PNA Study Guide
Agenda: Electoral Reforms In Pakistan: Ensuring Free and Fair Elections
Table content
1. Introduction
2. Pakistan at the United Nations
3. Focus Points
4. Electoral Reforms
5. At Stake: Electoral Reforms in Pakistan
6. Outcomes
7. Past Actions
8. Case Studies (Chapter 1 & 2)
9. Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA) 10. Bibliography
Introduction
Time Frame: February 2026
PNA is the country's sovereign legislative body. It embodies the will of the people to let
themselves be governed under the democratic, multi-party Federal Parliamentary System. The
National Assembly makes laws for the Federation in respect of the powers enumerated in the
Federal Legislative list. Through its debates, adjournment motion, question hour and Standing
Committees, the National Assembly keeps a check over the Executive and ensures that the
government functions within the parameters set out in the Constitution and does not violate the
fundamental rights of citizens.
Pakistan National Assembly belongs to the lower house of the Pakistani Parliament. Its
members are elected by the people of Pakistan through the voting system. The PNA holds the
responsibility to look over the important decisions to be made on behalf of the country, to ensure
that the executives are working properly and that none of the rights of Pakistani citizens are
being violated. This committee goes through options and potential ventures for the progress of
Pakistan, they discuss passes or debates on bilis, laws etc.
Pakistan at the United Nations
Pakistan at the United Nations Pakistan is committed to a world in which upholding human
dignity is the highest value and maintaining global peace a sacred duty. Pakistan envisages a
world which is free of want, hunger and deprivation. A world where justice and fair play govern
the affairs of human beings and inequality, oppression and war are abominable.
Over the last 66 years, Pakistan has put this vision into practice by making significant
contributions to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter, in particular the promotion and
maintenance of international peace and security, as a member of the Security Council and
through its contribution to UN Peacekeeping. It has been an ardent advocate of multilateralism
and the primacy of the United Nations in international affairs. Pakistan's commitment and
participation in the United Nations is across-the-board. It has actively participated in discussions
at the United Nations on a host of issues including human rights, development, environment and
climate change, and international law.
Focus Points
1. Voting system
2. Vote counting system
3. Eligibility to vote
4. Nomination rules
5. Rules about political parties
6. Independent candidates
7. Rules announcement
8. Election commission of Pakistan (Nomination of chairman and members)
9. Voter turnout
10. Voter registration
11. Overseas voters
12. Awareness about Elections
13. Election commission staff
14. All types of elections in Pakistan
In the first week of April 2022, a no-confidence motion against Imran Khan led to his removal as
the prime minister of Pakistan. Based largely on the Westminster system of legislature, the
prime minister commands the majority of the lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly
of Pakistan, under clause (2A) of Article 91 of the Constitution. Numerous opposition parties
joined forces to file the motion of no confidence against Imran Khan in the National Assembly.
Electoral Reforms
A change in electoral systems to improve how public desires are expressed in election results.
The reforms can include;
Voting systems, such as proportional representation, a two-round system (runoff voting),
instant-runoff voting (alternative voting, ranked-choice voting, or preferential voting), Instant
Round Robin Voting called Condorcet Voting, range voting, approval voting, citizen initiatives
and referendums and recall elections.
Vote-counting procedures
Rules about political parties, typically changes to election laws
Eligibility to vote
How candidates and political parties are able to stand (nomination rules) and
how they are able to get their names on ballots (ballot access)
Electoral constituencies and election district borders
The stabilization of democracy in Pakistan considerably depends on the manner in which future
elections will be held. In the past, vast disagreement has prevailed after each election. There
have been allegations of rigging, distortion of the election process by the establishment, etc. All
this has brought under question, the election process, and the functioning of the Election
Commission of Pakistan (ECP).
To address these questions, reforms have been introduced in the past. Most recent of them
being the Elections Act, 2017. Despite these, questions never ceased, and the dream of fair
elections never came true. From a governance perspective, one might show concern towards
political commitment of those introducing reforms. Nonetheless, each reform text obviously
aimed at enhancing transparency in the process.
