IR Notes
IR Notes
Principles that would govern relations among large and small nations, known as the
"Ten Principles of Bandung", were proclaimed at that Conference. The Bandung
conference paved way for the creation of the Movement of Non-Aligned nations in
1961. The Indus Water Treaty signed in Karachi on 19 September 1960 by Prime
Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru and President of Pakistan Ayub Khan, was a
testimony to progress made on contentious issues through diplomatic means.
One of the key elements of a foreign policy based on the idea of nonalignment was
the limitation of high defence expenditures. Such a policy weakened the hard power
capabilities of India. India gave refuge to the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama in
1959 and negotiations with the PRC reached a dead end in 1960. When in 1962 the
People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the PRC invaded India with extensive force, the
Indian military was unprepared to face the assault. The PLA inflicted considerable
losses on the Indian forces and then withdrew. However, they did not vacate Axai
Chin and it remains a bone of contention in India’s relation with China.
NAM- The Founders of NAM have preferred to declare it as a movement but not an
organization to avoid bureaucratic implications of the latter. First Summit
Conference of Belgrade, 1961.
In the aftermath of the China war Nehru faced criticism at home. Changes in India’s
approach after the debacle also begun under him. India embarked on a substantial
program of military modernization.
During the 1965 war the US suspended military aid to both the countries. Pakistan
sought to expand the scope of its security cooperation with the People’s Republic of
China (PRC) to balance Indian power. USSR mediated the Tashkent agreement
between India and Pakistan in 1966.
Chinese nuclear test in 1964. In 1966, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who succeeded
Mr. Shastri, also decided to seek a nuclear guarantee from the great powers. This
effort, however, brought no success which led to India’s first nuclear test of May
1974. India had signed the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) which came into existence
in 1963. It was perhaps in the hope that the treaty would lead to further nuclear
disarmament. However these hopes remained hopes only. The Non Proliferation
Treaty (NPT) which opened for signature in 1968 represented the inequities of
global order. India opposed citing norms of sovereign equality.
On the one hand, India still supported the cause of decolonization and continued to
lead the cause. For example, it remained a staunch opponent of the apartheid regime
in South Africa; it was an unyielding supporter of the Palestinian cause. On the other
hand, it also came to accept the importance of defence preparedness and
increasingly overcame its reservations about the use of force in international
politics. Thus, in 1971 faced with the influx of millions of refugees from East
Pakistan after the outbreak of a civil war, India quickly moved ahead with a strategic
vision to devise a political and diplomatic initiative backed by military action against
Pakistan. This strategy involved a security understanding with the Soviet Union to
counter possible Chinese involvement. Thus, India signed a 20-year Treaty of Peace,
Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union in August 1971.
Simla Agreement signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and President Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto of Pakistan on 2 July 1972. It was a comprehensive blue print for good
neighbourly relations between India and Pakistan.
PRC entered the UN and assumed the seat in the Security Council in October 1971.
In the larger international economic context, India remained at the forefront of
the Group of 77, a group established in 1964 comprising of developing nations
seeking fundamental changes in the global economic order. Furthermore, the 1973
oil crisis in the wake of the Arab-Israeli war in the same year placed an economic
challenge before India.
In 1988 Rajiv Gandhi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit China since
1954 and establishing contacts with Deng Xiaoping under whom China had ushered
in new era of economic reforms. The initiative for regional cooperation materialised
in the formation of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
in 1985. The India-Sri Lanka Peace Accord in 1987 and subsequent decision to send
Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka had long lasting impact in the region.
Further “Operation Cactus” that involved military action against the coup in Maldives
in 1988.
At the same time India turned towards Southeast Asia in search for avenues that
can be explored for engagement in economic and strategic arena. “Look East policy”
after 1991. The neighbourhood was identified as the first concentric circle of
India’s foreign policy and in policy terms this was reflected in the Gujral Doctrine
of 1996, named so after the then Foreign Minister Inder Kumar Gujral.
Coupled with the Pakistan factor, the calculation from nuclear threat posed by China
drove India’s nuclear weapons program to its next stage. India declared itself a full
fledged nuclear state after 5 nuclear tests at Pokhran in May 1998. This attracted
sanctions from United States and the other great powers; and led to the recognition
of India as a de facto nuclear power in the later years. Incursion of Pakistan in the
Kargil region led to a limited war between the two nuclear states in 1999.
