THE NEW AFGANISTAN –THE INDIAN PERCEPTION

Satinder K. Lambah, India special envoy for Afganistan who witnessed the entire grand show of
Loya Jigra has his own views to express over the New face of Afganistan that has emerged, fresh and
radiant. His perception is actually India's perception of this New Face.
India was the first perhaps in the international field to have expressed full support to U.S. in their
fight against terrorism - Afganistan, then under the control of the terrorist outfit –Taliban and Osama Bin
Laden being the architect of the attack on the twin towers of the World Trade Centre -Al Qaida being his
outfit responsible for this attack. India being itself a victim of continued terrorism exported from the other
side of the LOC knows well what terrorism is and it was natural for India to have lent its full support to the
fight against terrorism allover and any where in the world.
While Pakistan also lent its support to U.S. against its fight against Taliban -a creation of U.S. and
Pakistan combined, but Pakistan bartered its support against fiscal advantages assured to it by U.S. and the
U.N. -World Bank etc. So there has been a marked difference in the manner of the support. Pakistan ditched
Taliban apparently but internally it still keeps supporting the Al-Qaida cadres who have sought, as it is being
presumed, in Pakistan, having been ousted from Afganistan. Who knows if Osama Bin Laden and Mullah
Omar have also not found a safe haven somewhere in the remote corner of Pakistan or the POK.
That is the other part of the story.
But the Indian perception of Afganistan emerging as a free nation is that a real new nation has
emerged out of the ruins perpetrated by the Taliban regime which was a victim of the U.S. onslaught which
ravaged the country all the more.
Mr. Lambah attended the Loya Jigra and found it to be a very impressive meeting of the Afgan
leaders of all shades of opinion. The most important aspect of this was the beginning of apolitical process.
The Afgans have been able to achieve their objectives - electing a President.
Women playing an important part was found to be a very welcome feature which India greatly
appreciated.
Loya Jigra was virtually reborn after more or less a hibernation for long 38 years. There never was,
during this long period, any period of peace for Afganistan, hence the Loya Jigra remained as if, out of
office. It was in 1964, that the last Loya Jigra was summoned and Afgans really felt happy meeting in this
manner after such along gap.
India had always been in favour of Afgans taking their own decisions themselves. Temperamentally
a fighting race anything imposed upon them might be unacceptable to them as that might have hurt their
ego, therefore India always wanted that now when they had been freed from the clutches of the Taliban they
should decide their own future. Afgans felt comfortable with this state of affairs as it so much suited their
nature. Therefore the Loya Jigra was, what according to the Indian perception was only the right thing in the
matter. Even when consultations at the international level with regard to the future formations in Afganistan
were going on at Bonn India favoured the process where Afganistan should decide its own future.
Ofcourse, the warring type that the Afgans have been, some advising, some cajoling, some coersion
was needed, as in the matter of Ex-King Zahir Shah being persuaded to relinquish his claim for the top job
or the minister for Interior Affairs during the interim regime to step out of the race, which both of them very
pragmatically accepted; all other matters were decided by the Loya Jigra. U.S., ofcourse, played a major role
in Afganistan but Loya Jigra was the Afgan show as India wanted it to be.
It may be coincidental but it is very much there that all the top leaders of Afganistan' s present
regime had close connections with India in one way or the other. India, even otherwise, has old historical
political and cultural links with Afganistan. Ex-King Zahir Shah's father and brother were born in Dehradun;
former President (Sigbettulah) Mojadidi's anscestors are buried in Sirhind; former President Najibullah's
widow lives in Delhi and the newly elected President -Karzai was educated in Simla. Who can, even if he
wants to, forget all these links which have kept Afganistan and India tied together. Buddhism, a religion
born in India, found its tenets and message duly exported and accepted in Afganistan -the greatest symbol of
this being the largest ever in the world, statue of the Buddha -Bamiyan -which the Taliban regime tried to
blast and demolish.
India always wanted that once Taliban had been ousted from Afganistan, there should be no export
of terrorism or extremism from Afganistan, that there should be a broad based government in Afganistan
with no outside interference and Afganistan be re-constructed and resurrected at the earliest.
 It was with these ends in view, particularly the last one that India was the first, to reach out to the
people of Afganistan. On the fall of Taliban, India was there on November 21, 2001. One third of the
assistance pledged by India -the total is $100 million –has either been implemented or is under
implementation. India has been perhaps, the first country to convert promise into performance.
It is altogether a misconception that has wrongly been floated that India's involvement in Afganistan
is too narrowly focussed on the Tajiks at the cost of other ethnic communities, especially the Pashtunes. This
is wholly wrong an assumption. Whether it is about reconstruction or contacts, India is with all of
Afganistan. India has been in contact with leaders of all sections of country and now that a truly national
government has been formed at the centre of Afganistan, discrimination is quite out of question.
India is for Afganistan and for the whole of it irrespective of clans or tribes or geographical units.
That is what India' s total perception and perspective is vis-a-vis Afganistan.
So far as Taliban was concerned howsomuch, it might have tried to fundamentalize the Islamic
Society of Afganistan with its most draconic writs, it was the most unislamic regime: Taliban had banned
women even to step out of the house, least of all to seek employment or to be anywhere in the social life of
the country. Asghar Ali Engineer, an erudite scholar of the Islamic religion and the Koran has in an article,
clearly explained the tenants as laid down in the Koran. He says, "Religion provides certain ideals and
values for people to adopt and set right their lives. But people adopt them selectively to suit their whims and
fancies. Hence there has ever been a tension between theologists and sociologists." He further explains -
"Islam - a religion based on equality, human. dignity and justice. Tribal society of Mecca partially accepted
these -though Islam did not limit it to tribal boundaries -it was universal. Koran preaches universal equality.”
Engineer further elaborates the tenets of Koran vis-a-vis the status of women. He points out how it
has often been argued that Islam does not mete out justice to women. Hence those who misunderstand the
tenets treat women as chattle. "Koran", Engineer says, "is the greatest champion of women's rights. No
single Koranic injunction discriminate" men from women. The Koran gives women all the rights men have
and recognises them as a full legal entity." The Taliban had lowered the society from the Koranic values.
It was this new face of womanhood and the new face of the Islamic Society with which India found
itself so much at ease and in its new-found faith in the democratic process in which women took an active
role has been so conducive to a closer relationship of India with the New Afganistan. India, of which the
largest minority community is muslims, has been ever giving all and equal rights to women and finding the
emergence of the same scene in Afganistan - post Taliban regime -India is feeling happy to interact with
Afganistan -anew dimension to their relationship.
 PAKISTAN -A COUNTRY
PLAGUED WITH PROBLEMS

Pakistan, if left without the US's and Britain's tacit patronage, would find itself politically isolated in
the international field.. China, ofcourse, keeps quiet most of the time but it is a known fact that it has
sympathies more with Pakistan than with India, particularly due to the fact that China does not want to live
at peace with India and allow it to emerge out as the challenger to China in the South East Asia.
Otherwise let us read through the resolutions as below –
"We agreed that Pakistan must put a permanent stop to terrorist activity originating from territory
under its control".
"It welcomed the steps recently taken by Pakistan to begin clamping down on cross-border terrorism
- (It) called on Pakistan to take further concrete action in accordance with the assurance it has already given
and with its international obligations, including UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001), to stop
infiltration across the Line of Control and to prevent terrorist groups from operating from territory under its
control, also through closing of training camps.'
These are resolutions adopted by no lesser a body than 'The Group of Eight' (which adopted the first
resolution) and the European Union that adopted the second statement at Seville, Spain.
These statements from two very powerful organisations illustrate how the international discourse has
changed in India's favour. India has been fighting cross-border terrorism since the Eighties but only now is
the international community speaking the same language as New Delhi. Equally significant is that major
nations (except for China) are now openly, identifying. Pakistan with terrorism and demanding that it
dismantle its terrorist infrastructure.
