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2011

African Americans' Perceptions of the "N-word" in the Context of

Racial Identity Attitudes
Keya Wiggins
Indiana State University

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 VITA
KEYA WIGGINS

EDUCATION_________________________________________________________________

Ph.D. Indiana State University 08/07-08/11

Major: Counseling Psychology
Expected Graduation Date: August 2011
APA-Accredited Program
Terre Haute, Indiana

[Link]. Auburn University 08/05-08/07

Major: Community Counseling
CACREP-Accredited Program
Auburn, Alabama

B.S. University of Alabama at Birmingham 09/00-05/05

Major: Psychology; Minor: English
Birmingham, Alabama

EMPLOYMENT_______________________________________________________________

Florida State University Counseling Center Tallassee, FL

Pre-Doctoral Psychology Intern 08/10-08/11

The Hamilton Center Vigo County Outpatient Services Terre Haute, IN

Psychologist in Training 01/08-07/10

Rose-Hulman Institute of Technology Counseling Center Terre Haute, IN

Psychologist in Training 08/08-07/10

Indiana State University Career Center Terre Haute, IN

Career Counselor 01/08-05/08

Lee County Youth Development Center: STARS Program Opelika, AL

Counselor 1/07-05/07

Our House of Columbus Columbus, GA

Counselor 08/06-12/06
AFRICAN AMERICANS‟ PERCEPTIONS OF THE “N-WORD” IN THE CONTEXT OF

RACIAL IDENTITY ATTITUDES

_______________________

A Dissertation

Presented to

The College of Graduate and Professional Studies

Department of Communication Disorders and Counseling,

School, and Educational Psychology

Indiana State University

Terre Haute, Indiana

______________________

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

_______________________

by

Keya Wiggins

August 2011

Keya Wiggins 2011

Keywords: racial identity, the n-word, nigger, nigga, African Americans

 ii

COMMITTEE MEMBERS

Committee Chair: Michele C. Boyer, Ph.D.

Committee Chair, Professor of Counseling Psychology

Indiana State University

Committee Member: Debra Leggett, Ph.D.

Committee Member, Assistant Professor of Counseling

Indiana State University

Committee Member: Mary Howard-Hamilton, Ed.D.

Committee Member, Professor of Educational Leadership

Indiana State University

 iii

ABSTRACT

The “N-word” has been a pop-culture topic of interest which has fueled many heated

discussions within the African American community. Given the history of the word nigger in

America, the use of the word nigga among some African Americans may cause confusion among

those who do not understand the phenomenon of African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-

word.” The present research was conducted to explore the phenomenon of African Americans‟

perceptions of both the words nigger and nigga in the context of racial identity attitudes. A

primarily qualitative embedded mixed method model was utilized to gather information about

feelings of group membership and African Americans‟ perceptions of the words nigger and

nigga. The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) was used to identify participant‟s racial identity

attitudes, and all of the participants in this study strongly agreed with attitudes associated with

internalized identities. A qualitative analysis resulted in three themes including: (a) nigger is a

universally negative and unacceptable term, (b) nigga is acceptable when used by African

Americans, and (c) the public use of nigga is inappropriate. An overall profile interpretation of

each identity type resulted in the finding that several of the attitudes associated with Cross‟s

Nigrescence Theory, specifically assimilation, racial self hatred, anti-White, Afrocentric, and

multiculturalist inclusive, were reflected in the qualitative themes. Implications for theory,

research, and practice are addressed.

 iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would first like to thank my committee members, Dr. Michele Boyer, Dr. Debra

Leggett, and Dr. Mary Howard-Hamilton for working with me on this project, and for providing

me with support and mentorship throughout this process. I am very grateful to have been

provided the opportunity to work with such caring, strong, and independent women. I would

especially like to thank Dr. Boyer for the patience, guidance, and support that she has shown me

throughout my entire pre-doctoral experience. Her mentorship has truly provided me with

valuable life lessons that have promoted my personal and professional growth. I am also very

grateful to my former professor and mentor, Dr. Renee Middleton, who planted the seed that

resulted in me continuing my education and pursuing a degree in the field that I love.

I also have much gratitude and appreciation for my loving and supportive family, who

have been my biggest cheerleaders, and who routinely reminded me of the light at the end of the

tunnel during some of the most challenging and difficult moments of my graduate school career.

I am especially grateful to my father, who once told me that I could be anything that I wanted to

be and then provided me with unconditional love and support throughout this entire process; and,

I am equally thankful to my mother, who patiently listened and provided me with support during

the moments when I needed it the most. I must also mention my appreciation for my step-

mother, who always knew the right moment to provide me with the love, support, and comic

relief that I needed.

 v

I would also like to extend a thank you to my friends, Chavez and Ke‟Shana, and to my

colleagues who supported me throughout this process. I want to especially recognize Ginger for

consistently providing me with a loving and supportive friendship throughout my doctoral

program. I am truly grateful to have developed such a valuable friendship, and I‟m not sure how

either of us would have made it through the program without each other‟s support.

Finally, I must acknowledge the feminine and masculine principles to my Creator, Azna

and Father God. I have much gratitude and appreciation for the tremendous opportunity for

spiritual growth that has resulted from this doctoral program experience. Thank you.
 vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

COMMITTEE MEMBERS ............................................................................................................ ii

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................... iv

INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................................1

Background ......................................................................................................................... 2

Purpose of Study ................................................................................................................. 3

Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 5

Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 5

Assumptions........................................................................................................................ 5

Delimitations ....................................................................................................................... 6

LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................7

Racial Identity ..................................................................................................................... 8

Racial Identity and the “N-Word” .................................................................................... 12

Research and African Americans...................................................................................... 12

The “N-Word” .................................................................................................................. 15

METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................22

Philosophical Assumptions ............................................................................................... 22

Mixed Methodology Design ............................................................................................. 23

Sources of Data Collection ............................................................................................... 29

 vii

Participants ........................................................................................................................ 32

Procedure .......................................................................................................................... 34

Data Analysis Procedures ................................................................................................. 38

Standard of Trustworthiness ............................................................................................. 42

Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 43

RESULTS ......................................................................................................................................44

Qualitative Results ............................................................................................................ 44

Quantitative Results .......................................................................................................... 63

Themes and Identity Statuses............................................................................................ 70

DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................................74

Summary of the Results .................................................................................................... 74

Nigger is a Universally Negative and Unacceptable Term ............................................... 75

Nigga is Acceptable when used by African Americans.................................................... 78

African American‟s Public use of Nigga is Inappropriate ................................................ 84

Theoretical Perspectives ................................................................................................... 86

Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 88

Practice Implications......................................................................................................... 89

Future Research Directions ............................................................................................... 91

REFERENCES ..............................................................................................................................93

APPENDIX A: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW ...............................................................100

APPENDIX B: COMPUTERIZED SURVEY GUIDE ...............................................................101

APPENDIX C: VIGNETTES ......................................................................................................102

 viii

APPENDIX D: INFORMED CONSENT ...................................................................................103

APPENDIX E: CONFIDENTIALITY AGREEMENT...............................................................108

APPENDIX F: AUDIT TRAIL ...................................................................................................109

APPENDIX G: SAMPLE QUALITATIVE DATA EXCERPTS ...............................................111

APPENDIX H: PARTICIPANT RACIAL IDENTITY ATTITUDES .......................................120

 ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Data Collection Methods. ................................................................................................29

Table 2. Summary of Demographic Variables ..............................................................................35

Table 3. Summary of Themes ........................................................................................................45

Table 4. Participants Endorsement of Themes ..............................................................................46

 x

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Pre-Encounter Assimilation Scale Sores ........................................................................65

Figure 2. Pre-Encounter Miseducation Scale Scores .....................................................................66

Figure 3. Pre-Encounter Racial Self Hatred Scale Scores .............................................................67

Figure 4. Immersion-Emersion Anti-White Scale Scores..............................................................68

Figure 5. Internalization Afrocentric Scale Scores ........................................................................69

Figure 6. Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive Scale Scores ..................................................70

 1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Racism in America has resulted in 250 years of slavery, followed by years of lynchings,

Jim Crow laws, sit-ins, riots, civil rights movements, pseudo-scientific studies to prove African

American inferiority, and subsequent tension between the African American and European

American populations. Although race relations in America have clearly improved since the

abolishment of slavery, a fact which is especially evident with the first presidential election of a

biracial man, the residual effects of hundreds of years of slavery and oppression can still be felt

within the African American community. For instance, institutional policies that reflect biased

agendas continue to present roadblocks for ethnic minorities, specifically Black men. In 2003

“one in three black men aged between 20 and 29 [was] imprisoned, on parole or on probation . . .

for nonviolent crimes” (Stephen, p. 21). This may have something to do with the fact that

poverty continues to be rampant among the African American and Black community. According

to a U.S. Census Bureau report on poverty in 2006, “Black households had the lowest median

income among the race and Hispanic-origin groups” (DeNavas-Walt, Bernadette, & Smith, 2007,

p. 7). As a result, African Americans continue to fight what may sometimes feel like an uphill

battle in an effort to sustain a quality of life that affords them the same opportunities as the

dominant population.
 2

Background

Tension can still be felt between the European American and African American

populations, especially in relation to certain topics. One such topic is European Americans‟ use

of the word “nigger” or “nigga,” also known as the “N-word.” The word nigger, alternatively

referred to as the “N-word” for the purposes of this paper, is a derivative of the word “niger,”

which is Latin for black (Kennedy, 2003). It did not become a racial slur until it was used in a

derogatory manner to refer to people who were abducted from Africa and then enslaved. African

captives were thought of as inferior beings who were “unworthy creatures whose very

unworthiness made them perfectly suited to a lifetime of forced servitude” (Asim, 2007, p. 14).

They were also considered animalistic, intellectually inferior, lazy, slow, dirty, corrupt, and

boorish. The “N-word” was essentially used as a tool to describe a Black person who

presumably fit those characteristics. Since the abolishment of slavery, the “N-word” has been

used by some European Americans as an “instrument of White supremacy” to demoralize

African Americans (Asim, 2007, p. 9). It has also been used by some African Americans who

have seemingly transformed the word using “nigga” as a term of endearment to refer to other

African Americans (Asim, 2007). However, considering the history and nature of the “N-word,”

this usage raises the question: how can any derivative of this word still be used within the

African American community by African Americans to describe African Americans?

Unfortunately, there is a paucity of research on issues surrounding the use of the “N-

word.” Although the use of the “N-word” has been a pop-culture topic that continues to be

controversial among both members of the dominant population and within the African American

community, researchers have largely failed to examine the significance of this issue in relation to

the African American psyche. One exception is Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007)
 3

qualitative study on Blacks‟ and African Americans‟ reactions to the “N-word.” They found that

race and encounters with racism impacted reactions to the use of the “N-word” among Black and

African American participants. African Americans tended to have more visceral reactions to the

“N-word” when compared to people who identify as Black and who were living in the United

States but were originally from other countries. In addition, most participants noted a difference

between “nigger” and “nigga,” stating that the word “nigga” is less offensive for in-group usage;

and most participants indicated that public use of the word “nigga” was less socially acceptable

than in-group private use. Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) provided some insight into

understanding Black‟s perceptions of the “N-word,” but more questions remain, specifically in

regard to African Americans‟ relationship with the “N-word.” Continued research in this area

could contribute to our understanding of the tumultuous relationship between the “N-word” and

African Americans.

Purpose of the Study

Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) suggested that race impacted views of the “N-word”

such that people who identified as African American had more emotional reactions to the word.

They suggested that the variation in reactions among Black participants was related to the

finding that African Americans tended to personalize the negative connotation of the “N-word,”

having personal knowledge of the abusive history and nature of the word. Researchers have yet

to examine potential perceptual variations within the African American community in relation to

perceptions of the “N-word.” Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s findings raise questions about

perceptual differences that may exist in relation to the “N-word” in the context of racial identity

attitudes among African Americans.

 4

Cross (1971) is credited with developing the first model of Black racial identity, entitled

Nigrescence Theory. His model has since undergone three revisions that have described the

process of becoming Black (Vandiver, 2001). In Cross‟s latest revision, he describes racial

identity as a set of attitudes and beliefs that are consistent with certain identity types (Vandiver,

2001; Vandiver, Fhagen-Smith, Cokely, Cross & Worrell, 2001; Worrell, Cross & Vandiver,

2001). These identity types range from describing an individual who has no awareness of his or

her identity as a Black person to an individual who has incorporated multiple identities,

including, but not limited, to an awareness of an identity as a Black person. A thorough

literature investigation resulted in the finding that there is currently no published research on

perceptual variations of the “N-word” among African Americans with differing racial identity

attitudes. Examining African American‟s perception of the “N-word” in relation to racial

identity attitudes could expand Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) findings by increasing our

understanding of the ways in which attitudes associated with group membership are reflected in

African Americans‟ views of the “N-word.”

The purpose of this study was to examine African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-

word” in the context of Cross‟s racial identity attitudes. Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007)

findings that there may be a relationship between group identification and African Americans‟

views of the “N-word” were examined in this study using mixed methods. Specifically, this

study provides information related to African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” across or

among Cross‟s racial identity statuses. Results from this study have implications for the effects

of racism on the African American psyche and add to the limited body of research on this topic.
 5

Research Questions

The following research questions were addressed in this study:

1. What are African American‟s perceptions of the words nigger and nigga?

2. How do African American‟s perceptions of the words nigger and nigga align with their

racial identity attitudes?

Definition of Terms

The following terms were operationally defined for the purposes of this study:

1. African American: a citizen of the United States who identifies as African American, and

who has African origins.

2. Black: Overarching term for individuals with African heritage who may or may not be

U.S. citizens.

3. Nigger: a derogatory term historically viewed as a symbol of racism and which has also

been used as an instrument to demoralize Blacks.

4. Nigga: a transformation of the word nigger, usually used as a term of endearment during

in-group use among African Americans, which is considered much less offensive than

nigger by some African Americans during in-group usage.

5. Racial identity: attitudes associated with one‟s identification as a Black person as

measured by the Cross Racial Identity Scale.

Assumptions

The following assumptions were made for the purpose of this study:

1. Participants would answer all questions on the surveys and interviews openly and

honestly.
 6

2. Individuals who presented as African American were impacted by the experiences of

Black people in America.

3. I acknowledged the impact of my own perceptions of the “N-word” on data collection

and interpretation.

4. All data collected and interpreted would be presented truthfully and accurately.

Delimitations

The following parameters were identified for the purpose of this study:

1. Participants must identify as African American to participate in this study.

2. Participants must be 18 to 28 years old.

 7

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Researchers in psychology who focus on issues that are important to the African

American community continue to provide insight into the African American psyche and the

ways in which African Americans have learned to adapt to a society that has historically been

oppressive. For example, Cross‟s (1971) early work detailing Black identity, or the process of

becoming Black, has been expanded extensively within the past decade and has since become the

most widely researched of the ethnic identity models (Phelps, Taylor, & Gerard, 2001). This has

resulted in several different models of racial and ethnic identity development that can be utilized

in clinical settings when working with African American clients to describe the process by which

an individual develops an identity as a person of color (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1998; Cross &

Vandiver, 2001; Helms, 1990; Phinney, 1992). Racial and ethnic identity have been linked to

several other factors including self-esteem, body image, skin color preference, gender role

socialization, psychological well-being, and distress (Buckley & Carter, 2005; Coard, Breland, &

Raskin, 2001; Grantham & Ford, 2003; Mahalik, Pierre, & Wan, 2006; Pierre & Mahalik, 2005;

Turnage, 2004). As a result, the psychological community has operationalized the concept of

racial identity and is better equipped to manage issues that are salient among African Americans.

This literature review begins with information about racial identity, specifically Cross‟s

Nigrescence Theory, which is the chosen underlying theory of this research project. Information
 8

about the relationship between African Americans and research is also presented. In addition, an

explanation as to why there is currently a limited body of research on African American‟s and

the “N-word” is provided. Lastly, the “N-word” is discussed in terms of its history, origins, and

presence within the African American community.

Racial Identity

Cross (1971) developed the first model of Black racial identity, entitled Nigrescence

Theory. This development led to a variety of racial and ethnic models describing the process by

which a person comes to identify with his or her race and ethnicity (Atkinson et al., 1998; Cross

& Vandiver, 2001; Helms, 1990; Phinney, 1992). Cross‟s model has undergone three revisions

in which the conceptualization of the model was transformed from a developmental model to an

attitudinal model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Grantham & Ford, 2003; Worrell, 2008).

Individuals are no longer conceptualized as linearly moving through one stage to another but

instead are thought to develop attitudes that are consistent with the different statuses (Cross &

Vandiver, 2001; Grantham & Ford, 2003; Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997;

Worrell, 2008).

Original Nigrescence Theory

Cross‟s (1971) original version of the Nigrescence Theory contained five identity stages

that describe the process of Black self-acceptance. The original five stages remain relatively

intact throughout the revisions, with some conceptual changes. The five stages include Pre-

Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment.

These five stages were considered developmental in nature and were also considered to be

related to psychological well-being.

 9

In the Pre-Encounter Stage, an individual identifies more with being an American and

individual than with being Black. A person in the Pre-Encounter stage is considered to be

somewhat disconnected from the Black community and is conceptualized as being self-loathing

and having low self-esteem due to his or her lack of identification as a Black person. The next

stage, Encounter, comes as a result of some encounter with events that causes the individual to

question his or her previous belief system (Cross, 1971). For instance, an individual in the

Encounter stage may question his or her identification as an individual or American after being

the victim of a racist event. The Encounter stage is thought to lead directly to the next stage,

Immersion, in which an individual develops a pro-Black identity, thereby rejecting everything

considered to be associated with the White or dominant culture. The Immersion stage is

followed by Emersion, in which an individual again begins to question the previous point of

view. For example, a person may begin to question his or her dedication to a single identity as a

Black person and instead begin to identify with other identities, such as gender or sexual

orientation. In the next stage, Internalization, the individual begins to adopt multiple identities

that are just as meaningful as the identification with being Black. In the last stage,

Internalization-Commitment, the individual is an activist, socially conscious, and constantly

aware of his or her multiple identities (Cross, 1971).

Revised Nigrescence Theory

Cross‟s (1991) revised Nigrescence theory began the shift to an attitudinal model with

multiple components. Cross‟s 1991 revision contained modifications to the Pre-Encounter,

Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization stages. The concept of race salience was added to the

Pre-Encounter stage so that “the importance or significance of race in a person‟s approach to life

is captured across two dimensions: degree of importance and direction of valence” (Vandiver,
 10

2001, p. 168). As a result, Pre-Encounter Assimilation and Pre-Encounter Anti-Black emerged

as two different constructs. Pre-Encounter Assimilation describes someone who identifies as

American and does not value or identify race as a pertinent construct. In contrast, Pre-Encounter

Anti-Black describes someone who has negative feelings associated with Blacks and with being

Black. An individual in the Pre-Encounter Anti-Black stage may harbor negative feelings

toward Black people based on exposure to negative stereotypes about Blacks.

