0% found this document useful (0 votes)
4 views29 pages

46 Rey & Rey

The article 'The Rise of Cyber Cronies' examines the impact of information and communication technology on political campaigning in the Philippines, highlighting how the internet and social media have transformed political communication and engagement. It discusses the phenomenon of cyber cronyism, where political messaging is used to mobilize support for candidates at the expense of competitors, and the implications this has on democratic discourse. Through qualitative research, the study reveals the evolving dynamics of political campaigning in the digital age, emphasizing the need to understand these changes for effective political participation.

Uploaded by

cutieepatothiee
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
0% found this document useful (0 votes)
4 views29 pages

46 Rey & Rey

The article 'The Rise of Cyber Cronies' examines the impact of information and communication technology on political campaigning in the Philippines, highlighting how the internet and social media have transformed political communication and engagement. It discusses the phenomenon of cyber cronyism, where political messaging is used to mobilize support for candidates at the expense of competitors, and the implications this has on democratic discourse. Through qualitative research, the study reveals the evolving dynamics of political campaigning in the digital age, emphasizing the need to understand these changes for effective political participation.

Uploaded by

cutieepatothiee
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion

[Link] | eISSN: 3028-1318


Volume 7 Special Issue 3 | doi: [Link]

Article
The Rise of Cyber Cronies
Frederick Iguban Rey1 , and Angela Marie S. Rey 2
1The Pontifical and Royal University of Santo Tomas, and 2Polytechnic University of the

Philippines
Correspondence: firey@[Link]

Abstract
Shortly after the Internet platform became stable, the blogosphere was politicized, weaponized, and the
cyber cronies were deployed for a war of all against all (Hobbes, 1968).
Specifically, this study investigates first, how information communications technology (ICT) such as
the internet and social media has shaped political campaigning. Second, it proposes an assumption
relative to the adoption and usage of Internet technology, which is influenced by the distinctive
characteristics of different political contexts. The study seeks to address certain knowledge gaps
regarding the influence of these technologies on the development of contemporary local campaigns.
Since the impact of Internet technology in the formation of public opinion becomes critical in the entire
democratic discourse, it becomes urgent to document the evolving landscape of Philippine political
communication.
Through qualitative data, the research provides significant insights into the effects of Internet
technology on the dynamics of political campaigning. Twenty- (21) interviews were conducted in the
province of Aklan and eight (8) were conducted in the City of Manila. The coded and sorted data assisted
the researcher in the composition of the final report through the generation of related themes.

Keywords: Blogosphere, cyber cronies, cyber expansionism, cyber warriors, virtual vigilantes

Suggested citation:
Rey, F., and Rey, A.M. (2025). The Rise of Cyber Cronies. International Journal on Culture,
History, and Religion, 7(SI3), 690-718 [Link]

Publisher’s Note: IJCHR stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Copyright: © 2025 by the authors. Submitted for open access publication under the terms and conditions
of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license ([Link]
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Introduction
This paper explores the increased politicization, weaponization, and eventual
“war of all against all” (Hobbes, 1968) in the blogosphere, focusing on the Philippines.
It examines two main areas: the impact of the Internet revolution on political
communication and the diverse implementation of Internet technology based on
political environments. Norris (2001) asserts that democratizing the blogosphere
creates a new arena for electoral campaigns, enhancing communication pluralism and
citizen participation within political parties, thus strengthening representative
government. Increased political participation in cyberspace is heavily influenced by
cyber cronyism.
Cyber cronyism refers to the practice of political messaging aimed at mobilizing
support for a political party, philosophy, or individual, often at the expense of
competitors. In this paper, cronyism broadly encompasses close associates, friends,
and supporters of a candidate, based on personal relationships rather than
qualifications or public interest. This practice undermines the principles of competence
and integrity, favoring loyalty and personal intimacies.
The use of cronyism in this research somehow differs from how it is commonly
perceived. Scholars suggest that cronyism bears with it the notion of profound
economic consequences (Diwan et al. 2019; Hutchcroft 1998; Pei 2016). It often
describes how capitalists gain financially lucrative rents from politicians either legally
or illegally, implying a power balance in favor of the political actor (Mendoza et. al.
2022).
Historically, the quality of democratic representation in the Philippines has
been questioned due to clientelism, nepotism, fraud, and violence, which reinforce
elitist electoral politics (Teehankee, 2002). These issues hinder fair representation and
maintain the dominance of political elites. Since the beginning of Philippine
democracy, politics has been shaped by clientelist relationships with American
colonial sponsors, where local leaders exchanged support and loyalty for patronage,
including government positions (Grossholtz, 1964; Tancangco, 1988; Paredes, 1989 in
Teehankee, 2002). The American colonial strategy involved indirect administration
through trusted local clients, emphasizing their ability to enforce American policies
rather than fostering open electoral competition or addressing social issues.
However, the world, including the Philippines (Fujiwara et al., 2023), is
experiencing a significant shift in electoral campaigning with the adoption of new
technologies. Traditionally reliant on rallies, print media, and door-to-door
canvassing, political campaigns now leverage the internet and social media.

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 691


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Candidates use digital strategies to engage a broader and more diverse audience
through social platforms and online interactions.
The rise of social media has reshaped global electoral landscapes, prompting
candidates to manifest online presence. The ability of social media to reach broad
audiences and enhance candidate images has shifted campaigns. However, a social
media strategy alone may not secure a presidential win; its growing importance
reflects its integral role in modern electoral campaigns (Arugay, 2022).
Kushin (2009), Towner (2013), Gil de Zuñiga et al. (2014), Yang & Dehart (2016),
and Ibrahim (2016) argue that the number of people engaging in politics online is
increasing. Social media becomes a channel where people can engage in political
activities (Obar, Zube, and Lampe, 2012) (Vesnic-Alujevic, 2012), (Metzger, et al., 2015),
(Yang and DeHart, 2016), (Lutz, 2016). Social media has become a channel where they
can engage in political activities that they cannot do offline. Online forums have
become a new avenue for people to participate actively in politics. The online political
environment has become a new sphere wherein people can engage in politics by
posting grievances, disagreements, arguments, etc.
Yang and DeHart (2016) found that social media’s popularity created new
opportunities for political participation. Many politically interested U.S. internet users
shared views, joined groups, forwarded content, followed political figures, posted
comments, and published blogs on political and economic topics. It indicates increased
online engagement.
The online fora as a tool for political engagement to participate in and shape
society is becoming a new trend (Metzger et al. 2015). The internet is seen as a new
space for discourse, which is inclusive and encourages interactivity among all citizens
(Vesnic-Alujevic 2012). The citizens have used social media as a tool for awareness and
fulfillment of the goals for society. The online platform became a new space for
political interactivity.
Online political participation is for creating and sharing ideas on the internet,
driven by purpose (Lutz 2016). In a study conducted by Soriano (2014), she showed
that the internet provided an avenue to open discussions about the LGBTQ
community, wherein the online forum enabled an active discussion concerning queer
ideologies.
Thus, the internet became a pathway for expressing and discussing issues and
ideas. It is also supported by a study of Obar, Zube, and Lampe (2012). The
respondents of their study believed that social media enabled them to accomplish their
advocacies and goals with the help of specific online activities.