Pakistan, a professed ally of the U.S.-led war on terrorism finds itself increasingly engaged in
defending itself against charges of involvement in terrorism. Dictator Pervez Musharraf s smooth talk no
longer is able to hide from global view Pakistan's position as the main sanctuary of Al-Qaeda, the Taliban,
Kashmiri and other transnational terrorists. After all, no other nation has more deadly transnational terrorists
in its territory. With the West constantly worrying about terrorist possibly acquiring weapons of mass
destruction, it cannot fail to see that Pakistan has both state-supported terrorists and nuclear weapons
controlled by Islamic generals. It is thus not a surprise that Pakistan is being widely seen as plagued with
problems.
But what is worst is that these problems keep haunting India's security. Pakistan has nurtured itself
on hate against India and Pakistan has upon it a fiend-like grip of the army. Without this military grip on
power being broken there will be no fundamental reform in this problem-ridden country .The only occasions
when India and Pakistan have come close to peace have been during the brief periods of democratic rule in
Islamabad.
The question to ask is why there is now international acknowledgement of Pakistan's involvement in
terrorism when the basic facts have not changed in these years. The answer is the new political atmosphere
resulting from three developments: India's keeping Pakistan under a plausible threat of war since December
2001; intense U.S. diplomatic pressure on Musharraf to tear down state-run terrorist complexes, and Al-
Qaeda and Taliban moving their base to Pakistan. These developments have placed the spot light squarely
on Pakistan and this is its greatest problem.
The latest sub-continental military crisis has passed, with Musharraf being forced to concede what
India had demanded of him - a pledge to verifiably and permanently end cross-border terrorism today India
is in the strongest position since Pakistan's proxy was began to bring the unconventional aggression to an
end, only if it continues to play its cards well. It is important to remember that war has just been averted for
the time being. A new crisis can easily flare up by early winter if Musharraf reneges on his latest promise as
he did on his January 12, 2002, pledge.
It is just an assumption that promise from Musharraf was extracted by the U.S. pressure and its
demanding a guarantee on its implementation. Even Washington is unsure to what extent the wily Musharraf
would live up to his promise. Moreover, U.S. also keeps shifting the points of its pressure. U.S. knows that
Musharraf can only survive in his seat with Jehadis calling their shots only on U.S. support. Musharraf risks
wrecking his credibility with Washington if he backs away a second time from his January 2002 promise
which promise he has televised and has made it to the u.s. President.
But the problem with Musharraf is that the more he would try to keep up his promise the more ire at
home will he encounter. It is only an individual and not the people on whom the onus lies and how
Musharraf would be feeling disturbed within after making this promise can be any body's guess. The
greatest problem of Pakistan is that it has to depend on one individual and that one individual is a problem to
himself.
President Bush's West Asia speech called for a 'New and different' Palestinian leadership as,
according to him, Yasser Arafat is 'too compromised with terror' .Has Arafat "trafficked with terrorists"
more than Musharraf ? Are there more dangerous transnational terrorists on the West Bank than in
Pakistan ? Bush allows Musharraf to oil his dictatorship with U.S .aid and consolidate his power, but
demands that the Palestinians first turn their territories now under renewed Israeli military occupation into a
true democracy before getting statehood.
No ruler in the world is more compromised by terror the Musharraf. Without a 'new and different'
Pakistan leadership democratically elected, terrorism, religious extremism and militarism in Pakistan would
continue to feed on each other. Musharraf who loves to compare Kashmir with Palestine may in due course
become as irrelevant and unacceptable to the U.S; as Arafat. But as for the present America continues to put
its money on Musharraf knowing that they can more easily replace him than Arafat.
It is only a sustained U.S. -India pressure which would keep catching Musharraf by the neck and
would force him to remain true to his commitments. India's insistence on deeds rather than on words reflects
not only a maturity in its diplomacy but also signals that war as an Indian policy is an option open for it if
Musharraf refuses to read the writing on the wall. Continued Indian deployment of its army on the border
makes U.S. also apprehensive to keep the Musharraf regime on anti-terrorist path. India has not to feel
relaxed or to budge from its pressure, a mistake that it committed after January 12, 2002 when India went to
sleep, as if, for three months on Musharraf s promise on which he merrily went back.
But Pakistan's problems do not end just like this. The problems of Musharraf are Pakistan's
problems.
Can he rein the terrorists ? They are 'Jehadis' in the world of General Hamid Gul former ISI Chief.
General Gul- a pro-jehadis, feels that Musharraf cannot rein the 'jehadis'. He seems to redicule Musharraf's
claim that he would stop the jehadis from making incursions into the Indian .territory .Can such a clamp
down work ? questions General Gul. He says that jehadis have been fighting in the valley for the last 13
years -Musharraf does not possess a magic wand which will make them disappear. They will be satisfied
only after a settlement of the Kashmir issue which has to be in keeping with their sentiments. Since the
chances of that happening in the near future are nil, the jehadis shall continue their struggle, happen what
may, General Gul further asserts that what Musharraf has ensured is that these jehadis lose their confidence
in Pakistan and when once that happens Musharraf will have no moral authority to clamp down on them.
They will be then on their own and would choose their targets. The December 13 attack on Inc'ian
Parliament or the May 14 attack on J&K Assembly can any time be repeated -this only needs some
desperate youngmen; a few grenades and a Kalashinove –all are available in .the free market. They would
step up their violence right upto the October elections in Kashmir. General Gul calls this as an indigenous
struggle which is bound to continue.
What General Gul who had been the ISI chief, feels may be the feeling and perception of many a
highly influential people in Pakistan who can instigate, inspire and instruct the so-called jehadis to carry on.
It would be a headache for Musharraf on the home front.
The other side of the picture is being presented by Maj. Gen. Rashid Quereshi who claims that
Pakistan was not going to allow anyone to cross the LOC carrying arms. Musharraf has come down hard on
Jehadis, ordered the arrest of 2000 people known for their links with the insurgents. The Maj. General feels
that the UN observers need to monitor the LOC who would nail the lie of Indian propaganda. But India was
not prepared for this, he says.
Another press report records that Musharraf now is a figure of ridicule in Pakistan. He has hardly a
friend at home. He is being considered as a puppet playing in the hands of the U.S. and is becoming more
and more a target of the fury of Islamic militants. Musharraf, the report says, holds control only over the
higher rung of the army; the lower rung is all desperate to get rid of him. His decision or pronouncement
which he has to demonstrate in action to block the infiltration of Islamic fighters into Kashmir is prompting
threats of revenge from the militants. The day America stops supporting him, that would be his last day. He
is suffering humiliation at the hands of America and people of Pakistan feel that his subjecting himself to
this humiliation is meaning the humiliation of Pakistan as a nation. He is being nick-named as 'Busharraf
and is being ridiculed in the cartoons appearing in Pakistan's monthly.- 'Herald'.
 The Pak-opposition parties are gearing up for a civil disobedience movement against Parvez
Musharraf, another press report says.
A senior leader of the Alliance for Restoration of democracy said that the decision to hold a
movement has been taken by the two former prime ministers -Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif after their
meeting in Saudi Arabia. It is expected that Benazir Bhutto would return to Pakistan in mid-August to lead
the movement. Both these leaders have issued instructions to the second rung leaders of their respective
parties to mobilise support among people for such a movement -to hold rallies. "This may lead to blood shed
but that is the only choice for us," says a senior leader .
Predictions are ripe that Musharraf would soon be ousted in a coup. He may survive for some time
more but his days are numbered. There is complete economic decline and the population was going to fall
into a total death-trap on the economic front. That would mean the last straw on the camel's back for
Musharraf. Economy could improve but just by a fraction if expenditure on army is cut down and aid to
jehadis curbed. It is this 'devil and the deep sea' situation in which General Musharraf has fallen. His
problems are multifarious and those are problems of Pakistan.
 GLOBALIZATION: FREE TRADE

Globalization and homogenization are now being carried out not by nation states, but by global
powers that control global markets. "Free Trade", is the ruling metaphor for globalization in our times. But
far from protecting the freedom of citizens and countries, free trade negotiations and treaties have become
the primary locations for the use of coercion and force. The Cold War era has ended, the era of trade war has
begun.
