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NEGOTIATION DYNAMICS
OF THE W TO
AN INSIDER’S ACCOUNT

MOHAN KUMAR
 Negotiation Dynamics of the WTO

“Dr. Mohan Kumar has produced a brilliant and incisive analysis of the history of
the multilateral trading system from Bretton Woods to the establishment of the
WTO in 1995. He brings the skills of a forensic analyst with an insider’s view as
a participant and the cerebral qualities of an academic with a Ph.D. from Sciences
Po University (Paris). A must-read for all those interested in the functioning of
the multilateral trading system.”
—Mr. Hardeep Singh Puri, Hon’ble Union Minister of State for Housing
and Urban Affairs, Former Ambassador of India to Brazil and Permanent
Representative at the Indian Missions in New York and Geneva, Former Indian
Negotiator to GATT and UNCTAD, Author of the book “Perilous Interventions”

“Dr. Mohan Kumar has solid credentials for writing an authoritative account
of the tumultuous negotiations that led to the establishment of the WTO. He
was a senior member of the delegation of India and India had so much at stake
in the reshaping of the multilateral trading system that was undertaken at these
talks. He shows rare insight into the underlying factors that influenced the man-
ner in which the negotiations played out. The narrative includes also a descrip-
tion of the bitter debate that preceded the launching of the Doha Round. This
book contains a great deal of learning for diplomats and trade policy officials of
developing countries.”
—Mr. Anwarul Hoda, Former Head of the Trade Policy Division and Chief
Negotiator, Ministry of Commerce, Government of India, Former Deputy Director
General, WTO, Geneva

“Dr. Mohan Kumar is one of those rare officers of the Indian Foreign Service
who spent considerable time in Geneva as part of the Indian negotiating team
at first the GATT and then the WTO. He was an integral part of the Indian del-
egation at three important Ministerial Conferences of the WTO i.e. Marrakesh
(1994), Seattle (1999) and Doha (2001). He therefore brings tremendous
knowledge and insight into the negotiation dynamics. His book is thus a vivid
account of the intricacies and realpolitik that surrounds the multilateral negoti-
ations. The book is also topical in view of the existential crisis facing the WTO.
All in all, a must-read for anyone interested in grasping how a supposedly rules-
based system operates as a power-based system during critical moments of impor-
tant negotiations.”
—Mr. S. Narayanan, Former Indian Ambassador to the WTO, Geneva, Former
Chief Textiles Negotiator of India
 Mohan Kumar

Negotiation Dynamics
of the WTO
An Insider’s Account
Mohan Kumar
Jindal School of international Affairs
O. P. Jindal Global University
Sonipat, Haryana, India

ISBN 978-981-10-8841-4 ISBN 978-981-10-8842-1 (eBook)

[Link]

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018937857

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover credit: JESPER KLAUSEN/SCIENCE PHOTO LIBRARY/Getty Images

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd. part of Springer Nature
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
 To
My wife Mala who has stood by me through thick and thin
And
My children Megha and Madhav who have brought so much joy
 Acknowledgements

The idea of writing a book on WTO was actually inspired by a chance

remark by noted Indian economist, the late Dr. Arjun Sengupta, who
heard me in the nineties speak at a conference on the concepts of
“dumping” and “injury” while I was Chairman of the WTO Committee
on Anti-Dumping. After listening to me, he said with apparent sincerity:
why don’t you write a book on WTO? Since then, I have pondered the
matter.
Thanks to encouragement from my better half, I ended up doing a
doctorate from Sciences Po in Paris on the subject of WTO negotiations.
This book is largely, though not entirely, based on my doctoral thesis.
What I have tried to do is to put my decade-long negotiating experience
at the GATT/WTO in perspective. In doing so, I have tried, hopefully
with some success, to be a WTO historian. At a time when the WTO
faces an existential crisis, it is hoped that this book will inform and edu-
cate the public at large about the intricacies of multilateral trade negoti-
ations.
I owe a debt of gratitude to the Dean of the Jindal School of
International Affairs, Professor Sreeram Chaulia, who encouraged me in
every way possible. Finally, I sincerely thank Palgrave Macmillan for pub-
lishing this book.