692 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Scholars agree that the Internet facilitates connectivity and democratization


among societies (Salman and Saad, 2015), especially the once invisible and voiceless
populations such as the youth (Abduab, Mohamad, and Muda, 2016), women, and
people experiencing poverty.
Virtual space is viewed as a promise not only to present the prospect of building
social connections but also to provide an opportunity for people to obtain diverse
political knowledge and information, which could highly promote political support
(Salman and Saad, 2015).
However, it is worth mentioning that while cyberspace fosters political
engagement, the wars taking place in the blogosphere deter individuals from actively
participating in politics. The antagonistic tendency of cyberspace has the potential to
decrease offline political participation.
It is suggested that this technological revolution may have decreased or even
robbed the press of its previous status on the political battlefield.
Since these cyber cronies have the illusion that they occupy space and own an
identity that is distant from the old rules of engagement and social ethics, the
enthusiasm or fury of a cyber-attack may be far more devastating or adoring than that
of a professional media practitioner, whose actions should be regulated by the code of
professional conduct.
Ordinary citizens acquired a terrain where classic propaganda strategies were
tested and implemented using the new media. Ideologies are now being deliberately
promoted online by known yet unknown space occupants reaching the audience with
speed and breadth that embodies all the gifts of the old media: the mastery of language
of the journalist, the universality of radio, and the shock and awe of television that
easily appeals to emotion rather than reason.
Fink and Črnič (2014) argue that the current standing of politics has a
substantial influence on interactive technology, which has expanded through digital
modes of participation and beyond the face-to-face communication in early
democracies. In this historical milieu, it has become apparent that the interaction of
politicians and the public is mediated by information and communication technologies
(ICTs) or mainly by the Internet (Aichholzer & Allhutter, 2011).
The blogosphere almost unrestrictedly allowed politicians and political parties
to campaign for their advocacies. In essence, the use of new media in political
campaigns has become the norm for politicians due to its accessibility and perceived
credibility in social networking sites (Faraon, Stenberg, & Kaipainen, 2014).
The gradual shift from traditional media to new media paves the way for the
future growth of mass politics and the power of digital space in the political terrain.
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 693
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

With new media on the rise, Hurwitz (in Aichholzer & Allhutter, 2011) argues that the
Internet becomes a center of power, creating new forms of online political participation
such as newsletters, ePetitioning, and eParticipation. The new form of power acquired
by the masses to participate in the political sphere through the internet platform
necessitates the rise of cyber cronies and the emergence of virtual combatants, all
striving to expand their dominance in the blogosphere.
In Benjamin Burroughs’ (2013) study on the 2012 U.S. presidential elections,
Obama’s trolling emerged as a form of political participation in which individuals
shared trolling messages while distancing themselves from the content. It is facilitated
by the anonymity of trolls, allowing them to express opinions without repercussion,
as Hardaker (2013) noted. Trolls often use pseudonyms, which may differ from their
real identities (Klempka & Stimson, 2013), to share views they would avoid in real life
due to fear of backlash (Karppi, 2013). This anonymity, coupled with self-awareness
loss and de-individuation, fosters a sense of freedom (Leaver, 2013). However, trolling
has been shown to decrease traditional political participation. It provides an easier
alternative to engagement and serves as a medium for political grievances that do not
reflect real-life political activity (Sindorf, 2013; Holmes, 2013). Generally, trolling is
seen as disruptive behavior where users express anger and contempt online that they
do not display in face-to-face interactions (Barab et al., 2002).
The Internet, being less regulated, is prone to unchecked information, with
trolls spreading widespread misinformation that breeds distrust in government and
media (Caplan & Reed, 2016). This false information erodes political trust, negatively
impacting political participation (Aro, 2016). Political leaders often become targets of
trolling, facing intense ridicule and having their public perceptions manipulated. For
example, in Kerala, leaders are harassed by troll groups like Troll Malayalam and
International Chalu Union (Sarada, 2016).

Computer-Mediated Political Communication


The technological revolution, especially in computer technology, has enabled
citizens to create and share information previously reserved for professional media
practitioners, allowing them to express their ideological preferences (Fuchs, 2014).
Manuel Castells and Gustavo Cardoso (2005) noted that a structural transformation
has occurred globally over the past two decades, driven by a new technological
paradigm based on information and communication technologies from the 1970s. This
global shift has introduced new forms of exchange, human interaction, and cultural
experiences, leading to a reconfiguration of social institutions (Castells & Cardoso,
2005).
694 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

As ICT advancements have transformed local and global politics, computing


has made the production and reception of images, ideologies, and realities universally
accessible. This technology has compressed space and breached social barriers,
creating a new political landscape where nations, parties, and politicians engage in
cyberspace. This digital realm has given rise to cyber cronies and allowed various
societal sectors to voice diverse concerns and advocate for their causes online.
The potential enhancements the Internet brings to political campaigning and
elections are manifested in three main areas (Vedel, 2003). Firstly, it provides citizens
with vast amounts of data, enabling them to become better informed and engaged in
democracy. Secondly, candidates and parties can build relationships and mobilize
supporters more effectively and efficiently. Thirdly, it facilitates broad public debate
on numerous issues, allowing direct input into campaign agendas. ICT development
for political communication hinges on the need for citizens to have complete
information to participate in democratic deliberation (Dahl, 1989). The Internet
reduces publishing costs, increasing access to comprehensive information, thus
supporting transparency and accountability in decision-making. It offers new channels
for information and expression, promoting a greater pluralism of viewpoints and
making citizens more independent of traditional media. The Internet connects people
with common interests, forming new political and social forces (Melucci, 1996). ICTs
enhance communication and coordination among like-minded individuals, allowing
them to influence decision-makers and public opinion. However, online political
engagement often involves those with higher education and social status (Norris,
2003). Despite this, the Internet fosters connected and proactive civic behavior,
potentially giving rise to a ‘fifth estate’ of online activists (Dutton, 2009).
Consequently, individuals establish online alliances to support their candidates
or the beliefs they champion. The emergence of various online alliances has resulted
in cooperation and polarization of individuals and groups with the same or divergent
viewpoints. Additionally, establishing these alliances and polarizations leads to a
novel kind of political engagement and has given rise to a distinct breed of political
cronies operating within cyberspace.
Cyber cronyism, popularly known as “trolling,” is a relatively new
phenomenon that effectively reorganizes the components of the political machine. It is
the act of generating and disseminating political messages, specifically made to
generate support for a political party, political ideology, or a politician to the detriment
of its opponents (Morissey, 2010). It has become a substantial feature of social
networking politics in the Philippines, which can affect an extensive social base. Cyber