The greatest examples of violence in the free trade era is the U.S. Trade Act especially the Super and
Special 301 clauses that allow the United States to take unilateral action against any country that does not
open up its markets to U.S. corporation. Super 301 forces freedom for investment; Special 301 forces
freedom for monopoly control of markets through intellectual property rights protection. Free trade is, intact
an asymmetric arrangement that combines liberalization and protectionism of Western interests. As Martin
Khor has said, "Free trade and liberalization were only nice slogans waved to move the (Uruguay) Round
forward. The reality was liberalization if it benefits us, protectionism if it benefits us, what counts is our
self-interest" (Martin Khor- 'The Urugl,1ay Round and third World Sovereignty).
Third World countries had resisted the expansion of GATT into new areas, like services, investments
and intellectual property rights. By merely affixing "trade-related" to issues that are decided domestically,
GA TT, through the world Trade Organization, will not merely regulate international trade, but, in essence,
will determine the domestic policy.
This brute force continued to be used against the Third World, even in the multilateral negotiations
of the Uruguay Round of GATT. In a speech, Fernando Jaramillo, Chair of the Group of 77 and Columbia's
permanent representative to the United Nations said, "The Uruguay Round is proof again, the developing
world continues to be sidelined and rejected when it comes to deciding the vital importance to their
survival".
The very process itself was found to be undemocratic and unilateral. Free trade treaties like GATT
are forced on citizens and weaker trading partners, such as Third World Countries. In 1991, for instance, a
take-it-or-leave-it draft was prepared by GATT Secretary General, Arthur Dunkel, which, in India was taken
on the not so pleasant acronym of DDT (Dunken Draft Text). An ever more blatant example of it was the
last stage of GA TT negotiations in December 1993, in which two men -Micky Kantor, the U.S. trade
representative and Leon Brittany, the negotiator for the European Community -sat behind closed doors and
then presented the world with a "free trade" treaty. Despite insisting that the negotiations were global, the
countries of the north refused in the end to accept any discussion, even bilaterally with the countries of the
Third World. This is neither multilateralism nor global democracy.
The new authoritarian structure emerges, as Ambassador Jaramillo, observes.
"The Bretton Woods Institutions continue to be made the center of gravity for the principal economic
decisions that affect the developing countries. We have all been witnessing to the condition abilities of the
World Bank and the IMF. We all know the nature of the decision-making system in such institutions; their
undemocratic character, their lack of pluralism in the debate of ideas and their importance to influence the
policies of the industrialised countries."
This seems to be applicable to the new World Trade Organisation. The terms of its creation suggest
that this organisation will be dominated by the industrialised countries and its fate will be to align itself with
the World Bank and IMF.
"We could announce, in advance the birth of a New Institutional Trinity which would have as its
specific function to control and dominate the economic relations that commit the developing world".
In reality, free trade has vastly expanded the freedom and powers of transnational corporations to
trade and invest in most countries of the world, while significantly reducing the powers of national
governments in order to restrict their operations. Multinational Corporations, the real power of the Uruguay
Round, have gained new rights and given up old obligations to protect workers' rights and the environment.
Free trade is not free, it protects the economic interests of the powerful transnational corporations,
which already control 70 per cent of the world's trade and for whom international trade is imperative.
Transnational Corporate freedom is based on the destruction of citizens' freedom everywhere, and the little
remnants of independence that the Third World had after the last two waves of colonisation. In essence GA
TT cripples the democratic institutions of individual countries -local councils, regional governments, and
parliaments -leaving them unable to carry out the will of their citizens.
 While GATT might increase the volume of internationally traded goods and services, it will also
increase unemployment and generate scarcity for those excluded from the global economy. The Indian
commerce minister admitted in 1994 that unemployment in India will increase dramatically as a result of
GATT .In Germany, the unemployment rate is expected to go up from 7.4 to 11.3 percent. The top 1000
British companies shed 1.5 million jobs in one year. Their total work-force dropped from 8.6 million to just
over 7 million. The French assembly anticipated that French unemployment will rise by 3.5 million in the
next ten years. According to Germany Rifkue in his book 'The End of work' in the United States, 90 million
jobs out of total of 120 million are vulnerable to displacement by the restructuring of production. A recent
Wall Street Journal article projects that 1.5 to 2.5 million American jobs could be lost each year for the
foreseeable future.
Countries are also reducing security benefits for workers. France announced a pension freeze;
Germany reduced unemployment benefits. A leaked U .K. government document suggests plans to
deregulate worker health and safety regulations. These range from ending the requirement for employers to
provide toilet paper and soap at work to partial ending of controls on industrial bazars.
Instead of protecting worker's rights domestically, and instead of ending the structural adjustment
policies of the World Bank that lower Third World wages, the industrialised countries, now argue that low-
wages, the industrialised countries now argue that low wages in the Third World lead to 'social dumping' in
international trade and that trade sanctions are necessary to protect rich countries.
Hundreds of millions of farmers' livelihoods around the world are under threat from GATT and the
new biotechnologies. The "producer-retirement" programmes in the agriculture treaty are basically a
displacement policy for farmers. In addition, monopoly controls of seeds and plant varieties further add to
the displacement pressures on the small farmers of the Third World who are the original breeders and
custodians of plant genetic resources.
In response to the violence of free-trade its victims will react. For example the January-1, 1994 revolt
of the Zapatistors in the Chiapas region of Mexico, in the year that coincided with the North American Free
Trade Agreement, cost 107 lives. According to a rebel leader "the free trade agreement is a death certificate
for the Indian people of Mexico inspired by the Chiapas rebellion, other groups of Mexico came out in
protest. As the leader of the National Coalition of Indigenous Peoples said, "Don't test us, because Zapatistas
could appear allover the country.
The structural adjustment programmes of the IMF and World Bank which tried to establish free trade
in the pre-GA TT era, indicated the three levels of violence created by the third wave of globalisation.
First, there is violence of the structural adjustment programmes themselves, which rob people of
food, health care, and education.
When people's very survival would be threatened, they would protest to protect their rights. These
protests, in turn face repression from regimes committed to the structural adjustment conditionalities of the
World Bank and IMF. A Peruvian economist estimated that in the several outbreaks of protests against
structural adjustment programmes, nearly 3000 people died, 7000 wounded, and 15000 arrested.
Finally, the economic vulnerability created by robbing people of their self-organising, self-governing
and self-provisioning capacities also created conditions for engineering violence, in which vested interests
organise vulnerable groups along ethnic and religious lives to declare war on each other. No continent would
be free from such civil wars, engineered along the fractures of racial, religious or ethnic differences. The end
of the Cold War would be, in fact, seen as war introduced on a global scale in civil society. Diversity would
be transformed into a problem in a globalising and homogenizing world.
The experiences of Somalia and Rwanda are vivid illustrations of the manifold violence of
globalisation.
The Somalian crisis has been interpreted as a residue of 'tribalism'. According to Michel
Chossudovsky, however, the civil war in Somalia is more intimately connected to the effects of globalisation
in the form of structural adjustment programmes. Somalia had a pastoral economy based on exchange
between nomadic herdsmen and small peasants; it remained virtually self-sufficient in terms of food.
Livestock made up 80 pr cent of Somalia's exports earnings until 1983.
The IMF -World Bank adjustment programmes in the 1980s destroyed Somalia's economic order.
Devaluation and liberalisation of imports led to an erosion of domestic agricultural production. Food aid
increased 15-fold between the mid- 70s and mid-80s leading to the displacement of farmers. Privatisation of
veterinary services and water resources led to a collapse of the live-stock sector. As Chossudovsky reports :
 "The IMF- World Bank programme has led the Somali economy into a vicious circle: the decimation
of the herds pushed the nomadic pastoralist into starvation which in town back-lashed on grain producers
who sold or bartered their grain for cattle. The entire social fabric of the pastoralist economy was undone.
The collapse in foreign exchange earnings from declining cattle exports and remittances backlashed on the
balance of payments and the state's public finances leading to the breakdown of the government’s economic
and social programme."
The Rwandan genocide had similar links to the globalisation processes of structural adjustments. In
1989, the International Coffee Agreement reached a deadlock and worldwide coffee prices plunged by more
than 50 percent. Rwanda's export earnings from coffee declined by 50 percent between 1987 and 1991.