The Immersion-Emersion stage was modified to incorporate pro-Black and anti-White

identities in the Immersion stage (Cross, 1991). The pro-Black and anti-White identities were

originally conceptualized as two parts of a whole but were divided to indicate that “an immersed

individual can either hold one of these identities or both” (Vandiver, 2001, p. 169). As a result,

in the Immersion-Emersion stage it is no longer conceptualized that pro-Black involvement

automatically leads to anti-White sentiment.

The final change in Cross‟s (1991) revised model was in relation to the Internalization

stage. He combined the Internalization and Internalization Commitment stages, noting that there

was little difference between those stages. Cross also defined three internalization identities:

Black Nationalist, Biculturalist, and Multiculturalist. Black Nationalist describes an individual

who has developed an Afrocentric identity and who is also often politically active. Biculturalist

describes an individual who has incorporated two identities, such as Black and American. A

Multiculturalist is a person who identifies with multiple identities which may include racial

identity, gendered identity, American identity, and so forth (Cross, 1991).

Expanded Nigrescence Theory

The current version of Cross‟s Nigrescence Theory came after the development of the

Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS), which is an assessment used to measure Nigrescence
 11

attitudes. “Nigrescence identities describe frames of reference or identity clusters through which

the world is viewed, and they are exemplified by particular attitudes” (Worrell et al., 2001, p.

208). This model includes three major statuses with eight identity types. The three statuses are

entitled Pre-Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization (Cross & Vandiver, 2001).

Revisions were made to the Pre-Encounter and Immersion-Emersion identities of the revised

model. The Pre-Encounter status now includes three identity types that describe an individual

who does not completely identify with being Black. These three identity types include Pre-

Encounter Assimilation, Pre-Encounter Miseducation, and Pre-Encounter Racial Self-Hatred.

Individuals in the Pre-Encounter Assimilation identity type identify more with being an

American and individual than with being Black. A person with Pre-Encounter Assimilation

attitudes is likely to be somewhat disconnected from the Black community. Individuals in the

Pre-Encounter Miseducation identity type have adopted a stereotypical understanding of Black

culture, taking into account negative stereotypes and images. A person in the Pre-Encounter

Miseducation identity type is also said to be disconnected from the Black community, but in this

case, the disconnection is as a result of the negative perception of Black culture. The last

identity type in the Pre-Encounter Status is Pre-Encounter Racial Self-Hatred which describes

someone who detests the fact that he or she is Black and as a result experiences feelings of self-

hatred.

The Immersion-Emersion status includes two identity types, Immersion-Emersion Anti-

White and Immersion-Emersion Intense Black Involvement (Cross & Vandiver, 2001).

Someone who is in the Immersion-Emersion Anti-White identity type holds strong negative

views of the dominant culture that include feelings of anger and rage and will engage in activities

that he or she believes are indicative of Black culture. Someone who is in the Immersion-
 12

Emersion Black Involvement identity type has immersed himself or herself in Black culture

while having a romanticized view of everything considered indicative of Black culture (Cross &

Vandiver, 2001). No revisions were made to the Internalization status.

Racial Identity and the “N-word”

Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) findings of differences between Blacks and

African Americans in regard to perceptions of the “N-word” encourages further examination into

African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” and the ways in which perceptions of the “N-

word” fit within African American racial identity. Currently, no published research exists on

differences of African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word” in the context of racial identity

attitudes. As a result, it is unknown whether perceptual differences of the “N-word” exist in

regard to racial identity attitudes. Examining African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word”

in the context of racial identity attitudes could increase our understanding of the ways in which

feelings of group membership impact African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word.”

Research and African Americans

It is important to note that African Americans have had a turbulent relationship with

social science and medical researchers. A prime example is the Tuskegee syphilis study in

which hundreds of impoverished, African American, male sharecroppers were intentionally

allowed to live for 40 years without being treated for syphilis while under the care of physicians

who studied and observed them to investigate the natural progression of syphilis in humans

(Thomas & Quinn, 1991). Furthermore, in the social sciences, including psychology, African

Americans make up a minority percentage of researchers. As a result, there continues to be some

deficits in African American research as well as issues that go unnoticed. The “N-word” is one

of the issues that continues to go unnoticed. African American‟s perceptions and use of the “N-
 13

word” is a disconcerting and multifaceted topic that is intertwined with an even more

disconcerting and complex topic, racism. Perhaps the limited number of African American

researchers and the turbulent history of the use of African Americans in research have

contributed to the lack of research in this area.

Scientific Racism

Racism is a pervasive construct that has permeated the field of psychology. Some early

psychologists, such as Ferguson, were known for using science as a method of demonstrating

genetic inferiority (Guthrie, 2004). This is an example of scientific racism, which is loosely

defined as the use of empirical methods to demonstrate the inferiority of an ethnic minority when

compared to the dominant population (Guthrie, 2004).

Throughout the history of psychology, psychological literature has been saturated with

racist ideas. One of the most recent examples is Herrnstein and Murray‟s (1994) The Bell Curve,

in which an argument is made for a relationship between genetics and intelligence. According to

Herrnstein and Murray (1994), African Americans are assumed to be intellectually inferior to

Whites and East Asians due to their poorer average performance on standardized tests. African

Americans and people who identify as Black make up the largest proportion of impoverished

people in America (DeNavas-Walt et al., 2007). As a result, people who identify as Black and

African American have less access to economic and educational resources. Unequal access to

educational and economic resources may have resulted in Black‟s and African American‟s less

favorable performance on standardized tests. Herrnstein and Murray (1994) failed to take into

account the relationship between economics, resources, and intelligence, asserting that there are

genetic underpinnings that have resulted in an inferior and less intelligent race of African

Americans compared with European Americans and East Asians.

 14

In his article defining race and racism, Quist-Adade (2006) stated that “human subspecies

don‟t exist [and] the genes influencing skin color have nothing to do with the genes influencing

hair form, eye shape, blood type, musical talent, athletic ability or forms of intelligence” (p. 68).

Quist-Adade also discussed DNA sequencing, which led to the finding that all human DNA is of

African descent. As a result, Quist-Adade argues that the construct of genetic differences

between races is inherently flawed thereby discrediting the very foundation of scientific racism.

Given that race has been scientifically proven, through DNA research, to be a man-made

construct, theories of genetic inferiority have not been supported by scientific research

(Goodman, 2001; Hudson, 2001; Quist-Adade, 2006). As a result, researchers with racist

agendas have attempted to prove minority inferiority by supporting a Social Darwinistic notion

of minority populations in America, suggesting that the dominant population‟s rise to power has

come as a result of some innate survival instincts which have been developed and cultivated

throughout the process of natural selection and survival of the fittest (Rutledge, 1995). For

instance, Social Darwinistic theories have been used to provide an explanation as to why there is

an abundance of European Americans who have assumed positions of power in America when

compared to other populations.

However, researchers with racist assumptions fail to account for the fact that racism is a

powerful tool that has been used to obstruct the progress of minority populations in America

(Hoberman, 1997; Hudson, 2001; Quist-Adade, 2006). Darwinistic notions, although not fully

exposed to the public in many ways, have influenced minority population‟s perception of

themselves. For instance, a growing trend in the African American community has been to place

value on athletics and athletic ability (Hoberman, 1997). Darwinistic principles have been

adopted to explain the prevalence of African American athletes in professional sports by

 15

suggesting that athletic prowess is a characteristic that has been bred within the African

American community (Hoberman, 1997). Darwinistic ideals can be detrimental to the African

American psyche by reinforcing stereotypes and damaging self-esteem. Consequently,

psychological research needs to be conducted with extra caution, focusing on issues that are of

service to the African American community.

The „N-Word”

African Americans‟ use of the “N-word,” is a sensitive, but popular, topic of discussion

within the African American community that should be researched with caution. Researchers

have yet to thoroughly examine this issue, perhaps because of the sensitive and racially driven

nature of the topic. The “N-word” is one of the few words in the English language that evokes

strong emotions, and its use can be considered anything from a threat to a term of endearment.

African American pop-culture literature has been saturated with information and opinions about

African American‟s use and perceptions of the “N-word”, focusing on the fact that the use of the

“N-word” by African Americans has been a source of contention within the African American

community (Asim, 2007; Himma, 2002; Kennedy, 2003; Ridley, 2006). Those who argue

against in-group use of the “N-word” indicate that its use is evidence of racial self hatred, and

those who condone in-group usage indicate that there is power in being able to reclaim and

redefine the “N-word” limiting its use to members within the African American community

(Asim, 2007; Kennedy, 2003). The general consensus in African American literature focusing

on the use of the “N-word” is that it is offensive when anyone who does not identify as Black or

African American uses the word to refer to someone who is Black or African American (Asim,

2007; Kennedy, 2003). A divide within the African American community has historically

emerged when the word is used among African Americans to refer to African Americans. Many
 16

African Americans disagree with the within-group use of the “N-word”, suggesting that its use is

self disparaging and confusing to out-group members (Asim, 2007).

Connotation and Offensive Language

In the 1990s, the Merriam-Webster Dictionary contained three alternate definitions of

the word nigger, two of which were “a black person, usually taken to be offensive, [or] member

of a dark-skinned race, usually taken to be offensive” (Dodson, 2000, p. 61). Although

Merriam-Webster‟s definition also indicated that the word nigger “ranks as perhaps the most

offensive and inflammatory racial slur in the English language” (Dodson, 2000, p. 61), these

definitions caused considerable backlash. In fact, the president of the National Association for

the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) participated in a world-wide campaign protesting

Merriam-Webster‟s definition of the word nigger, resulting in approximately 100,000 signatures

(Dodson, 2000). The backlash came as a result of protestors‟ belief that these definitions

promoted racist ideology by suggesting that a nigger is a black or dark-skinned person instead of

a racial slur. Merriam-Webster has since revised the definition by first identifying that the term

is “usually offensive,” followed by a definition of its use to refer to black and dark-skinned

people (“Nigger,” n.d.).

The controversy surrounding the definition of the “N-word” and its continued use by

some African Americans suggests that this is a somewhat complex topic. Allan (2007), a

professor of linguistics, suggested that connotations have pragmatic effects, indicating that words

derive meaning from contexts. In regard to the “N-word,” Allan stated that “many racist terms

can be disarmed by being used, without irony, as in-group solidarity markers by the targeted

group” (p. 1047). In addition, Kennedy (2003) noted that Blacks “have added a positive

meaning to the word nigger, just as women, gays, lesbians, poor whites, and children born out of
 17

wedlock have defiantly appropriated and revalued such words as bitch, cunt, queer, dyke,

redneck, cracker, and bastard” (p. 38). Based on this concept, the assumption may be made that

those African Americans who use the “N-word” to refer to themselves or other African

Americans have somehow transformed the meaning of the word, thereby eradicating the

previous racially driven and offensive definition.

It must be noted that a general consensus within the African American community does

not exist in relation to this topic (Asim, 2007). The within-group use of the “N-word” has been a

source of contention in the African American community for years. As a result, research in this

area is needed to contribute to understanding psychological implications involved in the use of

the “N-word” within the African American community.

Origin of the “N-word.”

The dubious origin of the “N-word” is described by Asim (2007) as something that may

have originally been considered a “neutral term” (p. 10). Although it is unclear how the spelling

and pronunciation evolved over the years, the original form has been linked to the Latin term for

black (niger) and to the description of the arrival of the first African captives brought to

Jamestown in 1619 in which African captives were referred to as “negars” (Asim, 2007, p. 10).

Although the true evolution of the word is unclear, during slavery, African captives were

routinely referred to as “niggers.”

African captives were inherently thought of as inferior by their slave masters and were

brutalized in many ways. In essence, they were torn away from their native land and brought to

a foreign land where they were sold, tortured, bred, beaten, murdered, and enslaved for 250

years. The “N-word” became a tool used to oppress and subjugate people who had no

knowledge of the native language and customs. In fact, African captives would refer to
 18

themselves as the “N-word,” as this was essentially the language that they learned from their

captors (Asim, 2007). As a result, the “N-word” is a term that encompasses a longstanding and

complex history, not only between the European and African American populations, but also

within African American culture.

Between-Group Use

The “N-word” continues to be considered a “superlative racial epithet” that is believed to

be “the most hurtful, the most fearsome, the most dangerous, [and] the most noxious” word in

the English language, particularly when it is used by someone who is not Black (Kennedy, 2003,

p. 23). For instance, Kennedy (2003) noted the forced removal of District Attorney Jerry Spivey

from office in 1995 as a result of a verbal altercation he had with a Black man in a bar during

which Spivey repeatedly called the man a nigger. Spivey was removed from office under the

fighting words doctrine, which was added to the United States Constitution in 1942 as a

limitation to freedom of speech in the first Amendment (Kennedy, 2003). Fighting words are

words that “inflict injury or intend to incite an immediate breach of the peace,” and the “N-

word” presumably fits those characteristics in this case (Kennedy, 2003, p. 54). Additionally,

Michael Richardson, a comedian and actor, issued a public apology for calling several African

American hecklers niggers during one of his stand-up performances, after he received

considerable backlash and threatened boycotts from people of all nationalities (Asim, 2007).

Most recently, radio personality Dr. Laura Schlessinger impetuously retired after the

considerable backlash that she received shortly after using the word nigger 11 times while

speaking to a Black female caller. As these examples show, the use of the “N-word” by public

figures, particularly those who are not African American, can be considered extremely offensive

and result in negative consequences.

 19

Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) found that African Americans had significantly

greater emotional reactions to the use of the “N-word” by European Americans when compared

to Blacks who live in the United States but were born in other countries. The use of the “N-

word” by anyone who does not identify as Black has become a social taboo that is considered

extremely offensive, particularly to African Americans. This is seemingly true even among

members of the hip hop and rap culture which is dominated by Black artists who routinely use

the “N-word” but whose White counterparts have yet to follow suit (Asim, 2007).

Within-Group Use

In his book detailing the history of the use of the “N-word,” Kennedy (2003) sums up the

argument for those who condone the use of the “N-word” by stating that “there is much to be

gained by allowing people of all backgrounds to yank nigger away from white supremacists, to

subvert its ugliest denotation, and convert the “N-word” from a negative to a positive

appellation” (p. 139). In fact, African Americans who condone and argue for the use of the “N-

word” to be restricted to those who identify as African American generally assert that the

reclamation of the “N-word” and restrictions surrounding its use are extremely empowering to

those who choose to use it.

Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) found a perceptual difference between the terms

nigger and nigga in both Black and African American participants, where the word nigga was

considered less offensive during in-group usage. They also found a “preference for private use”

in which public use by Black entertainers was generally viewed unfavorably (p. 956). Perhaps

this preference is related to the concern that public within-group use of the “N-word”

desensitizes others to its use. For instance, in 2001, the Puerto Rican actress and singer Jennifer

Lopez received considerable backlash from the African American community after using the “N-
 20

word” in her song entitled I’m Real (Asim, 2007). The impact of context on African Americans‟

views of the use of the “N-word” thus warrants further examination.

In contrast, African Americans who reject the use of the “N-word,” referred to as

eradicationists by Kennedy (2003), generally note that it has historically been considered one of

the most offensive words in the English language. Kenney (2003) noted that “eradicationists

maintain that Black‟s use of the word nigger is symptomatic of racial self-hatred or the

internalization of white racism, thus the rhetorical equivalent of black-on-black crime” (p. 36).

As a result, within-group use of the “N-word” is considered self-disparaging and self-

denigrating. Popular African American icons such as Oprah Winfrey and the NAACP have been

outspoken in denouncing the use of the “N-word,” particularly among African Americans who

use it as a term of endearment (Himma, 2002). Critics have also suggested that its use “grant[s]

the word legitimacy, desensitize[s] individuals to its use, reinforce[s] stereotypic images about

Blacks, and generate[s] confusion about the meaning and appropriateness of the word” (Motley

& Craig-Henderson, 2007, p. 949). As a result, more research needs to be conducted examining

perceptual variations of the “N-word” among African Americans with varying racial identity

attitudes to examine the theory of within-group use as evidence of “anti-Black, self-hating

prejudice” (Kennedy, 2003, p. 36).

The within-group use of the “N-word” is clearly a very complex and sensitive issue.

Some African Americans report a sense of empowerment from their reclamation of the word,

while eradicationists strongly disagree with its use within the African American community

(Kennedy, 2003). The validity of either argument continues to be unexamined due to the lack of

research on this topic. However, one study contributes to our understanding of the impact of the

use of the “N-word” among African Americans. In their qualitative study of Blacks from diverse
 21

backgrounds, Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) found a perceived difference in the word

nigger when compared with the modified version, nigga. As a result of this finding, they

suggested that the word has been modified from its original meaning to a contextually based

meaning.

Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) also suggested that “racial status” and “experiences

with being targets of racist language” impacted views and perceptions of the “N-word” (p. 952).

As a result, intense reactions to the “N-word” were found in African American participants who

“understood the word as a symbol of racism” (Motley & Craig-Henderson, 2007, p. 953).

Lastly, Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) conclude that “although nigger and its derivative

nigga evoked negative stereotypes . . . it appears that the African American respondents had

found a way to reinterpret the word(s) to fit with their ethnic identities” (p. 958). Motley and

Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) qualitative research provides a framework in which to understand this

controversial issue but also evokes the question of how the use of the “N-word” fits within

African American ethnic identities.

 22

CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

Philosophical Assumptions

Creswell and Plano-Clark (2007) stated that “all studies include assumptions about the

world and knowledge that informs the inquiries” (p. 20). As a result, Creswell and Plano-Clark

suggested that researchers identify and develop an awareness of personal beliefs in regard to

“how knowledge is obtained and methods of gaining knowledge” (p. 21). The philosophical

foundation for this study was dialectical in nature. Researchers who assume the dialectical

perspective assert that variations among philosophical paradigms result in the acquisition of

distinctive forms of knowledge (Greene & Caracelli, 1997). Greene and Caracelli (1997)

indicated that dialectical variations “not only exist but are important,” and that they “should be

deliberately used both within and across studies” to expand and deepen knowledge and

understanding of a chosen area of interest (p. 8). Thus, two philosophical paradigms were united

for the purpose of this study.

The qualitative portion of this study was guided by a constructivist paradigm and the

quantitative portion of this study was guided by a postpositivist paradigm. The constructivist

paradigm is considered inductive and subjective, and the notion of multiple realities is

recognized and embraced (Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2007). Researchers who adopt a

constructivist paradigm allow theories to emerge from data collected from participants, and “rely
 23

as much as possible on the participants‟ views of the situation” (Creswell, 2007, p. 20). In

addition, the meaning that is ascribed to the subject of interest by participants is highly valued

and the researcher is viewed as an instrument and major element of the study (Creswell, 2007).

In fact, Creswell (2007) suggested that qualitative researchers acknowledge the impact of their

own personal factors on the interpretation of data. In contrast, the postpositivist paradigm is

considered logical, objective, and deductive, and the use of validated instruments as a method of

collecting data is common (Creswell & Plano-Cark, 2007). In addition, researchers who adopt

the postpositivist paradigm assert that there is a “singular reality” that can be established by

testing a hypothesis based on a theory with the use of empirical instruments or methods

(Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2007, p. 24).