Terrorism which had been a key challenge for India became a key issue in global
politics after the cold war and especially since the 11 September 2001 terrorist
attacks in New York. In the aftermath of the terrorist attack on the Indian
parliament in December 2001 India resorted to a strategy of coercive diplomacy
which yielded limited results. Nonetheless, the 2008 attacks in Mumbai, though a
tragic occasion, demonstrated a greater isolation of Pakistan and allowed for closer
anti-terrorism cooperation between India and the United States.
At the WTO negotiations, especially in the Doha development round, India has
spearheaded the concerns of the developing countries, the Doha declaration of 2001
is testimony to the values that India still holds in the international sphere.
Started in 1961, NAM now has 120 members. The countries of the Non-Aligned
Movement represent nearly two-thirds of the membership of the United Nations
and 55% of the world population. The 17th Summit of the NAM held in September
2016 in Margarita, Venezuela, was marked by the absence of representation at the
head of government level from India. Many view this as the distancing of India from
NAM.
Irrelevance of NAM today- NAM countries did not come forward on any of the
critical occasions when India needed solidarity, such as the Chinese aggression in
1962 or the Bangladesh war in 1971. Moreover various other multilateral groupings
started: BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) for protecting and promoting
its interests on climate change; • G4 for pushing through reforms of the UN
Security Council; • G20 for managing the world economy; • BRICS (Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa) and IBSA (India, Brazil and South Africa) to enhance
economic coordination with countries that are similarly placed; • ASEAN -centred
institutions, • Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), • Russia-India-China (RIC)
grouping for pursuing political and security interests.
India- Bangladesh
India and Bangladesh share land and maritime boundaries, ethnic ties across borders
as well as trans-boundary rivers. Similarities in language, culture and development
trajectory makes the relations special. India was the first country to recognize
Bangladesh as a separate and independent state. The 1972 India Bangladesh Treaty
of Peace and Friendship laid the foundations of good relations between the two
Countries.
India and Bangladesh share 54 common rivers: Ganga and Brahmaputra are chief
among them. Bangladesh is a lower riparian state.
The Teesta Dispute: India claims a share of 55 percent of the river's water. Of
the river's catchment - an area of land where water collects - 83 percent is in India
and 17 percent is in Bangladesh.
Border Issue: Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) was implemented in 2015 with the
passage of 100th Amendment Act by the Indian Parliament and exchange of
instruments the same year.
• Tipaimukh project on the Barak River has been a sensitive issue for Bangladesh.
• The issue of illegal immigration.
In eastern sub-region comprising Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN), the
four South Asian nations signed the BBIN Agreement.
o Cooperation in energy area, in power trade and converting national grids into a sub-
regional grid.
India-Sri Lanka
As Ceylon, it became independent in 1948; its name was changed to Sri Lanka in 1972.
In 1987 India-Sri Lanka Agreement signed between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and
President J.R. Jayewardene sought to end the civil war in the island nation. This
agreement envisaged the creation of provincial councils with autonomy enabled by
the 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution. Also under the agreement,
Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was sent to Sri Lanka's Northern and Eastern
provinces, to “guarantee and enforce the cessation of hostilities” between the Tamil
separatist groups and the government. However, the situation turned into a military
confrontation between the IPKF and the LTTE which refused to disarm and join the
political mainstream. The assassination of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in
1991 further changed India’s attitude towards the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
In 1976, through an exchange of letter, both India and Sri Lanka agreed to stop
fishing in each other’s waters. However, the agreement could not stop the fishermen
from fishing in these waters, as fishermen know no boundary. In early 2017, India
raised at the highest level the killing of an Indian fisherman near Katchatheevu islet
in Palk Straits by the Sri Lankan navy. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Palaniswami wrote
to Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeking the release of 85 fishermen and their 128
boats under Sri Lankan custody.
Sri Lanka is one of the largest trading partners of India in South Asia. India in turn
is Sri Lanka's largest trade partner globally. Sri Lanka is one of the major recipients
of development credit given by the Government of India.
The China Factor: During the Mahinda Rajpaksha tenure(2005-2015) Tilt towards
China was evident. This era saw projects such as the Hamabntota port and Colombo
port City granted to the Chinese. All of them were funded by Chinese loans, which
stoked apprehension in New Delhi. The Hambantota port has been handed over to
China on 99 year lease as part of a debt for equity swap. Sri Lanka is also a keen
supporter of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China. India is strongly asserting
against China which is trying to build strategic assets in the garb of infrastructure
projects all around India. India has conveyed to Sri Lanka its concerns about
security and Sri Lanka has assured of not allowing anything against India’s security
interests.