In November 1990, a 50 percent devaluation of the Rwanda franc was carried out under the World
Bank -IMP adjustment programme. The balance of payments situation deteriorated dramatically, and the
outstanding external debt, which had already doubled since 1985, increased by another 34 percent between
1989 and 1992. In June 1992, another devaluation was ordered, leading to a 25 percent decrease in coffee
production.
Chossudovsky explains: "The crisis of the coffee economy backlashed on the production of cassava,
beans and sorghum. The system of savings j1Od loan cooperatives which provided credit to small farmers
had also disintegrated. Moreover, with the liberalisation of trade and the deregulation of grain markets as
recommended by the Bretton Woods Institutions, heavily subsidised cheap food imports and food aid from
the rich countries were entering Rwanda with the effect of destabilising local markets".
Everywhere, globalisation has led to the destruction of local economies and social organisation,
pushing people into insecurity, fear and civil strife. The violence against people's livelihoods builds up into
the violence of war.
There is only one way to contain these epidemics of violence. We must, with sensitivity and
responsibility, wherever and whoever we are, once again make peace with diversity, we have to learn that
diversity is not a recipe for conflict or chaos, but it is our only chance for a more sustainable and just future -
in social, political, economic anti environmental terms. It is our only means of survival.
Note: The data and statistics contained and given in this Essay are based on reports brought out in 1994 -the latest being
not available. Things and conditions must have worsened even more instead of improving -that is the presumption.
 KASHMIR ISSUE -IS U.S. PLAYING
A 'FACILITATOR' OR AN 'ABETTOR' ?

There were great hopes when the U.S. Secretary of State, Collin Powell was to visit India on July 26,
2002 and thereafter to Pakistan on July 27, 2002 that U.S. will send a strong message to Pakistan to stop
cross-border terrorism -tapes of the recorded statement and messages of the terrorist leaders were played to
him to prove how the cross-border vicious game was going on. India had been holding its ground that any
bilateral talks could only be initiated when the cross-border infiltration and terrorism was completely
stopped; the training camps for terrorists in the POK Sector demolished. Thus far U.S. was also saying that
Kashmir was a bilateral issue which should be solved and could be solved only by bilateral talks between
Pakistan and India. The Indian Prime Minister had time and again reiterated that there was no question of
any third party mediation on the issue and the U.S. should play its part as a 'facilitator' in bringing pressure
on Pakistan to fulfil these conditions.
For the first time Collin Powell made a rather startling statement that Kashmir was on the
'international agenda' and that India should release the political prisoners prior to the general elections to be
held in J&K.
Both these statements, tantamounted to a complete back-tracking by the U.S. on its previous stand
thus far and the say the twin things amounted to a direct interference in the internal affairs of India. The
opposition has found a point -a very genuine point -of protesting against this U.S. stand and has demanded
the Prime Minister to make a statement on the floor of the house on this matter -the matter being very
serious indeed. To call Kashmir as being on the 'international agenda', very much means that it needed for its
solution an international mediation for which role the U.S. seems to be itching and now has come out in the
open. Musharraf has ever been wanting the U.S. to play the part of a mediator and the Secretary of State has
spoken Musharraf's language. So the clouds now have become clear and U.S.'s murky intentions are out in
the open. Though of course the Indian government itself had been considering releasing the political leaders
who are in prison due to their anti- India stand and activities but now the U.S. demanding it has made the
position very tricky. If they are released it would be felt that it has been done on the dictates of the U.S. -a
very unpalatable a situation for India, while Pakistan has been wanting it.
The terrorist outfits are all out to disrupt the J&K assembly elections -their leaders have been issuing
warnings to those who intend taking part in the elections as also issuing instructions to their cadres to do
everything to disrupt the elections.
So once again a renewed situation of tension is arising. Powell has played the role more of an
'abettor' rather than a 'facilitator' in ending the Kashmir deadlock.
There are with India at least 67 formed control stations in Pakistan and POK to terrorists in the
Kashmir Valley which have been picked up by eves -dropping satellites in June 2002. The commonly heard
speakers are Hizb Chief Syed Salahuddin and Jaish-e-Mohammad boss Masood Azhar. The Indian foreign
minister wanted to know from Islamabad, how a man supposed to be in prison, manages to give long, fiery
sermons against the military dictator of the country .Is his being in prison just a story ?
A July 6, intercept picked off the Jaish radio Afaq, has a man called Khizr Bhai telling a field
operative Najeem details of a planned suicide attack on Minister of State External Affairs, Omar Abdullah
during a visit of Udhampur on July 10. Security agencies got Omar to give up the trip.
"He should not have agreed to become the president of a Kafir state" -radio message from a Pak-
based Hizbul Mujahideen commander to a contact main in Jammu and Kashmir -the reference being to Dr.
A.P.J. Abdul Kalam and the message was intercepted on July 8, 2002, soon after which an attack on him
was hatched.
All these intercepted messages compiled in a dossier have been handed over to Collin Powell as a
proof how General Musharraf has gone back on his promise given to US on January 12, 2002 to dismantle
PoK and Pakistan based communication network.
Yashwant Sinha, the Foreign Minister, made it amply clear to Powell that conditions for talks have
still not been created, and the anus for that lies on Musharraf.
Powell could only say, "I just want to make sure we are not just stopped. I want to see what both
sides might be willing to do to keep going down that escalatory ladder".
Militants attacked the Hindu pilgrims in Khora village of Doda district who were returning after
performing 'puja' at the shrine of a local diety and killed two children and wounded seven others. Inspite all
these incidents happening the U.S. political spokesman of the State Department Richard Boucher refuses to
list Pakistan as a 'terrorist state'. "Pakistan is a stalwart ally". He goes further saying, 'General Musharraf has
announced some fairly bold measures within his own society to try to move Pakistan on a more moderate
course and our interest is in helping Paki~tan move in that direction."
Inspite of the killing of 26 people by the terrorists in Kashmir on July 19, 2002, US does not feel
disturbed at all even to condemn such a killing. Earlier to that there was the Rajiv nagar killing where
innocent women and children were brutally murdered. At least British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw phoned
up Yashwant Sinha to express his shock over the killings but none from U.S. even had that courtesy. Does
this not show how U.S. can look the other way when Pakistan goes on with its terrorist activities ? Does it
not embolden Musharraf to carry on his anti-India, anti-Kashmir people agenda ? Does it not show U.S.'s
connivance in the matter. With just one American journalist, Pearl, having been abducted and killed, there
was all that hue and cry in America; Musharraf had to expedite the trial of the suspected assassin and the
court has awarded him capital punishment - hanging by the neck. That is because the person killed was an
American, the lives of Indians have no value either in the eyes of Musharraf nor in he eyes of U.S. Earlier on
May 14, 2002 there was , killing at Kaluchak. But these are Indians who are being killed and who at all can
conduct such large scale killing except the terrorist and from where do these terrorist come or gain
assistance –ofcourse across the border, but U.S. has to turn a blind eye to all this. Musharraf 'as an ally is
more precious for them, let him keep on with his terrorist agenda -U.S. wants India to start bilateral talks.
India is not going to yield and this border stand-off may even result in telling on India-U.S. ties. That would
so much suit Pakistan and the General. That is what he so much wants, and wishes and U.S. may have no
squasms even in that matter.
India wanted U.S. to be a facilitator and at one point U.S. seemed to have taken a stand that the
Jehadis active in Kashmir cannot be exculpated by being called freedom fighters, but gradually the situation
and the tone seems to be changing.
L.K. Advani, our Home Minister and now the Deputy Prime Minister has ever held a very pragmatic
view with regard to Pakistan and General Musharraf. Long back he had said that India has to fight its own
battle against terrorism. Again he has very clearly said that he has "no faith" in Pakistan President Parvez
Musharraf -
"I have no faith in President Musharraf but I have confidence in our foreign policy and our capability
to make the world realise that if a country is propagating terrorism, the international opinion should be very
clear about it" -Advani told the RSS mouthpiece Panchyajanya. On being asked what would happen if
Islamabad did not mend its ways. Advani said, "We will do whatever has to be done. This is not announced
beforehand".