vii
 Contents

1 The Mother of All Rounds 1

1.1 Background 1
1.2 The Earlier GATT Rounds 2
1.3 Why a Mother of All Rounds? 6
1.4 The Punta Conference 11
1.5 Agriculture 24
1.6 Services 30
1.7 TRIPs 36
1.8 Textiles 43
1.9 NAMA 49
1.10 The Draft Final Act 52
1.11 Creating the WTO 56
1.12 Negotiating Implications of the Uruguay Round 61
1.13 Negotiation Resentment 65

2 The Millennium Round That Failed 67

2.1 Background 67
2.2 Singapore Issues 70
2.3 Preparations for Seattle 73
2.4 Labour Standards 79
2.5 Like-Minded Group (LMG) 81
2.6 Negotiating Logic Behind “Implementation Issues” 84

ix
x    Contents

2.7 Negotiating Impasse 87

2.8 Why Seattle Failed? 96
2.9 Conclusion 97

3 The Development Round 101

3.1 Background 101
3.2 Internal Transparency 106
3.3 External Transparency 111
3.4 Participation of LDCs 115
3.5 Choice of Doha as Venue for the Ministerial Conference 118
3.6 The Mystery of “Development” 121
3.7 Prelude to Doha 123
3.8 TRIPs and Public Health 124
3.9 Implementation Again 132
3.10 The End Game 139
3.11 India’s Position 144
3.12 Why Doha Succeeded 145
3.13 Doha Post Script 147

4 India at the WTO: Punching Above Its Weight 151

4.1 Domestic Decision-Making Structure 151
4.2 Sui Generis 158
4.3 Going It Alone 160
4.4 Punching Above Its Weight 169

5 Conclusion 177
5.1 Whither WTO? 177
5.2 Some Ideas to Revive the WTO 179

Ministry of Commerce and Industry (Vanijya Aur Udyog

Mantralaya) 185

References 205

Index 211
 About the Author

Dr. Mohan Kumar is Vice-Dean and Professor of Diplomatic Practice

at Jindal School of International Affairs, Sonipat, India. He also serves as
Vice Chairman of the Delhi-based think tank, RIS.
Kumar received his Bachelor’s degree in Business Administration
from the University of Madurai and his MBA from the Faculty of
Management Studies, University of Delhi. He then completed his Ph.D.
from Sciences Po in Paris.
Kumar was a member of the Indian Foreign Service for 36 long years
until he retired as India’s Ambassador to France in July 2017. Beginning
1992, Kumar was associated with first the GATT and then the WTO,
for almost a decade. During this period, Kumar was India’s lead nego-
tiator in areas such as Intellectual Property Rights, Services, Rules and
Textiles. He has served in multiple WTO dispute settlement panels and
has chaired the WTO Committees on Anti-dumping/Technical Barriers
to Trade, in addition to overseeing Moldova’s Accession to the WTO.
Kumar has had the unique opportunity of being an important part of the
Indian negotiating team at three crucial WTO Ministerial Conferences:
Marrakesh (1994), Seattle (1999) and Doha (2001).

xi
 Introduction

The Bretton Woods Conference which convened in 1944 was originally

intended to draft a charter for the IMF and the World Bank. However, it
was recognized at this conference that these two institutions alone would
not be enough to tackle situations such as the “ Great Depression”. The
Conference, therefore, recommended that governments seek to reach
agreement on ways and means to reduce obstacles to international trade
and in other ways promote mutually advantageous international com-
mercial relations. So, the original intention was to create a third insti-
tution to handle the trade side of international economic cooperation,
joining the two Bretton Woods institutions, namely, the IMF and the
World Bank.
The idea was to create an organization called the International Trade
Organization (ITO) at the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Employment in Havana, Cuba in 1947. Even though a charter for ITO
was agreed in March 1948, non-ratification by the US subsequently
killed the ITO. In parallel, beginning December 1945, about 15 coun-
tries had begun talks to reduce and bind customs tariffs. By October
1947, the group which had expanded to 23 countries came up with a
package of trade rules and 45,000 tariff concessions affecting $10
Billion worth of trade. A unique feature was that these tariff conces-
sions came into effect in June 1948 through a “Protocol of Provisional
Application”. Thus, was born the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) with 23 founding members.
The following features about the GATT are noteworthy:

xiii
xiv    Introduction

(a) It was not a legal organization. It remained a “provisional con-

tract” among its members.
(b) It was far from universal in terms of membership. A handful of
countries, led mainly by the developed and the industrialized
world comprised its membership.
(c) GATT was hardly high-profile. It was thought of as an arcane
set-up best left to technical experts who mastered customs tariffs
and classification.
(d) Countries such as India, who were founding members, hardly
played an influential role in the earlier GATT Rounds of trade
negotiations. They were mere bystanders.

The Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations launched

in Punta del Este in 1986 was different and the tough discussions that
took place prior to the launch of this Round were a precursor to the
actual negotiations that followed. It was immediately obvious to coun-
tries such as India and Brazil that the Uruguay Round negotiations
sought to change the GATT in a fundamental manner. For one thing,
the sheer scope of the subjects sought to be included for negotiations
was vast. Thus, subjects such as Services and Intellectual Property Rights
found their way into the negotiating agenda. These impinged directly
on national policy and had the potential to impact people’s lives. The
Uruguay Round was also, at least in part, driven by the desire of play-
ers such as the US, the EU and Japan to seek substantial market access
in major developing countries such as India and Brazil. In earlier trade
rounds at the GATT, the developing countries hardly played any direct
role; accordingly, they were also not expected to take on onerous obli-
gations because of “special and differential treatment” and the principle
of “non-reciprocity”. Right from the beginning, it was clear to Indian
negotiators that this was sought to be changed in the Uruguay Round.
From the viewpoint of QUAD countries (the QUAD comprised the US,
the EU, Japan and Canada), there were, henceforth, to be no “free-rid-
ers”.
Given the importance outlined above of the Uruguay Round,
Chapter 1 traces the period from its launch in Punta del Este (Uruguay)
in 1986 to the conclusion of the Round in Marrakesh in 1994 and the
entry into force of the WTO on 1 January 1995. The Uruguay Round
of multilateral trade negotiations was an exercise in realpolitik with
the most powerful players, i.e., the US and the EU having their way,
 Introduction    xv

at least most of the time, in the face of either silent acquiescence by a

large majority of countries or virulent opposition demonstrated by a few.
Either way, it is hard to contest the fact that the outcome of the Uruguay
Round largely served the interests of the developed countries and by the
same token, the outcome was unfair and unbalanced for some, if not all,
developing countries.
The author argues that because of the manner in which the Uruguay
Round negotiations played out and the nature of the outcome, it led to
“negotiation resentment” for a certain number of developing countries.
It was against the backdrop of this continuing “negotiation resent-
ment” that preparations were launched for a WTO Ministerial
Conference in Seattle. Chapter 2 dwells on how this ill-fated conference
was dogged by poor preparation, a certain degree of insensitivity by key
developed countries towards the concerns of developing countries and of
course, the nadir of WTO’s reputation amongst the NGOs who gathered
in Seattle. In retrospect, Seattle was doomed to fail. It is doubtful if the
US was committed enough to success in Seattle. Ultimately, fail it did
leading to what the author describes as “trust deficit” between the devel-
oped countries on the one hand and certain key developing and least-de-
veloped countries on the other.
The idea of launching a “Development Round” was in part an
attempt by the powerful WTO Members to assuage the “negotiation
resentment” and to overcome the “trust deficit” referred to above.
Chapter 3 traces the WTO saga that began in the wake of the failure at
Seattle and the difficult path that led to the launch of a new Round at
Doha in November 2001. The launch of a new Round at Doha was also,
in no small measure, due to extraneous factors such as the 9/11 terror
attacks in New York.
The Doha Ministerial declaration (outcome of hard-fought negotia-
tions among WTO Members) boldly proclaimed, for the very first time
ever, that the needs and interests of the developing countries would be
placed at the heart of the future negotiations. The author argues that this
has not happened so far and this may well explain why the Doha Round
is still floundering. The author concludes that in 2012 a “state of dise-
quilibrium” characterized the negotiation dynamics of the WTO.
Chapter 4 describes in some detail India’s domestic decision-mak-
ing structure as well as some of the factors driving India’s negotiating
stance at the WTO. India’s negotiating strategy at the WTO makes for
xvi    Introduction