Survey methods encompass the quantitative portion of this study, and the qualitative

portion is phenomenological in nature. Specifically, transcendental or psychological

phenomenology was the underlying theory guiding the qualitative methods of this study.

Phenomenological researchers focus on a concept or phenomenon and “reduce individual

experiences with a phenomenon to a description of the universal essence” through data collection

(Creswell, 2007, p. 58). Emphasis is placed on how and what participants experience in an effort

to provide the reader with an in depth description of the essence of the subject that is being

examined (Moustakas, 1994).

Mixed Methodology Design

An embedded mixed methods design was utilized in this study. Using the embedded

design, the researcher collects quantitative and qualitative data simultaneously. This design is

defined by Creswell and Plano-Clark (2007) as a “mixed methods design in which one data set

provides a supportive, secondary role in a study based primarily on the other data type” (p. 67).
 24

The embedded design is most useful when a researcher is examining an issue that is best

measured using one framework (i.e., qualitative or quantitative) but needs additional information

to analyze supplemental components not easily measured by the primary analysis (Creswell &

Plano-Clark, 2007). In addition, the embedded design is an integrative design in which distinct

paradigms are incorporated in an effort to “produce significantly more insightful understandings

of the phenomenon under investigation,” when compared to other mixed methods designs

(Greene & Caracelli, 1997, p. 23). Creswell and Plano-Clark (2007) also suggested that a

primarily qualitative embedded model may be used for a study with a phenomenological design.

An embedded model was chosen for this study because African Americans‟ qualitative

perceptions of the “N-word” were examined using a quantitative measure of racial identity to

identify participants‟ racial identity attitudes. As a result, the quantitative results were embedded

within the examination of the phenomenon of African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word”,

and provided supplemental information in regard to how African Americans‟ perceptions of the

“N-word” fit within racial identification and feelings of group membership. In addition, in

embedded mixed method studies “a single data set is not sufficient, and each type of question

requires different types of data” (Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2007, p. 67). Thus, in order to

achieve the primary goal of this study, which is to examine African American‟s perceptions of

the “N-word” across racial identity attitudes, the use of qualitative and quantitative methods is

appropriate.

Qualitative Design

The qualitative design was a major element of this study and was implemented using a

transcendental or psychological phenomenological approach. Transcendental or psychological

phenomenology focuses solely on descriptions provided by participants in the study, as opposed

 25

to those of the researcher (Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2007). Moustakas (1994) described four

“core processes” involved in transcendental phenomenological research, which include (a)

epoche, (b) transcendental-phenomenological reduction, (c) imaginative variation and (d)

synthesis (p. 33). Moustakas‟ four core processes guided the qualitative design for this study.

Moustakas (1994) defined the epoche process as “setting aside prejudgments, biases, and

preconceived ideas about things” (p. 85). The epoche process requires the researcher to identify

any preconceived notions about the subject matter being examined, and then bracket those

notions, or set them aside, in an effort to view the subject manner from “an original vantage

point” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 86). Ultimately, the goal of the epoche process is for the researcher

to remain as open and objective as possible when collecting information from participants. In

the current study, the epoche process included a thorough examination of this researcher‟s

perception of the “N-word” and potential biases that must be set aside in order to view collected

data from an impartial viewpoint.

The process of transcendental-phenomenological reduction followed the epoche process,

and included “the task of describing in textural language just what one sees” (Moustakas, 1994,

p. 90). During the transcendental-phenomenological process, the researcher pays close attention

to textural elements, such as the “prereflective description of things just as they appear,” in an

effort to reduce those descriptions to something that is “horizontal and thematic” (Moustakas,

1994, p. 91). Ultimately, in the transcendental-phenomenological process, the researcher records

and views each description independently, and then descriptions are complied to describe the

phenomenon in its entirety “in a fresh and open way” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 34). In the current

study, the process of transcendental-phenomenological reduction began with the assembly of

relevant open ended interview questions which were then used to gather information about
 26

African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word.” Each response was typed out line by line and

examined independently in a word document. Textural elements of the gathered information

were then analyzed and reduced to parallel themes.

In the imaginative variation process, the researcher attempts to view the collected data

from a number of different angles in an effort to increase understanding of “how the experience

of the phenomenon [came] to be what it is” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 98). In addition, the researcher

develops a “structural description of the experience [and] the precipitating factors that account

for what is being experienced” (Moustakas, p. 98). The imaginative variation process is

achieved by a thorough examination of data in which the researcher searches for themes and

takes into consideration underlying contexts and structural meanings. In the current study, the

imaginative variation process began with a thorough examination of the descriptions and

reactions to the “N-word” included in three different data sources. As in the process described

above, each response from data collected from a semi-structured interview, computer survey, and

answers provided from vignette questions were written out line by line and examined

independently in a word document. Structural elements of the gathered information were then

analyzed and reduced to parallel themes.

The imaginative variation process was followed by the final process, synthesis, in which

the researcher integrated textual and structural descriptions to develop a unified description of

the phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994). Synthesis includes a description of the essence of the

phenomenon in which truth is revealed and displayed through the thematic and horizontal

descriptions of the phenomenon. In the current study, synthesis was demonstrated through the

themes that emerged from participants structural and textural descriptions of their perceptions of

the “N-word.”
 27

Quantitative Design

The quantitative design was embedded within the qualitative design, and provided

supplemental information about African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word”, specifically in

regard to feelings of group membership. Information obtained from the Cross Racial Identity

Scale (CRIS) was used to identify individual participant‟s racial identity attitudes. This

information was then used to examine the qualitative information that was gathered on

participants‟ perceptions of the “N-word” by providing additional information on themes that

existed within or across racial identity attitudes. Themes that emerged from the qualitative data

collected on African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” were conceptualized and

explained using the Nigrescence Theory.

Researcher-as-Instrument

Morrow (2005) indicated that a standard tradition in qualitative research is “making one‟s

implicit assumptions and biases overt to self and others” (p. 254). In addition, bracketing one‟s

own biases and opinions about a subject of interest is a common practice in phenomenological

research (Creswell, 2007; Morrow, 2005). As a result, I must note that I am an African

American female who has experienced being called a “nigger” by European Americans and a

“nigga” by African Americans. I have a more visceral reaction to being called a “nigger” by

European Americans. I believe that some African Americans feel empowered by using the word

“nigga” in a variety of ways with the understanding that it is rarely acceptable for anyone who

does not identify as Black or African American to use the word “nigga.” In addition, I believe

awareness of underlying factors in regard to the reclamation of the “N-word” is not necessary for

one to feel empowered by its use. For instance, a young African American teenager who

routinely uses the word “nigga”, but has very little knowledge about the theory of the
 28

reclamation of the word, may still be offended when individuals who do not identify as Black or

African American use the word, having subconsciously adopted a sense of entitlement over the

word‟s use. Assumptions and biases that I have in regard to African American‟s use of the “N-

word” include the following: (a) some African American‟s feel empowered by the use of the

word “nigga”, (b) awareness of the process of the reclamation of the word “nigga” is not always

necessary for one to feel empowered, (c) within group use of the word “nigger” is usually

viewed unfavorably, and (d) African American‟s may respond to the words “nigga” and “nigger”

in a variety of ways, some of which may differ from my response. In addition, I hold negative

feelings toward European American‟s use of the word “nigger”, and suspect that many

participants in this study will also hold negative feelings of European American‟s use of the

word “nigger.” Following Moustaka‟s (1994) recommendations, I made efforts to set aside these

assumptions while collecting data and developing research questions, now that they have been

identified.

In regard to African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” and racial identity, I had no

preconceived notions as to what themes may exist among Cross‟s racial identity statuses. Given

that that I found no published research on African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” and

racial identity, it was unknown whether themes would differ among or across racial identity

attitudes. I routinely discussed my reactions and personal reflections with my dissertation

committee chairperson at our biweekly meetings to identify my assumptions and biases in regard

to African Americans‟ perceptions of the “n-word” and racial identity to address the issue of

subjectivity.
 29

Sources of Data Collection

Qualitative Measures

Creswell (2007) suggested that qualitative researchers use multiple methods of data

collection to triangulate the data and ensure valid results. Following Creswell‟s instruction, three

methods of qualitative data collection were utilized. Qualitative data was collected using survey

questions, semi-structured interviews, and vignettes (see Table 1). In an effort to expand on

previous findings, survey and interview questions were taken from Motley and Craig-

Henderson‟s (2007) study on Black‟s perceptions of the “N-Word.” The vignettes included

scenarios in which the “N-word” was used and provided additional information in regard to

African Americans‟ response and perceptions of the “N-word.”

Table 1

Data Collection Methods

Methods Procedure and Purpose

Semi-Structured One semi-structured interview was conducted. Semi-

Interviews structured interview questions were taken from the one
known published study on Blacks‟ perceptions of the
“N-word” by Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007).

Electronic Survey questions were given to participants on a laptop

Survey computer. These questions were developed using a
Questions version of the questions asked in Motley and Craig-
Henderson‟s (2007) study of Black‟s reactions to the
words nigger and nigga. Participants were asked to
type out their responses to these questions on the
computer.

Vignettes Two vignettes were provided for research participants

to respond to on a laptop computer. The vignettes
included scenarios in which the words “nigga” and
“nigger” are used. Participants were asked a series of
questions in response to each vignette.
 30

Semi-Structured Interview. Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) interview questions

were used as a foundation for the items in this study, in an effort to expand on previous findings.

Semi-structured interview items were taken directly from Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s study

(see Appendix A). Items included information about participants‟ general views and perception

of the words “nigger” and “nigga”, appropriateness of the use of the word “nigga” in a private

and public setting, and perceptions of Whites‟ use of the word “nigger.”

Computerized Survey Questions. Survey items developed from questions used in

Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) study on Blacks in the African Diaspora‟s perception of

the “N-word” were utilized in this study (see Appendix B). Questions included information

about participants‟ perception of the difference between the words “nigga” and “nigger”,

appropriateness of the use of both words, and thoughts on public versus private use. Answers to

these questions provided supplemental information in regard to African American‟s perceptions

of the “N-word.”

Vignettes. Two typed vignettes were provided for research participants to respond to in

a computer format (see Appendix C). The first vignette included a scenario in which the word

“nigga” was used by an African American in a predominantly White setting. Participants were

asked to answer a series of questions in response to this vignette to gather information about their

reaction to the public use of the word “nigga” in a predominantly White and public setting. The

second vignette included a scenario in which the word “nigger” was used by a European

American. Participants were asked to answer questions to gather information about their

reaction to this scenario as well as their perception of the appropriateness of the use of the word

“nigger” by someone who does not identify as Black or African American.

 31

Quantitative Measure

Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS). The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) was used

to measure African American participant‟s racial identity attitudes. The CRIS includes a

demographic questionnaire that requests information related to racial identification, religious

affiliation, age, gender, socio-economic status, and educational background. In addition, it is

based on the Expanded Cross Racial Identity Model, and is a 40-item scale that includes 10 filler

items that are not related to any particular subscale (Vandiver et al., 2000; Worrell et al., 2004).

The CRIS measures attitudes related to six subscales, including Pre-Encounter Assimilation

(PA), Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred (PSH), Pre-Encounter Miseducation (PM), Immersion-

Emersion Anti-White (IEAW), Internalization Afrocentric (IA), and Internalization

Multiculturalist Inclusive (IMCI). Each subscale contains five items that are rated on a seven-

point Likert scale ranging from a score of 1 for strongly disagree to a score of 7 for strongly

agree. Participants receive a score for each scale measured by the CRIS. Higher scale scores

equate higher endorsements of the attitudes associated with a particular scale. For instance, if an

individual scores highest on the IEAW scale, it is likely that he or she endorses more attitudes

consistent with the Immersion-Emersion Anti-White status than other statuses.

Two statuses theorized by Cross and Vandiver (2001), Immersion-Emersion Intense

Black Involvement and Internalization Biculturalist, are not measured by the CRIS. A factor

analysis revealed that items related to the Immersion-Emersion Intense Black Involvement

loaded on the same factor of as Internalized Black Nationalist status, “reflecting a pro-Black

identity without distinguishing the essence of the internalized Black Nationalist” (Vandiver,

Cross, Worrell, & Fhagen-Smith, 2002, p. 73). Additionally, a distinction was not made

between the Internalization Biculturalist and the Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive

 32

statuses (Vandiver et al., Cross, Worrell, & Fhagen-Smith, 2002). The CRIS is internally

consistent, with Cronbach‟s alphas for the six subscales ranging from .89 for PSH and IEAW,

.85 for PA, .83 for IA, .82 for IMCI, to .78 for PM. The Cronbach‟s alphas for the current

sample are .93 for PA, .80 for PM, .50 for PSH, .77 for IEAW, .88 for IA, and .67 for IMCI.

Convergent validity has been confirmed using the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity,

which measures a similar construct (Sellers et al., 1997; Vandiver et al., 2000). Discriminate

validity has been established as a result of low correlations with the Big Five Inventory, which

measures five broad factors of personality traits, e.g., extraversion, agreeableness,

conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness to experience, not thought to be related to racial

identity (Vandiver et al., 2001).

In his study examining the longitudinal utility of the CRIS, Worrell (2008) found that

racial identity scores on the CRIS were congruent across participants with differing demographic

and developmental profiles. Worrell (2008) examined the congruence of scores among

adolescent (M age = 14 years), emerging adult (M age = 20.70 years), and adult (M age = 34.10

years) African American, Black, and Black Caribbean participants. Worrell found that “the

patterns of the means were remarkably similar across the three samples” (p. 172), and indicated

that the congruency of scores across participants in differing developmental stages supports the

attitudinal foundation of the CRIS as opposed to the former developmental foundation.

Participants

Selection Criteria

Wertz (2005) noted the importance of finding participants “whose experience most fully

and authentically manifests or makes accessible what the researcher is interested in” in

phenomenological research (p. 174). Participants in this study identified as African American.
 33

In addition, Kennedy (2003) noted that there may be generational differences in regard to

African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word.” Participants in this study belong to the

millennium generation, which includes individuals born after 1980. As a result, participants in

this study were African American and college aged, 18 to 28, from a Midwestern university.

Number of Participants

Wertz (2005) stated that “the nature of the research problem” and qualitative methods

determines how many participants should be chosen for a study (p. 171). In addition, Wertz

noted that an estimation of the number of participants needed in qualitative research is difficult

to determine and researchers can conclude that they have enough participants when saturation, or

redundancy of findings, occurs. The current research study employed three sources of

qualitative data collection to evaluate African Americans‟ perception of the “N-word” and one

source of quantitative data collection to measure racial identity. Following the guidelines

established by Wertz, the use of these four sources of data warranted approximately 9 to 14

participants. All participants were given the same set of qualitative and quantitative measures.

Fourteen individuals (9 women, 5 men) participated in this study. Due to the selection criteria

(African American, ages 18 to 28), one participant‟s data was removed from this study after it

was discovered that that she was born in Nigeria. Although this participant checked African

American on the demographic sheet, during the interview her identity and family experiences

were Nigerian-American rather than African American in nature. Data from 13 (8 women, 5

men) participants were analyzed for the purpose of this study.

Participant Demographics

All participants were students at one mid-sized Midwestern university. Six were

graduate students and seven were undergraduate students. Information related to community
 34

type and racial composition were used in describing the participants in this study. Although all

participants were living in a mid-sized Midwestern city at the time that data was collected, they

used their home of origin as their community type when completing the demographic

information on the CRIS. Of the 13 participants, nine reported an urban community type, three

reported a suburban community type, and one reported a rural community type. In terms of

racial composition, no participants reported being from a predominately White community, five

reported a racially mixed community composition, and eight reported a predominantly Black

community composition. A summary of the demographic variables and participant descriptors

are listed in Table 2.

Procedure

Recruitment

Participants were recruited from graduate and undergraduate classes in the Colleges of

Education and Arts and Sciences at Indiana State University, and via flyers distributed across

campus. I informed potential participants of the study and handed out flyers requesting students‟

participation. Flyers included my contact information, information about the mode of

administration, time commitment, incentive, and the purpose of the study. Participants were

asked to e-mail or call me to participate in this study.

Informed Consent

After expressing an interest to participate in this research, informed consent was secured

from participants (see Appendix D). The procedures for data collection (i.e., surveys and

interviews) were explained to participants, and they were informed that their participation in this

study was voluntary and that they could withdraw from this study at any time. Participants were

also notified about the time commitment (2½ - 3½ hours), potential risks and discomforts,
 35

confidentiality procedures, recognition for participation, and information regarding their rights as

research participants.

Table 2

Summary of Demographic Variables

Pseudonym Age Gender Academic Status Community Community Racial

Type Composition
Carla 21 Female Junior Urban Mixed
John 19 Male Freshman Suburban Mixed
Amy 19 Female Freshman Urban Mostly Black
Johnny 27 Male Grad Student Rural Mixed
Ashley 21 Female Senior Urban Mostly Black
Hope 25 Female Grad Student Urban Mostly Black
Jay 25 Female Grad Student Urban Mostly Black
Jada 23 Female Senior Urban Mostly Black
Ahmad 23 Male Senior Urban Mostly Black
Ramone 24 Male Senior Urban Mostly Black
Kelis 26 Female Grad Student Suburban Mixed
Latifah 24 Female Grad Student Urban Mixed
Kyle 28 Male Grad Student Suburban Mostly Black

Administration Procedures

In an effort to preserve confidentiality, I created a master list of participant‟s names,

telephone numbers, and pseudonyms. This information was obtained to contact participants for

scheduling purposes, and was stored separately from all other materials. The master list was

destroyed after all data was collected.

The completed surveys were coded with an alias name and participant number, (i.e., 001,

002, 003, etc.). Participants were informed of their pseudonyms. Participants were also

informed that they could withdraw after data was collected by contacting me and requesting that
 36

their information be withdrawn from the study using their pseudonym. Participant‟s names were

not connected to the data collected. Participants were informed that this study was completely

voluntary and that they could decline answering any question or stop at any time. Participants

were also informed of the incentive procedures. Each participant received an $8 gift certificate

to Wal-Mart for each hour of their participation in this study, with a maximum of $24.

Participants met individually with me to complete the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS),

a computerized survey of questions related to their perceptions of the words “nigger” and

“nigga”, and to provide typed responses to two vignettes of situations in which the words

“nigger” and “nigga” were used. Items were administered in the order described above.

Meetings were held in a private administrative office located in the office of the Department of

Communication Disorders and Counseling, School, and Educational Psychology in the College

of Education. Written responses took approximately one hour to complete. Participants then

participated in one approximately one-hour semi-structured interview with me in the same office

space. All participants completed written responses before being interviewed, and all written

responses and semi-structured interviews were completed on the same day. Participant‟s contact

information was stored separately from their survey materials in a locked filing cabinet in my

office of employment. The master list of participant contact information was destroyed at the

end of data collection. All but two participants took approximately 1 ½ hours to complete all

survey materials. Two participants took approximately one hour to complete all survey

materials.