Maldives: Indian Army's 'Operation Cactus' foiled a coup in Maldives that was
attempted by a pro-Eelam group in 1988. India maintains a naval presence in
Maldives, at the request of the Maldives, since 2009. For China Maldives is a key
link in its maritime silk road plan under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In
December 2017, Maldives Signed a Free Trade Agreement with China, while
endorsing its Maritime Silk Road project shunned by India for its strategic
implications in the Indian Ocean.
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was founded in Dhaka on
8 December 1985. Its secretariat is based in Kathmandu, Nepal.
• SAARC has eight members
(Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan,
India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka).
• SAARC also has nine Observers (Australia, China, European Union, Iran, Japan,
Mauritius, Myanmar, South Korea and USA).
19th SAARC Summit, scheduled to take place in 2015 in Islamabad, was postponed
due to non participation of India and other countries owing to Pakistan's
interference in the domestic affairs of other countries and uri attack of 2016.
India, again in 2019, refused to participate following the terror attack in Pulwama
in Jammu and Kashmir that New Delhi blamed on Pakistan-based terrorists. Inka
avvala 19th summit 2016 jaragaalsindhi.
Trade and Commerce: The SAARC Preferential Trade Arrangement (SAPTA) was
signed in 1993 which provided for the adoption of various instruments of trade
liberalization on a preferential basis. Another aspect was SAARC’s more
economically developed countries agreed to assist the less developed countries in
the region. SAPTA was launched in 1995. However, No targets for tariff reduction
were earmarked for individual countries. Countries were meant to reduce tariff and
non-tariff barriers in a gradual manner with no time limits.
2. The structural asymmetry between size of India & its South Asian neighbors: In
this context the advocacy of inclusion of China as a member by Pakistan and now
Nepal in recent times is to be seen as an attempt to counter India’s role.
3. High level of trust deficit between South Asian nations- as a result of pending
border conflicts, water sharing conflicts etc between the members of the region.
4. Lack of Political Stability amongst member states of SAARC- almost all the
SAARC states have suffered from political instability over the past two decades
and this further complicates the efforts aimed at building sustainable partnerships
between South Asian states.
1. The BBIN framework: The BBIN, however, was very much part of the SAARC
framework. The SAARC charter allows two or more countries of the forum to
embark on what is called ‘sub-regional cooperation’.
2. BIMSTEC dates to 1997: The forum brings five South Asian countries
(Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Sri Lanka) together with two south east
Asian countries (Burma and Thailand).
3. SAARC for the time being seems to be becoming redundant. However, success
in other regional integration initiative might help Pakistan see the benefit and
then SAARC can revived. India must devote itself to bilateral, sub-regional
and trans-regional cooperation with our neighbours based on its
“Neighbourhood First” policy.
India’s neighbourhood first policy:
o The willingness to give political and diplomatic priority to its immediate neighbours
and Indian Ocean island states,
India- Pakistan
• Pakistan Joins the SEATO (1954) and Baghdad Pact or CENTO (1955)
• The Indus Water Treaty was signed in 1960 with the Mediation of the World
Bank. The treaty has survived India-Pakistan wars of 1965, 1971 and the 1999
Kargil standoff besides Kashmir insurgency since 1990 and is considered as
the most successful water treaty in world. India shall not permit any
interference with western waters ((Jhelum, Chenab and Indus) except for
Domestic Use; Non-Consumptive Use; Agricultural Use and Generation of
hydro-electric power. India shall not store any water of, or construct any
storage works on, the Western Rivers. India and Pakistan disagree about the
construction of the Kishenganga (330 megawatts) and Ratle (850 megawatts)
hydroelectric power plants being built by India.
• The India-Pakistan War 1965. Tashkent agreement 1966- Both sides giving up
territorial claims, withdrawing their armies from the disputed territory.
• The Bangladesh War 1971
• The Simla Agreement 1972: Signed between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto from Pakistan. The Simla Agreement designates the
ceasefire line of December 17, 1971, as being the new "Line-of-Control (LoC)"
between the two countries, which neither side is to seek to alter unilaterally.
• In 1998 India detonates five nuclear devices at Pokhran. Pakistan responds by
detonating six nuclear devices.
• Kargil conflict breaks out in May 1999.
• Sir Creek Dispute remains unresolved: The 96-km estuary between India and
Pakistan, cutting through where Gujarat State and Sindh province meet. If
one country agrees to the other’s traditional position, then the former will
end up losing a vast amount of Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).