interesting research since it is a combination of national interest, idealis-

tic principles and domestic politics. It is hoped that those who are either
unclear or surprised at India’s negotiating position on various issues
will, after going through this Chapter, be better able to understand and
appreciate India’s negotiating conduct at the WTO.
The last Chapter 5 describes the current impasse at the WTO and
offers some ideas to revive an institution that is so crucial for the smooth
functioning of the multilateral trading system.
 CHAPTER 1

The Mother of All Rounds

1.1  Background
Any effort at understanding the current negotiation dynamics at the
World Trade Organization (WTO) must be preceded by a thorough
assessment of what happened during the Uruguay Round of multilateral
trade negotiations (henceforth referred to as just the Uruguay Round).1
The reasons for this are given below:

1. Without any doubt, the Uruguay Round was the most compre-
hensive and far-reaching multilateral trade negotiations ever under-
taken globally.
2. When it succeeded, it brought about the biggest reform of the
multilateral trading system.
3. It resulted in the birth of a brand new international organization
called the WTO.
4. Although many countries accepted the outcome of the Uruguay
Round and thus became WTO Members, the truth was that
actual negotiations were confined to a relatively small number of
countries, in general, and a handful of developing countries, in
particular.

1 The name refers to the multilateral round of trade negotiations launched in Punta del

Este, capital of Uruguay in September 1986.

© The Author(s) 2018 1

M. Kumar, Negotiation Dynamics of the WTO,
[Link]
2 M. Kumar

5. It is fair to say that a large number of developing countries either did
not fully grasp the nature and scope of obligations they were under-
taking or were forced to undertake them under some sort of pressure.
6. The above has had a lasting effect on the functioning of the WTO.
Indeed, one of the central points in this book is that the content,
nature, scope and the manner in which the Uruguay Round was
formulated and concluded has left an indelible imprint on the sub-
sequent negotiation dynamics of the WTO.

1.2  The Earlier GATT Rounds

The period before the entry into force of the WTO, i.e. 1 January 1995,
can be divided, for the sake of convenience, into three periods: 1947–1964,
1964–1973 and 1973–1986.
An excellent account of the early General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) Rounds may be found in the book “The World Trading
System” written by the trade guru John Howard Jackson. He cites a
table in his book which is reproduced below:
Round Dates Number of Value of trade Average tariff Average tariffs
countries covered cut (%) afterward
Geneva 1947 23 $10 Billion 35 NA
Annecy 1949 33 Unavailable 35 NA
Torquay 1950 34 Unavailable 35 NA
Geneva 1956 22 $2.5 Billion 35 NA
Dillon 1960–1961 45 $4.9 Billion 35 NA
Kennedy 1962–1967 48 $40 Billion 35 8.7%
Tokyo 1973–1979 99 $155 Billion 34 6.3%
Uruguay 1986–1994 120a $3.7 Trillion 38 3.9%
aJackson, John. 1997. The World Trading System: Law and Policy of International Economic Relations,

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

As can be seen from the table the first period, i.e. 1947–1964 saw
the GATT concentrate essentially on mutually beneficial and reciprocal
reduction of tariffs. The membership remained a modest 45, with the
actual negotiations confined to essentially the developed countries. They
would negotiate the reduction of tariffs among themselves and then
apply it on a Most Favoured Nation (MFN)-basis to other countries.
Developing countries neither had a significant share of trade nor did they
constitute an important market for the products of the developed coun-
tries. So, in effect, their lack of participation did not make a difference.
 1 THE MOTHER OF ALL ROUNDS 3