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 695


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

cronyism, in fact, played a vital role in the Philippine general elections of 2016
(Williams, 2017).
Trolling involves posting emotionally charged messages in online communities
to provoke specific reactions (Sanfilippon, Yang, & Fichman, 2017). Politically, trolling
aims to garner support for causes or individuals (Sarada, 2016). Benjamin Burrough
(2013) noted that during the U.S. 2012 Presidential Elections, Obama trolling emerged
as a form of political participation, enabling individuals to share messages while
distancing themselves from the ideas expressed (Klempka & Stimson, 2013; Karppi,
2013). Hardaker (2013) argued that trolling thrives on perceived anonymity, driven by
self-awareness loss and de-individuation, which foster a sense of freedom (Leaver,
2013).
The rise of computer technology and cyberspace has transformed the global
landscape by providing unprecedented access to diverse ideologies and political
realities. It has allowed various societal segments to communicate their concerns
online, with politicians increasingly using digital platforms for advocacy and
campaigning.
Colin Seymour-Ure (1977) notes that political organizations adapt
communication to dominant media, resulting in varying degrees of change. Lees-
Marshment (2011) highlights societal pressures, like consumerization, on politics.
Norris (2003) categorizes the evolution of political communication into three eras: the
pre-modern era (localized and stable), the modern era (centralized and
professionalized with television), and the postmodern era (market-oriented and
digital). This shift led to hypermedia campaigns, exemplified by Howard Dean’s use
of [Link] (Lipsitz & Panagopoulos, 2012), Segolene Royal’s Segosphere (Vedel
& Koc-Michalska, 2009), and Barack Obama’s use of social networks and MyBO
(Harfoush, 2008). These examples demonstrate the integration of digital
communication in modern political strategies, despite the influence of 24/7 mass
media.
In Europe (Council of Europe, 2017), political campaign regulations vary,
especially regarding mass media and political advertising. The UK prohibits TV
political advertising but has spending limits, public funding, and disclosure rules.
France, Denmark, Portugal, Switzerland, and Belgium also ban TV political
advertising, but differ in other regulations. Italy and Poland allow TV advertising with
spending limits and disclosure rules. Portugal has a EUR 3M limit, Belgium has a EUR
1M limit. Though it bans TV ads, France has strict spending regulations, including
public funding and disclosure. Denmark and Ireland lack TV advertising and direct
funding, but they enforce spending disclosure. These variations reflect differing
696 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

approaches to balancing regulation, transparency, and media access in the electoral


process.
Nevertheless, this digital sphere has facilitated the formation of online alliances,
resulting in ideological polarization and the emergence of a novel form of political
engagement. Cyber cronyism reshapes the political landscape by strategically
distributing emotionally charged messages to elicit support for political entities or
causes.
This new form of participation, exemplified by the 2016 and 2022 general
elections in the Philippines, demonstrates the significant influence that online
discourse can have on conventional political processes. Understanding the
implications of cyber cronyism is essential to comprehending the complex interplay
between digital realms and political dynamics as technology evolves.
It is argued that, at the center of these cultural and technological interactions,
political topography assumes a new contour but maintains its historical essence. Rush
(1992) highlights that political communication transmits politically relevant
information from one part of the political system to another, and between the social
and political systems. Through communication mechanisms, the individual creates
political understanding and ideological preferences. Undoubtedly, one can assume
that there is a need for the political system to have control over the manufacture,
disposal, and reception of the political agenda. Economic progress came with the
expansion of communication and broadcast media, and their political by-product: the
media personalities-turned-politicians who free-ride on the waves of market votes
(Demetrio, 2014).
The transformation of communications technology reveals itself in the
computer-mediated broadcasting called the social network. This new terrain in
communication allows the user to explicitly present their political image and
sentiments through a digital self in a public, yet private electronic network. In the
world of cyber cronyism, one virtually has the absolute freedom to assault or extricate
an ideology, a party, or a politician. Computer technology liberates one from social
and political voicelessness.
The digital sphere has fostered online alliances, leading to ideological
polarization and new forms of political engagement. Cyber cronyism reshapes politics
by strategically using emotionally charged messages to support specific entities or
causes. This influence is evident in the 2016 and 2022 Philippine elections, showing
how online discourse affects traditional political processes.
Rush (1992) notes that political communication involves transmitting relevant
information across systems, shaping political understanding and preferences. As
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 697
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

technology evolves, it redefines political topography while retaining its historical


roots. Demetrio (2014) observes that economic progress has expanded media and
introduced media personalities-turned-politicians who leverage market votes.
The rise of social networks has transformed communication, allowing users to
present their political views through digital personas. Cyber cronyism offers freedom
to critique or support ideologies, parties, or politicians, eliminating traditional social
and political constraints. Computer technology liberates one from social and political
voicelessness.
Kling (2000) notes that technology and social contexts mutually shape each
other. Historically, politicians relied on eloquence, as Tacitus (1811) described, where
orators wielded their speech as a powerful tool against enemies. With advances in
civilization, written texts like pamphlets became key to political dialogue. Weber
(1946) observes that while oratory remains important in modern politics, the printed
world and media, especially journalism, television, and radio, have become crucial in
shaping political influence and public perception.

Theoretical Framework
Media Ecology Theory, pioneered by Marshall McLuhan (1964) and expanded
by Neil Postman (1985), examines how communication technologies shape society and
politics. McLuhan’s “the medium is the message” concept emphasizes that media’s
inherent characteristics influence how information is received and understood,
challenging traditional views of communication. Postman’s contributions have
broadened the theory’s relevance, applying it to contemporary media issues. This
study uses the Media Ecology Framework to analyze the impact of Internet technology
on political communication in the Philippines, highlighting how media and
technology interact with socio-cultural and political environments to shape our
understanding of reality.

Methodology
This research, focusing on interpreting phenomena in their natural settings
(Denzin, 1998), used interviews to capture individual perceptions and experiences
(Corbetta, 2003). Data was collected through interviews with elected officials, party
officers, party bosses, and media specialists on online campaigning. Twenty-one
interviews in Aklan and eight in Manila were analyzed through a seven-stage process:
Data Collection, Note Taking, Coding, Memoing, Sorting, Writing, and Decoding. This
process helped generate themes for the final report.

698 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Results and Findings


This section narrates the role of internet technology and the adaptive capacity
that rural and urban political actors assume concerning campaigning and political
communication.

General Narrative of the Internet Revolution in the Philippines


The evolution of Internet technology from a communication tool to a political
weapon has been evident since the rise of “cyber cronies” around the 2016 elections.
Political parties and politicians now use cyberspace, employing cyber warriors to
secure digital territories (Dodds, Kuus, & Sharp, 2013). Cyber imperialism represents
the trend of expanding and controlling cyber territories, surpassing traditional forms
of power. In this digital era, public opinion in cyberspace has become crucial for
understanding and influencing political outcomes. Technology has shifted to become
a highly politicized tool, with campaigns using data analytics, social media, and
microtargeting to shape narratives and sway public opinion, thereby redefining
political strategies.
This paper proposes that the evolution of Internet technology in the Philippines
relative to political campaigning went through the following stages.

Stages of Internet Revolution in the Philippines


Interconnectivity
Before the advent of cellular technology, the storytelling society was
suppressed, and interconnectivity, though culturally rooted, was long denied to the
Filipinos. Nevertheless, with the abundance of this new micro technology, individual
Filipinos were able to locate their own spaces and re-imagine their biographies. Out of
this, the internet generation was built. We no longer tell our lives to ourselves.

Democratization
Once global connectivity was achieved, individuals were empowered to
actively participate in both transnational and local issues, allowing openness to
various personalities, worldviews, and horizons at minimal cost. Citizens were
allowed to express their sentiments; thus, various centers of knowledge and opinions
were allowed to confront each other without considering creed, race, gender, or other
variables once used to discriminate. Family members working abroad, many of whom
are active political players in the province, not only participate in the dialogue but also
seek to influence their friends and dependents on the choice of candidates.
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 699
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Politicization
Shortly after the platform became stable and reliable, the blogosphere was
politicized. Cyberspace has become a venue for promoting a political agenda. As the
new media, cyberspace has become the pathway for transmitting what seems real. The
blogosphere has become the information superhighway where truth can be
manufactured quickly.

Weaponization
Cyberspace is now used to attack nations, parties, politicians, and ordinary
citizens. Consequently, cybercrime units are established by nation states to secure the
public, maintain the integrity and security of government installations from cyber-
attacks, track down cyber mercenaries, and patrol the dark web. Politicians and
political parties rapidly adopt ICTs, making cyberspace a new political battlefield.
Nations, parties, politicians, and citizens are now engaged in an interactive mechanism
of mass dialogue with very little code of conduct or sense of honor governing such
frenzy.

