Chasing Skinny Rabbits

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Chasing Skinny Rabbits
Chasing Skinny Rabbits

edited by

John Trent

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 IV

THE CELTIC CHRISTIANITY OF CORNWALL

B y comparing the development of Christian institutions in the

various portions of the Celtic world and observing those
elements which were, for three centuries at least, characteristic,
common and permanent, it ought to be possible to arrive at some
very definite and useful results. It ought to be possible to
supplement the evidence, supplied by writers like Gildas and the
venerable Bede, and, from the common store of Celtic learning,
acquired in Wales, Ireland and Brittany, to remedy our defective
knowledge of Cornwall and of Cornish Christianity. Obviously the
closer the relations between the four Celtic families the stronger the
presumption in favour of an identity of ecclesiastical organisation.
Until the Saxon raids, which began in the year 428, Cornwall and
Wales were integral portions of Great Britain; the inhabitants,
though differentiated into kingdoms, were bound together by a
common religion and by a more or less common language.
The Roman occupation which in Armorica had changed the
vernacular from Gaulish to Latin (which in the fifth century was, in
that country, already giving rise to a romance language) achieved no
such marked result in Britain. Latin may have been spoken in the
centres of population and in places where the Roman influence was
exceptionally strong; it may have been spoken, as Professor
Haverfield contends, in the eastern counties; but the absence of any
trace of a romance language goes to prove that it was never the
vernacular.
 The Saxon invasion which, during the fifth and sixth centuries,
reduced the Britons to a state of servitude, or drove them to the
more inaccessible and remote regions of Wales and Cornwall, was
the immediate cause of a great exodus to Armorica. No event in
British history proved more fruitful in results: no event is more
suggestive for the purpose of elucidating Cornish Church history.
How large was the share taken in that emigration by the people of
Dumnonia (Cornwall, Devon, Dorset and Somerset) may be gathered
from the fact that the language which the emigrants introduced into
Armorica—a language which speedily superseded Latin just as Latin
had superseded Gaulish—was Cornish rather than Welsh, the
language, in short, which survived in some parts of Cornwall until
the eighteenth century and which is, with some slight modification,
still spoken in Finistère and to some extent in Morbihan and Côtes
du Nord. Professor Loth, whose eminence as a Celtic scholar no one
will dispute, has written, “it is certain that linguistically the Britons of
Cornwall were nearer of kin to the emigrants than the Welsh: they
doubtless occupied the nearer neighbourhood of ancient Dumnonia.”
“The Breton language forms with Cornish a closely compacted unity
as opposed to Welsh, although the three languages were assuredly
very near neighbours at this period” (the fifth century).[43]
Armorica itself became known as Brittany in the sixth century.
Cornwall (Cornouaille) was adopted as the name of that portion of it
between the Elorn and the Ellé soon afterwards. Dumnonia was the
name given to the northern portion between the Elorn and the
Cuesnon in the ninth century. The settlers in Armorica introduced
their own form of Christianity, and the object of the British and Irish
missionary saints who flocked thither soon afterwards was not, as
ancient writers have supposed, in order to convert the pagan Gauls,
but rather to administer to the spiritual needs of their compatriots.
To these missions our Dumnonia contributed little in comparison with
Wales. Cornwall after the foundation of the kingdom of Wessex in
519 became isolated: its relations with Brittany were doubtless
closer than with Saxonised Britain. But it never became, like Wales
and Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries, a great missionary
centre. The founders of the Breton monastery-bishoprics—Pol
Aurelian, Lunaire, Magloire, Mewan and Malo were all Welsh: Tutwal
only, the founder of Tréguier, was of British Dumnonia. Of the British
saints whose names are found in the parishes, fractions of parishes
