 12% of 25- to 29-year-old Latinos had completed a bachelors degree or higher (Gndara & Contreras, 2009). Although the college completion rates of Whites and Blacks have grown over the last 30 years, Latino
growth is almost stagnant (Kena et al., 2014).
The articles that follow touch on many topics that affect Latinos across social arenas, such as education, and other institutions in the United States. Each of these issues
uncovers important questions of incorporation, integration, and belonging. Are Latinos
recognized as contributing members of society? In what ways are Latinos visible and/
or invisible in civic life and across social institutions? Are they too visible in their
communities, thereby subject to racialization through policies that criminalize their
presence and ways of living? How do Latinos interpret policies that subjugate them,
and how do they adjust to policy changes that open up opportunities to some over others, across contexts, where the seeds of mistrust toward the government have been
sowed through policies that marginalize Latinos and characterize them as threats to the
White, American way of life?
We argue that at the heart of all these questions are issues related to race, structural
racism, and racial discrimination. This special issue of the American Behavioral
Scientist sheds light on the meaning of race for Latino incorporation from multiple
perspectives. In doing so, it looks at how Latinos see themselves racially and how they
seek and struggle to have a seat at the table of U.S. multiculturalism. Despite their
demographic growth and long-term presence in the United States, Latinos have been
historically viewed as racial othersas hypervisible in White ethnic and racial landscapesthereby more easily targeted, singled out, and subject to detention or removal
from the nation altogether. More broadly, the articles that follow also discuss how this
racialization has become institutionalized, just as the mechanisms to address institutional discrimination are being dismantled, like Justice Sotomayor so powerfully
argues. This institutionalized racialization also promotes marginalization, blocking
Latinos from fully participating in society while at the same time limiting opportunities for social and economic mobility.

Institutionalized Discrimination
Racialization is a central topic across the articles that follow. However, the authors go
beyond describing how racialization unfolds for Latinos by also examining the outcomes of racialization processes that are rooted in structural racism (Bonilla-Silva,
1997). They focus on Latinos social well-being, education, health, and representation
in societal institutions and communities, and how these relate to access to other
resources and opportunities. Government policies of inclusion or exclusion powerfully frame their overall life chances and shape liminal lives. Examples of federal

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policies and administrative decisions examined in this issue that affect Latinos (by
including or excluding them) are the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Deferred Action for
Childhood Arrivals (DACA), Secure Communities, and even the Census Bureauan
agency that, every 10 years, reassesses where Latinos fall along the U.S. color line and
is currently considering altering how they are enumerated.
At the state level are court rulings that exclude foreign-born Latinos from participating in juries (thereby ensuring that Latino defendants are not tried by a jury of their
peers) and legislation that includes Latinos in mainstream social institutions, such as
the Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET) bill in Colorado
that makes higher education more affordable to undocumented immigrant youth.
Other state level policies exclude and marginalize Latinos, such as the English-only
law in Iowa that restricts how Latinos can communicate with others in public spaces.
In all, federal and state decisions affect how Latinosboth foreign- and U.S.-born,
citizens, and undocumented (or those in liminal statuses)are integrated into U.S.
society, and powerfully shape their sense of belonging.
These policies and administrative decisions contextualize the ways in which
Latinos are incorporated into the U.S. nation-state. Although much has been written
about Latino immigrant integration, research indicates that even U.S.-born Latinos
feel they must prove their Americanness amid racial constructions that emphasize
their foreignness. Our focus on Latino incorporation demands that we consider not
only the lives of the young but also those of their parents, as well as their extended
families, their schools, and their communities. However, a full understanding of the
Latino experience needs to incorporate a birds-eye view, that is, a perspective that
incorporates the social, legal, and economic climates in which patterns of incorporation take place. We believe that, together, the studies included in this issue capture the
micro, meso, and macro processes at play for the successful social, political, and economic integration of Latinos well into the 21st century. Here we lay out the various
social arenas of incorporation that the articles in this special issue address.