The Kennedy Round not only continued negotiations on tariff reduc-

tions but decided to have a go at the issue of non-tariff measures (NTMs)
for the first time. Two developments were noteworthy. One was the Anti-
Dumping Code and this was deemed necessary to counter the protectionist
sentiment prevalent at the time.2 In effect, countries which were agreeing
to reduction of tariffs in the negotiations, were using anti-dumping duties
indiscriminately to nullify the advantage of tariff concessions. So, some reg-
ulation of anti-dumping was thought essential to safeguard the final out-
come of the Kennedy Round tariff concessions estimated at $40 Billion.
A more important development, from developing countries point of
view, was an agreement incorporated as Part IV of GATT which became
effective in June 1966.3 This goes on to state that the developed coun-
tries do not expect reciprocity for commitments made by them in trade
negotiations to reduce or remove tariffs and other barriers to the trade of
less-developed (i.e. developing) countries. An interpretative note in the
GATT adds that the developing countries should not be expected, in the
course of trade negotiations, to make contributions which are inconsist-
ent with their individual development, financial and trade needs, taking
into consideration past trade developments. Developing country negotia-
tors (particularly those belonging to India, Brazil, etc.) who were other-
wise bystanders in tariff negotiations, deserve credit for negotiating such
language in the early pre-Uruguay Round days of GATT. Their main
motivation was to preserve, for their countries, full policy space so that
they retain the potential to go forward unimpeded on the path towards
industrialization and economic growth.
The third period coincides with the Tokyo Round, arguably the first
major attempt to tackle trade barriers that do not take the form of tariffs
and to improve the multilateral trading system. The Tokyo Round was
significant because 102 countries participated in it and they exchanged
tariff reductions covering more than $300 Billion worth of trade.4 While
the Tokyo Round failed to make progress in the areas of Agriculture and
Safeguards, it did break new ground with a series of new agreements on
non-tariff barriers. Thus, there were “codes” on technical barriers to
trade and on import licensing procedures.

2 WTO newsletter “Focus” No: 30, May 1998, [Link].

3 Hoda, Anwarul. 2002. Tariff Negotiations and Renegotiations Under the GATT and the
WTO: Procedures and Practices, Cambridge University Press.
4 Ibid.
4 M. Kumar

For developing countries the Tokyo Round will be remembered,

above all, for the “Decision on Differential and More Favourable
Treatment, Reciprocity and Fuller Participation of Developing
Countries”. This was an elaboration of the concept of non-­reciprocity
outlined in the Kennedy Round. The main outcome of this decision was:
The developed countries do not expect reciprocity for commitments
made by them in trade negotiations to reduce or remove tariffs and other
barriers to the trade of developing countries, i.e. the developed countries
do not expect the developing countries, in the course of trade negotia-
tions, to make contributions which are inconsistent with their individual
development, financial and trade needs. Developed contracting parties
shall, therefore, not seek, neither shall less-developed contracting parties
be required to make concessions that are inconsistent with the latter’s
development, financial and trade needs.5 Having regard to the special
economic difficulties and the particular development, financial and trade
needs of the least developed countries, the developed countries shall
exercise the utmost restraint in seeking any concessions or contributions
for commitments made by them to reduce or remove tariffs and other
barriers to the trade of such countries and the least developed coun-
tries shall not be expected to make concessions or contributions that are
inconsistent with the recognition of their particular situation and prob-
lems.6 This was probably the first time when developing countries such
as Brazil and India participated in the GATT negotiations in what was
known as the Framework Group of the Kennedy Round.7 This was sig-
nificant for a variety of reasons. First, the sheer lack of economic clout by
developing countries at the time meant that they were not in a position
to make matching concessions (nor were they in a position to demand)
to developed countries. Second, they did not really participate effec-
tively in the tariff negotiations anyway. Tariff negotiations mainly hap-
pened between the developed countries themselves. Thus, at the Dillon
Round, 96% of US tariffs cuts—although made on a MFN basis—were

5 Ibid.

6 Pre-WTO legal texts, Tokyo Round Codes, Decision on Differential and More

Favourable Treatment, Reciprocity and Fuller Participation of Developing Countries,

Decision of November 28, 1979, [Link].
7 Hoda, Anwarul. 2002. Tariff Negotiations and Renegotiations Under the GATT and the

WTO: Procedures and Practices, Cambridge University Press.

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