Deployment of Cyber Cronies


It has been argued that there is a difference between the actual power holder
and the potential power wielder. Thus, the same applies in the potential or actual
deployment of warriors in cyberspace.
The ongoing global war (WWIII) exists in the remote and invisible domain of
the blogosphere. In this generation, cyber warriors fight ideological wars online
through cyber terrorism, cyber territorial expansionism, and online interventions in
human and state affairs such as politics, religion, economics, and other institutions. On
a global scale, rapid formation of alliances and ideological realignments are taking
place for a war that is to take place in the domain of extraterrestrial. Once connected
to the network, the public and private spheres of human life will be opened to
colonization by the cyber overlord.

Adoption and Usage of Internet Technology: The Effects of Internet Technology on the
Dynamics of Political Campaigning

Within the intricate fabric of Aklan’s political environment, using electronic-


mediated campaign techniques is currently in its embryonic phase. This occurrence
echoes the province’s deep-rooted affinity for tradition. Considering these developing
700 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

circumstances, local parties have planned to establish an online presence, adopting an


innovative approach by allocating resources towards developing a database (Flores,
2016). The database is designed to appeal to contemporary communicators who utilize
cellular phones and engage in text messaging throughout the year over various
frequencies. Mobile devices significantly facilitate communication and interaction
between political candidates and the public during the electoral season (Gelito, 2016;
Igoy, 2016). They serve as crucial tools for engagement, acting as beacons of
connectivity (Gelito, 2016:13; Igoy, 2016).
However, during this ongoing digital transformation, the potential of Internet
technology to facilitate voter mobilization is often underestimated, since it is viewed
as a limited platform incapable of effectively coordinating large-scale efforts.
The landscape of technology adoption within local leadership reveals two
notable factors. Firstly, the current set of local leaders appears to lag in technological
familiarity, as observed by Ibarreta (2016). This gap in technological acumen likely
plays a role in shaping the campaign strategies employed. Secondly, the perceived
absence of a personal touch associated with the Internet’s interface is highlighted by
Cawaling (2016) and JMiraflores (2016). This sentiment speaks of the inherent
challenge of creating a personalized connection through digital platforms.
The backdrop of the 2016 national elections further underscores this dynamic.
Opposition candidates harnessed technology extensively, a facet emphasized by
Ibarreta (2016) and J. Miraflores (2016). On the other hand, candidates from the
administration favored a conventional campaign strategy, which can be attributed to
the abundance of local leaders who share the same views as the current administration
(Ibarreta, 2016; J. Miraflores, 2016:10; Neron, 2016).
In the province of Aklan, where internet connectivity is widely acknowledged
to be limited, individuals hold divergent viewpoints regarding the impact of
technology on the political sphere. In an interview, Igoy, Tejada, MMiraflores,
JMiraflores, Neron, Torres, and Quimpo contend that the restricted availability of
Internet connectivity could impede the dissemination of political narratives by
aspiring candidates.
However, Marquez, Gelito, Ibarreta, Igoy, JMiraflores, Neron, Patron, Solanoy,
and Quimpo have a divergent viewpoint, asserting that technology can serve as a
pivotal determinant that has the potential to either facilitate or impede a candidate’s
triumph in the realm of politics.
In the province of Aklan, there exists a divergence of viewpoints among
politicians at the local and provincial levels on the significance of technology within
the realm of politics. Flores acknowledged the potential of technology but emphasized
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 701
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

the constraints of internet campaigning in Aklan. According to Flores (2016), the


provincial technological divide, which is caused by limited access to technology and
inadequate technical adaptation, is a significant obstacle that hampers the effectiveness
of internet campaigning in the province.
Likewise, Fernandez (2016) highlighted the significance of the technological
disparity in Aklan, which stems from the province’s inadequate access to and
restricted technology adoption. This disparity significantly hampers the efficacy of
internet-based campaigning efforts.
Miraflores (2016) had viewpoints comparable to those of Flores and Fernandez.
Miraflores says the province of Aklan is characterized by a significant technical divide,
which is exacerbated by inadequate access to technology and low technological
adaptation.
This situation underscores the inherent limitations of online campaigning in the
area. Individuals with access to technology are teens who are too young to engage
politically (Fernandez 2016). Similarly, the candidates and the voters are familiar with
each other; candidates are always cross-referenced to the defects or genius of one’s
clan, and the technology is not widely available to the population. Fabricated attacks
to discredit a candidate can easily be addressed both by the voters and the candidates
because they spend most of the time together, shoulder to shoulder during religious
obligations, at arm’s length at the marketplace, or sharing the identical cock houses
during festivals.
Within the complex sphere of Aklan politics, the internet platform has emerged
as a highly advantageous sanctuary for the widespread distribution of general
information. This notion has been duly recognized by Igoy (2016) and Solanoy (2016).
In elections, the internet assumes a significant role as a potent tool that enables
politicians to interact with several individuals, thereby optimizing time and effort
expenditure. This medium facilitates the expeditious and cost-effective dissemination
of their messages.
The influence of internet campaigning in Aklan politics is an intriguing subject
of analysis, characterized by its unpredictable nature. It oscillates between being
perceived as inconsequential (Flores, 2016) and recognized as a significant
determinant (Marquez, 2016) in molding electoral results.
The Manila experience, on the other hand, provides a more complex ecosystem.
According to the Bagatsing party campaign heads, their traditional campaign
strategies from 1995 to around 2017 focused on providing free medical assistance to
people experiencing poverty. It included free medicines and hospitalization. Through
their institution, KABAKA, they also emphasized skills development and sports
702 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

programs for the youth in the fifth district. Former Congressman Amado S. Bagatsing
highlighted his commitment to caring for the needs of people experiencing poverty in
his district through programs such as the “Womb to Tomb” initiative, scholarships,
and sports activities.
They also utilized newsletters to keep their members informed. In the 2016
election, their campaign heavily relied on radio advertisements, text brigades, word of
mouth, and traditional house-to-house visits.
On the other hand, the Estrada party campaign heads mentioned their use of
leaflets, posters, and billboards as locator tools to engage with the public. They
acknowledged the credibility of their family name as an advantage for their campaign.
They also emphasized the accomplishments of their candidate at the national level,
showcasing his commitment to the local level. The Estrada party employed strategies
that focused on close communication with barangay presiding officers and district
heads to bring their candidate closer to the people. They targeted depressed areas and
implemented programs for the underprivileged, such as blood donation drives and
radio communication.
Their campaign also involved house-to-house visits, meetings de avance (large
campaign rallies), and the provision of food, including the popular “lugaw” (rice
porridge), to attract people. These traditional strategies were considered more costly
but effective in engaging with the community.
According to Mr. Armand Dean Nocum, their team served as the news-
generating arm of the Erap campaign. They had a communication office with
television, radio, and newspaper facilities. They focused on generating 2-3 stories
daily, highlighting Mayor Estrada’s accomplishments and government programs,
particularly during the 2013 campaign. Their primary media were print, radio, and
newspapers.
When asked if Mayor Estrada still relied on traditional media, Mr. Francisco
Ejercito de Castro replied that he did, citing the older generation who still preferred
newspapers and had no internet access or smartphones. However, he noted a shift
towards digital platforms due to technological advancements, with more people now
using smartphones and social media like Facebook (FB) for free communication.
Despite traditional media’s advantages, traditional campaigning’s customary
approach requires a higher budget and more human resources than new media
(Internet). Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro emphasized how social media made
campaigning easier, faster, and more attractive, eliminating the need for camera crews
and photographers. Atty. Eduardo E. Francisco added that social media was cheaper
and allowed immediate message delivery. Engr. Louie Leyva pointed out that the
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 703
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