So this is where the U.S. and India stand vis-a-vis Pakistan and India feels belied in is expectations
from the 'facilitator."
India sent a team to U.S. of diplomatic and military experts which comprised of the former Indian
envoy to Pakistan -G. Parthasarthy Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Arjun Ray and expert on terrorism related issues, B.
Raman. This team was to meet the law makers and specialists and the team made out a strong case for the
U.S. holding Pakistan on a tight leash on the terrorism front. General Musharraf’s track record, as the team
impressed on the U.S. has been to back track on promises and it was for U.S. to adopt a "carrot and stick
policy" to ensure that Pakistan delivers on promises on the terrorist front.
So far it has been 'carrots' all the way, the team contended. Save for a scant admonition to Parvez
Musharraf by President Bush saying that "he must live up to his work", Pakistan has been let off the hook.
This had prompted Musharraf to release most of the terrorists rounded up in January .The team further
explained how Musharraf has not extended the ban on anti-India terrorist outfits to PoK. The team produced
and presented evidence on anti- India outfits, to the law-makers. But the law-makers only gave to the team a
patient hearing without promising anything.
Encouraged by all these gestures on the part of U.S., Musharraf played his cards again, in advance of
Collin Powell’s visit to India and Pakistan on July 27 and 28, 2002 respectively whereby Pakistan sought
u.s. involvement in making progress on the Kashmir issue - involvement' implying 'mediation' which all
along India has been refusing to concede to which stand Musharraf well knows. This was like a client
choosing a lawyer of his choice. Though, ofcourse, in Washington the U.S. State Department spokesman
Richard Boucher firmly told Pakistan to dismantle terrorist campus in its territory and permanently end
infiltration of militants in Jammu and Kashmir which has shown a "significant decline". So the warning and
"significant decline" was blowing hot and cold in the same breath, as if, giving no alarm to General
Musharraf, which fact got doubly testified in Collin Powell's rather cool a reaction to India's Foreign
Minister's pleas and recorded evidence in the form of intercepted messages sent from across the border to
terrorist in the valley. What was and should have been expected of Powell on that evidence was a strong
reaction against Pakistan but that there was none. India's case, as if, was heard and the judgement reserved.
All this 'coolness' on the part of U.S. is a cause of great encouragement to Musharraf and that makes
the U.S. role look so dubious. The U.S. does not seem to worry and any 'strong' instructions by the U.S.
State Department seem to be for the consumption of the international world.
That is what makes one doubt the U.S. intentions and its role -"a facilitator" is he or an abettor ?
 RECASTING INDIAN HISTORY

Ever since the Director of NCERT, Jagmohan Rajput desired and ordained that the Indian History
books prescribed at the secondary and higher secondary level be revised and rewritten and certain references
which denigraded Guru Tegh Bahadur Singh -the Sikh Guru, who had been executed by Emperor
Aurangzeb be deleted and more pro-national leaders and their deeds be high lighted, there has arisen a furor
among politicians and a set of historians alike. They accuse of 'saffronisation' of History -HRD ministry
being under the charge of Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, a hard-core 'Hindutva' - agenda-man as per the general
perception. Even a public interest litigation got launched before the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court
in its wisdom stayed the prescribing of these books and it is there where the matter at present rests.
One understands not the logic, if the sacrifices of the Sikh Gurus, Guru Tech Bahadur Singh or Guru
Govind Singh, the founder of the Khalsa cult, are not told to students how will they know anything about the
history of the Sikhs -a very sizeable section of the Indian population. But even it these Gurus were brutally
persecuted by a Muslim ruler, describing their sufferings and sacrifices would spoil the 'Secular' image -
which for politicians and a set of historians seem more important than their inspirational deeds of patriotism
which would stand to inspire the young and growing mind.
This means and appears to mean that nothing should be said or written about Mahmood Gaznavi who
attacked, India sixteen times, massacred people mercilessly, desecrated and destroyed the Hindu temples and
looted the treasures of the country -these are undeniable facts -but then they go against a Muslim invader
hence, perhaps should not be highlighted to keep up the so-called 'sec\1lar image of India. If the majority of
population of India, then, were Hindus and it was they who suffered, does it mean that Indian History should
remain silent on the matter otherwise if described in their full details would breed disharmony among Hino\
1s and Muslim -that hardly seems a plausible aid acceptable a stand. History is the record of events as they
happened and the manner in which they happened. If facts are supressed only to satisfy a particular 'vote-
bank' then it is not teaching of History of the country.
That is the reason that such biased politicians and biased historians do not accept to highlight the
patriotic deeds of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, Maharana Pratap or Shivaji. They would not like the large-scale self-
immolation on the part of the Rajput women to save themselves from dishonour and disgrace at the hands of
Alauddin Khilzi and his men, should not be made a part of history. Rani Padmavati's sacrifice should be
erased from history -that seems to be their point of view because that would highlight the vicious and wily
designs on her by the then Khilzi King, Alauddin. What is all this humbug in the name of 'secularism' ? It is
more a distortion of Indian history than anything else. If Akbar wanted to anyhow – by any design which
designs he did play to his best - to crush the patriotic fervour of Rana Pratap or if Afzal Khan's invitation to
Shivaji was a wily design to kill him while hugging him in a showy embrace, which design could not
succeed due to the foresight and counter-strategy of the great patriot Shivaji, should these 'great patriots' and
their great deeds be obliterated from the pages of Indian History ?
The designs of a set 01.' historians, thus far dominating the History-writing field in India, has been a
conscious effort to deingrade these 'patriots'. This group of historians is that with whom Nurul Hasan, the
minister of Education during the regime of Indira Gandhi (himself a historian of repute but with leftist
leanings) formed the Indian History Congress. All these historians who formed this group and dominated the
History Congress were leftists in their political leanings. Hence they projected their own views -wholly
biased against the 'patriots' of India. There is a potent reason for this. All these historians who wrote Indian
History derived their inspiration from the British historian, Vincent Smith, the Indian History written by
whom remained the text book of history in all Indian schools and colleges for almost half a century .An
English writer, naturally had a pro-English and anti-India bias. These leftist historians also, most of them,
wrote histories in the period after the II World War in which war the USSR {the think-tank inspiration for
the leftists) was an ally with the British. How, then, could these historians ever think anything pro-India-
they had to have their line pro-British which line had to be anti-Indian. Patriots, whose patriotic deeds if
high lighted would have inspired the young mind to consider them National heroes, which they actually
were. Why was Maharana Pratap fighting against a powerful adversary like the Mughal Emperor Akbar ?
Only to save his territories from the mughals -a really patriotic zeal. Why were the Sikh Gurus fighting
Aurangzeb - only to preserve their land and their religion. Why was Shivaji fighting the Muslims and
thereafter the British ? - only for his country's freedom from foreign hands. For what did Tipu Sultan, Tantia
tope or Rani Lakshmi Bai fought the British ? - only for national freedom" How can these great fighters be
not treated as heroes -national heroes ? But the leftist historians write deingradingly about the Indian Greats.
Why have these historians not come out condemning Aurangzeb to have tortured and murdered Guru Tegh
Bahadur or the sons of Guru Govind Singh? Rather, on th6 other hand R.S. Sharma, a known historian
writes about Lord Mahavir1 the Jain Tirthankar that "Mahavir kept wandering for 12 years from place to
place. ..During the course of the long journey, it is said, he never changed his clothes for 12 years." another
historian of the same school writes about Shivaji. "Although Shivaji had assumed the title of 'Hindava-
Dharmodharak' (protector of Hindus) he plundered mercilessly the Hindu population of India." Satish
Chandra, another historian of the same school says in his 'Medieval India' " Aurangzeb took a number of
measures which have been called puritanical, but many of which were really of an economic and social
character and against superstitious beliefs. Thus he forbade singing in the court and official musicians were
pensioned off. .." .
This is what Talibal also did during their regime in Afganistan in recent history; so let us justify that
as well.