Generally, election reforms have always aimed at institutional improvement of ECP and its
functional autonomy. Some parts of the reforms have focused on fairness in election and
evaluation/counting processes. Efforts have been made to improve voter turnout as well. The
current debate on electoral reforms also revolves around similar patterns. As indicated by the
PM's aide on parliamentary affairs, election reforms are going to focus on fairness of election by
introducing automated mechanisms of vote counting. This is fair but not enough.
At Stake: Electoral Reforms in Pakistan
Although the parliament has been deliberating on electoral reforms for a considerable period of
time under different governments, the aim to achieve the minimum standards of holding free
and fair elections in Pakistan was not achieved despite the Parliamentary Committee on
Electoral Reforms during the 13th National Assembly submitted its recommendations. The
opposition parties particularly the Pakistan Tehreek insaaf (PTI) regarded the General Elections
2013 were the most rigged election ever in Pakistan. PTI and PAT protested the rigging and
their long marches led to a long sit-in in front of Parliament.
On demand of PTI, the Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms was formed on 25th July
after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif wrote to the National Assembly Speaker on June 10, 214, to
constitute a special parliamentary committee having representation of members from both the
houses of parliament for electoral reforms. The committee was mandated to consider and
present recommendations ensuring free, fair and transparent elections.
The Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms has received a total 316 recommendations
on electoral reforms from the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), public and relevant
stakeholders. Of the total recommendations received, 202 have been submitted by different
segments of the society. The recommendations proposed by ECP are mainly demanding to
strengthen their authority on the electoral process. While the civil society recommendations
have been demanding for improvements in the existing electoral structure, FAFEN, a Network of
42 civil society organizations, has proposed a set of constitutional and legal recommendations
for comprehensive electoral reforms.
outcomes
With the rise of social media, such videos have gone viral recently where political lords, who
happen to be feudal lords as well, openly threaten people to vote for them. In this case, it
becomes evident that it is not always the voters' choice, rather it is the fear of being perished
that voters tend to vote for certain people who appear in parliament consistently every five
years. Alongside fearful feudal lords, it is sometimes the fear of religiously sacred personalities
that possibly compels people to vote against their will.
As the current government intends to bring about reforms to the election system, it is the need
of the time to question whether machines will help people in going against their kinship? Or will
machines be able to dilute the fear caused by contextual factors?
In Pakistan, as the government plans to bring about reforms, thinking about rural communities
living under different patronages is necessary. It is true that using modern means of voting, to
some extent, ensures fairness and transparency in elections.
political commitment of those introducing reforms. Nonetheless, each reform text obviously
aimed at enhancing transparency in the process.
Generally, election reforms have always aimed at institutional improvement of ECP and its
functional autonomy. Some parts of the reforms have focused on fairness in election and
evaluation/counting processes. Efforts have been made to improve voter turnout as well. The
current debate on electoral reforms also revolves around similar patterns. As indicated by the
PM's aide on parliamentary affairs, election reforms are going to focus on fairness of election by
introducing automated mechanisms of vote counting. This is fair but not enough.
At Stake: Electoral Reforms in Pakistan
Although the parliament has been deliberating on electoral reforms for a considerable period of
time under different governments, the aim to achieve the minimum standards of holding free
and fair elections in Pakistan was not achieved despite the Parliamentary Committee on
Electoral Reforms during the 13th National Assembly submitted its recommendations. The
opposition parties particularly the Pakistan Tehreek insaaf (PTI) regarded the General Elections
2013 were the most rigged election ever in Pakistan. PTI and PAT protested the rigging and
their long marches led to a long sit-in in front of Parliament.
On demand of PTI, the Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms was formed on 25th July
after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif wrote to the National Assembly Speaker on June 10, 214, to
constitute a special parliamentary committee having representation of members from both the
houses of parliament for electoral reforms. The committee was mandated to consider and
present recommendations ensuring free, fair and transparent elections.
The Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms has received a total 316 recommendations
on electoral reforms from the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), public and relevant
stakeholders. Of the total recommendations received, 202 have been submitted by different
segments of the society. The recommendations proposed by ECP are mainly demanding to
strengthen their authority on the electoral process. While the civil society recommendations
have been demanding for improvements in the existing electoral structure, FAFEN, a Network of
42 civil society organizations, has proposed a set of constitutional and legal recommendations
for comprehensive electoral reforms.
Outcomes
With the rise of social media, such videos have gone viral recently where political lords, who
happen to be feudal lords as well, openly threaten people to vote for them. In this case, it
becomes evident that it is not always the voters' choice, rather it is the fear of being perished
that voters tend to vote for certain people who appear in parliament consistently every five
years. Alongside fearful feudal lords, it is sometimes the fear of religiously sacred personalities
that possibly compels people to vote against their will.
As the current government intends to bring about reforms to the election system, it is the need
of the time to question whether machines will help people in going against their kinship? Or will
machines be able to dilute the fear caused by contextual factors?
In Pakistan, as the government plans to bring about reforms, thinking about rural communities
living under different patronages is necessary. It is true that using modern means of voting, to
some extent, ensures fairness and transparency in elections.
But it is not sufficient to ensure people's willing choice as opposed to their fear. One might ask:
can a reform truly influence voters' behavior? It is indeed a hard question to answer. But one
thing the government can do is minimize the influence of lordships over voters.
Past Actions
In Pakistan, despite the differences, there is recognition among stakeholders, local and
international, that electoral reforms are required. The European Union Election Observer
Mission, in its 2013 General Elections report, noted that "Fundamental problems remain with the
legal framework and the implementation of certain provisions, leaving future processes
vulnerable to malpractice and Pakistan not fully meeting its obligations to provide citizens the
right and opportunity to stand as candidates and to vote." In a nationwide survey of 4,535
people by UNDP, 49 percent were not satisfied with the existing electoral system while 55
percent said electoral reforms are necessary.
In Pakistan, up till now total 11 Elections held from 1962 to 2013. For the first 15 years after its
independence in 1947 from the British Monarch, no elections were held in Pakistan. After its first
ever election of 1962, 10 more elections were held randomly in 1965, 1970, 1977, 1985, 1988,
1990, 1993, 1997, 2002, 2008 and 2013. The federal elections of 1970 are generally considered
the fairest elections in the history of Pakistan and unfortunately, all remaining elections were
failed and fixed.
The United Nations and other international and national organizations have been observing the
Pakistani electoral procedures, shadowy areas requiring necessary election improvement (long
term and short term) and the fairness of the overall electoral system to strengthen democracy
and government structures. In a nationwide survey by the UN Development Programme
(UNDP), it was concluded that about 49% voters were not satisfied with the existing electoral
system while 55% electorates requested local government for electoral reforms.
The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) was formed in 1956 which by its function must be
an independent and autonomous federal institute, responsible for organizing and conducting
state parliament, provincial legislatures and local government elections. ECP has a 5-member
panel (retired Judges), out of which 4 members are from each of the four provinces (equal
representation irrespective of population to avoid any administrative and constitutional conflict).
Bureaucracy, executive and legislatures all are equally responsible for the system failure in
Pakistan and this is the main reason why ECP has remained outdated and incurable so far.
Further, appointment of the chief election commissioner and the four ECP members by political
parties is also a major fact of fixed elections. It has always remained un-natural for people in
power to make enhancements and reformative actions that will abolish their own political and
financial prospects through election fairness and public participation. The current setup of ECP
is partially controlled by executives and it is evidently dysfunctional by the establishment.
Nepotism and favoritism have been destroying its organizational function over the time. Overall,
it is an institutional failure which does not have any will for its positive reform and therefore,
entire electoral procedures need to be redesigned.
Case Studies
One of the basic features of democracy is to have free and fair elections after a regular interval.
Pakistan was envisaged to be a federal and parliamentary democracy by its founding fathers.