main difference between old and new media was the higher cost associated with
traditional campaigns.
Congressman Amado Bagatsing emphasized the importance of resources for
candidates running for office, particularly their ability to mobilize and encourage
people to vote for them. He noted that their opponents also had their own supporters
and political machinery.
Regarding digital campaigning, the candidates and their campaign teams
navigated the vast digital space to garner votes and defend against attacks. The use of
social media became increasingly prominent, as former Congressman Amado S.
Bagatsing pointed out. He emphasized that the process had considerably evolved
compared to previous campaigns.
Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro, an Estrada Social Media Consultant, echoed this
sentiment, highlighting the internet's and Facebook's role. He emphasized that people
now turn to social media for instant information rather than traditional news channels.
Atty. Eduardo E. Francisco, President of KABAKA Foundation, Inc.,
acknowledged the significant effect of social media in empowering ordinary voters.
He emphasized that social media has given a voice to previously marginalized
individuals in the political process.
Engr. Louie Leyva, the Head of the Engineering Department for the Estrada
Campaign, recognized the advantage of having technology and finances in the
campaign. He believed these factors played a crucial role in effectively reaching the
electorate.
Mr. Armand Dean Nocum, the Head of Estrada Communication Campaign,
concurred with the growing influence of social media in political campaigns,
suggesting that it was a powerful tool.
However, not all campaign heads shared the same enthusiasm for the internet
as a campaigning platform. Atty. Robert B. Jurado expressed concerns about the
negative impact of false news and the rapid spread of misinformation on social media.
He believed this poses a serious problem and can shape people’s opinions during the
election.
AKA “MAAGAP,” the Head of Estrada Special Operations, also expressed
skepticism about the impact of social media, particularly in local campaigns. He
stressed the importance of personal engagement and face-to-face interactions with
voters, which he believed had a more significant impact than online campaigning.
However, he acknowledged that technology could play a role in the future.
The opinions on the effectiveness of the internet in mobilizing votes varied.
AKA “AGILA,” the Estrada Youth Chairman, questioned whether social media
704 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

translates into votes. Atty. Eduardo E. Francisco believed that social media has a
limited impact and cannot influence those not engaged in politics.
The narrative portrays a dynamic landscape where the internet and social
media are recognized as important tools in election campaigns. The campaigns
leverage these platforms to reach voters and share information, but concerns remain
about spreading false news and the need for personal interactions.
The differing perspectives highlight the complexities and challenges of using
the digital space for campaigning. Mr. Armand Dean Nocum recognized the
democratizing power of social media in the campaign field. He acknowledged that
social media has become the primary source of information for many people,
surpassing traditional media outlets like ABS-CBN. He praised ABS-CBN’s use of
social media patrol, which started as early as 2010 through texting. However, he also
emphasized that traditional media should not be disregarded, as it still reaches specific
audiences, particularly those in higher strata who read print media.
Despite the undeniable influence of social media, some individuals remained
skeptical about its effectiveness in mobilizing votes and addressing other issues. AKA
“AGILA,” the Estrada Youth Chairman, questioned whether social media truly
translates into votes and believed that its role is primarily about creating awareness
and disseminating information.
Upon inquiry into black propaganda on social media and instances of attacks
against candidates, former Congressman Amado S. Bagatsing, who ran as the mayoral
candidate in Manila in 2016, acknowledged the natural occurrence of such stories
being created for prominent individuals during election periods. He recognized the
prevalence of fake news and how it deceives the public, with some believing the
propaganda while others remain skeptical.
Engr. Louie Leyva, the head of the Engineering Department of Estrada’s
campaign, shared that Mayor Estrada frequently faces cyber-attacks. He mentioned
that some individuals even create fan pages like theirs, from which they release
negative statements. These attackers meticulously researched past issues related to
Mayor Estrada to smear his reputation with propaganda.
Atty. Robert B. Jurado highlighted the difference in disseminating news about
a candidate’s programs and platforms on social media. While promoting their
programs may be slow, spreading issues or negative news, such as rumors about
multiple marriages, can quickly become widespread and readily believed.
However, Atty. Jurado argued that one advantage of traditional media over
social media is that, in traditional media, the perpetrators of black propaganda can be

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 705


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

identified, creating a fear of potential lawsuits. On the other hand, social media
presents challenges as anyone can engage in such activities anonymously.
The 2016 local election shows political shifts in Manila. Internet-based
campaigns created a hybrid platform based on the evolving communication tools the
Estrada and Bagatsing parties used to win and vote. The 2016 election saw parties
deploy traditional platforms and strategies in new media. Unlike traditional media,
the Internet also created a new media platform that allows mobilization, infiltration,
and diffusion with a click. Finally, traditional media promotes political and voter-
favored norms and efficiency. Its role as a political machine is undisputed, yet new
media alone are inferior to traditional campaigning methods.

The Adoption and Use of Internet Technology


The table illustrates how political actors have adapted to new technology for
campaigning. This technology has enabled close associates, friends, and supporters of
candidates to communicate voting preferences and attack opponents online. The
freedom and anonymity of cyberspace allow these actors to operate beyond traditional
ethical boundaries, with their digital actions often having a more significant impact
than those of regulated media professionals. There are three main types of cyber
cronies: first, cyber warriors, second, the cyber mercenaries, and lastly, the virtual
vigilantes or the cyber assassins.

Table 1. Types of Cyber Cronies.


Cyber Warriors Relatives, friends, allies, and the politician
himself/herself acting as cyber combatants

Cyber Mercenaries Salaried employee acting as a cyber combatant

Virtual Vigilantes / Cyber Assassins Individuals not related by consanguinity, affinity, or


profession but acts as a cyber combatant to protect their
ideology/candidate

Although electronic-media campaign strategies are evolving in the country,


political parties have already devoted some resources to generating a database for
cellular phone users, sending regular text blasts throughout the year.

Cellular phones are considered high-impact technology during elections.


Internet technology, however, is perceived as a weak platform incapable of mobilizing
votes, specifically in the provinces. The respondents mentioned the following reasons:
1. The current set of local leaders is not abreast of Internet technology.
706 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

2. The candidates and the voters are familiar with each other; thus, trolling
may not be as effective as it is in the urban areas.
3. The Internet lacks personal appeal.
4. Technology is not widely available to the population, especially in rural
areas.
5. The individuals with access to technology are teens who are too young
to vote.

Recognizing the limitations mentioned above, veteran politicians like Manila's


former president and mayor, Joseph “Erap” E. Estrada, and Congressman Amado S.
Bagatsing maintain a blend of old and new media campaign strategies. Political
platforms and propaganda were circulated using the television, radio, and
newspapers on one hand and the new media tools on the other.
It is argued that the limitation of Internet campaigning is highlighted by the fact
that the technological gap apparently exists in the country. The gap is characterized by
the:
1. The remoteness of the location results from poor access to electricity.
2. Remoteness of location resulting from deficient satellite connectivity.
3. Absence of loading centers for Internet credits.
4. Absence of interest or indifference on the part of the older population to
learn and use technology.