In order to protect the participants, a professional transcriber was asked to sign a

confidentially agreement (see Appendix E) before transcribing the interviews. Data from the

vignettes and computerized survey were transcribed by the participants using a password
 37

protected computer. Qualitative data was analyzed using the Dedoose web-based service on a

password protected computer (Lieber & Weisner, 2010). I am the only person who has access to

the one password protected computer that was utilized in this study. Dedoose is a web-based

service that allows researchers to import, manage, and analyze qualitative and mixed methods

data. I analyzed all qualitative and quantitative data separately. Each participant‟s CRIS scale

scores were presented graphically, as recommended by the authors, to facilitate examination of

their individual identity attitude endorsements.

Any information obtained in this study in connection with participants will remain

confidential and will only be disclosed with their permission. To secure the data that was

collected on my computer, I password protected my computer and saved all data on an external

flashdrive. Data was not saved on my personal computer. The external flashdrive was

transported in a lockbox and stored along with the Informed Consent documents and original

audio tapes in a locked filing cabinet located in the utility room of my apartment. The master list

was stored separately from all other materials in a locked filing cabinet located at my office of

employment. I destroyed the master list after all of the data was collected.

The informed consent (IC) documents, flashdrive and original audio tapes were

transported by me, in my car, from the College of Education to my apartment (approximately 3.5

miles) daily upon completion of data collection. All data that was transported by me was kept in

a lock box while in my physical possession. I then removed these items from the lockbox and

placed them in a manila envelope in a locked filing cabinet located in the utility room of my

apartment. All items remained in the locked filing cabinet unless they were being used by me.

My apartment doors remained locked at all times. The only other person, besides me, who had

access to my apartment, was maintenance. I was notified by the office when routine
 38

maintenance was going to be performed on my apartment. When I received notification that

routine maintenance was going to be performed on my apartment, in an effort to ensure that all

documents were secure I placed the audio tapes, flashdrive, and IC documents back in the

lockbox, which I then placed in the locked filing cabinet.

Data that was transcribed by a transcriptionist was transported by me in a manila folder in

a lockbox. Upon reaching the transcriptionist‟s location, I took the audio-tapes out of the

lockbox and left them with the transcriptionist who was asked to sign a confidentiality agreement

stating that she would also keep the documents secure. Once the data was transcribed, I picked

up the documents and audio tapes from the transcriptionist and transported them in a lockbox

back to my apartment to be secured in the locked filing cabinet.

Data Analysis Procedures

Qualitative Analysis

After participants completed the qualitative survey, semi-structured interviews, and

vignettes, all qualitative data was transcribed by a transcriptionist or by me. Data was then

analyzed from a phenomenological approach, using Moustakas‟ (1994) guide to

phenomenological research analysis. Moustakas‟ outlined four steps to analyzing

phenomenological research. Moustakas‟ four steps are presented below:

1. Using the phenomenological approach, obtain a full description of your own experience

of the phenomenon.

2. From the verbatim description of your experience, complete the following steps:

a. Consider each statement with respect to significance for description of the

experience.

b. Record all relevant statements.

 39

c. List each non-repetitive, non-overlapping statement. These are the invariant

horizons or meaning units of the experience.

d. Relate and cluster the invariant meaning units into themes.

e. Synthesize the invariant meaning units and themes into a description of the

textures of the experience. Include verbatim examples.

f. Reflect on your own textural description. Through imaginative variation,

construct a description of the structures of your experience.

g. Construct a textural-structural description of the meanings and essences of your

experience.

3. From the verbatim transcript of the experience of each of the [participants] complete the

above steps, a though g.

4. From the individual textural-structural descriptions of all co-researchers‟ experiences,

construct a composite textural-structural description of the meanings and essences of the

experience, integrating all individual textural-structural descriptions into a universal

depiction of the experience representing the group as a whole. (p. 122)

Following guidelines established by Moustakas (1994), I began by recording my own

experience and perceptions of the “N-word.” I also recorded my initial reactions to individual

participants after each interview, as well as my reactions to the data as I read and analyzed each

transcript. Information recorded during this reflective epoche process was acknowledged and

discussed in bi-weekly meetings with my committee chairperson and then bracketed out so as to

not interfere with the qualitative analysis.

Next, in the transcendental-phenomenological reduction phase of this qualitative analysis,

I read each script from data that was collected from participants using semi-structured
 40

interviews, vignettes, and a computerized survey. Each script was read several times to get a

sense of each participants experience with the “N-word.” After obtaining a broad understanding

of each participant‟s experience, I identified several statements related to the research question. I

then deconstructed the data from all three sources by creating a word document of typed

verbatim responses listed under each statement related to the research question. All relevant and

non-repetitive statements were listed and analyzed. Invariant meaning units were clustered into

themes, and a textural description of what participants experienced emerged. Textural

descriptions include invariant meaning units that describe what participants experienced.

Participant transcripts were then uploaded into the Dedoose web-based program. I thoroughly

re-read each transcript and attached verbatim responses to related themes. As suggested by

Moustakas (1994), verbatim examples were used to construct a textural description of what

participants experience in relation to the “N-word.”

Next, a structural description of participant‟s experience was created through imaginative

variation. Specifically, a description of the structures of participant‟s experience was created

through engaging in reflection on the textural descriptions (Moustakas, 1994), and through

additional analysis focusing on the context and situations described by participants in the study

(Creswell & Plano-Clark et al., 2007). Structural descriptions include information related to

how a phenomenon is experienced, and provide the reader with information related to underlying

emotions associated with the phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994). Samples of structural

descriptions of how the “N-word” is experienced by participants are provided in Appendix H.

Lastly, in synthesis, a textural and structural description for each participant was created,

and the themes that emerged from invariant clusters are demonstrated through these textural and

structural descriptions. These descriptions include information about what participants

 41

experience in relation to the “N-word” and of the underlying emotion associated with this

phenomenon. A textural and structural description was then composited and utilized to describe

the universal essence of these African American participant‟s perceptions of the “N-word.”

Quantitative Analysis

The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) was used to identify participants‟ racial identity

attitudes. Participants received a score for each scale that is measured by the CRIS, and each

scale is representative of a particular racial identity attitude. Higher scale scores indicate

stronger endorsements of the attitudes associated with a particular scale. Emerging themes from

the qualitative data were examined in the context of information obtained on the CRIS in an

effort to evaluate the themes that existed among and across racial identity attitudes. Scores from

the CRIS cannot be summarized or collapsed for group interpretation (Worrell, Vandiver &

Cross, 2004). As a result, emerging themes were examined in the context of racial identity on

an individual basis. Results from the CRIS provided information in regard to the themes that

exist in relation to African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” among and across racial

identity attitudes.

Data Management

Data from the semi-structured interviews were transcribed by a professional transcriber

and by me. Data from the vignettes and computerized survey were typed out by the participant

on a laptop computer. In order to protect the participants, the professional transcriber was asked

to sign a confidentially agreement. Qualitative data was analyzed using the Dedoose web-based

program. Quantitative data was analyzed by this researcher. Each participant‟s scale scores

were computed to reveal how each racial identity attitude was endorsed by each participant.
 42

Standards of Trustworthiness

Morrow (2005) noted the importance of establishing a level of quality and standard of

practice when conducting qualitative research, and stated that “validity, credibility, rigor, and

trustworthiness” (p. 250) can be established in qualitative research by following certain

guidelines. Specific guidelines followed for the purposes of this study include subjectivity,

reflexivity, transferability, dependability, and a peer auditor (Morrow, 2005).

Subjectivity

Morrow (2005) stated that qualitative data are “grounded in subjectivity” and that

researchers may embrace subjectivity depending on the underlying paradigm of the study (p.

254). Furthermore, in order to ensure credibility of qualitative research, it is vital that the

researcher acknowledge the subjective nature of their qualitative findings (Morrow, 2005). The

phenomenological nature of this study warranted a certain level of subjectivity in regard to the

qualitative data that is collected. However, data were presented objectively through the use of

reflexivity.

Reflexivity

Morrow (2005) suggested that “investigators always believe something about the

phenomenon in question” (p. 254). As a result, phenomenological researchers bracket out their

personal beliefs about a subject in an effort to promote objectivity (Moustakas, 1994). In an

effort to monitor my beliefs and assumptions about the African Americans‟ perceptions of the

“N-word” and racial identity, I began by identifying my own reactions, and then routinely

engaged in debriefing with the dissertation committee chairperson.

 43

Transferability

Transferability is the process of appropriately taking information found in one qualitative

study and conceptualizing it in a similar context. Qualitative researchers must provide their

reader with rich and contextual descriptions so that readers can determine the appropriateness of

applying the findings to other, similar, contexts (Morrow, 2005). In an effort to enhance

transferability, I have provided readers with rich and contextual descriptions of participant

demographics and research findings.

Dependability

Morrow (2005) suggested that dependability comes as a result of the use of consistent

and systematic methods over a period of time. As a result, I kept an audit trail (see Appendix F)

clearly identifying each step utilized throughout the study, in an effort to promote credibility and

provide the reader with a detailed description of what steps were followed in this study. In

addition, I administered all methods systematically throughout the course of the study.

Peer Auditor

After the qualitative data was collected, I imported individual responses to each question

into a word document. Approximately 30% of this data was reviewed by a peer auditor who

was instructed to re-read each verbatim response searching for themes or invariant meaning

units. The peer auditor found similar themes to those found by this researcher.

Limitations

1. The results from this study may not be transferable to all African American college aged

students.

2. Results from this research are subject to other interpretations and are not limited to the

interpretations made in this study.

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CHAPTER 4

RESULTS

Qualitative Results

After analyzing the qualitative data, invariant meaning units were clustered into themes

and textural and structural descriptions were created. Textural descriptions included information

related to what the African American college students who participated in this study experienced

in relation to the “N-word.” Structural descriptions included information related to how this

phenomenon was experienced by the participants. Textural and structural descriptions were then

combined to obtain a general understanding of the way the “N-word” was experienced by

individual participants. Next, textural and structural descriptions were composited from all

participants to describe the essence of this phenomenon across all participants in this study.

Examples of a textural, structural, and textural-structural description are presented in Appendix

G.

Themes were generated from the invariant meaning units identified from individual

participant‟s responses to items on a computerized survey, semi-structured interview, and

questions related to two vignettes. The themes identified include the following: (a) nigger is a

universally negative and unacceptable term, (b) nigga is acceptable when used by African

Americans, and (c) the public use of nigga is inappropriate. Several specific subthemes were
 45

also supported by the data. A summary of themes is listed in Table 3, and participants‟

endorsement of themes is presented in Table 4.

Table 3

Summary of Themes

Themes

1. Nigger is a universally negative and unacceptable term

a. Intended to hurt

b. Used to objectify or label

2. Nigga is acceptable when used by African Americans

a. In group ownership

b. Term of endearment

c. Ubiquitous usage

i. Media influence

ii. Ambivalence about personal use

d. African American‟s Perception of the “N-word” is

generational

3. Public use of nigga is inappropriate

a. Demeaning to self

b. Confuses other cultures

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Table 4

Participants' Endorsement of Themes

Themes #1 #1a #1b #2 #2a #2b #2c #2d #3 #3a #3b

Carla X X X X X X X X X

John X X X X X

Amy X X X X X

Johnny X X X X X X X X X

Ashley X X X X X X X X X

Hope X X X X X X X X X

Jay X X X X X X X X X X

Jada X X X X X X

Ahmad X X X X X X X X X X

Ramone X X X X X X X X X

Kelis X X X X X X X X X

Latifah X X X X X X

Kyle X X X X X X X X

Theme 1 – Nigger is a universally negative and unacceptable term

Theme 1a – Intended to hurt
Theme 1b – Used to objectify or label
Theme 2 – Nigga is acceptable when used by African Americans
Theme 2a – In group ownership
Theme 2b – Term of endearment
Theme 2c – Ubiquitous usage
Theme 2d – Perception is generational
Theme 3– Public use of nigga is inappropriate
Theme 3a – Demeaning to self
Theme 3b – Confuses other cultures
 47

Nigger is a Universally Negative and Unacceptable Term

Participants generally expressed a negative and sometimes visceral reaction to the word

nigger. Common responses related to this theme included statements that a nigger is an “an

ignorant, uncivilized, unethical, uneducated, and incompetent individual,” “an ignorant Black

person,” a “person with no values, morals, reason or feeling to better themselves,” “an ignorant

Black person who has no goals or drive to better themselves or their community,” “an ignorant

person,” and “a way of calling someone stupid.” Participants varied in their responses to

inquiries related to their reactions to being called or being exposed to the word nigger, but most

expressed negative feelings. Six participants stated that they felt shocked or upset when either

called the word nigger by a European American, or present while the word nigger was used to

describe someone else. Four participants stated that their reaction was to withdraw themselves

from the situation, or to terminate friendships or communication with the individual(s) who used

the word nigger. Two participants stated that they reacted to being called a nigger by disliking

White people and becoming more grounded in African American studies; and, two people

indicated that being called a nigger pointed out that they were “Black and different.” Data

analysis resulted in two subthemes related to African American participants‟ perception that the

word nigger is a negative and unacceptable term. These subthemes included the perception that

the word nigger is used by European Americans with (a) the intention to hurt, and to (b) label or

objectify African Americans. These subthemes are further explained below.

Nigger is intended to hurt. All participants stated that they perceive nigger as a

negative or derogatory term and, of these participants, eight reported perceiving the word nigger

as a term that, when used by White people, is meant to harm. Common responses related to this

subtheme included participant‟s references to nigger as a “derogatory term,” a “put down word,”
 48

a “demeaning term created during slavery,” a “term that relates to a kind of prejudice,” a “nasty

word,” “profanity,” a “negative term,” a “term of discrimination,” a “demeaning term,” and an

“extremely offensive” word. A typical response illustrating this theme was provided by Hope

who stated that nigger is a “negative term [used] to refer to African Americans. It is a

derogatory term used towards African Americans by Caucasian Americans.” Additionally,

common responses related to the perception that the word nigger is meant to harm included

statements indicating that nigger is “a way of putting someone down,” said with the intention of

“harming someone,” “meant to sting,” meant to “make Black people feel inferior,” meant to

“make Black people feel like the scum of the earth,” and “used to degrade African Americans.”

As a result, the general consensus among participants in this study is that the word nigger is

perceived a term that is derogatory, offensive, and meant to harm.

Furthermore, when asked about perceptions of equally offensive words, four participants

indicated that there is no word in the English language that is as equally offensive as the word

nigger. Five participants indicated that the word bitch is as offensive as the word nigger. Lastly,

more than half of the participants (7 of 13) noted that other racial slurs used to describe Blacks

and other minority populations are as offensive as the word nigger.

Nigger is used to objectify and label Blacks. Nine of 13 participants expressed the

perception that the word nigger is used to categorize or refer to Blacks, and 6 of 13 participants

expressed the perception that the word nigger is used by Whites. Common responses related to

this theme included the statements that the word nigger is “a term used to describe Black

people,” a term “used to talk down to African Americans,” “a predominantly negative term used

toward African Americans,” “a word used by Whites to make Blacks feel incompetent,” “what

White people use to refer to African Americans in a condescending way,” and “a derogatory
 49

term used by Caucasian Americans to describe African Americans.” A common illustration of

this theme was provided by Carla who stated that the word nigger “was a socially accepted way

to identify slaves and later free African Americans with the understanding that they were of a

totally different category than Whites.” Overall, the majority of participants in this study

perceive the word nigger as a term that is used to categorize Blacks.

Nigga is Acceptable When Used by African Americans

The majority of participants noted a difference between nigga and nigger, and most noted

that the use of the word nigga is perceived as inoffensive and acceptable. Common responses

related to this theme included several statements indicating that the word nigga is “an acceptable

term when used by Black people,” “holds no negative connotation when used by Black people,”

and is typically “not seen as a derogatory statement” when used by African Americans or Blacks.

Several subthemes related to the overarching theme of the acceptability of the word nigga among

African Americans emerged during data analysis.

Most participants attributed the creation of the word nigga to African Americans,

suggesting that its use by other races is unacceptable; and, a considerable number of participants

defined the word nigga as a term of endearment when used among African Americans.

Additionally, many reported difficulty identifying how they obtained an understanding of the

word nigga, and described the word as something that has seemingly been omnipresent. All

participants indicated that they have used the word nigga with friends or loved ones at some

point throughout their childhood or early-late adolescence, and six participants indicated that

they either do not currently use the word nigga, or they try not to use the word. Lastly, many

participants indicated that the perception of the word nigga among African Americans is

generational. These subthemes are further explained below.

 50

African American‟s ownership of nigga. Ten of 13 participants noted a perceived

difference between the words nigger and nigga within the African American community.

Additionally, 6 of 13 participants expressed a sense of ownership over the word nigga, stating

that it was created by African Americans and is used primarily among African Americans. A

common response illustrating this subtheme was provided by Johnny, who stated:

Nigga is a term that was created by African Americans that served as a means of taking

back the word nigger from White people. There‟s a big difference, a big difference

because I think black folks created nigga and white folks created nigger. That‟s the way

it is, it‟s a big difference. It wasn‟t necessarily, nigga wasn‟t created with hate. Nigga

was created kind of to me to take back this word nigger because white folks called us

nigger. I think it was to show white people that, hey we can take this word and do

something positive with it and we put a different spin on it.

Included in common responses related to this subtheme were comments related to the belief that

one can regain control through the use of the word nigga among African Americans. For

example, Carla stated:

I think using it in the way that African Americans do today it is kind of like we are

gaining control. We are not letting this word hurt us. It doesn‟t mean what it meant back

then. Like we don‟t associate it with that. Like we know where it came from and that it

is related, but that is not what we are meaning when we say it.

Many participants who claimed that nigga is a transformation of nigger created by African

Americans, also expressed the belief that nigga is most appropriately used among African

American individuals. Many of these participants noted that the use of the word nigga with

someone who does not identify as African American or Black is inappropriate or odd. For
 51

instance, Ashley stated:

I think because we use it today in the Black community, it‟s kind of like we have taken

over the word. Like it‟s ours now. And I know you can‟t tell somebody. . .you can‟t use

this word. It‟s a word that‟s in the dictionary. But it‟s something that we‟ve kind of

taken over. And in the back of our heads we all know where it comes from. And it‟s like

okay you‟re not Black. I wouldn‟t call somebody that was Asian a nigga even if we were

cool, because I mean they‟re not Black they‟re Asian.

Another response was provided by John, who stated that “Black people feel like [nigga] is our

word” and “many feel like [because] nigga is our word, they can use it wherever.” Other

common responses included several references to nigga being perceived as “our” (African

Americans) word, as a word that was “transformed from nigger,” and as a word that is “used to

describe Black people.” As a result, many participants indicated that because African Americans

are responsible for creating the word nigga from a word that was previously thought to be racist

and offensive, nigger, ownership of the word nigga resides within the hands of individuals

belonging to the African American community.