• 2008 Mumbai Attacks. The Pakistani government admits that the Mumbai
attacks may have been partly planned on Pakistani soil.
• Siachen dispute: India established its ground position in 1984, a response to
Pakistan’s Oropolitics, through the Operation Meghdoot in 1984 and remains
in control of the glacier. India has stated that the present ground positions
on the Saltoro ridge should be demarcated and authenticated on a map before
any demilitarisation could be conducted, fearing that once India withdraws
from the region, the Pakistan Army could occupy the high ground.
• China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Part of the larger OBOR or the Belt
and Road(BRI) project of China. India’s main concern is regarding the
alignment of the Project that passes through the Gilgit-Baltistan region of
Jammu and Kashmir and thus violates India’s sovereign claims.
India-China
India shares total border of around 3,488 k.m with China (second largest after
Bangladesh). The border is not fully demarcated and the process of clarifying and
confirming the Line of Actual Control is in progress.
Incident in Doklam Area-2017: The land in question spans 269 square kilometres on
a sparsely populated plateau in western Bhutan, which has no diplomatic ties with
China and coordinates its relations with Beijing through New Delhi.
In June 2017 the Indian troops thwarted Chinese attempts to build a road in this
area which constitutes the trijunction between the three countries and is close to
India’s Siliguri corridor. This led to a 73-day-long military standoff between the
two countries. India argued that the two governments reached an agreement in 2012
that the status of the Doklam area which falls between China and India on a
Bhutanese plateau would be finalised only through joint consultations involving all
parties. Bhutan called chinese action, a “direct violation” of agreements reached in
1988 and 1998 to maintain peace and refrain from unilateral action in the area
pending a final border settlement.
Russia and China had frosty relations for much of the Soviet era (Sino Soviet rift
of the 1960s). The two countries faced off in 1969 border skirmishes. This led China
to open up to the USA in 1971. However, in the recent years there has been a greater
convergence between the two countries on the issues of western interventionism.
Myanmar- Myanmar is the only ASEAN country adjoining India and, therefore,
India’s gateway to South East Asia with which we are seeking greater economic
integration through India's 'Look East' and now 'Act East' Policy.
BIMSTEC
ASEAN
ASEAN was founded in 1967 to promote political and economic cooperation and
regional stability. 10 States are part of the ASEAN (Myanmar, Thailand, Laos,
Cambodia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei, Philipines). The bloc’s
biggest challenge is negotiating a unified approach to China, particularly in response
to its widespread maritime claims in the South China Sea. These countries view India
as a possible partner in their effort to maintain balance of power & peace in the
region.
Look East policy 2.0 (I have no idea): This aimed at economically strengthening the
region. For this purpose, the following initiatives came up in this period suggested-
(a) Trilateral Highway- India-Myanmar-Thailand (b) Kaladan Multi Modal Transport
(c) Mekong Ganga Corridor (d) Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Corridor
2010- India signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with ASEAN in goods. (This is
the first trade bloc with which India finalized a FTA).
East Asia Summit (EAS) • Established in 2005, EAS is a unique Leaders-led forum
of 18 (10+8). It seeks to promote security and prosperity in the region and is usually
attended by the heads of state from ASEAN, Australia, China, India, Japan, New
Zealand, Russia, South Korea, and the United States. It has evolved as a forum for
strategic dialogue and cooperation on political, security and economic issues of
common regional concern.
ASEAN+3: Informal Summit among the Leaders of ASEAN and China, Japan and the
South Korea.
From Look East to Act East Policy which focuses on the extended neighbourhood in
the Asia-Pacific region. The key principles and objectives of “Act East Policy” is to
promote economic cooperation, cultural ties and develop strategic relationship with
countries in the Asia-Pacific region through continuous engagement at bilateral,
regional and multilateral levels thereby providing enhanced connectivity to the
States of North Eastern Region with other countries in our neighbourhood.
India has upgraded its relations to strategic partnership with Indonesia, Vietnam,
Malaysia, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Singapore and ASEAN and forged close
ties with all countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Further, apart from ASEAN,
ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and East Asia Summit (EAS), India has also been
actively engaged in regional fora such as BIMSTEC, Mekong Ganga Cooperation
(MGC) and IORA.
India-Asean
• India's relationship with ASEAN is a key pillar of our foreign policy and the
foundation of our Act East Policy.
• The up-gradation of the relationship into a Strategic Partnership in 2012 from
Sectoral Partner in 1992 was a natural progression.