and holy places of Brittany, from 80 to 90 are Welsh; about 60
appear in Cornwall; from 30 to 40 appear only in Brittany and in
Cornwall and Devon, and a few in Somerset.[44]
The British refugees remind us of Æneas whom tradition
represents as bringing with him his Lares and Penates to Italy. The
Dumnonian immigrants brought with them the cult of their own
insular saints. At a later period Brittany was able to make a return in
kind. Pol Aurelian, Sampson, Columba, Meriadec, Corentin and
others of Breton fame were received into the devotional system of
Cornwall.
Not only were the Breton and Cornish people one in origin,
tradition, language and religious sentiment, they were one in their
Celtic ideal of the priestly and religious life. Theirs no less than that
of the Welsh and Irish was the monastic ideal. Every Cornish place-
name bearing the prefix lan, together with some place-names
bearing the prefix nan, implies a monastic foundation. Lanisley,
Landithy, Lanhydrock, Lanherne and Landegy, Nancekuke and
Nansladron are a few examples which show that the quasi-monastic
foundations of Domesday Book were only modified survivals of what
was in the sixth century the accepted ecclesiastical type, a type
which continued to exist apparently long after the parochial system
made its appearance. A body of celibate clergy, living in community,
observing a religious rule and entrusted with the care of souls over
an ill-defined area will probably represent the normal, just as an
anchorite living solitary with a view to the perfecting of his soul in
holiness will represent the abnormal development of the monastic
ideal. We have no means of estimating the number of monks whose
segregation constituted a Cornish lan. It is probable that the
communities were small as compared with those of Wales and
Ireland. The great monastery of Bangor Iscoed on the Dee had,
according to the Venerable Bede, at the beginning of the seventh
century no less than 2100 monks. Clonard, in the county of Meath,
founded by St. Finnian about the year 520, is said to have been
larger. It may be extravagance on the part of the biographer of St.
Patrick to state that the saint enjoined a levy of a tithe of the men as
well as a tithe of the land for the support of the Church,[45] but there
can be no doubt that a very considerable fraction of the Celtic
population embraced the religious life. At the same time we shall
probably arrive at a false economic inference unless we bear in mind
the tripartite division of the monk’s day which required one-third of it
to be spent in manual labour.
Professor Loth, as the result of a careful study of Breton
toponomastic, has arrived at the conclusion that the Armorican
parishes were placed as early as the sixth and seventh century
under the invocation of the saints—national, emigrant, or otherwise
—whose names they still bear.[46] It is therefore possible, I think
probable, that the Cornish parish is older than the English. The
reforms of Archbishop Theodore (668-690) which resulted in the
subdivision of dioceses and the formation of parishes, were begun
though not completed a little less than a century later. Cornwall and
Wales were unaffected by these reforms, the Archbishop of
Canterbury’s jurisdiction not being acknowledged by Cornwall until
the days of Egbert (803-839), or by Wales until the beginning of the
twelfth century.
In the absence of clear historical evidence it would be rash to
assert that every development in Wales, Brittany and Ireland was
followed by a corresponding development in Cornwall, but where the
same religious influences were at work in every other Celtic-speaking
country it may be assumed that those influences were at work in
Cornwall, and the receptivity of the Cornish in the matter of religion,
when the influence was held to come from the right quarter, is
witnessed by the readiness wherewith they admitted Welsh, Irish
and Breton saints into their hagiologies.
At the time under discussion it will be borne in mind that the
saints reverenced in Cornwall were almost if not wholly Celtic. Even
at the present time, in spite of the Saxon conquest and the
submission to Canterbury, in spite of the attempt to substitute saints
from the Roman Kalendar for the Celtic patrons of Cornish churches
in the fourteenth century, and in spite of the ignorant perversion of