Nigga is a term of endearment. Nine of 13 participants either indicated that the use of

the word nigga is reserved for close friendships, or defined the word nigga as a term that is

indicative of a close relationship with a friend or loved one. For instance, when asked what

comes to mind when she hears the word nigga, Carla stated:

When I hear the word nigga I think of it as being used among African-Americans today.

It kind of seems, it‟s kind of socially accepted within African-Americans as a term of

friendship. It is kind of relating that you have some kind of personal relationship with

each other and you guys are close friends, so I don‟t take offense to it when it‟s used in
 52

the context between African-Americans. When used by African Americans, nigga is a

term that emanates a sense of camaraderie or a close personal friendship

between those using the word in their conversation.

Similarly, when asked a related question, Ahmad stated:

It‟s acceptable. It‟s like, what‟s up nigga? It‟s like a greeting. Or nigga, please.

It‟s how we refer to each other. It‟s like, its establishing a relationship that, I don‟t know.

Like we‟re both Black and we‟re cool.

Four participants specifically indicated that nigga is considered a term of endearment

within the African American community, and five participants stated that nigga is often viewed

as a term that describes friendships among African Americans. For instance, a common response

related to this theme was illustrated by Ashley who stated, “nigga is like my black friend.”

Nigga is ubiquitous. Nine of 13 participants stated that the use of the word nigga among

Blacks and African Americans is extremely common and engrained in African American culture.

Of these participants, many implied that African Americans are unaware of their use of the word

nigga due to their perception that nigga is a common word in African American‟s vocabularies.

For instance, 9 of 13 participants stated that they perceive the word nigga as a “greeting” or “tool

of reference.” An illustration of a common response related to this subtheme was provided by

Hope, who stated:

If it is someone that is African American, it can be a greeting. Like it can just mean hi,

nothing major. Nigga, when I use it, it‟s more of saying hi.

Other common responses illustrating this subtheme include several references given by

participants indicating that nigga is a “common everyday greeting,” “a way to address someone,”

“a way to refer to each other,” and “a way to describe someone,” typically a Black person.
 53

Furthermore, of the participants who endorsed this subtheme, five specifically used the

terms “embedded,” “instilled” or “engrained” to describe African American‟s use of the word

nigga. Another illustration of this subtheme was provided by Hope, who stated:

I think that our generation uses that term because it‟s so engrained in our culture. I

identify with this group and this is how we refer to ourselves. It‟s not something that we

even think about. For us, it‟s just another word that we say. It‟s like an everyday thing.

Likewise, when asked to provide an explanation as to why African Americans use the word

nigga, Johnny stated:

The crazy thing is that a lot of people use it and do not even realize they are using it. It is

so engrained in our minds, it‟s just normal. Sometimes it so engrained in me that

sometimes it comes out. Just because that‟s all we see. It‟s fed into our minds so much

that at some point it is just like we just have to accept the word I feel. I think that is what

happens is that it is just so engrained in our culture we have to find reasons not to use the

word as opposed to reasons why we should use the word.

Another related response was provided by Jay, who stated:

It‟s just so embedded in our culture that people don‟t realize what they are doing. It‟s

been embedded for so long, and now that it‟s become a word that is used so loosely.

Other common responses included statements such as, “[people] use it in everyday speech like it

is just another word,” “I think it maybe got carried on into [African American] culture today,” “I

use the word nigga because it‟s almost first nature to use the word,” “you hear it so much it‟s

kind of hard not to use it,” “it was just dialogue,” “nigga is a more common everyday greeting,”

“just everyday almost conversation use of the word.”

Media influence. Six of 13 participants indicated that the use of the word nigga in
 54

various media outlets, and by Black entertainers, contributes to the embeddedness of the word

nigga in the African American community and makes African Americans use of the word nigga

acceptable. Of these participants, many indicated that the word nigga is embedded within

African American culture due to over exposure to the word in music, movies, and other media

outlets. An illustration was provided by Latifah, who stated:

Because of the mainstream media, such as rappers and comedians. . .it is just kind of like

this automatic thing. No one really sits down and thinks about it. Not knowing, but the

majority of people don‟t sit down and just really think about it.

Similarly, when asked to expand on his perceptions of why African Americans use the word

nigga, Johnny stated:

This is such an urban hip-hop culture type word. I think the word has been owned by the

hip-hop culture. I think they bought the rights to the word. I think they bought the rights

to the word and took the word and use this word.

Another illustration was provided by Ahmad, who stated that “when rap music first came out,

[nigga] became publicly heard around the world [and] it became more acceptable to say it in

public.” Other participants who endorsed this theme stated that the use of the word nigga is

“second nature,” “instilled,” and “embedded” in African American culture due to “music,”

“seeing it in different videos,” and “hearing it in different songs.”

Ambivalence about personal use of nigga. Many participants implied that they use the

word nigga because it has been omnipresent throughout most of their lives. However, upon

thinking about either the origin of the word, or of how it is perceived by others, they began to

believe that their personal use of the word nigga was wrong. For instance, 8 of 13 participants

expressed some level of ambivalence as it relates to their personal use of the word nigga. A
 55

common illustration was provided by Jay, who stated:

I have a struggle with using the word because it is so easy and so embedded in my brain

that I am accustomed to the word. I shouldn‟t use it. And I can admit that on my own

part that I use it and it‟s wrong. I hate using the word, but I use it. . . . it‟s pathetic. I

know that it‟s wrong. . .but I use it.

A similar illustration of this theme was provided by Ashley, who stated:

All I can say is that it‟s something that I‟ve heard and picked up on. It‟s just out of habit.

I know that‟s not a good excuse, but that‟s really the reason why I use it. I know better, I

just hadn‟t ever thought about it. I think when I hear somebody else that‟s not black use

it, it kind of snaps back like dang that‟s a bad word. It hurts when they say it. I probably

shouldn‟t be using it either because maybe somebody along the way. . .even if they‟re not

doing it to degrade me. . .you know somebody that‟s White…they might think that it‟s

okay. They might have heard somebody black say it and think its okay for them to use it.

Additionally, when asked if she uses the word nigga, Latifah stated:

I‟m guilty of it. I don‟t say it as much. I remember a time when I was telling people

don‟t say it at all, but I listen to the music so much it comes out. I mean I wouldn‟t say

that I say it all the time, but if you hang around me enough and someone pisses me off or

if I‟m just talking, it just rolls out.

Other related responses included the comments, “our generation shouldn‟t use it,” “the smartest

thing for me to do is to not use it myself,” “I use it because the people around me use it. And I

know that sounds bad,” and “I use it but I don‟t feel comfortable saying it that much.”

African American‟s use of the word nigga is generational. Nine of 13 participants

expressed the perception that the use of the word nigga in the African American community is
 56

generational, with younger generations being most likely to use the term. Most participants who

endorsed this subtheme also indicated that younger generations have a different understanding of

the term nigga due to a lack of knowledge and direct exposure to the Civil Rights Movement and

other racially tense events. An illustration of this subtheme was provided by Latifah, who stated:

The older generation is trying to kill [the word nigga] and the younger generation is

trying to keep it alive. Just different time periods. I think that if we were living right

now in 2010 like people in the 1960s were living, it would be a different dynamic. That

word would not be as exchanged as it is now. Civil Rights movement, the Black Panther

movement, Jim Crow laws, slavery. . .those are the times I‟m talking about. I just think

that people had a different experience with the term and that now with those times being

nonexistent anymore the experience with the term is completely different.

A similar response was provided by Ahmad, who stated:

Older people never say [nigga]. I don‟t know when it started but I think if you were

around during the Civil Rights you wouldn‟t use it, but now that it‟s more acceptable and

now younger generations use it. My little cousin is 3 and he is running around saying

nigga, nigga. You know [younger generations] can read about it, but it‟s really nothing to

experience it. So I think if they were to experience it then they would have more

appreciation for the Black community and for the use of the word nigga.

Another significant illustration of this subtheme was provided by Hope, who stated:

I completely think that it‟s generational because a lot of. . .I know my mom and dad and a

lot of older generations experienced the word differently, as a symbol of racism. It‟s

probably just because a lot of the older generations faced a lot more discrimination and

racism than we do now. Because I know my dad, he grew up here, faced a lot more
 57

racism. Like the KKK marching up the streets in their rallies and stuff like that. They

just experienced a lot more direct racism than our generation has.

Overall, the general consensus among participants was that the use of the word nigga is

generational, and that younger generations view nigga as an acceptable word because they do not

view it as a symbol of racism.

African American‟s Public use of Nigga is Inappropriate

Twelve of 13 participants indicated that African American‟s public use of the word nigga

is inappropriate. Of these participants, six noted that the use of the word nigga in a private

setting (e.g., a setting with close friends or among other people who identify as African

American) is viewed much more favorably. Additionally, many participants expressed the

perception that public use of the word nigga is demeaning to self, and stated that public use of

the word nigga is confusing to other cultures. Participants also expressed concern for public use

of the nigga reinforcing other race‟s use of the term nigga and nigger. An illustration of this

theme was provided by Carla, who stated:

There is a time and a place to use [nigga]. When you‟re in a personal setting and your

just with friends, that‟s ok. But not in public. It is a word that signifies a close

relationship between African Americans and therefore has no purpose or place in a public

setting.

Additionally, when asked about her perception of African American‟s use of the word nigga in

public settings, Jay stated:

The public use of the word nigga by African Americans is almost like black face, and I

say that because we use it for entertainment. But the minute somebody questions us

about it or uses it themselves we‟re ready to fight or protest. It‟s so embedded in our
 58

minds to stick up for one thing and then fight for another, but we‟re not fighting the same

battle. That‟s why I say that it‟s confusing. It really needs to stop; it does not give us

power or respect.

Another response related to this theme was provided by Ahmad, who stated that he uses the word

nigga but “not in a public place” because there is “no excuse to use the word publically.”

Likewise, Hope stated “African Americans should never use the n-word in a public setting. I

don‟t agree with that. I don‟t agree with saying it in front of people from other races.”

Additionally, Ashley stated:

Like if you‟re in an area where there are only a few black people. Not even if it‟s just a

few black people, if there‟s another race around. I don‟t know. . .they probably think that

anyway. So for us to be yelling that around them, it‟s like yeah they really are niggers.

They say it out loud and they act like it anyway. . .is what they‟re thinking. It‟s just

inappropriate.

Other responses related to this theme included the statements, “there is a time and a place for the

use of that word [and] that time would not be in public settings,” and “I don‟t think that it‟s

appropriate because it shows ignorance and makes other races really want to call us that.”

Overall, the majority of participants in this study expressed the perception that the public use of

the word nigga is viewed unfavorably by the African American community.

Public use of nigga is demeaning to self. Eight of 13 participants expressed the

perception that public use of the word nigga is demeaning to self. An illustration of this

subtheme was provided by Ramone, who stated:

I still feel it would be an ignorant thing to do using the word all crazy in public period.

Because you never know who is listening. Even if like the food court was filled with
 59

Black people, you never know if some of these Black people were professors, or some of

the Black people were influential members of the community, or even someone that you

work with. [Using the word nigga] would show ignorance in front of these people and

would bring their thoughts of you down. They would think of me as nothing more than a

person with an in-extensive vocabulary.

Another illustration of this subtheme was provided by Ahmad, who stated:

I think it makes Black people look bad. This is how we are viewed today, as uneducated

and immature. So I wouldn‟t use that word in public, especially if they are not supposed

to use it and it‟s a bad word, then why would I use it around them.

Many participants who endorsed this subtheme also expressed concern for White people‟s

perception of the African American individual who is using the word nigga in a public setting.

For instance, Latifah stated:

It appears as though we don‟t care about ourselves enough because we would use such a

demeaning term. So White people, they don‟t see the endearment in it. They see only

the demeaning, at least that is what I think. It would [be] a term that would break down

my whole united front.

Similarly, Johnny stated:

I hate when I hear an African Americans use the word nigga in public. I think it makes

our race look bad and it is counterproductive to why people feel we should use it. It is

supposed to show that we have taken the word back, but in reality it makes us look

stupid. I think it is completely out of line. I think that if the word is to be used, it should

be behind closed doors, even though I don‟t like the word. What would be our purpose

for using the word in front of White people? White people will use the fact that we say
 60

nigga and make it another argument of why African Americans are ignorant. Honestly, it

splits the Black community sometimes. Because what it does, it makes people, and I‟m

going to say like me but not me, look at other Black people in a negative way.

Other responses related to this subtheme include the responses, “you‟d be demeaning yourself if

you use the word [in public],” “we are degrading ourselves when we use it,” and “it‟s not a good

representation of our race.” As a result, the majority of participants involved in this study

perceive the public use of the word nigga by African Americans as demeaning, especially when

used in front of people who identify as European American.

Public use of nigga confuses other cultures. Ten of 13 participants expressed the

perception that African American‟s public use of the word nigga is confusing to other cultures,

and six participants stated that the public use of the word nigga reinforces other race‟s use of the

term. Many of these participants stated that public use of the word nigga is confusing to other

cultures because other cultures do not understand the perceived difference between nigger and

nigga. Additionally, 10 of 13 participants reported that they view other races, particularly

European Americans, use of the word nigga unfavorably. An illustration of this subtheme was

provided by Ashley who stated, “Black people get mad when other people use that word, but

then we use it in a public arena. It‟s confusing to other people, and then they think it‟s okay to

use it too.” Additionally, Kelis stated:

It associates with, you know, just being called a nigger, nigga is associated with nigger.

So you know, it makes [other races] feel uncomfortable just hearing that word. I think a

lot of them don‟t know the distinction between nigger and nigga. So when they hear

nigga they just immediately think of nigger. Because, you know, they probably think of

it like, if y‟all didn‟t like being called a nigger, why do you want to be called a nigga? It
 61

sounds the same to me, or you know.

A participant called Jay, endorsed this theme and gave a personal example of why she believes

that African American‟s public use of the word nigga confuses other cultures. She stated:

It‟s confusing to other cultures and other races, and I get that because how could you be

mad at somebody White for saying it? Like for example, my freshman year in high

school all the freshman are meeting in a room and there was a whole bunch of Black guys

telling White dudes you cool, you can say nigga. . .you my nigga. . .the whole nine. And

I‟m like okay, y‟all are giving him this pass, but if he uses it out of context y‟all will be

the first one to want to whoop his ass. And they was just like ahhh. . .whatever. . .and

then three years later it‟s senior year and he was like all y‟all niggers need to shut up!

Guess it was the wrong day for certain people. He didn‟t mean it, but he was so used to

using it after he got permission freshman year. He had been using it freshman,

sophomore, and senior year. . .so okay. . .he‟s saying it now. So calm down. But I guess

it was the wrong day to say it because they was like hell naw! Getting rowdy. And I was

just like this is what I‟m saying you gave him permission to say it. How are you going to

get mad at him now for using it?

Additionally, Ramone suggested that the public use of the word nigga by African Americans

may be shocking to other races. He stated:

But those [other races] who just hardly ever hang around African Americans might be

unaware of the use of it. Because I‟ve met friends who they‟ve been around and they saw

that people were using the word and they were just in awe, like why are they. . .?

Other responses related to this subtheme included the statements, “It confuses other cultures

besides Whites because we use it freely but someone else uses it we get mad and scream
 62

injustice, racist, etc.,” “I don‟t think that White people understand the difference between nigger

and nigga,” and “using the n-word in a public setting can cause confusion.”

Six participants in this study reported that the public use of the word nigga is confusing to

other cultures and reinforces other‟s use of the term, which was generally viewed unfavorably by

participants. For instance, when describing why she does not agree with the public use of the

word nigga, Latifah stated:

I would not use it because I do not want others to feel that it is okay to use it. Most

people do not understand why younger generations use the term and may misread its use

and believe that it is okay for them to use it. I would not want any misinterpretation to

occur due to someone overhearing me use the term. We‟re not saying it is okay for them

use it, but they will misinterpret it and feel that way.

Another illustration was provided by Hope, who stated:

I feel like it should never be used in a public setting. I just feel like that should never be

done. It reinforces people‟s beliefs that it‟s okay for them to use it. It is confusing to

other people.

Three of the six participants who endorsed this theme also indicated that public use of the word

nigga by African Americans reinforces European American‟s use of the word nigger. An

illustration of this perception was provided by Johnny, who stated:

But the truth is we say nigga but that allows White people and gives them an excuse to

say nigger now. Because they can say I‟m just rapping it in the song, I‟m just mimicking

you. If we eliminate all those words and they still say it then you really see where their

heart is. Because now you don‟t have an excuse any more. But we‟re starting to give

them an excuse because they are switching their words and now they can just go sing it in
 63

a song like, what‟s up my nigga? So, they are trying to take over our word and what we

have created as our word and they are using it. I still think it is a mockery of us.

Other common responses included the statements, “I also think that it makes other people from

other races think that it‟s okay for them to use it, especially if we‟re using it publically,” “I know

that I should not [use nigga] because I do not like when other races do. And them hearing me do

it may allow them to think that the word is okay,” “I know that I have heard other Hispanic

people call themselves niggas and I think when we use it in front of others it makes them think

that it‟s okay for them to use it,” “It‟s very confusing because on one end we don‟t want other

cultures, especially Whites, use the word but we would put it in songs and movies as a form of

entertainment and then get mad when someone says it,” and “I don‟t agree with African

Americans using this word publicly because it reinforces other people using this term.” As a

result, many participants in this study believe that the public use of the word nigga is confusing

to other cultures and reinforces other races‟ use of the terms nigga and nigger, both of which are

viewed unfavorably.

Quantitative Results

The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) was used to identify the racial identity attitudes

of the participants in this study. In this section, the quantitative results from the CRIS will be

presented graphically and described briefly. The CRIS included a demographic questionnaire

that gathered information related to racial identification, religious affiliation, age, gender, socio-

economic status, community information, and educational background. For the purpose of this

project, racial identification, age, gender, education, and community information were chosen to

be used as participant descriptors. The CRIS measures attitudes related to six subscales: Pre-

Encounter Assimilation (PA), Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred (PSH), Pre-Encounter Miseducation

 64

(PM), Immersion-Emersion Anti-White (IEAW), Internalization Afrocentric (IA), and

Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive (IMCI). Higher scale scores equate stronger

endorsements of the attitudes associated with a particular scale. As expected, participants‟

individual scores on the CRIS varied among racial identity attitudes (See Appendix H).

According to Worrell et al. (2004), participants more strongly endorse the attitudes associated

with the scale in which they score the highest and participants may strongly endorse more than

one attitude.

The CRIS does not yield a global summary score and the six subscale scores cannot be

averaged for interpretation. Rather, the authors recommend that CRIS users apply a profile

analysis to understand the results. Participants rate their agreement with each item on a 7 point

Likert scale with the options: strongly disagree, disagree, somewhat disagree, neither agree nor

disagree, somewhat agree, agree, and strongly agree. To aid in understanding the extent of

agreement with the attitudes reflected in each identity scale and consistent with the CRIS

response options, for the purposes of this study, scale scores of 15 and below indicate

disagreement with the attitudes reflected in each scale, scores of 16 through 24 indicate that

participants “neither agree or disagree” with the attitudes in the scale, and scores of 25 and above

indicate agreement with the attitudes in the identified scale. A profile of participant responses

for each CRIS identity status is presented in Figures 1 – 6.