The Latino Race

Part of feeling like one belongs in a nation is to feel that one has a seat at the table of
multiracial and multicultural identities. Flores-Gonzalez, Aranda, and Vaquera (this
issue, p. 1834) take on this issue in regard to Latino youth and young adults. They
examine the applicability of the 2010 Census racial classifications in their analysis of
Latino identities, in which Hispanic/Latino was not among the racial options to choose
from, but an ethnicity. According to the authors, Latinos not being officially designated as a racial group is interpreted by younger cohorts as an indication that Latinos
lack formal recognition as a group that is racialized in the United States, which may
lead to the social marginalization of this group as they perceive themselves to be an
invisible racial minority in official efforts to enumerate, but more generally to be recognized by the government. While many of these youths come to hold identities based
on their experiences with race and racism in adolescence, their identities are everchanging throughout the life course, but especially in young adulthood, when their
legal statuses also become racialized.

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Education
A large amount of literature has focused on the immigrant paradox in education, which
succinctly argues that immigrant children are doing better than nonimmigrant children
(under comparable circumstances). However, this optimistic take on the educational
outcomes of immigrants is overly simplistic and ignores that many children, and particularly Mexicans, do remain marginalized in education, and they need help and additional support from policies and specific interventions, especially once they complete
K-12 education. Two articles discuss the implications of DACA, an Executive
Memorandum issued in 2012 for young adults. This discretionary measure provides a
carefully defined group of young undocumented immigrants with temporary relief
from deportation and the right to seek work authorization and drivers licenses. In the
words of President Obama,
These are young people who study in our schools, they play in our neighborhoods, theyre
friends with our kids, they pledge allegiance to our flag. They are Americans in their
heart, in their minds, in every single way but one: on paper. They were brought to this
country by their parentssometimes even as infantsand often have no idea that theyre
undocumented until they apply for a job or a drivers license, or a college scholarship.
(The White House, 2012)

With this initiative President Barack Obama intended to widen economic and educational access for undocumented immigrant youth and young adults. The evidence presented in this issue, however, provides some cause for concern that a segment of this
population is benefiting less than others.
Gonzales, Terriquez, and Ruszczyk (this issue, p. 1852) show how young adults
who have received DACA status are demonstrating signs of traditional immigrant
incorporation by having greater access to some U.S. institutions. These forms of access
are improving college entry for beneficiaries. However, data from their national survey of DACA beneficiaries also uncovers layers of stratification within the DACAeligible population. For example, while those with higher levels of education and
greater access to family resources appear to have benefited the most from DACA,
Mexicans, when compared to other groups, are less likely to see gains. Successful
incorporation includes the ability to transition from and to the various stages of the life
course, for example, from school to work, and to have institutional support to do so.
Gonzales et al. remind us of the importance of what many take for grantedaccess to
mobility, credit, a drivers license, and other opportunities, that allow individuals to
establish a foothold in the economy and in civic life more generally. They also call our
attention to the importance of organizations, local churches, and other sources of support that can help young people develop social capital, thereby expanding their opportunities to better integrate into the fabric of their communities and position themselves
to take advantage of opportunities.
Martinez (this issue, p. 1873) offers further insight into the effects of DACA by examining Latino youth in a new destination, in light of the enactment of a specific bill passed
a year after DACAthe 2013 Colorados ASSET bill. This bill grants undocumented

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students reduced tuition in the states public universities. Martinezs in-depth interviews
with undocumented Latino youth show that the relief provided by DACA and ASSET is
limited and mostly for college-bound students. Martinez reminds us that these legal
reforms might be perpetuating caste systems in mixed-status families based on differences in individual members eligibility. Moreover, these policies are often received
with mistrust and fear, delaying or keeping a significant portion of those eligible individuals from taking advantage of their benefit. Skepticism from concerns about how
their personal information would be used once applications were processed end up having ramifications for these youths long-term future in the United States.