How very evident is the leftist bias against Indian Patriots who fought the British. Netaji Subhas
Chandra Bose - the great Indian hero and freedom fighter his own way was condemned and deingraded by
the leftists during the World War II in which the leftists were staunch British allies as USSR was one of the
Allies. In their party paper 'The CPI in is first Congress in 1943 said, "The groups which make up the
Forward Bloc (Netaji's political party), the party of traitor Bose". The communist Party declared all the
groups (including the forward Bloc) must be treated by every honest Indian as the worst enemy of the nation
and driven out of political life and exterminated".
Cartoons slandering Subhas Chandra Bose appeared in their party paper 'People's war', portraying
him as "blood thirsty devil riding on the back of the Japanese militarists" (July 19, 1942). This has been the
leftist's views on those whom we of Independent India, adore as our freedom fighters and really great
heroes.
Such leftists have been writing Indian History thus far.
One only wonders how can such biased writers present the true history of India.
That is why even the initial and most important question of Aryans remains yet a disputed point.
Whether Aryans came from outside or were they the original inhabitants of India has been a debated
question since long. If, those who hold that Aryans came from outside, who then were the original
inhabitants of India ? Why have historians, and researchers not solved this 4uestion and end this controversy
once for all ? If Aryans came from outside what happened to those who had already been residing in the
country -ofcourse in the northern belt. And if it is said that the Aryans drove the original inhabitants down to
the South -the Aryans were aggressors – then some people must already have been residing in the South.
The country - India - as a whole has its North and South since yore. It is being designed to say that the
Southerners are dark –complexioned Dravadians and thus are an inferior race than the Aryans. Complexion
does not determine superiority or inferiority. It is only a vicious game to draw a wedge between the North
and South in the country by telling history that way. The South is closer to equator hence the complexion of
the southerners has to become darker. But intellectually and culturally the South has produced great saints,
sages, scholars and intellectual giants who have been the hall-mark of Indian culture. South has in no way
been 'inferior', rather it has been more 'fertile', culturally and intellectually. India has been one country,
geography does not and cannot divide it -any attempt at that is vicious and wile.
Historians should have sat together to solve this controversy which they have not done and views and
views have been expressed and explained in their own way.
Recently a book released by the 'Delhi Historical Group in Mumbai titled 'communalism of
education' – a compilation of articles by historians- has caused more controversy.
One student of history notes - "The views are one-sided in the book (written by leftists) and follow
the Macaulay theories propagated by the British -the biased British view is still being taught in the Indian
schools and colleges
"The so-called theories of Aryan invasion or distorted information about the caste system are
debunked by knowledgeable historians. We study about Socrates, Plato, Aristotle not about Yagya-valka,
Panini and Patanjali; " -queries Seema Bajaj, a student of history at Mumbai University.
Dr. N.S. Rajaram, academician Vedic Scholar and author of 'Vedic Aryans and the origin of
civilisation' (with David Franley) and 'The Deciphered Indus Script' (with Natwar Jha) says –
 "The history of ancient India taught in schools is completely wrong and lopsided". The so-called "
Aryan invasion' which forms the basis of history as taught today is contradicted by evidence from
archeology, literature and the latest genetic evidence -It is an obsolete fiction.
A student of history at Cambridge in U.K. says
"When anyone opposes Aryan invasion theory, they are accused of suppressing history and behaving
like Nazi. This is irony of the most incredible kind.
"Pre-Islamic India is being dowagraded as a not -so golden era and a great leap forward is being
claimed by the Muslim period – the large scale massacre of Hindus and destruction of temples in North
India is deliberately fudged -Jats, Sikhs and Marathas are described as 'plunderers' -Surajmal of Bharatpur, a
Jat, Ranjit Singh, a Sikh and Shivaji, a maratha -their activities are all called 'plunder' R.S. Sharma has
described the pre-muslim period as 'Dark Ages'.
How can the reign of Chandra Gupta Maurya, whose administrative set up is an example worth
emulation, or Kautalya's , Arthshastra ' a treatise worthy of a deep study for students of political science or
Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya's 'Golden Period', be brushed aside as 'Dark Ages'. Can Ashok's 'Dhamma'
transformation apart of the Dark Period ? To call this period as Dark Ages is looking at the glorious history
of India with tainted glasses -a thoroughly biased a view point. Even foreign scholars like Andre Wink and
Cythia Talbot established this kind of histriography. Romila Thapar accuses NCERT and CBSE of trying to
rewrite wrong history.
Fancoise Gantier, a French journalist and author based in India says.
"The problem with Romila Thapar and her like is that 50 years they have been left free to rewrite
history ..."
So all this is a controversy emerging from the leftists 'Red' calling the Rightists Saffron and so goes
on the present game of writing and recasting Indian History.
When we come to the Muslim period, then also views look to be biased and one sided. Babar was an
invader -of course he was one. He defeated Rana Sanga and laid the foundations of the Mughal Empire.
Humayun' s period was a non-discrepit one then came Akbar It who has been greatly eulogised as the
consolidator of the Mughal Empire and' Akbar the Great' -MugleAzam is the title endowed one him.
No doubt he ruled long and ruled well. He, by his policy and duplicity created a schism among the
Rajputs and the schism was made so great that Man Singh, a cousin of Rana Pratap fought from Akbar's side
against Rana Pratap. Akbar was an astute diplomat and he patronised some Hindus whom he made
important officials of his government. Todarmal was his Revenue minister who very meticulously managed
the land settlement, Birbal was the witty but wise counsellor and Man Singh was granted honours but in lieu
of that Akbar took his sister Jodha Bai as his queen -a great barter but rather ignoble for the valorous
Rajputs.
Sher Shah who had preceded Akbar after the fall of Humayun but for just a short period of five years
had planned all the welfare projects and the revenue system of Todar Mal had already been pre-planned by
Sher Shah whose rule did not last long and the credit then went to Todar Mal and vicariously to Akbar -to
add to his greatness.
Akbar's Deen Ilahi -a religion based on religious toleration was accepted by many during his life-
time to seek the royal favour but hardly as a faith as becomes evident from the fact that Deen Ilahi died an
early death just with the death of Akbar. It thus gets proved that Deen Ilahi was more an appeasement policy
on the part of Akbar rather than a genuine faith to which his subjects subscribed. .
These are the tactics which won Akbar the title of ‘The Great'. He did establish peace, after
vanquishing Rana Pratap and a few other rebels, had along reign and where peace prevails, art culture and
literature find a congenial atmosphere to flourish. That is what happened and Akbar gained his Greatness
through his diplomacy which title continues for him in the pages of history. But the aforesaid is the
background behind it.
Jehangir inherited a peaceful empire and revelled in his amorous revelries and so did Shahjahan who
has the great honour of building the Taj -the great monument as one of the wonders of the world.
Otherwise his personal life was all amorous licence and nothing more.
Aurangzeb who emerged as a bloody successor to his father - beheading Dara Shikoh, his elder
brother and imprisoning his father, proved to be a fanatical Sunni who is known for his puritanic ways -in
administratjon as well as in Court.
 The Moghul period has been described as the 'Golden Period' but how much 'Golden', how much
outwardly glittering and at the close, how very gloating on tyranny and oppression -a true estimation of
Indian history by unbiased historians only can present-not the 'left', not the 'right' but the 'centralists'.
It is, of course necessary to reassess modern history and re-evaluate it after independence. The nation
has a right to know - who was responsible for calling back our forces after they had occupied the whole of
Kashmir -even the region -a constant thorn pricking our sides ,-- the PoK ? who referred the Kashmir issue
to the UNO ? who divided the country on linguistic states thus bluffing the concept of a national unity ?
Whose weak-kneed policy made China bold to attack India in 1962 ? Who did not accept Hindi as the lingua
franca for a free India when after independence in the flush of enthusiasm it could easily have been made
acceptable ?
So what the recasting of Indian History demands is an unbiased appraisal and arrival at proven
decisions on all controversial matters which are dogging the country now for long.
For doing this let not historians be either 'Red' or 'Saffron' or 'Green' – let them be 'White' as a clean
state and start writing on it.
India badly needs a correct and conclusive History.
 THE AGRA SUMMIT -
BREAKDOWN OR A BEGINNING ?