spelling and the abortive attempts at identification on the part of the
English registrars who conducted the business of the bishop’s court
at Exeter, it is a matter for wonder and gratitude that so many
Cornish churches should still be known by their ancient saints’
names.
If we compare the dedications of Derbyshire with those of
Cornwall we find that of the 168 ancient churches in the former
county, 72 are under the invocation of Scriptural saints, 18 under St.
Michael, 28 under All Saints, 34 under historical saints like Martin,
Lawrence and Giles and about 16 under English and Saxonised
saints, like Edmund, Oswald, Wilfrid, Werburgh and Cuthbert.
On the other hand, in Cornwall, of the 200 dedications 30 are
Scriptural, less than 30 are strangers (either historical and non-
English like Martin, German and Clement, or aggressively English,
like Morwenna, Werburgh, Swithun and Neot, or Saxonised like
Cuthbert, Olave, Odulph and Hugh) and the rest, more than two-
thirds of the total number, are Celtic. Nor is it difficult to account for
the presence of the Saxon element. The monastic ideal presented by
Werburgh the abbess and by Cuthbert the abbot-bishop would
appeal to the prevailing monastic temper, while the early settlement
of Saxons in the north-eastern portion of the county, of which we
have abundant proof in its toponomastic (e.g. in Morwenstow,
Jacobstow, Aldestow and Neotstou) and in the will of King Alfred
(871-901) whose possessions in Triconshire (the hundred of Trigg
which at that time probably embraced the hundred of Stratton) are
expressly mentioned, will account for saints like Neot, Swithun and
Morwenna who probably displaced the Celtic saints of an earlier
period.
Before passing to what is of greatest interest—the Celtic
episcopate—a few words are required respecting the two great
controversies, which, however trivial in themselves, served the
purpose of furnishing records of a period concerning which records
are very scarce.
The Easter no less than the Tonsure controversy was one of the
results of the isolation of Celtic Christianity. In order to find Easter
the Roman Church had, until the year 457, used the old Jewish cycle
of 84 years. In that year a cycle of 532 years was adopted. The
Welsh and Cornish, who had received their Christianity during the
Roman occupation of Great Britain, and therefore long before 457,
continued to use the Jewish cycle. They refused to conform to the
Roman use and persisted in their refusal for a very considerable
period. Ireland, which had also become Christian before 457, was
the first to adopt the Roman Easter in 633. Cornwall followed in or
about 705, as the result of St. Aldhelm’s famous letter to Geruntius,
prince of Dumnonia. North Wales held out until 768 and South Wales
until 777.[47] Mr. Haddan, who identifies the “errores” of bishop
Leofric’s Missal (909) with the “egregium errorem Brittonum” of
Bede’s history, is inclined to the opinion that St. Aldhelm’s letter was
inoperative outside the Kingdom of Wessex;[48] but the opinion is
open to dispute.
The shaving of the head does not appear to have been associated
with the Christian ministry until the fourth century. The apostolic
injunction respecting long hair was observed, but it was the monks
who introduced the tonsure which, at first, was a tonsure of the
entire head and known as that of St. Paul. St. Peter’s tonsure, which
allowed to the shaven ecclesiastic an aureole or crown of hair
around the denuded pate, was not introduced until the sixth century.
Long before this time, however, the monks of the Celtic world had
become distinguished by a tonsure which apparently made bare the
fore part only of the head and left a semicircular fringe in front. The
Celtic tonsure was taken by the British refugees to Brittany and
Galicia. It was as characteristic of the Celtic clergy as the kilt is
characteristic of Scottish soldiers to-day. Its origin was almost
certainly Druidical, and, if so, it is one of the few shreds of evidence
we possess of the presence of Druids in Cornwall. Their presence in
Great Britain at an earlier period is generally allowed; their presence
and power in Ireland is conclusively proved.
The Celtic tonsure appears to have been abandoned at the time
when the Roman Easter was accepted.
 V