• Act East Policy has placed emphasis on India-ASEAN cooperation in our
domestic agenda on infrastructure, manufacturing, trade, skills, urban
renewal, smart cities, Make in India and other initiatives. AEP provides an
interface between North East India and the ASEAN region. Some of the
major projects include Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project, the
India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project.
• India quit RCEP (FTA b/w Asia-Pacific countries including china) in 2019.
India’s external trade arrangements must be supportive of the Make in India
initiative.
South China Sea dispute: In 2013, the Philippines commenced a case against China
under the provisions of UNCLOS, to the Permanent court of Arbitration in the
Hague. In 2016, a final Award ruled that many of China’s maritime claims in the
South China Sea were contrary to the UNCLOS and had thereby violated Philippine
sovereign rights and freedoms. More the 55 % of India’s trade passes through the
region. Thus, India has advocated a peaceful resolution of differences in the
framework of international law.
India needs to expand the vision of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the
Region) from its Indian Ocean underpinnings to an all-round maritime outreach.
UNSC reforms: The cooperation of two countries as part of G-4 needs further
momentum.
Organisations in Indo-Pacific
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia today is India’s 4th largest trade partner (after USA, China and UAE).
The 3.2 million strong Indian community in Saudi Arabia is the largest expatriate
community in the Kingdom and is the ‘most preferred community’ due to their
expertise, sense of discipline, law abiding and peace loving nature.
UAE
India-UAE bilateral relationship has evolved into a significant partnership in the
economic and commercial sphere. India is the 2nd largest trading partner of UAE
(after China), while UAE is India’s third largest trading partner (after US and
China). UAE is home to 2.8 million Indian expatriates, the largest expatriate
community in the UAE.
Iran
Chabahar Port for INSTC. India's import of cheap Russian oil scaled another record
in May, 2023 and is now more than the combined oil bought from Saudi Arabia, Iraq,
UAE and the U.S.
Israel
India formally recognised Israel on September 17, 1950. India is the number one
export target of the Israel defence industry. Nearly 41 % of Israel defence exports
are to India.
• SCO was formulated in 1996 with five countries- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia,
China, Tajikistan.
• India (observer since 2005) and Pakistan, became permanent members of the body
in 2017.
• The primary motive behind the formation was to ensure stability along the borders.
Limitations: China and Russia are co-founders of SCO and its dominant powers,
India’s ability to assert itself would be limited and it may have to content itself to
playing the second fiddle. In addition, India may also have to either dilute its
growing partnership with the West or engage in a delicate balancing act. Except
India, all the other members of SCO have endorsed China’s BRI initiative.
Russia
France
The areas of defence cooperation, space cooperation and civil nuclear cooperation
constitute the three principal pillars of our Strategic Partnership. France is the only
western country with large territory in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) including the
Reunion Islands, that spans about two million square kilometres of an Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ), and it has a population of one million French Citizens.
Diaspora: Diaspora refers to a large group of people who share a cultural and
regional origin but are living away from their traditional homeland.
UN
Apart from these there are other committees and working groups: Counter-
Terrorism Committee, Non Proliferation Committee, Military Staff Committee,
Sanctions Committees.
Reasons
a. India is the most populous country in the world comprising almost one-fifth of
the world population.
b. Moreover, India is also the world’s largest democracy.
c. India has participated in virtually all of the initiatives of the UN.
d. Its role in the UN’s peacekeeping efforts is a long and substantial one.
e. Its military strength and responsible behaviour in terms of nuclear
proliferation also bolster its claims.
f. India’s image in South Asia.
IBSA
IBSA is a unique tripartite forum which brings together India, Brazil and South
Africa, three large democracies and major economies from three different
continents, facing similar challenges. All three countries are developing, pluralistic,
multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious nations. It is a forum
for consultation and coordination on global and regional political issues, such as, the
reform of the global institutions of political and economic governance, WTO/Doha
Development Agenda, climate change, terrorism etc.;
G20
G-20 the Group of Twenty was established in 1999 as a forum in which major
advanced and emerging economies discuss global financial and economic matters.
• The G20 membership comprises a mix of the world’s largest advanced and
emerging economies, representing about two-thirds of the world’s population,
85 per cent of global gross domestic product and over 75 per cent of global
trade.
• The objectives of the G20 are:
a. Policy coordination between its members in order to achieve global economic
stability, sustainable growth;
b. To promote financial regulations that reduce risks and prevent future
financial crises; and
c. To create a new international financial architecture.