The hoopla and hype raised by the Agra Summit ended in an anti-climax. A grim-faced. Pakistan
President Pervez Musharraf departed in the dark shadows of midnight, without even a courtesy farewell
handshake by the Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. Parvez Musharraf also lost the chance of a
spiritual salvation, having failed to visit the Ajmer 'dargah' of Sheikh Salim Chishti. India's official
spokesman, Nirupama Rao expressed disappointment that the joint declaration could not be made.
Two things became clear at midnight of July 16, 2001.
The first that the high expectations built up between July 14 and July 16 among people of both
Pakistan and India were abruptly shattered. The Second -and a more important one – was the fundamental
difference between India and Pakistan on the core issue of cross border terrorism and Kashmir instead of
being resolved at the Vajpayee-Musharraf interaction, were only reconfirmed by the two leaders -Musharraf
considered Kashmir as the core issue while India considered cross-border terrorism as the core-issue.
Foreign minister Jaswant Singh and Abdul Sat tar at their press conference on July 17, asserted that
though the Summit was passing through rough weather but was not a failure. According to them, it marked
the beginning of a process of re-engagement and dialogue between the two countries. Public perception,
however, remains that the Summit ended in a breakdown.
So one searches to find out whether the Summit broke down or did it mark the beginning of
continuous dialogue between India and Pakistan.
First of all one considers the question whether Musharraf should have been invited at all to come for
a bilateral official talks with India. Would it not have been better if the first contacts between Vajpayee and
Musharraf were made on the margin of the next SAARC meeting or of the U.N. General Assembly session.
It is learnt that Vajpayee on his own was originally not keen to invite the Pakistan President just in
July but it was on the collective advice given to him by his senior colleagues including L.K. Advani, the
Home Minister who felt that let India show an amount of reasonableness and willingness to negotiate with
Pakistan by a 'dramatic gesture' which may take the international world by surprise and project India as a
peace-desirous country.
This fact gets a confirmation by Jaswant Singh's confirmation that there was no division in the
Vajpayee cabinet on the proceedings of the Summit. Similarly Musharraf s response to the invitation was
based on detailed consultations between him and the Pakistani military high command and other segments
of Pakistani establishment. The logic behind his readily accepting the invitation was that this invitation was
establishing. Musharraf s credibility as an effective ruler of Pakistan and a reasonable statesman -though
ofcourse there lay deep contradictions between the impulses and motivations of the two leaders and the two
governments in coming to these summit negotiations.
India's motivations should have been the following :
First, to explore an alternative track of political discussions to resolve the Kashmir issue, as all
initiatives taken by India since November 2000 to end cross-border terrorism -as unilateral cease-fire and its
successive extension till the middle of May 2000 had not borne the desired results.
Second, Hurriyat had been demanding to be recognized as the sole representative of the peoples of
Jammu and Kashmir and the move to go to Pakistan to move towards a tripartite talks would stand negated
when the pakistan's President himself was coming down for talks.
Third, it would show to the world at large that Vajpayee is a Prime Minister of India who has a
genuine desire for a negotiated settlement broadly shared by the public opinion and political parties in India.
Fourth, and very important too, to focus world attention to the linkage between cross-border
terrorism sponsored Pakistan and keen to seek a rational settlement of the Kashmir problem.
Fifth, India was interested in creating an atmosphere whereby initiation may be taken for such
mechanism and procedure as about nuclear confrontation between the two countries to be kept in check. It
would also be reducing the international concern lest the Kashmir dispute may at any stage bring about a
nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan.
Musharraf and his government had, as it ultimately transpired, quite a different agenda for the
Summit -in sharp contrast to the Indian objectives and perspectives.
The foremost was the recognition granted by India to the General's assumption of the office of the
President of Pakistan, confirming his political and institutional legitimacy.
 Second, Musharraf wished to prove that he was the first Pakistan's head of the state and government
who persuaded India to discuss Kashmir issue as a separate and high priority issue in 54 years.
The third consideration which loomed large with the General as became clear from the series of
statements which he and his governmental colleagues made prior to the Summit clearly stated that Pakistan
considered a solution to the Kashmir problem, according to the Pakistan terms of reference, an unalterable
precondition for the general normalisation of Indo-Pak relations.
Fourthly, somehow Musharraf had placed an objective to ensure that India agreed to discuss a
change in the political and jurisdictional states of Jammu and Kashmir at this Summit discussion. His occult
intention was the obliteration of the Sanctity of the Line of Control (LoC) which has been treated as the
dividing line between the two countries. He had made it clear in a statement that the LoC could not be the
basis of a solution because from his point of view, the LoC was the basic problem affecting the Kashmir
issue.
Fifthly, he clearly indicated that the Simla agreement of 1971 was hardly relevant and the Lahore
declaration of 1999 could be partly considered only if Kashmir issue was taken up at top priority.
Lastly, Musharraf thought that his image as a reasonable statesman shall get a boost by engaging
Vajpayee in discussions.
All these objectives were in complete divergence from the Indian point of view and there was hardly
any meeting point with such a mind set of the Pakistani side. This was thus, the evident and potent reason
for the failure of the Agra Summit – described by Abdul Sat tar, the Pakistan foreign minister as ending
'inconclusively'.
Pakistani perception, perhaps, also was that India' s stamina and political will to hold on to
Kashmirhad ebbed out – a very mistaken a perception indeed. Musharraf perhaps did not know how India
was a nation of strong nerves and shall never break down. He also, wrongly felt that the armed forces of
India had also been tired out to fight the proxy war that Pakistan was carrying on. He also had, perhaps,
perceived, wrongly though, that India was under U.S. pressure to normalise relations with Pakistan in view
of the nuclear capabilities of both countries. He had, somehow, a totally mistaken belief that the NDA was
suffering from internal bickerings and the opposition parties would support his moves to beat the
government.
Still another misconceived perception that, perhaps, Musharraf harboured was since Vajpayee had
taken a unilateral decision to invite General Musharraf for talks, he would find it difficult, if not impossible,
not to show any concrete results at the end of the Agra Summit. Musharraf also, perhaps, had thought by
himself, that Vajpayee would be apprehensive of a backlash from the jehadis in Kashmir if no fruitful results
came out of the talks and therefore would be willing to concede to Pakistan's demands. Musharraf is a
military man unknown to diplomacy and politics and Indian leadership has been nurtured in the twin fields
for long and the leadership is not made of clay to be moulded in whatever fashion a wishful thinker way
conceive.
It were all these presumptions, perhaps, which made Musharraf to announce before coming to Delhi
and Agra that he wanted a solution to the Kashmir problem within a definite time frame.
Each of these presumptions proved wrong in the discussions between Vajpayee and Musharrafand at
the delegation level meetings. One only needs to read the statement made by Vajpayee at the plenary session
of both delegations at Agra, which clearly contradicted each one of these Pakistani assumptions.
The contradictory approaches to the Summit were also reflected in the composition of the Indian and
Pakistani delegations. India's objective was to restore processes of multi-faced normalisation. Vajpayee was
accompanied by the Home Minister, Advani, Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh, Commerce Minister,
Murasoli Maran and Finance Minister, Yashwant Sinha. Musharraf, on the other hand, in conformity with
his one-point agenda of 'Kashmir only', brought foreign minister Abdul Sat tar, his personal staff and foreign
office officials.
The media also played a rather dubious role, which was middlesome – both the audio-visual as well
as the print. India as well as Pakistan should have controlled and tempered the media which neither were
able to do. They seemed unduly enthusiastic and intrusive about policy matters rather to have been focussing
on negotiations.
Sushma Swaraj, the Indian Information Minister, whatever her latter rationalisation, briefed the press
about items discussed at the Summit in a manner which seemed an exercise to stress the Indian side of the
agenda. She omitted mentioning Pakistani side's insistence on discussing Kashmir.
 Musharraf addressed senior editors on the morning of July 16, without giving them advance warning
that his interaction was going to be televised by the P. T. V. His main statement in detail of his negotiating
stance on all issues – a stance which was very apparently and significantly a very uncompromisingly
assertive. Senior ministers and heads of government do not hold press conferences while engaged in the
middle of important and sensitive negotiations on the very subject on which negotiations are taking place.