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Pre-Encounter Assimilation

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Figure 1. Participant scale scores on the Pre-Encounter Assimilation Scale.

Individuals who agree with the items on this scale typically identify more with being an

American and individual than with being Black. They may also be somewhat disconnected from

the Black community, and may not value or identify race as a pertinent construct. The lowest

scale score on this status is an 8 (disagree range), and the highest is a 29 (agree range). Nine

participants fell in the disagree range, two participants fell in the neither agree nor disagree

range, and two fell in the agree range. As a result, the majority of participants endorse attitudes

of connection to the Black community and value race as a pertinent construct.

 66

Pre-Encounter Miseducation

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20 PM

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Figure 2. Participant‟s scale scores on the Pre-Encounter Miseducation Scale.

Individuals who agree with the items on this scale typically have adopted a stereotypical

understanding of Black culture, taking into account negative stereotypes and images. A person

in the Pre-Encounter Miseducation identity type is also said to be disconnected from the Black

community, but in this case, the disconnection is as a result of a negative perception of Black

culture. The lowest score on this scale is a 9 (disagree range), and the highest score is a 25

(agree range). Six participants in this study fell in the disagree range, six fell in the neither agree

nor disagree range, and one participant fell in the agree range. As a result, nearly half of the

participants in this study had a positive perception of Black culture and rejected negative

stereotypes, and half were ambivalent in regard to miseducation attitudes.

 67

Pre-Encounter Racial Self Hatred

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Figure 3. Participant‟s scale scores on the Pre-Encounter Racial Self-Hatred Scale.

Individuals who endorse the items on this scale most frequently are said to detest the fact

that they are Black and as a result experiences feelings of self-hatred. Scores on this status are

relatively low compared to other statuses. The lowest scale score on this status is a 5 (strongly

disagree), and the highest is a 14 (somewhat disagree). Overall, participants did not strongly

endorse attitudes associated negative self-perceptions about being Black, which suggests that

they felt connected and had positive views of the Black community.
 68

Immersion-Emersion Anti-White

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Figure 4. Participant‟s scale scores on the Immersion-Emersion Anti -White Scale.

Individuals who endorse the items on this scale most frequently are said to hold strong

negative views of the dominant culture that include feelings of anger and rage and will engage in

activities that he or she believes are indicative of Black culture. The lowest scale score on this

status is a 5 (disagree), and the highest is a 17 (neither agree nor disagree). Twelve participants

in this study fell in the disagree range, and one participant fell in the neither agree nor disagree

range. Overall, participants did not hold negative views of the White culture, which suggests

that they likely were not angry with Whites.

 69

Internalization Afrocentric

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20 IA

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Figure 5. Participant‟s scale scores on Internalization Afrocentric Scale.

Individuals who endorse the items on this scale most frequently are said to have

developed an Afrocentric identity and are often also politically active. The lowest scale score on

this status is a 10 (disagree), and the highest is a 26 (neither agree nor disagree). Six participants

fell in the disagree range, four participants fell in the neither agree nor disagree range, and two

participants fell in the agree range. As a result, nearly half of the participants did not endorse a

strong identification with African heritage.

 70

Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive

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25
Scale Score

20 IMCI

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Figure 6. Participant‟s scale scores on Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive Scale.

Individuals who score highest on this scale typically identify with multiple identities

which may include racial identity, gendered identity, American identity, and so forth. The

lowest scale score on this status is a 20 (neither agree nor disagree), and the highest is a 34

(agree). Eleven participants fell in the agree range, and two participants fell in the neither agree

nor disagree range. As a result, the majority of the participants in this study identify with

multiple personal or cultural identities

Themes and Identity Statuses

An overall profile interpretation of each status in the context of the themes was

conducted. The qualitative themes and overall analysis of participant racial identity attitudes are

presented below.
 71

Pre-Encounter Assimilation and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Pre-Encounter Assimilation (PA) scale was

conducted. Overall, participants did not strongly agree with the attitudes of this scale, which

suggests that they generally do not agree with attitudes associated with a disconnection from the

Black community and heavy identification with an identity as an American. The participants in

this study generally expressed negative perceptions of the word nigger, and provided rules and

boundaries in regard to the appropriateness of the word nigga. Given that the participants in this

study generally do not assume attitudes in which their American identity is more significant than

their identity as a Black person, it seems appropriate that they would, in most cases, express

concern about the “N-word. As a result, participants‟ strong disagreement with feelings of

assimilation are reflected in the identified themes of nigger is a universally negative and

unacceptable term, nigga is acceptable when used by African Americans, in group ownership,

and public use of nigga is inappropriate. No patterns in identified themes emerged among those

who strongly disagreed with assilmilationist attitudes. In contrast, the pattern that emerged

among those who strongly agreed with assimilationist attitudes included a failure to endorse the

theme of ubiquitous usage.

Pre-Encounter Miseducation and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Pre-Encounter Miseducation (PM) scale

was conducted. Individuals who more frequently endorse the items on this scale typically have

adopted a stereotypical understanding of Black culture, taking into account negative stereotypes

and images. A person in the Pre-Encounter Miseducation identity type is also said to be

disconnected from the Black community, but in this case, the disconnection is as a result of the

negative perception of Black culture. Nearly half of the participants in this study had a positive
 72

perception of Black culture and rejected negative stereotypes, and half were relatively

ambivalent in regard to miseducation attitudes. No patterns in identified themes emerged among

those who strongly agreed and strongly disagreed with miseducation attitudes.

Pre-Encounter Racial Self Hatred and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Pre-Encounter Racial Self Hatred (PSH)

scale was conducted. Individuals who endorse the items on this scale most frequently are said to

detest being Black and, as a result, experience feelings of self-hatred. Overall, participants did

not frequently endorse items associated with this scale, which suggests that participants in this

study generally have positive views associated with being Black and do not experience feelings

of self-hatred. Participants‟ low feelings of self-hatred were reflected in the themes of nigga is

acceptable when used by African Americans, in group ownership and term of endearment, as

these are viewed by participants as positive manifestations of an ugly word used to describe

Blacks. A pattern emerged among those who strongly disagreed with attitudes reflecting self-

hatred, in which all participants endorsed the theme nigger is a universally negative and

unacceptable term.

Immersion-Emersion Anti-White and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Immersion-Emersion Anti-White (IEAW)

scale was conducted. Individuals who more frequently endorse the items on this scale are said to

hold strong negative views of the dominant culture that include feelings of anger and rage and

will engage in activities that he or she believes are indicative of Black culture. Overall,

participants did not strongly agree with the attitudes associated with this scale, which suggests

participants generally do not experience feelings of anger and rage directed toward Whites.

Participants low feelings of anger toward Whites are reflected in the themes nigger is a
 73

universally negative and acceptable term, intended to hurt, and used to objectify and label. A

pattern emerged among those who strongly disagreed with attitudes reflecting anger toward

Whites, in which all participants endorsed the theme nigger is a universally negative and

unacceptable term.

Internalization Afrocentric and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Internalized Afrocentric (IA) scale was

conducted. Individuals who more frequently agree with the items on this scale are said to have

developed an Afrocentric identity and are often also politically active. Nearly half of the

participants strongly disagreed with the attitudes reflecting an Afrocentric identification, and two

participants strongly agreed. No patterns were discovered among those who strongly disagreed.

A pattern emerged among those who strongly agreed, which was reflected in participants‟ failure

to endorse the theme of nigga is acceptable when used by African Americans.

Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive and Perceptions of the “N-word”

A profile analysis of participant scores on the Internalized Multiculturalist Inclusive

(IMCI) scale was conducted. Individuals who strongly agree with the items on this scale

typically identify with multiple identities which may include racial identity, gendered identity,

American identity, and so forth. Overall the majority of the participants in this study agreed with

the identity elements of this scale. Internalized attitudes were reflected in participant‟s

statements related to the theme nigger is a universally negative and unacceptable term, in which

participants were able to identify other equally offensive words. Participants‟ internalized

identities were also reflected in the theme nigga is acceptable when used by African Americans.

No patterns emerged among those who strongly agreed with the items on this scale.
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CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION

The purpose of the current research was to examine African American‟s perceptions of

the “N-word” in the context of racial identity. An extensive review of the literature yielded no

published research in which African American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” were examined in

the context of racial identity. Results from the current study demonstrate support for the one

known study by Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) in which Black‟s reactions to the “N-word”

were examined, and expand on previous findings by providing supplemental information on

how perceptions of the “N-word” fit within African American ethnic identities. This discussion

begins with a summary of the results, followed by an examination of the themes in light of

identity attitudes. The current findings are also discussed in relation to relevant literature.

Lastly, the limitations of the current study, clinical practice implications, and recommendations

for future research are addressed.

Summary of the Results

Two issues were addressed in this study. The first was related to gaining a greater

understanding of African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word,” which includes the words

nigger and nigga. The second issue addressed in this study was the examination of African

Americans‟ perception of the “N-word” in the context of Cross‟s Nigrescence theory as

operationalized in the CRIS. The general consensus of participants in this study was that, (a)
 75

nigger is a universally negative and unacceptable term, (b) nigga is generally viewed as

acceptable and inoffensive when used among Blacks, and (c) the public use of the word nigga is

inappropriate. Overall, participants tended to agree with attitudes associated with an identity

status characterized by internalization, and most participants strongly agreed with the attitudes

associated with multiple internalized identities. Participants generally disagreed with the identity

elements characterized by assimilation, racial self hatred, and anti-white attitudes. An overall

profile interpretation of each identity type resulted in the finding that several of the attitudes

associated with Cross‟s Nigrescence Theory, specifically assimilation, racial self hatred, anti-

White, Afrocentric, and multiculturalist inclusive attitudes, were reflected in the qualitative

themes.

Nigger is a Universally Negative and Unacceptable Term

Participants in this study generally expressed negative views of the word nigger, even if

they had never been called a nigger. Most indicated that they learned about the term from family

members (mostly parents) or during elementary school while learning about the history of

slavery in America. Many participants likened the word nigger to profanity, and stated that its

use by Whites is racist. Additionally, the word nigger was typically viewed by participants as a

term that is used by Whites to label and objectify Blacks. In fact, most participants expressed the

belief that the word nigger is primarily used by Whites, and rarely, if ever, used by Blacks.

Given that most participants indicated that the word nigger is used by Whites in an effort to

inflict pain on Blacks, the perception that this term is not used by Blacks seems appropriate. The

word nigger is a term that is viewed as unacceptable and hurtful, even among a population that

admittedly has had few overt encounters with it.

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One third of the participants in this study reported having been called a nigger at some

point during their lifetimes. These participants tended to express more negative views of the

word nigger, when compared to those who had never been called a nigger, who tended to express

more subdued negative views of the word. For instance, those who had not been called a nigger,

expressed general statements of dislike for the word, often stating that it is “demeaning” and

“derogatory.” In contrast, those individuals who had been called a nigger, tended to express

more visceral reactions to the word, often discussing emotional reactions. Overall, participants

who reported being called a nigger stated that their reactions were to withdraw themselves from

the situation, or to terminate friendships or communication with the individual(s) who used the

word nigger. For instance, when describing how she felt when she was called a nigger, Hope

stated, “I was upset by it. I was upset that there were people that still feel that way and that

would still do things like that.” Other responses related to this theme include the statements, “it

shocked me,” “I couldn‟t believe White people still use the word nigger,” “it really upset me,”

and “it caught me off guard.”

Results from this study demonstrate support for Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007)

findings that “racial status” and “experiences with being targets of racist language” impacted

views and perceptions of the “N-word” (p. 952). Most of the participants in the current study

reported few encounters with racism. However, those who reported more direct or overt

experiences with racism, tended to express more visceral and negative reactions to the word

nigger. Similarly, Motley and Craig-Henderson found intense reactions to the “N-word” in

African American participants who “understood the word as a symbol of racism” (p. 953). It is

likely that many African Americans view the word nigger as extremely offensive and generally
 77

unacceptable when used by Whites; and, people who have experienced more overt encounters

with racism have more negative views of the word nigger.

Racial Identity and Perceptions of Nigger

Overall, participants reported disagreement with assimilationist, self hatred, and anti-

White attitudes. As a result, most of the participants in this study were connected with their

identity as a Black person, and did not experience feelings of rage and anger toward Whites. The

connection that these participants felt to their identity as a Black person was demonstrated

through their negative views of the word nigger. It seems appropriate that someone who views

the word nigger as a derogatory term used by Whites to label Blacks would also be connected to

their identity as a Black person. In contrast, this issue may not be as salient for someone who

identifies more as an American than Black. A related illustration was provided by Ahmad, who

strongly agreed with assimilationist attitudes and reported a minor level of disturbance related to

being called a nigger while working at a fast food restaurant. Additionally, participants stated

that nigger is a universally negative and unacceptable term, used by Whites, with the intention of

hurting Blacks. Although White people were mentioned frequently throughout the themes,

particularly in relation to the word nigger, it seems that participants‟ perceptions of Whites in

relation to the word nigger were not based on Anti-White attitudes. Lastly, participants‟

internalized attitudes, and subsequent connection with multiple aspects of their identity, were

demonstrated in their ability to identify words that were as equally offensive as the word nigger.

For example, Hope strongly agreed with elements of an internalized identity and stated that the

word bitch was as offensive as the word nigger.

The word nigger is one of the strongest symbols of racism and one of the most offensive

words in the English language. Therefore, the results from this study provide the psychological
 78

community with information, not only in regard to African American‟s perceptions of the “N-

word,” but also in regard to racism and racial identity. Shelton and Sellers (2000) found that

race salience plays a central role in the perception of racist events, such that the more an

individual identifies with their minority group status, the more likely they are to attribute

negative discriminatory events to race. These findings were supported by Major et. al. (2002),

Operario and Fiske (2001), and Sellers and Shelton (2003) who found highly ethnically

identified individuals reported greater sensitivity to potentially racist events. Findings in the

current study parallel previous findings, such that African American participants who more

strongly agreed with items associated with the Internalized Afrocentric status reported more

visceral reactions to the word nigger, when compared to those participants who more strongly

agreed with items associated with the Internalized Multiculturalist Inclusive Status. As a result,

the participants in this study who reported a higher identification with race, when compared to

their other identities, perceived the word nigger as more of a symbol of racism than those whose

African American racial identification was less salient.

Nigga is Acceptable when used by African Americans

Most participants stated that nigger and nigga are two different words. According to the

participants in this study, the word nigger was created by Whites to demean, label, and objectify

Blacks; whereas African Americans are responsible for the creation of the word nigga. This

finding was consistent with Motley and Craig-Henderson‟s (2007) observation that most

participants noted a difference between nigger and nigga, stating that the word nigga is less

offensive for in-group usage. In the current study, the word nigga was described by participants

as many things that were viewed as acceptable, such as a greeting, form of reference, term of

endearment, slang, and term that signifies a sense of camaraderie. A few participants even stated
 79

that the word nigga was created by Blacks as a means of taking back the word nigger. This

finding supports theoretical arguments posed by Asim (2007) and Kennedy (2003) in which they

indicate that some African Americans have transformed the word nigger from a negative to a

positive appellation. The conclusion drawn from the opinions expressed by participants in this

study is that young African American adults have transformed the word nigger to a more

positive, and in some cases meaningless, appellation.

Overall, it was challenging for participants to identify how they obtained an

understanding of the word nigga, in contrast to the ease with which most participants were able

to recall the first time they learned of the word nigger. Participants generally noted that the word

nigga is embedded in the African American community, and most indicated that they rarely ever

think about their use of the word. Many participants also noted that media and public

entertainer‟s use of the word nigga contributes to its embeddedness within the African American

community. For instance, some participants referred to the use of the word nigga among Blacks

as something that is “automatic.” The responses provided by participants related to this theme

suggest that the word nigga has become a part of young adult African American culture.

More than two-thirds of the participants in the current study expressed the perception that

the use of the word nigga in the African American community is generational, with younger

generations being most likely to use the term. One participant indicated that the use of the word

nigga by younger generations around people from older generations is “disrespectful” because

older generations have more exposure to overt racism and “probably do not know the difference

between nigga and nigger.” The responses provided by participants related to this theme suggest

that individuals who have been exposed to racist events view the word nigga more negatively

than those who have little or no exposure to racist events. According to participants, older
 80

generations have more exposure to racist events than younger generations. As a result, older

generations view the word nigga more negatively than younger generations.

It is also interesting to note that those individuals who viewed the within group use of

word nigga as less acceptable expressed difficulty differentiating between the word nigger and

nigga. For these individuals, because the word nigger was connected to the history of slavery

and oppression in America, within group use of the word nigga was seen as evidence of

ignorance or lack of a connection to the history of slavery and oppression in America. In fact,

one major exception to the finding of acceptability of the word nigga among different

generations was demonstrated in the responses provided by Johnny, in which he expressed

negative views of both the words nigger and nigga. Johnny was the only participant in this study

from a rural area in the Southeastern regions of the United States, and as such, he reported the

highest instances of overt racism. Ultimately, Johnny related the unacceptability of the word

nigga to overt racism and knowledge of African American history. Given that Johnny reported

high instances of overt racism and more strongly agrees with attitudes associated with an

Afrocentric identity, it seems appropriate that he would express unfavorable views of the word

nigga. Clinicians who work with African American individuals may consider issues related to

generation, exposure to racist events, and regional issues when conceptualizing client issues and

treatment planning.

Operating from the philosophy that the word nigga has been transformed by a generation

of African Americans who have had less overt exposure to racism than older generations, one

may assume that a relationship exists between exposure to racist events and African American‟s

perceptions of the word nigga. Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) noted that individuals who

reported more exposure to racist events had more visceral reactions to the “N-word.” This
 81

finding was also supported in the current study, in which those individuals who reported more

exposure to overt racism also reported less of a perception of acceptability in regard to the word

nigga. As a result, it appears that exposure to racist events impacts African American‟s

perception of the word nigga.

African American pop-culture literature has been saturated with information and opinions

about African American‟s use and perceptions of the “N-word” (Asim, 2007; Himma, 2002;

Kennedy, 2003; Ridley, 2006). Theories have emerged that suggest that there is power in being

able to reclaim and redefine the “N-word” limiting its use to members within the African

American community (Asim, 2007; Kennedy, 2003). The general consensus in African

American literature focusing on the use of the “N-word” is that it is offensive when anyone who

does not identify as Black or African American uses the word to refer to someone who is Black

or African American (Asim, 2007; Kennedy, 2003). Additionally, Allan (2007) suggested that

connotations have pragmatic effects, indicating that words derive meaning from contexts. In

regard to the “N-word,” Allan stated that “many racist terms can be disarmed by being used,

without irony, as in-group solidarity markers by the targeted group” (p. 1047). Lastly, Kennedy

(2003) noted that Blacks “have added a positive meaning to the word nigger, just as women,

gays, lesbians, poor whites, and children born out of wedlock have defiantly appropriated and

revalued such words as bitch, cunt, queer, dyke, redneck, cracker, and bastard” (p. 38). Based on

these concepts, the assumption may be made that those African Americans who use the “N-

word” to refer to themselves or other African Americans have somehow transformed the

meaning of the word, thereby eradicating the previous racially driven and offensive definition.