This vision was included in the Objectives Resolution (1949), which later became the preamble
of all the three constitutions of Pakistan. The Objectives Resolution states that the state shall
exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people'
(Constitution of Pakistan, 1973).
This report has been divided into two parts: Part I deals with the history of electioneering in
Pakistan w.r.t to what extent the elections in Pakistan have been conducted on a regular basis
and were free, fair and transparent. This part also highlights the structure, powers and functions
of the Election Commission of Pakistan and shows to what extent the Constitution of Islamic
Republic of Pakistan (1973) has empowered the Election Commission of Pakistan to conduct
free and fair elections independently. The second part deals with the proposed Electoral
Reforms, both in law and the constitution.
Chapter 1: History of Electioneering in Pakistan
Despite the obvious fact that 'elections' were the only mechanism to institutionalize the vision of
Pakistan's founding fathers; Pakistan faced quite a lot of trouble for not being able to hold
general elections at regular intervals. Even when elections were conducted they lacked fairness
and transparency thus putting a question mark on the legitimacy of the people who were
returned to the Parliament. A chart is provided below with the details of elections held in the
history of Pakistan.
Pakistan saw the biggest turn out of its electioneering history for the first time in 2013 General
Elections. However, the results of the May 2013 Elections were not welcomed by many,
especially by the Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf (PTI) and its supporters. PPPP, PML (Q) and
Jamaat e Islami along with few other parties also had reservations. The PTI (that was returned
to the parliament as the third largest political party in terms of seats and the second largest
political party in terms of votes) for the first year after the elections kept demanding for
recounting of votes particularly in four constituencies and also demanded for concrete electoral
reforms. However, when the demands were not paid any heed the PTI and its supporters took
the protest to roads and Pakistan saw the longest ever sit-in protests of its political history that
lasted for more than four months. This protest was the first of its kind that showed the distrust of
people of Pakistan on its electoral system and ECP- its transparency, impartiality and
independence.
The Speaker of National Assembly Sardar Ayaz Sadiq established a special parliamentary
committee on Electoral Reforms in June 2014 when the protest had taken the road. The
committee has a total of 33 members (22 MNAs and 11 Senators) in which all the Parliamentary
political parties have been given representation and is chaired by Mr. Ishaq Dar. The mandate
of the Committee was to evaluate the shortcomings of the previous elections and to suggest
recommendations for holding free, fair and transparent elections in the future. The committee
was supposed to submit its report after three months but after holding around 22 meetings
(including those of its sub committees) the committee has been unable to present the report in
the Parliament, rather the committee has not held any meeting since last November. The
secretary to the Committee on Electoral Reforms during an interview informed the Youth
Parliament Standing Committee on Law, Justice & Human Rights that the committee has invited
suggestions for the electoral reforms from all walks of the society and all the political parties
have contributed into making the report which is expected to come out in the next few months.
Moreover, when asked about the implementation of those reforms, he said that it is going to be
a lengthy process as the report is around few hundred pages and the parliament
Upon which recommendations shall be incorporated in law Embla Homar, he was confident that
before the next elections Pakistan will see a positive development with regard to the electoral
reforms.
Chapter 2: The Proposed Reforms
The second part of the report is based on the suggested reforms in the areas of electoral staff
training and recruitment process, the age and qualifications for the office of Election
Commissioner of Pakistan, installation of biometric devices, amendments in specific articles of
the Representation of Peoples Act (1976), financial campaigning and election dispute resolution
process. The committee has also suggested some recommendations for maximizing the voters
turn out, how to facilitate the overseas Pakistanis during elections and on how to make the
whole electioneering process more transparent. free, fair and most importantly acceptable to all
the parties.