THE MONASTERY-BISHOPRICS OF CORNWALL

T he chief interest of Celtic Christianity gathers around the

monastery-bishopric and the abbot-bishop who ruled it. In the
sixth century the religious life had become much more than a
counsel of perfection. In Ireland the Church was almost exclusively
monastic. In Wales St. German is said to have founded a monastery
during his second visit. Iltut, whom he ordained priest, was the
founder of Llantwit, the great school of monks whence came
Sampson, Paul Aurelian and possibly Gildas and David.
At the outset it is necessary to guard against the undercurrent of
thought which connects Celtic monasticism with one or other of the
great religious orders. The earliest of these orders—that of St.
Benedict—was not established until about A.D. 529, and was not
introduced into Britain until St. Augustine’s arrival in A.D. 597. At the
interview between Augustine and the Welsh bishops in 603 Dinoot
abbot of Bangor Iscoed was among the strongest opponents of
compromise. Celtic monasticism owed nothing to St. Benedict or to
St. Augustine. When therefore we read the statement of a shrewd
and learned writer like Sir John Maclean that “St. Petrock founded
his monastery at Bodmin adopting the rule of St. Benedict” and
when we recall an admission by the same writer that Petrock was
educated at the great monastery of Clonard towards the end of the
fifth or at the beginning of the sixth century, i.e. presumably
between 490 and A.D. 510 and therefore before the Benedictine order
was founded, we realise how mischievous this undercurrent of
thought may prove.
There is no evidence that any early monastic foundation in the
Celtic world was established in accordance with the Benedictine
discipline. Celtic monasticism was quite definitely sui generis. The
mission of St. German in 429 and 447 probably laid the foundations
of it in Britain.
It had achieved some of its greatest victories before St. Augustine
of Canterbury was born. Paul Aurelian, the Welsh monk, established
the monastery-bishopric of Léon in A.D. 530: Sampson, a compatriot,
the similar foundation at Dol in A.D. 565: Tutwal of British Dumnonia
was abbot before he became abbot-bishop of Tréguier in the same
century. In Ireland the monastery of Clonard was founded before the
Benedictine order came into existence. St. Patrick was a
contemporary of St. German. Celtic Christianity, while it was
practically independent of Rome,[49] became intensely monastic.
There is nothing therefore to lead us to regard the canons of St.
Petrock, St. Piran, St. Stephen, St. Keverne and St. Probus,
mentioned in Domesday Book, as subject to the discipline of St.
Benedict. Such evidence as we possess tends to confirm the contrary
opinion. What has been said of the order of St. Benedict applies with
greater force to that of St. Augustine, the Black Canons, whose
earliest foundation in England dates from A.D. 1108, that is, 22 years
after Domesday Book was compiled. Cardinal Gasquet truly says the
clergy of every large church, as being subject to rule, were called
canons. The rule of St. Augustine was not introduced at Bodmin until
the time of Bishop William Warelwast (1107-36).[50]
Under the strong pressure exerted by monastic expansion the
governmental character of episcopacy became attenuated. This was
especially the case in Ireland and in those churches which owed
their foundation to Irish missions. The multiplication of bishops
tended to degrade the office. It is impossible to read the accounts of
monastic rule as developed by St. Bridget at Kildare and by the Irish
mission at Iona, and of the mechanical and subsidiary part which the
bishops were called upon to play in the drama, without being aware
of the subversion of one of the fundamental marks of episcopacy.
The present writer has found but slight evidence of this disastrous
policy in Wales and Brittany. There the abbot-bishop is seen as the
ruler of a monastery or of a tribe. Innumerable monasteries had no
bishop at all. The presence of a bishop gave to the monastery the
elements of permanence and priority. The Breton and Welsh
monastery-bishoprics have in many instances survived as bishoprics
up to the present time solely, as it would seem, owing to their early
episcopal character.
The distinction between the Irish and British conception of
episcopacy must be borne in mind when we attempt to reconstruct
the ecclesiastical institutions of Cornwall. It has been shown that the
relation between Cornwall and Brittany was that of mother and
daughter. Between Wales and Cornwall the relation, though probably
less close, was far closer than that between Ireland and Cornwall. It
is therefore more than probable that while the abbot-bishop was
everywhere a distinguishing feature of Celtic Christianity there was
here (in this county) no such perversion of the episcopal office as to
give rise to a body of episcopi vagantes of whom we read in
connection with Ireland and Irish missions.[51]
That Cornwall possessed bishops is certain, and that they ruled
monasteries is equally certain, diocesan bishops being, during the
period under consideration, practically unknown to the Celtic world.
History helps us little as regards Cornwall. We know that in A.D. 664
two British bishops (duobus de Brittonum gente episcopis), whom
Mr. Haddan considers to have been Cornish, assisted Wini, the Saxon
bishop of Wessex, in the consecration of St. Chad.[52]
Gildas, the Jeremiah of Britain, whose De Excidio is stated to have
been written in the sixth century, introduces us to an ecclesiastical
system which, in respect of its main features, differs hardly if at all
from that with which we are familiar, but which both surprises us by
the evidence of its progress and alarms us by the extent of its
perverseness. Gildas speaks of the clergy “intruding themselves into
the preferments of the Church, yea, rather buying the same at a
high rate” and “after the example of Simon Magus buying the office
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