Although Internet connection may be difficult to access in several areas of the


country, many believe that the technology can make or break an aspirant's political
narrative.
In Aklan, for example, online attacks can be deployed to discredit a candidate.
The recipient of the attack can easily respond to the assault and explain it to the voters
since politicians and the voters spend most of their time together.
In a broader sense, the Internet platform is recognized as a favorable venue for
general information. Related to elections, the Internet is an efficient tool for voter
education, and at the same time, multi-person-to-person engagement saves politicians
time and energy in delivering their message swiftly, efficiently, and economically.
The impact of online campaigning on election outcomes remains uncertain and
fluctuating. Technology has revolutionized outreach for candidates, allowing them to
present policies directly and receive real-time feedback. Voters benefit from improved
access to information, enabling easier research on candidates and issues.

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 707


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

However, this new platform introduces risks such as attacks from cyber
warriors, cyber mercenaries, virtual vigilantes, and concerns about misinformation,
privacy, and biases.
The table below highlights key differences between traditional and Internet
campaigning.

While traditional campaigning offers a sense of intimacy, this campaign model


faces logistical, financial, and personal challenges in the digitized political landscape.
Internet campaigning, however, blends the personal touch of tailored communication
with affordability, time efficiency, and reduced physical strain as the politician and the
political machinery adapt to the milieu.

Aklan’s Political Communication Tools


A blend of communication strategies and personal interactions distinguishes
the political discourse between the candidate and the masses in Aklan. As Gelito (2016)
observes, the landscape is marked by online exchanges, reflecting the evolving nature
of political engagement. This sentiment is echoed by J. Miraflores (2016), who
emphasizes the limited yet discernible exposure across various trimedia platforms. In
contrast to the digital realm, Solanoy (2016) underscores the enduring power of the
personal touch, where intentions are conveyed through the impactful gesture of a firm
handshake.
Furthermore, a deeper layer of engagement is revealed through extensive
grassroots efforts. Ibarreta (2016) speaks to the candidate’s engaging charm during
month-long house-to-house campaigns, creating a unique connection with
constituents. Igoy (2016) shares a similar sentiment, noting the candidate’s ability to
establish rapport during rallies and caucuses. Cawaling (2016) adds to this narrative,
emphasizing the essence of personal interactions. JTemplonuevo (2016) adds depth to
this portrayal, emphasizing the resonance of eye contact as a non-verbal medium of
connection.

708 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

In politics, the need for physical contact becomes evident to build personal ties
and generate immediate resonance with the grassroots. This phenomenon
encapsulates an impromptu camaraderie and immediate interaction that holds the
potential to transcend the boundaries of political discourse (Tejada 2016). MMiraflores
(2016) delves deeper into this dynamic, emphasizing the role of spontaneous
fellowship in creating a distinctive form of intimacy. Furthermore, Solanoy (2016)
provides additional insight into this discourse, emphasizing the significant influence
that direct involvement at the community level may have.
This unique political practice goes beyond surface interactions, encompassing
the ability of the candidate to solidify their connection with the electorate. Tejada
(2016) provides insight into this process, underlining how these encounters enable the
candidate to establish their position in the eyes of the voter. In parallel, a sense of
intimacy blossoms as MMiraflores (2016) articulates, where constituents are invited to
engage with the enchanting personality of the politician following a friendly grip.
Collectively, these accounts illuminate the intricacies of the politics of touch, which
serve as a means of personalizing the political experience and fostering immediate
connections, thereby creating an indelible impact on both the candidate and the voter.

Manila’s Political Communication Tools


Both parties utilized traditional media tools by Incumbent Mayor Joseph E.
Estrada and former Congressman Amado S. Bagatsing before the 2016 Manila election.
Both are experienced politicians active in the political field, employing almost the same
political machinery for their campaigns.
Team Estrada reveals the traditional media tools utilized by their party,
particularly during Mayor Estrada’s past and recent 2016 elections. It shows a
combination of media-based and ground operations employed as campaign platforms.
The strategy of Team Estrada is characterized by a dynamic combination of
media-based communication tools spanning multiple platforms. Their skillful use of
television, radio, and newspapers demonstrates a profound comprehension of the
influence of these established channels. By disseminating their messages through these
well-established channels, the political party intended to reach a large audience and
influence public perception. This symphony of media-based engagement is the basis
for their all-encompassing campaign narrative.
The campaign approach employed by Team Estrada extended beyond the
utilization of traditional media platforms, incorporating a range of grassroots
initiatives aimed at establishing lasting relationships with the local community and
rallying support. Acknowledging the significant impact community leaders have on
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 709
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

molding public opinion, the political party actively interacted with them to solicit
endorsements and establish a solid support base. The team’s dedication to engaging
directly with the community was apparent through many initiatives, such as
distributing articles and letters, coordinating food programs, making door-to-door
visits, conducting leaflet campaigns, and carrying out impactful medical missions. The
“Meeting de Avance” served as a significant demonstration of their commitment to
engaging with the local community, aiming to establish a strong connection and gain
insight into the distinctive needs of the people whom they aimed to represent.
The diversified approach demonstrated by the Estrada party manifests their
commitment to fostering an authentic rapport with the community and effectively
addressing their prevailing issues.
Team Estrada’s inventive use of comics as a campaign tool is evident, as they
employ compelling visual storytelling to convey their messages. Some team members
also mentioned using black propaganda, which employs comics and tri-media
channels.
Team Bagatsing shared insights into their traditional media techniques,
drawing on former Congressman Bagatsing’s campaigns in Manila’s 5th district
(Pandacan). The Bagatsing team emphasized ground activities to intensify its
campaign efforts, with special consideration for its institutional arm, KABAKA.
Additionally, the Bagatsing party utilized caucuses, house-to-house visits, and the
influential “Meeting de Avance” to engage directly with the community and establish
relationships. In addition, they utilized newsletters to keep supporters informed and
posters and billboards to increase visibility.
In addition to traditional media, the Bagatsing party demonstrated its
commitment to community development by providing scholarships, skill-building
opportunities, and recreation programs. Their “Womb to Tomb” program, designed
to address the requirements of individuals throughout their lives, demonstrated their
commitment to whole-person governance.
The dissemination of the Bagatsing party’s message throughout the community
relied heavily on word-of-mouth campaigning. This grassroots strategy relied on the
influence of personal relationships and referrals to garner support.
Team Estrada and Team Bagatsing utilized new media tools in their 2013
campaigns for mayor and congressman, respectively, in Manila. Consequently, new
media tools are more prominent in the 2016 mayoral campaign landscape.
During the 2013 election, the party employed a flash mob as a novel and
attention-getting strategy, which garnered media coverage and online attention via
YouTube and other websites.
710 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Traditional and New Media as Political Machineries


This section portrays the scope, strengths, and weaknesses of traditional and
new media campaign tools as specified by the campaign heads of the Bagatsing and
Estrada parties collectively.