Distortion of People's Will. In contrast to proportional representation (PR), the First-
The Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system does not consistently translate popular votes into
seats proportionately. This discrepancy has the potential to distort the people's will by denying a
party or parties their rightful share of seats. Such distortions have been frequent occurrences in
Pakistan's elections. For instance, during the 1990 elections, the IJI coalition, formed by the ISI,
secured 37.4% of the polled votes but claimed 51% of the seats. In contrast, its closest rival,
PPP-PDA, received 37% of the votes but only obtained 21.4% of the seats. Notably, in the 1988
elections, PPP garnered 38.5% of the polled votes, translating to 45.5% of the seats. However,
in 1990, despite a minimal 1.7% drop in the share of polled votes, PPP's seat allocation
plummeted by 21.4%. The inherent unfairness of the FPTP system is evident, raising concerns
about its impact on both the electorate and political parties. This inequality fosters suspicion and
diminishes trust in the electoral processes.
Table 1. Distortions Between Popular Vote and Seats
Date 1988 1988 1990 1990 1983 1983
Party Votes Seats Votes Seats Votes Seats
PPP 7.5 mil 93 7.8 mil 44 7.5 mil 86
(38.5%) (45.5%) (36.8%) (21.4%) (37.8%) (42.5%)
IJI 5.9 mil 54 7.9 mil 105 7.9 mil 73
(30.2%) (26.4%) (37.4%) (50.9%) (39.9%) (36.1%)
Alienation and Legitimacy Crisis. Historically, Pakistan has one of the lowest voter turnouts
globally, with an average of just 44.5% since the 1988 elections. Many citizens express
skepticism, believing that "all candidates are the same" and that their votes won't make a
difference, leading to widespread disengagement. Despite being legally elected, governments
often lack social legitimacy, garnering less than 35% of the polled votes and only about 15% of
registered voters. This means that the actual support for these parties is minimal, prompting
questions about their representativeness. The majoritarian electoral system, coupled with
dynastic monopolies, makes it challenging for new political parties to emerge unless they have
establishment backing. Notably, about one-third of Members of Parliament received less than
40% of the polled votes, further illustrating the disconnection between elected officials and the
electorate.
Table 2. Percentage Share of Ruling Party/Coalition in Registered and Polled Votes.
Share in 2018 2013 2008 2002 1997 1993 1990 1988 Averag
e
Turnout 52% 55% 44% 42% 35% 40% 45% 43% 44.5%
In 16% 17% 13% 10% 16% 15% 17% 16% 15%
Registered
votes
in polled 31% 32% 31% 24% 46% 38% 37% 38% 35%
votes
Table 3. Average Share of Winning Candidates of the National
Percentage of votes obtained No. of constituencies No. of constituencies
by winners (polled votes) (registered votes)
50% and above 89 2
40%-49% 100 8
30%-39% 58 49
20%-29% 21 49
Up to 19% 7 88
Denies Representation to Majority; An electoral system that fails to provide representation to
a majority of the polled votes is likely to exacerbate feelings of alienation. In contrast to Western
countries where Members of Parliament (MPs) typically serve every individual in their
constituency impartially, in Pakistan, MPs often demonstrate bias by favoring or punishing
specific polling areas, biradris, and clans based on their voting patterns. Although there may not
be comprehensive empirical studies on this issue, an abundance of anecdotal
information and our extensive experience working with numerous communities substantiates
this observation. Furthermore, the percentage of unrepresented electorates is considerably
higher than those who are represented. On average, in the last four general elections, 55% of
the polled votes lacked any representation, meaning a majority of the polled votes did not
translate into political power. A province-wise breakdown indicates that in the last two elections,
the percentage of unrepresented electorates was nearly 70%.
Table 4. Percentage of Voters Having No Representation
Election year Degree of Deprivation
2018 57%
2013 60%
2008 50%
2002 53%
Average 55%
Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)
1) What are electoral reforms?
2) Why are electoral reforms important in Pakistan?
3) What specific electoral reforms are necessary to enhance transparency in Pakistan's
electoral process?
4) What measures can be implemented to ensure the neutrality and independence of the
Election Commission of Pakistan?
5) What is e-voting?
6) What are the consequences of shifting to e-voting in one cycle of elections?
7) How can the electoral boundary delimitation process be made more transparent and fair?
8) Should overseas Pakistanis be allowed to vote in national elections?
9) How can the registration process for voters be improved to ensure higher participation rates?
Bibliography
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link] opportunities
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]