This theory was supported by the current study, in which three-quarters of participants

noted a perceived difference between the words nigger and nigga within the African American
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community. Additionally, nearly half of participants expressed a sense of ownership over the

word nigga, stating that it was created by African Americans and is used primarily among

African Americans. For example, Carla stated, “I think using it in the way that African

Americans do today it is kind of like we are gaining control. We are not letting this word hurt

us.” Other common illustrations include the statements that the word nigga is “our” (African

Americans) word, “created by Blacks,” “used by Blacks,” “a term indicative of a friendship,” a

“transformation of nigger,” and “created by Blacks to take back nigger.”

A divide within the African American community has historically emerged when the

word nigga is used among African Americans to refer to African Americans. Many African

Americans disagree with the with-in group use of the word nigga, suggesting that its use is self

disparaging (Asim, 2007; Kennedy, 2003). This was not supported in the current study, in which

most of these college aged participants expressed the perception that the within-group use of the

word nigga is inoffensive and acceptable. Given the generational theme related to African

Americans‟ perceptions of the word nigga found in this study, it is likely that generational

elements impact one‟s perception of the acceptability of the within group use of the word nigga.

However, the unfavorable perceptions of the word nigga expressed by Johnny and Latifah

demonstrate the complexity of this issue. These participants who belong to the younger

generation of African Americans indicated that the within group use of the word nigga is

evidence of a disconnection from African American culture and history. It is interesting to note

that African American individuals from older generations may share similar opinions about

younger generations. It may be important for future researchers to examine African Americans‟

perceptions of the “N-word” in light of participant cultural awareness and knowledge of African

American history.
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Racial Identity and Perceptions of Nigga

Participants‟ connectedness to the Black community is reflected in the sense of

ownership and acceptability of the word nigga among the African Americans participants.

Participants stated that the word nigga belongs to African Americans and is primarily acceptable

when used among African Americans. Ultimately, participants‟ assertion that the word nigga

belongs to them and can only be used by them suggests a sense of belongingness and

identification to the African American or Black community. Low feelings of self hatred were

further supported by participants‟ assertion that the transformation of the word nigga was

conducted in an effort to take back the word nigger from Whites. The process of creating and

then claiming ownership over the word nigga, which was viewed positively by participants,

suggests high feelings of group identification and low feelings of self hatred.

Additionally, unlike most participants in this study, two participants (Jada and Ahmad)

strongly agreed with assimilationist attitudes and did not view the word nigga as something that

was engrained or omnipresent. Perhaps these participants, having more of an identification as an

American than as an African American, may have been less aware of the strong presence of the

word nigga within the African American community. Participants who strongly agreed with

Afrocentric attitudes viewed the within group use of the word nigga less favorably than those

who strongly agreed with multiple internalized identities. As a result, it is likely that those

participants whose racial identification as a Black person is the most salient, have more difficulty

differentiating between the words nigger and nigga than those who have internalized multiple

identities.

Eradicationists, or individuals who have attempted to discontinue the use of the word

nigga within the African American community, have suggested that the within group use of the
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word nigga is evidence of self-hatred and a disconnection from the African American

community (Kennedy, 2003). This ideal was not supported in the current study, in which most

participants demonstrated a connection to their identity as an African American, low feelings of

self hatred, and reported the use of the word nigga among friends. As a result, there is no

evidence that suggests that African Americans who use the word nigga experience some level of

self-hatred. However, from the perspective of someone like Johnny, or someone who may

belong to an older generation, the within group use of the word nigga may be seen as evidence of

a disconnection from African American history. Clinicians working with African Americans

from diverse regional settings and generational backgrounds should consider the differential,

generational, and regional exposure to racism that may occur in those contexts.

African American‟s Public use of Nigga is Inappropriate

Even though most participants in this study viewed the use of the word nigga among

African Americans as acceptable, the general consensus of participants was that the public use of

the word nigga is inappropriate. Public use was generally defined by participants as the use of

the word nigga in front of people from other cultural or racial backgrounds. For instance, the use

of the word nigga in a public place among African American‟s was not typically viewed

unfavorably. Participants generally expressed concerns about the use of the word nigga in the

company of other races, and most expressed concern for the confusion that the public use of the

word nigga may cause. Many participants noted that the public use of the word nigga among

other races is “demeaning to self,” because other races do not understand the perceived

difference between the words nigger and nigga, and as a result, think that African Americans are

calling themselves niggers. Because the word nigger was viewed unfavorably by all the
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participants in this study, their concern for other‟s misperception of the public use of the word

nigga makes sense.

Furthermore, participants concern for being misunderstood by other races is supported by

Bennett‟s (2004) assertion that people tend to have a more complex understanding of their own

culture or group when compared to other groups. In addition, according to Bennett, Allan,

Anderson, and Asker (2010), individuals belonging to a subgroup have exposure to

characteristics that out-group members do not, which results in subgroup members having a

more intimate understanding of the subgroup culture when compared to out-group members.

The phenomenon of the acceptability of the use of the word nigga among African American‟s is

something that was viewed by participants as a within group characteristic. Given the fact that

out-group individuals may not understand the difference between nigger and nigga, it makes

sense that participants are concerned about being misunderstood by others when using the word

nigga in a public setting.

Participants also expressed some concern about the public use of the word nigga

promoting other races‟ use of the words nigger and nigga, both of which were viewed

unfavorably. According to participants, because the distinction between the words nigger and

nigga is not clear to other races, the public use of the word nigga among African Americans may

cause other races to view the word nigger as acceptable. One participant stated, “I do believe it

means something different to [Euro-Americans] more toward the demeaning side of it. I think

that they will try to make it an excuse and say, well you use it, so I can use it. I don‟t even try to

go there with them and I just don‟t use it.” Additionally, because African Americans are

responsible for the creation of the word nigga, as evidenced by responses in which participants

stated that nigga is “our word” and “created by Blacks to take back nigger,” many individuals
 86

viewed other race‟s use of the word nigga as inappropriate. The current findings were supported

by Motley and Craig-Henderson (2007) who also found that that public use of the word nigga

was less socially acceptable than in-group private use.

Racial Identity and Perceptions of the Public use of Nigga

Participant‟s low feelings of self hatred and assimilation were demonstrated in their

perceptions of the public use of the word nigga. Participants‟ belief that public use of the word

nigga is inappropriate because other races do not understand the within group use of the word, is

indicative of a sense of belongingness to a community and concern that this community may be

misunderstood by others. It is likely that participants would not have expressed such concern for

the misinterpretation for the use of the word nigga in a public setting if they did not feel a sense

of connection and identification with the Black community.

Theoretical Perspectives

Cross‟s Nigrescence Theory provided the primary theoretical basis for this study. All of

the participants in this study more strongly agreed with elements associated with an internalized

identity. Additionally, the reactions to the “N-word” expressed by participants in this study align

with what one would expect from individuals with an internalized identity (Internalized

Attitudes). Therefore, data from this study demonstrate support for the Nigrescence Theory.

However, it is important to note that it is currently unknown whether the theory also aligns with

“N-word” perceptions expressed by individuals who strongly agree with Pre-Encounter or

Immersion-Emersion attitudes, because few participants in this study strongly agreed with those

attitudes.

Although the primary theoretical basis for this project is Nigrescence Theory, results

from this study can be understood from more than one theoretical perspective. Aspects of
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Critical Race Theory (CRT), in which institutional, organizational, cultural, and everyday racial

components are examined (Miller & Garran, 2008), may be helpful in understanding participants

responses to the “N-word.” Some of the participants in this study reported few encounters with

covert racism, and a few reported being shocked to learn that racism still existed when they were

confronted with racist events or called a nigger. Participants‟ lack of awareness as it relates to

the prevalence of racism and prejudice in the United States may be explained by what critical

race theorists term the “racial contract” established in the U.S. in which “the familiarity and

imperceptibility of racism for many people is sustained by a public, cultural discourse that

subjugates and marginalizes narratives of racism” (Miller & Garran, 2008, p. 27). As a result,

having less awareness of various forms of racism, and having perhaps adopted a purview in

which subtle forms of racism (such as microaggressions) are not recognized, may have

contributed to participants in this study being surprised to learn that racism exists.

Sue et al.‟s (2007) perspective on microaggressions is also worthy of consideration.

Microaggressions are “brief everyday exchanges that send denigrating message to people of

color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 273). According to Sue et al., microaggressions can occur in three

forms, which include microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations. A microassault is an

“explicit racial derogation,” a microinsult is “characterized by communications that convey

rudeness and insensitivity,” and a microinvalidation is “characterized by communications that

exclude, negate, or nullify the thoughts [and] feelings of a person of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p.

274). It is likely that the individuals in this study who strongly agreed with multiple internalized

identities are less likely to identify microaggressions than those who more strongly agree with

Afrocentric attitudes due to the salience of multicultural inclusive individuals identification with

multiple aspects of their identity. Additionally, those participants who strongly agreed with
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assimilationist attitudes reported fewer encounters with overt racism. This finding is consistent

with the Nigrescence theory, in that assimilationist attitudes may impede one‟s ability to identify

microaggressions or more covert forms of racism. Many participants in this study reported that

they witnessed the use of the word nigger or had been called the word, which is consistent with

statistics reported by researchers indicating that approximately 60% of African Americans and

40% of African American college students have been exposed to some form of racism or racial

prejudice (Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Sanders-

Thompson, 1996; D‟Augelli & Hershberger, 1993). Consequently, racial identity plays a major

role in how racist events are perceived and internalized, as evidenced by the more visceral

reactions expressed on the part of individuals with Afrocentric attitudes. Researchers who

examine issues related to perceived racism, internalized racism, or similar issues, may consider

incorporating racial identity to fully capture the essence of African American‟s experience with

racism.

Limitations

Transferability

Participants in this study were African American undergraduate and graduate students in

humanity related majors between the ages of 18 and 28. They were also students at a

predominantly White university in a mid-size city in the Midwest. Most reported being raised in

predominately Black urban areas in the Midwest. Readers are cautioned to consider these

participant characteristics when making interpretations related to the findings in this study.

Racial Identity Attitudes

Most participants more strongly agreed with Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive

racial identity attitudes, when compared to other racial identity attitudes. Additionally, there was
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little variation among the racial identity profiles of participants, and everyone in this study

strongly agreed with attitudes that reflect an internalized identity. As a result, it is unknown

what perceptions may exist among individuals who highly endorse other racial identity attitudes,

such as racial self hatred, miseducation, anti-white, and assimilation. It is important for future

researchers to obtain a large enough sample to examine perceptions of the “N-word” among

participants with a variety of racial identity attitudes. Additionally, group profile interpretations

were conducted for the purpose of this study, because of the focus that was placed on understing

African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word” in the context of theorized racial identity

attitudes. As a result, little information is known about perceptions of the “N-word” in the

context of individual Cross Racial Identity Scale interpretations. Future researchers may

consider conducting individual and group profile interpretations and examining African

American‟s perceptions of the “N-word” among individuals across a larger sample of

participants representing a wider variety of racial identity profiles.

Internal Consistency

Although normative data indicate that the CRIS is internally consistent, the Cronbach‟s

alpha values for the current sample indicate that participant responses on the Pre-Encounter

Racial Self Hatred scale were lower than expected (α = .50). As a result, findings related to

perceptions of the “N-word” and racial self hatred need to be considered carefully. The reliability

of participant responses on the remaining scales, however, was consistent with the normative

data reported in the CRIS manual.

Practice Implications

The general consensus of participants in this study was that the word nigger is offensive;

that African Americans have transformed the word nigger into a positive (e.g., term of
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endearment) and, in some cases, meaningless (e.g., greeting or tool of reference) appellation; and

that the public use of the word nigga is inappropriate. The transformation of the word nigga is

viewed as something that is generational, partially due to this group of young adults‟

disconnection from, and lack of personal experience with, the Civil Rights Movement. The

acknowledgement by participants that they have less first-hand knowledge of what it was like to

be a part of a movement in which African Americans were overtly discriminated against, speaks

to the context in which these individuals view themselves in relation to racism and prejudice in

America. Results from this study have implications for clinical and campus-based settings.

All of the participants in this study viewed the word nigger negatively, and most

indicated that its use is intended to hurt, objectify, and label Blacks. Clinicians should be

prepared to serve as an advocate, educator, and consultant when addressing issues related to the

use of the word nigger. Clinicians serving as consultants, for example, should be prepared to

have a conversation about the use of the word nigger, and be mindful of the deeply upsetting

impact of the words use on African American individuals. When serving in the role of a

consultant, they should also be prepared to educate those who do not fully understand the impact

of the word nigger on African Americans, if the word is used in interpersonal interactions.

In campus-based settings, clinicians should be aware of the perceived difference between

nigger and nigga. Clinicians serving as consultants in these settings may also consider educating

people who are unaware of the perceived difference between the words. Also, clinicians

working with African American families may encounter generational issues related to the

appropriateness of the word, and may consider educating African American clients, who are

unaware of these perceived differences, about the generational perception of the appropriateness

of the word nigga. Likewise, clinicians conducting groups with African Americans from
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differing generations may also encounter similar issues for which it would be appropriate to

provide education about the perceived differences between nigger and nigga. African American

clinicians working with college populations should be mindful of their own reactions to the

within-group use of the word nigga in an effort not to impose their beliefs onto the individuals

with whom they work with in a clinical setting.

Lastly, individuals from similar backgrounds to those in this study with multiple

internalized identities who are not characterized by Afrocentric attitudes may build rapport more

easily with clinicians from a variety of ethnic and racial backgrounds. In contrast, those

participants with more Afrocentric attitudes who have more overt experiences with racism may

be distrustful of European American clinicians, and may feel more comfortable working with an

African American counselor.

Future Research Directions

Few researchers have examined African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word.” The

current mixed methodology study was conducted with a relatively small number of participants

who were homogenous in nature. A larger sample of participants would allow for a more in

depth examination of contextual variables such as regional, generational, and academic major in

regard to African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word.” Additionally, the current research

findings are limited to perceptions of the “N-word” in the context of Internalized identity

attitudes, and little information is known about African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word”

in the context of Pre-Encounter and Immersion-Emersion attitudes. Future researchers may

consider conducting individual and group profile interpretations with a larger sample of

participants to gather more robust information about African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-

word” in the context of the full range of racial identity attitudes.

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Although the majority of participants viewed the word nigga as acceptable and

inoffensive, two participants indicated that the perception of acceptability of the use of the “N-

word” among African Americans is evidence of a lack of knowledge of African American

history. It is unclear whether the perception of acceptability as it relates to the word nigga

among African Americans is evidence of a lack of cultural awareness and knowledge about

African American history. Future researchers may consider examining variables such as cultural

awareness and knowledge of African American history in relation to perceptions of the “N-

word.” Similarly, individuals in this study who lived in the southeastern region of the United

States and encountered overt racism expressed more visceral reactions to the “N-word.” Little is

known about regional differences and African Americans‟ perception of the “N-word.” Future

researchers may consider examining issues related to regional, rural, and urban areas in relation

to African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word.” Given that most of participants in this

study, who were all college students, reported generational differences in perceptions of the “N-

word,” future researchers may also consider examining perceptions of the “N-word” among

African American participants from differing generations. One approach to assess generational

differences may be to conduct a longitudinal study assessing perceptions of the “N-word” at

regular intervals (e.g., every five years).

Lastly, mixed methodology was utilized in this study to examine African Americans‟

perceptions of the “N-word” in the context of racial identity. Future researchers may consider

the use of all quantitative or all qualitative methods to elaborate on this developing

understanding of African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-word.”

 93

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APPENDIX A: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW GUIDE

1. Tell me about yourself.

2. What is the history of the word nigger?
3. What comes to mind when you hear the word?
4. What is your perception of the difference between nigger and nigga?
5. What does each mean?
6. How did you obtain understanding of the word?
7. Tell me about a time when a stranger who intended to hurt your feelings called you
“nigger”?
8. If the term is offensive, what terms are equally offensive?
9. Why do Blacks use the term?
10. Talk about the use of the word, self, friends, and family.
11. Talk about the appropriateness of it‟s use around elders, managers, children, people of
other races, in public versus private?
12. Thoughts on use by Whites. Think Whites use in private? Would they be offended if a
non-Black friend called them a “nigger”?
13. Thoughts on use of the word by entertainers (e.g. comedians, rappers, in movies)? Is it
appropriate? More appropriate for Blacks than non-Blacks? Does their use influence the
use of the word by others?
14. Views on the argument that continual use will rob them of its ability to hurt.
15. What is your perception of Blacks taking a stand and stopping the use of the word?

Motley, C., & Craig-Henderson, K. (2007). Epithet or endearment? Examining reactions among
those of African Diaspora to an ethnic epithet. Journal of Black Studies, 37, 944-963.
DOI: 10.1177/0021934705282094.
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APPENDIX B: COMPUTERIZED SURVEY GUIDE

1. Tell me about yourself.

2. What does nigga mean?
3. What does nigger mean?
4. How did you first understand the meaning of the word nigger?
5. What are your thoughts on African American‟s use of the word nigga?
6. Explain why you would/wouldn‟t use the word nigga.
7. What are your thoughts on White‟s use of the word nigger?
8. If applicable, write about a time that you were called a nigger.
a. How did being called a nigger impact how you viewed the word nigger?
9. What are your thoughts on Whites use of the word nigga?
10. What are your thoughts on Whites use of the word nigger?
11. What are your thoughts on African American‟s public use of the word nigga?
12. Explain whether you would publicly use the word nigga. Why or why not?

Motley, C., & Craig-Henderson, K. (2007). Epithet or endearment? Examining reactions among
those of African Diaspora to an ethnic epithet. Journal of Black Studies, 37, 944-963.
DOI: 10.1177/0021934705282094.
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APPENDIX C: VIGNETTES

You are standing in line at Burger King in the food court in the student union on a busy day. You
notice that most of the students in the food court that day are White. A group of three, young,
college aged, African American men and women come and get behind you in the line. They are
followed by three White men and women who get in line behind them. You notice that the
African American students behind you are talking to each other about plans that they are making
for the weekend. One African American student playfully calls the other a “nigga” while
laughing at a remark that one of the other African American students has made. You turn around
and notice that several of the white students stop what they are doing and look at the African
American students in line behind you.

(1) What is your initial reaction to this scenario?

(2) Discuss your perception of the African American student‟s use of the word nigga in a
public place of predominantly white students?

(3) How would your reaction be different if the food court was filled with mostly Black
students?

(4) If you were present in a similar scenario like the one described above, how do you
believe you would react?

You walk into a large computer lab and have a seat in the back row. You notice that there aren‟t
that many people in the computer lab that day, and no one seems to have noticed that you walked
in the room. You also notice a group of three White men and women who are sitting several
rows ahead of you. They seem to be laughing and joking about something that happened at a
party over the weekend. In the midst of the conversation, you hear someone use the word
“nigger.” After which, the group of men and women continue to joke and laugh and discuss their
weekend.