TRADITIONAL MEDIA NEW MEDIA


Scope of
Media “Very personal campaign… purely “Not personal”
networking” - AKA “AGILA”
- Amado S. Bagatsing “Air war”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum
“Down to the roots”
- Atty. Eduardo E. Francisco

“Ground war”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum

Strengths
Preferred by the majority Rapid dissemination of information and
awareness.
Can take legal action against black
professionals and the wrong information Easy communication
dissemination
“Cost-effective”
Impact voters more - AKA “AGILA”
“Viral”
Translate into votes - AKA “AGILA”
“Brought in more younger generations”
People go back to traditional media in - Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro
light of the recent bombardment of fake
news on social media. “Easier, faster, and more attractive”
- Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro
Uses credibility
“People can speak”
Reaches out to “AB crowd/ higher strata” - Atty. Eduardo E. Francisco
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum
“Free”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum

“Empowered… democratizing”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum

Weaknesses
Expensive/ Need resources Fake news

“Takes longer… not like current media “Cannot translate into votes”
where it is there when it happens” - AKA “AGILA”

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 711


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

- Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro “There are too many out there… You do not
know what is real or not.”
- Mr. Francis Ejercito de Castro
-
“Only eight percent are using it
[Facebook] for politics.”
- Atty. Robert B. Jurado

“Reputation is endangered in a click of a


mouse.”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum

“Faceless influencers”
- Mr. Armand Dean Nocum

The table summarizes traditional and new media's perceived strengths and
weaknesses in campaigning. Traditional media demands personal involvement in the
campaign process, contrasting with new media, where social media posts handle
candidate promotion. Traditional media functions as a “ground war” involving
personal interaction with opponents, while new media, including tri-media, operate
as an impersonal “air war” without direct personal engagement.
Accordingly, traditional media is favored by most politicians and voters due to
its perceived strengths. It is considered effective in mobilizing votes, unlike new
media. However, new media excels in rapid news dissemination and raising
awareness, areas where traditional media falls short. Social media, a part of new
media, is beautiful to younger generations, making it a powerful tool for reaching
them. New media has also empowered voters and democratized campaigning, giving
people a platform to express their opinions about candidates.
Nevertheless, fake news or false information disseminated on social media sites
is considered a weakness for new media because the reputation is endangered in a
click of a mouse (Nocum, 2017), unlike traditional media, where one can take legal
action against false indictments. Likewise, the resources needed to operate traditional
media are higher than those of new media. Traditional media requires human
resources and financial support, whereas new media is cost-effective.
However, despite the practice of traditional and new media, it is noted that
monetary consideration was manifested in the campaign.
“They just go around, talk to political leaders, give them money, and feed them with
food or anything. And then at the last minute of the campaign, they buy votes, that is the
traditional way in local politics.”
712 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion
Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

Moreover, considering the field notes gathered during the interview process,
both parties' campaign heads consider monetary compensation fundamental in
campaign practice. It is a general political scheme used by politicians to seek votes and
support. One aspect to consider during campaigns is the resources available,
specifically fiscal transactions between politicians and voters.

Conclusion
The Philippines’ digital evolution unfolds in five stages. First, cellular tech
brought interconnectivity. Second, democratization arose from global connectivity,
fostering political participation. Third, the blogosphere became politicized. Fourth,
cyberspace is weaponized, with cyberattacks targeting various entities. Lastly, cyber
cronies were deployed. This progression highlights the technology’s transformative
role in shaping Philippine political participation.
Political campaigning combines communication strategies and personal
interactions in rural areas like Aklan. Despite the importance of modern technology in
elections, the internet is seen as less effective for mobilizing votes in this context.
Reasons include local leaders’ unfamiliarity with the internet, the close relationship
between candidates and voters, the impersonal nature of online campaigns, limited
rural internet access, and the younger age of internet users who may not yet have
voting rights.
The limitation of internet campaigning highlights a significant technological
gap in the country, characterized by remote locations with poor access to electricity
and satellite connectivity, a lack of loading centers for internet credits, and general
indifference among older populations toward learning and using technology. As a
result, the importance of physical contact and personal ties in politics remains evident,
particularly in building connections with the grassroots.
Similarly, the Manila experience combines media-based and ground operations
in its urban campaign platforms.
Integrating technology into political campaigns is a complex matter shaped by
local dynamics and the obstacles posed by existing infrastructure. The internet
possesses the capacity to assume a more substantial role in future elections; however,
it is imperative to prioritize the resolution of the prevailing technical disparity to
leverage its influence on political dialogue and engagement fully.

References

Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 713


IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

[1] Abduab, S. D., Mohamada, B., & Mudaa, S. (2016). New perspectives on political
participation among youth: The impact of Facebook usage. Future Academy.
[Link]
[2] Aichholzer, G., & Allhutter, D. (2011). Online forms of political participation and
their impact on democracy. Austrian Academy of Sciences.
[3] Alexander, J., & Colomy, P. (1992). In G. Ritzer (Ed.), Contemporary sociological
theory (3rd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill Inc.
[4] Aro, J. (2016). The cyberspace war: Propaganda and trolling as warfare tools.
European View, 121–132.
[5] Arugay, A. A. (2022). More substantial social media influence in the 2022 Philippine
elections. Perspective, 33. ISSN 2335-6677.
[6] Bajar, J. T. (2017). Online democracy: A content analysis of Facebook pages of 2016
Philippine presidential candidates. Journal of Mass Communication &
Journalism.
[7] Ballaran, J. (2017). Roque says the Duterte campaign team made good use of
Facebook in 2016. Inquirer. [Link]
duterte-campaign-team-made-good-use-of-facebook-in-2016-duterte-
facebook-2016-campaign-palace-roque-msnbc
[8] Barab, S., Herring, S., Scheckler, R., & Job-Sluder, K. (2002). Searching for safety
online: Managing “trolling” in a feminist forum. The Information Society, 371–
384.
[9] Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. (2017). Troops, trolls, and troublemakers: A global
inventory of organized social media manipulation. University of Oxford.
[10] Burrough, B. (2013). Obama trolling: Memes, salutes, and an agonistic politics in
the 2012 presidential election. In Trolls and the negative space of the Internet
(pp. 257–276).
[11] Caplan, R., & Reed, L. (2016). Who controls the public sphere in an era of
algorithms? Data and Society Research Institute.
[12] Caruncho, E. S. (2016). Confessions of a troll. [Link].
[Link]
[13] Castells, M., & Cardoso, G. (Eds.). (2005). The network society: From knowledge
to policy. Washington, DC: Johns Hopkins Center for Transatlantic Relations.
[14] Chandran, N. (2017). Southeast Asia's internet economy to hit $50 billion in 2017,
says report from Google and Temasek. CNBC.
[Link]
[Link]

714 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

[15] Chandran, N. (2018). Critics attacked Facebook over ‘fake news’ — but outside the
U.S. now. CNBC. [Link]
[Link]
[16] CNN Philippines. (2016). Facebook opens office in PH. CNN Philippines.
[Link]
[Link]
[17] Corbetta, P. (2003). Social research: Theory, methods and techniques. London:
SAGE Publications Ltd.
[18] Council of Europe. (2017). Internet and electoral campaigns: Study the use of the
internet in electoral campaigns (DGI(2017)11).
[19] Dahl, R. (1998). On democracy. London: Yale University Press.
[20] Demetrio, F. (2014). The grammar of class conflicts in the Philippine electoral
process and the task of Filipino philosophy.
[Link]
ilippineel
[21] Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1998). Strategies of qualitative inquiry. USA: SAGE
Publications.
[22] Dodds, K., et al. (2013). The Ashgate research companion to critical geopolitics.
London: Routledge.
[23] Dutton, W. H. (2009). The fifth estate emerging through the network of networks.
Prometheus, 27(1), 1–15.
[24] Etter, L. (2017). What happens when the government uses Facebook as a weapon?
Bloomberg Businessweek. [Link]
12-07/how-rodrigo-duterte-turned-facebook-into-a-weapon-with-a-little-help-
from-facebook
[25] Faraon, M., Stenberg, G., & Kaipainen, M. (2014). Political campaigning 2.0: The
influence of online news and social networking sites on attitudes and behavior.
Journal of eDemocracy, 6(3), 231–247.
[26] Fink, M. H., & Črnič, T. O. (2014). Digital citizenship as multiple political
participation? Predictors of digital political participation in Slovenia.
[27] Fujiwara, T., Muller, K., & Schwarz, C. (2023). The effect of social media on
elections: Evidence from the United States.
[Link]
[28] Gibson, R. (2004). Web campaigning from a global perspective. Asia Pacific
Review, 1, 95–126.
[29] Gil de Zúñiga, H., Molyneux, L., & Zheng, P. (2014). Social media, political
expression, and political participation: Panel analysis of lagged and concurrent
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 715
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

relationships. Journal of Communication, 64, 612–634.