Health Care
Policies that divide Latinos based on immigration status also affect families. The
inequalities within mixed-status families as a result of recent immigrant reforms are
the main focus of Castaeda and Melos study (this issue, p. 1891). Their examination
of the ACA in a geographically isolated community in south Texas demonstrates how
families and communities are divided by this policy and discusses the many strategies
employed in families with undocumented members to obtain health care. Their study
uncovers many of the unintended consequences of ACA among mixed-status families,
such as continued lack of access to care and hesitation to take advantage of this right
among those who are eligible due to misunderstandings of the law and broader anxieties associated with future chances of regularization. A preoccupation with being
model citizens, in other words, people who do not accept relief from public services
and who fear that doing so would work against undocumented parents should the
opportunity to legalize arise, affects not only the undocumented children in the families but also the documented onesincluding those who do have citizenship.
This concern with how to be a model member of U.S. society is perceived as
improving ones chances of regularization, and drives the efforts of Latinos to do
everything in their power to be accepted as full-fledge members of the U.S. nationstate, even though institutional roadblocks blunt their efforts across social arenas. To
make matters more complicated, federal, state, and local policies of exclusion further
marginalize Latinos even as their numbers in the population and presence in communities across the country grow.

Criminal Justice System

Opportunities for participation in societys key institutions and exposure to the democratic principles that undergird civil society are vital to the Latino population. The
Criminal Justice System, particularly the courts, is among these institutions. Bohon,
Conley, and Brown (this issue, p. 1910) poignantly remind us of the dangers of failing
to officially acknowledge and give voice and representation to Latinos in the communities where they live. They address the legal invisibility of Latinos in the Georgia
Court System and how they lack recognition in this state. Through the examination
of the Court ruling in the 2002 capital murder trial of Brandon Smith, the authors

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demonstrate how barring Hispanic participation in the jury selection process is institutionalized discrimination that is created and justified, and results in the invisibility
of a whole segment of the fabric of Georgia communitiesthis segment being the
Latino portion of the population that has grown dramatically, yet is severely underrepresented in juries. Bohon et al. draw our attention to the dire implications of this
underrepresentationthat Latino defendants are not privy to the right to being judged
by a jury of their peers. This may exacerbate the number of Latinos who are incarcerated every year.
Both Bohon et al. and Martinez demonstrate how the state context is of particular
importance because it can mediate how federal-level policies are enforced and make
better or worse the conditions in which Latinos live and attempt to carry out their lives.
We see this in one other contrasting example: the state of Iowa. Maldonado (this issue,
p. 1927) concludes this special issue by illustrating how restrictive state laws can make
the act of being present in social spaces hazardous to ones well-being and curtail the
development of perceptions of social belonging in their respective communities.

Community Life
The racialization of Latinos in public spaces is a growing concern for their social
belonging. Racialization, as Maldonado demonstrates, goes beyond skin color. The
English-only movement, which was revived starting in the early 1980s, saw activists
succeeding in passing laws mandating English as the official language in over 30
states, including Iowa in 2002. This movement compounded a dismal situation for
Latinos in those states. Maldonado examines a rural community in Iowa and shows
how, even though Latinos were at the forefront of reinvigorating this economically
declining community, they are continually policed through their use of language in a
context of interior enforcement that criminalizes their very presence in the community
that they helped revitalize. She illustrates how the policing of Latinos, particularly
since the Secure Communities Program was implemented (a program enacted in 2008
and coordinated by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcements to accelerate
deportations through the partnership of federal, state, and local agencies), results in
distrust and fear among Latinos through the creation of an environment in which pervasive surveillance and singling out Latinos also leads to mistrust among fellow coethnics. Together, policies of enforcement at state and federal levels result in divisions
within communities and even within families.

The State of Latino/a Incorporation

Together, the studies that follow use the contexts, policies, and processes discussed
above to demonstrate the significance of the barriers to full incorporation of Latinos
into the U.S. mainstream. Based on patterns identified in these articles, we argue that
there are three main overarching risks for this population: marginalized belonging,
blocked mobility, and invisibility and hypervisibility, all which are the result of contemporary legitimized forms of racism and exclusion.