(1) What is your initial reaction to this scenario?

(2) How would your reaction be different if the group of students were Black?
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APPENDIX D: INFORMED CONSENT

Indiana State

University

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Racial Identity African Americans‟ Perceptions of the “N-word”

You are being invited to participate in a research study about African Americans‟ perceptions of

the “N-word.” This research project is being conducted by Keya Wiggins, a doctoral candidate in

Counseling Psychology at Indiana State University. This study is being conducted as part of a

requirement for Keya Wiggins to complete her dissertation research for a doctoral degree in

Counseling Psychology. This research is being conducted with current students at Indiana State

University. Your participation in this research is completely voluntary. Please read the

information below before deciding to participate. You may ask questions about anything that you

do not understand.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The objective of this research project is to attempt to understand African Americans‟ perceptions

of the words nigger and nigga in the context of racial identity. In order to participate in this

study, you must be a student, age 18-28, at Indiana State University who identifies as African

American. If you do not meet these criteria, you will not be able to participate in this study. If,
 104

for whatever reason, you participate in this study and it is later found out that you do not meet

these criteria, you will not be able to continue to participate in this study.

PROCEDURES

If you volunteer to participate in the study, you will be asked to do the following things:

Survey & Interviews:

Complete a written survey of basic demographic information and racial identity.

Complete a computerized survey of questions related to your perceptions of the words

nigger and nigga.

Provide a typed response to two vignettes of situations in which the words nigger and

nigga are used.

Commit approximately 1½ - 2 hours to completing the written and typed surveys.

Consent to be audio-taped with a digital recorder.

Commit approximately one hour of your time to participate in one interview with the

researcher.

Estimated total time of participation is 2 ½ - 3 hours.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS

If you decide to participate in this research study, there are very minimal psychological risks

other than the day to day risks associated with being a minority student in a predominantly White

campus. However, because of the racially driven and sensitive nature of the topic, a list of

community resources has been included in the packet if you wish to speak to someone about

your reactions to this study after the completion of your research participation. Additionally, I

am taking the necessary precautions to ensure that the risk of a breach of confidentiality is

minimal. Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
 105

identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or

as required by law, such as in the case of child or elder abuse, or if you are at risk to harm

yourself or someone else. There are no other foreseeable physical, physiological, social, legal, or

financial costs for participating in the study.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR SOCIETY

The information you provide will help me understand African Americans‟ views of the “N-

word.” The information collected may not benefit you directly but what I learn from this study

may contribute to the larger body of limited knowledge of racism and the effects thereof.

PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION

Each participant will receive an $8 gift certificate to Wal-Mart for each hour of their

participation in this study, with a maximum of $24.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Any information obtained in this study in connection with you will remain confidential and will

only be disclosed with your permission. If you choose to participate, a pseudonym will be used

to label your survey and interview information. I will create a master list of participant‟s names,

telephone numbers and pseudonyms. This list will be stored separately from all other materials in

a locked filing cabinet. This information will only be used if you need to be contacted for

rescheduling purposes, and will be destroyed once all the data has been collected. Your

participation is completely voluntary. You will be informed of your pseudonym, and if you

decide to withdraw after data is collected you may contact me and request that your information

be withdrawn from the study using your pseudonym. Your name will not be connected to the

data collected.
 106

Information collected electronically will be stored on an external flash drive that will be stored in

a lock box and placed in a locked filing cabinet immediately after information is gathered.

Information that is recorded digitally and written survey information will also be kept in a locked

filing cabinet immediately following the interview. Information that is recorded digitally will be

kept for at least three years. All audio-recorded information will be destroyed after three years.

Only this researcher, a faculty supervisor, peer auditor, and a transcriptionist will be able to

access the information from the interviews.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL

Participation in this study is voluntary. You may withdraw your participation at any time without

the loss of benefits for which you are entitled. You may refuse to answer any questions you do

not feel comfortable answering. If you decide to withdraw from this study, you will be given an

$8 Wal-Mart gift certificate for each hour of your participation, with a maximum of $24.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS

If you have any questions or concerns about completing the survey, interview questions, or about

being in this study, you may contact me at (205) 601-5008 or at kwiggins2@[Link]. The

faculty advisor for this project is Dr. Michele Boyer, Department Chair of the Department of

Communication Disorders, Counseling, School and Educational Psychology. Dr. Michele Boyer

can be reached at 812-237-2870 or [Link]@[Link].

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS

If you have any questions about your rights as a research subject, you may contact the Indiana

State University Institutional Review Board (IRB) by mail at Indiana State University, Office of

Sponsored Programs, Terre Haute, IN 47809, by phone at (812) 237-8217, or by e-mail at

irb@[Link].
 107

Please sign below if you understand the procedures described above and agree to participate in

this study.

I agree to participate in the study and have been given a copy of this form.

_____________________________________________________________

Name/date

I do not agree to participate in this study.

_______________________________________________________________

Name/date
 108

APPENDIX E: CONFIDENTIALITY STATEMENT

I, _______________________, in the capacity of a transcriptionist, agree to maintain full

confidentiality in regards to any and all audiotapes and documentation received from Keya
Wiggins related to her dissertation research on African Americans‟ perceptions of the “N-Word.”
Furthermore, I agree:

To keep all research information shared with me confidential by not disclosing,

discussing, or sharing any materials or information in any format (e.g., recordings and
transcripts) with anyone other than the researcher.
To store all research information in any form (e.g., recordings and transcripts) in a safe
and secure while it is in my possession.
To return all research information in any form (e.g., recordings and transcripts) to the
researcher upon completion of the research tasks.
To erase or destroy all research information in any form for this research study that is not
returnable to the researcher (e.g., documents on computer hard drives) after consulting
with the researcher.
To not make copies of any audiotapes or computerized files, unless specifically requested
to do so by the researcher.
To hold in the strictest confidence the identification of any individual that may be
inadvertently revealed during the transcription of audiotaped interviews.

I am aware that the unauthorized release of confidential information may subject me to civil
liability under applicable federal and state law. I recognize that my obligation to maintain
confidentiality and safeguard research information continues after my work on this research
study has concluded.

_____________________________________
Printed Name Transcriptionist

_____________________________________ __________________
Signature of Transcriptionist Date

____________________________________
Witness (Printed Name)
 109

APPENDIX F: AUDIT TRAIL

1. I recruited participants from graduate and undergraduate classes in the Colleges of

Education and Arts and Sciences at Indiana State University, and via flyers distributed across

campus.

2. Participants contacted me via telephone or by e-mail requesting participation in this study.

3. I scheduled an appointment with participants to complete all survey items.

4. Participants met with me individually to complete a brief interview, computer survey, and to

answer items associated with two vignettes.

5. Interviews were transcribed by me and a professional transcriber.

6. Quantitative analysis were conducted.

7. I read each individual transcript several times.

8. I imported individual responses to each question into a word document.

9. I re-read each verbatim response searching for invariant meaning units among and across

participants.

10. Invariant meaning units were clustered into themes.

11. I reread each transcript to examine the accuracy of the invariant meaning units and themes.

12. I requested the assistance of a peer auditor who examined a large percentage of the

qualitative data searching for invariant meaning units and themes.

13. My themes were validated by my associate who found themes that aligned with those that I

found.
 110

14. Textural, structural, and textural-structural descriptions were created from corresponding

themes for each participant.

15. A universal description was created from a composite of the individual themes.

16. Participant‟s racial identity scores were examined and used clinically to examine themes in

the context of racial identity attitudes.

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APPENDIX G: SAMPLE QUALITATIVE DATA EXCERPTS

Textural Description: Carla

Carla is a 22 year old female junior who was raised in a racially mixed urban area in the

Midwest. Like many participants in this study, Carla indicated that she learned about the word

nigger in elementary school while studying slavery and African American history. When asked

to discuss her perception of the word nigger, Carla replied:

I kind of date that back to slavery when the White people would use it to kind of separate

the Black people in a condescending way and kind of separate them, meaning that they

were lesser, not just different, but a lesser people.

Carla also related the word nigger to racism, stating “I think its racist and anyone using it is

obviously meaning it in a racist way.”

When asked if there was a difference between the words nigger and nigga, Carla stated:

The ER it‟s racist and the spelling kind of still relates back to kind of prejudice, but when

I hear the word nigga I think of it as being used among African-Americans today. It kind

of seems. . . it‟s kind of socially accepted within African Americans as a term of

friendship. It is kind of relating that you have some kind of personal relationship with

each other and you guys are close friends, so I don‟t take offense to it when it‟s used in

the context between African-Americans.

 112

Furthermore, when asked if the word nigga ever has a negative connotation among African

Americans, Carla stated, “I never really hear it in a negative way. I hear it more often in a

friendly way.”

Like many participants, Carla expressed difficulty identifying how she learned of the

word nigga. When describing how she obtained an understanding of the word nigga, Carla

stated:

Nigga, I just grew up hearing it. It was in the African American community. I can‟t

think of the first time I heard it, so. . . I had probably heard it before I went to school, but

I may not have known exactly what the distinction was between the two words.

She also indicated that Blacks have transformed nigger into a more positive appellation, nigga.

She stated:

I don‟t know how [nigga] stems from the word nigger, but I would kind of imagine that it

came from the word nigger. But then Black people adapted it to not being such a

negative thing. Just a name that they call themselves because other people had called

them that, but they don‟t actually mean it the same way. I think it kind of got

transformed somewhere in history. It has the same root of the word, but it does not have

the same meaning.

She described this transformation as an “unintentional” process, suggesting that this is has been a

subconscious process performed by Black people who use the word nigga. When asked about

personal use of the word nigga, Carla stated:

My friends use it. I have used it. I don‟t feel comfortable saying it that much, but like

I‟m not uncomfortable when I hear other people use that here all the time. They use it in

everyday speech, like it is just another word.

 113

Furthermore, Carla stated that she does not use the word nigga around older generations because:

They don‟t have that understanding that I have when I‟m with my friends of what we

mean when we say it, so it would just have a different meaning to them or maybe they

just wouldn‟t understand why I‟m using it.

When talking about older generation‟s misperception of younger generation‟s use of the word

nigga, Carla stated:

I think using it in the way that African-Americans do today it is kind of like we are

gaining control. We are not letting this word hurt us. It doesn‟t mean what it meant back

then. . .like we don‟t associate it with that. Like we know where it came from and that it

is related, but that is not what we are meaning when we say it.

While speaking of personal use, Carla went on to indicate that “There is a time and a

place to use it. When you‟re in that personal setting and you‟re with just friends that‟s okay, but

not in public.” She stated that public use of the word nigga is inappropriate and confuses other

cultures because “they don‟t know the difference or like what we mean when we say [nigga],

because it is so close to the nigger word.” Lastly, Carla stated that public entertainer‟s use of the

word nigga promotes other‟s use of the word. She expressed the belief that entertainer‟s use

“just makes it a little more familiar and acceptable between or among youths to use it because

they hear you know rappers use it, so it must be cool or it must be okay.”

Structural Description: Jay

Jay is a 23 year old female graduate student from a predominantly Black urban area in the

Midwest. She stated that she experienced very little racism and discrimination having grown up

in a predominantly Black area, and that it wasn‟t until she began attending a predominantly

White university in the Midwest that she began experiencing racism. She recounted several
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instances in which she believes that she and her friends were treated unfairly because they were

the minority. For instance, Jay recalled working in one environment that was “racially tense,”

and she stated that she had to “work twice as hard” to receive the same benefits and recognition

as her White co-workers. She indicated that she really became conscious of the “N-word” when

she moved to the Midwest and began experiencing racism and discrimination first hand.

Jay stated that she was raised in a family with strong matriarchal figures. She stated that

she wasn‟t surprised the first time she was called a nigger, because her mother had informed her

of this possibility during her early childhood. She recounted a situation in which she was called

a nigger by an older European American woman while playing on the basketball team where she

was the only African American player. She stated that she was “shocked” when called a nigger,

mostly because her European American teammates pretended like they hadn‟t heard it. She

stated that being called a nigger without having the support of her peers was isolating and

confusing, and she reacted by withdrawing from her teammates.

Jay expressed negative views of the word nigger. She stated that being called a nigger by

a European American:

Brings out a certain emotion…not only for me, but for all of us. If a White person says

nigger, it‟s gonna sink in like oh my God. It‟s a constant reminder that you‟re always

going to be lower than what you are. Like you can never be as great as a Caucasian.

Like they ain‟t got no problems. Yeah they get called white trash, but I mean that‟s not

as bad.

When asked of equally offensive words, Jay stated, “I guess jiggaboo or porch monkey would be

as offensive, any word that‟s associated with how they described us during slavery and the civil

rights movement is equally and as strong as the word nigger.”

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She noted a difference between nigger and nigga, and stated that the word nigger is

analogous to “hate” and “disdain.” She related the word nigger to slavery and the death of her

ancestors, and stated that it is used with “volition” and is intended to hurt. While speaking about

the word nigga, Jay expressed difficulty identifying how she first obtained an understanding of

the word. She stated that “It‟s just so embedded in our culture that people don‟t realize what

they are doing.” She also implied that her use of the word with friends is “wrong.” She stated:

I hate using the word, but I use it…it‟s pathetic. I know that it‟s wrong…but I use it.

Sometimes I use it to describe the news…like did you hear what that nigga did? And

now I‟m using it to describe…what‟s my favorite…oh you know how people say I don‟t

hate Black people I just don‟t like niggas. I‟m like what in the world is wrong with me?

Jay discussed perceived generational differences as it relates to the word nigga within the

African American community. She stated:

Older generations as in my mom, grandmother, great uncle, and stuff. No. I never or

hardly ever heard my great aunt saying the n word. If they did it was to categorize

somebody‟s behavior. Like whoooooo that nigga. You know? But our generation, and

this generation that‟s coming up after us. . .yes. It has gotten to the point where it‟s

just. . .I want to say we should just add it to the dictionary. It‟s so embedded in our

culture. And this generation has no idea of the struggles of African Americans or the

Civil Rights Movement. They just look at it like whatever.

Textural-Structural Description: Johnny

Johnny is a 28 year old male graduate student from a racially mixed but segregated rural

area in the southeast. He stated that he grew up in an area consumed with racial tension. While
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providing background information and describing the environment in which he was raised,

Johnny stated:

Definitely high racism [and] race issues. Now granted some overt, still mostly covert.

But now it is more covert. First of all, I have to give you background on my family. My

grandfather was one of the first Black people in that area to own land, and so way before

I was born when my father was a kid or whatever there were a lot of race issues. The

clan even burned a cross in my grandfather‟s yard, way back in the day, „cause they

didn‟t want him to own land as a Black man. My grandfather‟s mind set was that his

wife would never work for a White man. My grandfather would never work for a White

man. He always owned some type of little side job, even though it never made for much

money he would never work for a White man.

Johnny also stated that his father was one of the first to integrate his school. He stated:

My father, he was the first to integrate his high school. Somewhere in the late 60‟s. But

he dropped out in his senior year. Why? Because of racism. He said he integrated his

senior year and so he said it was so bad that he dropped out. He would sit in class and,

you know, somebody would hit him in the back of the head and call him a nigger. And

he took off. He said he dropped out. So, racism in this area is still kind of prevalent.

Johnny indicated that the racial tension that his father and grandfather experienced was

still prevalent during the time that he attended grade school. He stated that during his high

school career there were several “race fights,” during which “White people would fight Black

people.” He stated that, even though the area that he grew up in was racially mixed, it was

“superficially integrated.” He reported that:

We have learned to co-exist but deep within us [is] hatred. I mean, there‟s not a question
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about it. . .One of the normal things in my family is to call a white person a cracker.

That‟s like a normal every day word and I‟m pretty sure at their establishments they call

us niggers every day.

When asked his perception of the word nigger, Johnny stated:

The word nigger is a word that, it was created to hurt black people, period, point blank.

Now yes, they have adopted it and used it towards maybe Hispanics and whoever and call

them whatever. When I say they, I say White people. But, to be honest, other cultures

and other ethnic groups use it towards us. You can have a Hispanic or Latino that get

mad at a black person who called him a nigger the same way. So now the word has just

been adopted by other cultures, but White people created the word. . .[and] they took the

word and made it specifically for Black people. They meant it to hurt black people. That

is the whole sole purpose of nigger.

Johnny also stated:

Even if a White person said it in the context of having a discussion, it still bothers me

because it has deep roots in hate. My thing is that when you say that word, there‟s no

way you can say that word and have any positive meaning behind it. The word is

completely negative. There‟s nothing positive about the word nigger.

He also indicated that there is no word as offensive as the word nigger due to the history of the

word and relation to slavery.

When asked how he obtained an understanding of either word (nigger or nigga), Johnny

stated that “there was no way around it” growing up in a racist environment. He stated:

I didn‟t grow up in an area where everybody can love everybody. I grew up in an area

where my family, my family hates White people for the most part. I mean let‟s be
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realistic and so I grew up always knowing what nigger meant.”

Furthermore, Johnny expressed difficulty identifying how he obtained an understanding of the

word nigga, and stated:

I believe it was engrained in me before I was even old enough to understand. It was

engrained in me. I really believe I knew, because as children we are around

conversations. We are around things, and I think we pick up things.

Johnny stated that there is a “big difference” between the words nigger and nigga. He

stated:

I think Black folks created nigga and White folks created nigger. That‟s the way it is, it‟s

a big difference. Nigga wasn‟t created with hate. Nigga was created kind of to me to

take back this word nigger because white folks called us nigger. It‟s just like, the b-word.

Some women have taken back the b-word to what they claim it is. But guys called them

that, and they took the word and made it a positive word. I mean, it‟s not actually a

positive word, but it‟s the same type of situation where Black people took on the word

nigger and just tried to offset what White people were doing calling them nigger.

When asked why he believes African Americans use the word nigga, Johnny stated:

Now, I think we just use it because we are ignorant and don‟t know why we use it.

People just say the word just because it has been around. They say it because, most

people say it because of what they see on TV. I guarantee you, you can ask the average

Black person right now what was this word was created for. Why this word was created,

and they don‟t even know. They just use it because it is something they hear. So, that is

why we use it. That is why. But it was created I think as a way of taking a word back.
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Johnny stated that he used the word nigga with friends before “becoming conscious”

during his last couple of years as an undergraduate student. He stated:

That‟s when I started learning more about my roots and being exposed to life. I used

nigga, what‟s up my nigga. That was just a word. The crazy thing is that a lot of people

use it and do not even realize they are using it. It is so engrained in our minds, it‟s just

normal. I have checked myself because I don‟t like the word. I hate the word. But

sometimes it so engrained in me that sometimes it comes out. Just because that‟s all we

see. It‟s fed into our minds so much that at some point it is just like we just have to

accept the word I feel. I think that is what happens is that it is just so engrained in our

culture we have to find reason not to use the word as opposed to reasons why we should

use the word.

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APPENDIX H: PARTICIPANT RACIAL IDENTITY ATTITUDES

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