[Link]
[30] Hardaker, C. (2010). Trolling in asynchronous computer-mediated
communication: From user discussions to academic definitions. Journal of
Politeness Research, 6(2), 215–242.
[31] Hardaker, C. (2013). Researching online abuse: The case of trolling. Lancaster:
ESRC Centre for Corpus Approaches to Social Science.
[32] Harfoush, R. (2009). We did: An inside look at how social media built the Obama
brand. Berkeley, CA: New Riders.
[33] Hobbes, T. (1968). Leviathan. Baltimore: Penguin Books.
[34] Hoffer, C. R. (1942). A sociological analysis of propaganda. Oxford University
Journal, 20(4).
[35] Howard, P. N. (2006). New media campaigns and the managed citizen. New York:
Cambridge University Press.
[36] Ibrahim, Y. (2016). Politics, protest, and empowerment in digital spaces. IGI
Global.
[37] Jaboneta, J. (2016). 10 takeaways from Duterte’s digital campaign. Rappler.
[Link]
[38] Jowett, G. S., & O’Donnell, V. (2012). Propaganda and persuasion (5th ed.).
Washington, DC: Sage.
[39] Karppi, T. (2013). Change the name to No One. Like people’s status: Facebook
trolling and managing online personas. In Trolls and the negative space of the
Internet (pp. 277–299).
[40] Klempka, A., & Stimson, A. (2013). Anonymous communication on the Internet
and trolling. Montreal: Concordia University.
[41] Kling, R. (2000). Learning about information technologies and social change: The
contribution to social informatics. Indiana University.
[42] Koc-Michalska, K., & Vedel, T. (2009). The Internet and French political
communication in the aftermath of the French presidential elections 2007. Paper
presented at the ECPR Conference, Potsdam.
[43] Kushin, M., & Kitchener, K. (2009). Getting political on social network sites:
Exploring online political discourse on Facebook. First Monday, 14(11).
[Link]
[44] Leaver, T. (2013). Olympic trolls: Mainstream memes and digital discord? In Trolls
and the negative space of the Internet (pp. 215–222).
[45] Lees-Marshment, J. (2011). The political marketing game. London: Routledge.

716 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

[46] Lilleker, D., & Jackson, N. (2011). Political campaigning, elections, and the
Internet: Comparing the U.S., UK, Germany, and France. London: Routledge.
[47] Lilleker, D. G., & Vedel, T. (n.d.). The Internet in campaigns and elections.
Bournemouth University Research Online.
[48] Lipsitz, K., & Panagopoulos, C. (2011). Filled coffers: Campaign contributions and
contributors in the 2008 election. Journal of Political Marketing, 10(1), 43–57.
[49] Lutz, C. (2016). A social milieu approach to online participation is divided in
Germany. Social Media + Society, 1–14.
[50] Melucci, A. (1996). Challenging codes: Collective action in the information age.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[51] McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding media: The extensions of man. London &
New York: Gingko Press.
[52] Mendoza, R. U., Bulaong, O. Jr., & Mendoza, G. A. S. (2022). Cronyism, oligarchy,
and governance in the Philippines: 1970s vs 2020s. Manila: Ateneo de Manila
University.
[53] Metzger, M. W., Erete, S. L., Barton, D. L., Desler, M. K., & Lewis, D. A. (2015). The
new political voice of young Americans: Online engagement and civic
development among first-year college students. Education, Citizenship and
Social Justice, 55–66.
[54] Morissey, L. (2010). Trolling is an art: Towards a schematic classification of
intention in Internet trolling. Griffith Working Papers in Pragmatics and
Intercultural Communication, 75–82.
[55] Norris, P. (2001). Digital divide: Civic engagement, information poverty, and the
Internet worldwide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[56] Obar, J. A., Zube, P., & Lampe, C. (2012). An analysis of how advocacy groups in
the United States perceive and use social media to facilitate civic engagement
and collective action. Journal of Information Policy, 2, 1–25.
[57] Parsons, T. (1992). In G. Ritzer (Ed.), Contemporary sociological theory (3rd ed.).
New York: McGraw-Hill Inc.
[58] Norris, P. (2003). Preaching to the converted? Pluralism, participation, and party
websites. Party Politics, 9(1), 21–45.
[59] Postman, N. (1985). Amusing ourselves to death: Public discourse in the age of
show business. USA: Penguin Books.
[60] Ressa, M. (2016). Propaganda war: Weaponizing the Internet. Rappler.
[Link]
internet
[61] Rush, M. (1992). Politics and society. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Rey & Rey. The Rise of Cyber Cronies | 717
IJCHR, 2025, 7(SI3), DOI: [Link]

[62] Salman, A., & Saad, S. (2005). Online political participation: A study of youth usage
of new media. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 6(4 S3). Rome: MCSER
Publishing.
[63] Sanfilippo, M., Yang, S., & Fichman, P. (2017). Managing online trolling: From
deviant to social and political trolls. Hawaii International Conference on System
Sciences, 1802–1811.
[64] Sarada, P. V. (2016). Trolls and their augmentation in the cyber world of Kerala.
IRA–International Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 733–738.
[65] Seymour-Ure, C. (1977). Parliament and mass communications in the twentieth
century. In C. A. Walkland (Ed.), The House of Commons in the twentieth
century (pp. 527–592). Oxford: Clarendon Press.
[66] Tacitus, C. (1811). A dialogue concerning oratory, or the causes of corrupt
eloquence (A. Murphy, Trans.). London.
[67] Teehankee, J. (2002). Electoral politics in the Philippines. In Electoral Politics in
Southeast and East Asia. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
[68] Towner, T. (2013). Is all political participation socially networked? New media and
the 2012 election. Social Science Computer Review, 31(5), 527–541.
[69] Vedel, T. (2003). Political communication in the age of the Internet. In P. J. Maarek
& G. Wolfsfeld (Eds.), Political communication in a new era (pp. 41–59).
London: Routledge.
[70] Ward, S., & Gibson, R. (2003). Online and on message? Candidates’ websites in the
2001 general election. British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 5(2),
188–205.
[71] Vesnic-Alujevic, L. (2012). Political participation and web 2.0 in Europe: A case
study of Facebook. Public Relations Review, 466–470.
[72] Weber, M. (1946). Politics as a vocation. In H. Gerth & C. W. Mills (Eds.), From
Max Weber. New York: Oxford University Press.
[73] Williams, S. (2017). Rodrigo Duterte’s army of online trolls: How authoritarian
regimes are winning the social media wars. New Republic.
[Link]
[74] Yang, H., & DeHart, J. L. (2016). Social media use and online political participation.
Social Media + Society, 1–18.

718 | International Journal on Culture, History, and Religion


Volume 7 Special Issue No. 3 (October 2025)

You might also like