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Marginalized Belonging
Despite their desire to be full members of society, both immigrant and native young
Latinos struggle to feel they belong to this country. Whether it is because of not being
officially recognized as a racial minority group (Flores-Gonzalez, et al.), or because
they are the only members of their families who have access to health care or to remain
in the country without fear of deportation, the ideologies of immigrant deservingness
that are embedded within current legislation serve to delegitimize the claims to social
citizenship for young Latino immigrants (Martinez) and their families (Castaeda &
Melo), thus eroding their sense of belonging.

Blocked Mobility
Legal reforms like ACA and DACA do bring new opportunities for social mobility and
well-being to young Latinos. However, these benefits are short-term and not as clearcut as one might hope. The authors in this issue highlight that there is a risk that these
reforms create an underclass formed by those who are not eligible for reasons as
random as arriving 1 week after their 16th birthday or because their undocumented
parents are afraid of being deported if their U.S.-born children attempt to make use of
social benefits to which they are, by birthright, entitled (Gonzales et al; Castaeda &
Melo). Even if no underclass is created, there is evidence that the current policies
that affect young Latino immigrants put them in holding patterns (Martinez), without clear paths for legal citizenship and social mobility in a country that has ushered
them into adulthood.

Invisibility and Hypervisibility as Forms of Racism and Exclusion

From not being one of the official racial groups represented in the U.S. Census to disallowing Latinos from eligibility from jury venires in the jury selection process, both
are discriminatory processes that render the Latino population invisible in mainstream
social institutions (Flores-Gonzalez et al.; Bohon et al.). These sociolegal processes
make them invisible, thereby constraining opportunities of representation and participation in civil society. On the other hand, while denied official representation in juries
or in the Census, Latino invisibility must be understood in light of their hypervisibility,
that singles them out as a group subject to detention and/or removal from the country,
especially in new immigrant destinations, through policing practices that harass them
and break apart the possibility of solidarity among coethnics (Maldonado). Together,
these three patterns of incorporation, which are not mutually exclusive and in fact
overlap considerably, can be used conceptually to understand the nuances of Latino
integration across the main societal institutions of the country.

The Future of Latino/a Incorporation

In sum, the articles in this issue present an intricate picture of contemporary Latino
incorporation in the United States. The authors highlight the prevalence and perils of

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social, educational, health, economic, and legal barriers that hamper the possibilities
of successful incorporation of these youth, young adults, and family units. Most worrisome is that, as all the authors demonstrate, these barriers are not only lived by (the
most vulnerable) undocumented Latino immigrants but also by many Latinos who
are American by birthright.
There are also reasons for hope, however. As the contributors demonstrate, when
the structural conditions are in place (even if those are very much imperfect programs,
like DACA or ACA), these are widely used and generally well received among Latinos.
Most important, they represent stepping stones to help cultivate their hope and an
improved sense of belonging in the United States, which, ultimately, if sustained and
improved, will facilitate broader inclusion and, ideally, a more equal playing field that
could lead to a greater likelihood of successful incorporation to, and acceptance by,
U.S. society.
Authors Note
Earlier versions of the articles in this special issue were presented at the conference, Latino
Communities in Old and New Destinations: Multi-disciplinary Approaches to Assessing the
Impact of Legal Reforms, held in St. Petersburg, Florida, on November 8, 2013. This volume
is the second of two issues on research presented at this conference.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.

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Author Biographies
Elizabeth Vaquera is Associate Professor of Sociology at the Unviersity of South Florida. Her
research focuses on the character and importance of race and ethnic identity among a few vulnerable and diverse groups, particularly minority children and Latinos (both native and foreignborn) living in the U.S. For more information, go to [Link].
Elizabeth Aranda is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Sociology at the
University of South Florida. She co-authored Making a Life in Multiethnic Miami: Immigration
and the Rise of a Global City (with S. Hughes and E. Sabogal, 2014). She is currently researching the lives of undocumented young adults and their emotional well-being.
Roberto G. Gonzales is Assistant Professor of Education at Harvard University. His research
focuses on the ways in which legal and educatonal institutions shape the everyday experiences
of poor, minority, and immigrant youth along the life course. For more than a decade he has
been engaged in critical inquiry regarding what happens to undocumented immigrant youth as
they make transitions to adolescence and young adulthood.

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