His breakfast press-conference completely destroyed the elabow room and adjustment spaces in the
negotiation process. Musharraf did not have any pre-training or experience in political negotiations and
hence totally flopped in his very first adventure. The delegation was unable to produce a joint draft on the
sensitive issues discussed and this situation was made inevitable by Musharraf's indiscretion.
There is confirmed information that Vajpayee was absolutely firm on issues of vital territorial,
security and political interests of his country and Musharraf was made to feel that his media plays were not
going to pressurize India; even if that resulted in the failure of the talks.
The basic compulsion of both leaders remained operative that the Summit should not mark a
breakdown in further negotiations. The press conference of Jaswant Singh and Abdul Sat tar on July 17,
announcing that Vajpayee will continue to meet Musharraf in New York and SAARC and would eventually
go to Islamabad and their confirming that discussions at various levels, will continue, is a positive
development which essentially is the response to the above compulsions.
But then this proposed process stands stalled for the present with cross-border terrorism escalating
recently. The suicide bomb attack on J.K. Assembly building and the abortive attempt to blast the Srinagar
airport are bad portends which have compelled Vajpayee to announce that there was no question of his
further meeting thePakistan President at the U.N. General Assembly at New York so long as such nefarious
activities continue behind which is Pakistan's hand. U.S. Secretary of State, has been urging both sides to
exercise restraint and resume talks but for the present, as the present situation stands Vajpayee feels that no
useful purpose gets fulfilled by talking when stands are so diammetrically opposite.
One very potent and important point needs to be discussed at priority, if ever the talks get resumed -
the nuclear-issue which in the long term is more important than even the Kashmir issue. Talks would
continue -the hope expressed by the foreign ministers, present just a ray in the otherwise clouded horizon.
Vajpayee went to Russia and then to U.S. on November 4 and 11 respectively on the invitation of the
Presidents of the two countries. Let us hope for the best – that is all that can be said for the present.
 HAS INDIA TO FIGHT ITS WAR
WITH TERRORISM ALONE ?

Our policy makers are hoping that the United states will fight terrorism perpetrated against us. But
let them understand that the American are interested only in fighting their terrorism. The White House
clarified on September 18, that U.S. policy is to 'eliminate' terrorism around the world but only, 'when it
threatens the United State'. The Indian media, however, ignored that statement as well as Bush's message in
his congressional address that Washington will only target 'terrorist groups with a global reach'. The 'global
reach' is a significant term as this, in no way, covers the Pak sponsored terrorism against India. The U.S. has
all along been reticent about the terrorism that India has been suffering from all these long years. And now
as Pakistan has become an effective and most-required ally of America in its war against Taliban, America
would be loath to directly and openly condemn terrorism from across Indian borders.
Pervez Musharraf is to India what Osama Bin Laden is to America – an architect of terrorism -who
blatantly calls the Kashmir terrorists as freedom fighters'. But will U.S. support India the way India has
offered all support to U.S. in their present war against the Taliban ? While the U.S. has been condemning
'terrorism' with all vociferousness there has been the AI-Qeida network sending a suicide squad to the J & K
Assembly building and la\1llching an attack. The Indian Prime minister did prefer to immediately write a
letter to President Bush -but the reaction from the White House has been rather cold except for the U.S.
Secretary of State 'Softy' condemning such an act. It stands doubly established that the Al-Qeida network
has its training camps in Pakistan and they are funded by Pakistan. But when India thinks of striking these
training camps, the U.S. raises its hand to exercise restraint.
There is a lot of difference between the Indian policy against terrorists and the U.S. policy. While
America is decisive in capturing terrorists -dead or, alive, India has to hold negotiations with the Hizbul
Mujahideen, flying its Home Secretary who gets himself photographed with that terrorist group's local
commander. India had to hand-deliver the architect of Jaish-e-Mohammad at Kandhar to get the hijacked
passengers set free. Washington has yet not been able to consider the Taliban terrorism and the Pakistan
terrorism on equal level. It does not daunt them as their most critical partners in this war, Pakistan and Saudi
Arabia are not only the creators of the Taliban but also the bastions of militants Islamic fundamentalists who
virtually rever Bin Laden.
Indian foreign policy's biggest challenge now is to ensure that the new U.S. Pak partnership does not
work against India's interests. Terrorism against India has come directly from the forces reared by the earlier
U.S.-Pak Alliance.
The only silver lining for India is that the logic of what Musharraf is being made to do against
terrorism in Afghanistan will catch up with Pakistan. To same extent this logic may already be staring
Musharraf in the face; given his new reticence to call Kashmir terrorism 'freedom struggle'. The U.S.
establishment cannot deny that it was permitting -and even helping -the ISI to plan its terrorist assault in
Kashmir for the last half a century. But what the U.S. establishment cannot afford to do any longer is to help
the terrorists anywhere -not in Kashmir as well. Since, the terrorists in Kashmir are not local 'freedom
fighters' but either foreign mercenaries or perverted Islamic fundamentalists, they are bound to be weakened
by the U.S. turning away from them the more the gulf widens between the US and any kind of terrorism the
better for us.
Of course, offering help to the U.S. even when it is not being expressly asked for, beseeching it to
move closer to us and away from Pakistan, to label terrorists in Kashmir as terrorists – all these efforts are
proving to be a humiliating exercise. We have gone a little too far to offer unconditional and unilateral
support -of every kind -our military bases and even our army and everything. General Musharraf has in his
telecast to his nation that he was helping the U.S. for 'its (Pakistan's) economic interest and its strategic
assets'. While complying with the American diktat, he negotiated points, which were in Pakistan ' s interests
-removal of sanctions, waiver of loans and Kashmir'. But we have gone out to offer everything without
bartering for anything in return. If the U.S. has lifted sanctions against India, that has not been any special
favour as they have done the same with Pakistan. Rather by lifting sanctions against India, the U.S. has only
corrected a wrong as tie sanctions should not have been imposed at all. It is also true that for the first time
the U.S. has spoken of' Kashmir terrorists'. But that has little credibility in view of the U.S. feeling indebted
to Pakistan for the active help that it is rendering to the U.S. in the present war against Afghanistan.
 Further, India should guard against the rhetoric about 'the clash of civilisations'. Our national interest,
the integrity of our democracy and the preservation of our multiculturalism have to be our guiding
principles. Under no condition can we allow the building up of any xenophobia – not against the Afghans or
against Islam.
With the attack on the twin towers, the U.S. had for the first time felt where the shoe pinches. We
have been raising the issue of terrorism against our country for decades even providing the U.S. with proof
of Pakistani involvement. But the U.S. turned a deaf ear. Had it taken terrorism as seriously as it has taken
today, the attack on the twin tower would not have taken place. Proof is now surfacing of a global network
connecting the Kandhar hijackers with the perpetrators of the terrible Tuesday September 11, attack now it
is that when the U .S. has suffered this onslaught that their Secretary of State, Colin Powell, has remarked
with some sterness, that the U.S. would not stop with Bin Laden's network. 'when we've through with that
network, we will continue with a global assault against terrorism in general'. He warned that after the Bush
administration had assembled and shown the world the evidence it had against the Bin Laden network, 'we
will go after the group, that network and those who have harboured, supported and aided that network to rip
the network up'. Brave words, ofcourse. But what is the U.S. going to do against AI-Qaeda whose chief is in
Pakistan. What has been proclaimed by the U.S. with such an assertion will have to be seen in actual action.
Time alone would prove whether this proclamation is only a timely rhetoric or a real intent. India will have
to wait. But what till then ?
For the present India, has to realise that if it is to effectively combat terrorism, it has to wage its own
war, not merely piggy-back on America. This calls for India emulating at least some elements of the current
U.S. covert military and intelligence operations.
Writing complaints to Bush about Pakistan's conduct can get India some sympathy but no relief. Let
us take some solace from what the U.S. Secretary of State, Powell said regarding the suicide attack on the
J&K Assembly building "The events that took place in Kashmir that terrible terrorist act that killed innocent
civilians and also struck at a government facility. .. It is this kind of terrorism that we are united against. And
as the President (Bush) made it clear. ..we are going after terrorism in a comprehensive way, not just in the
present instance of AI-Qaeda and Osama Bin Laden, but terrorism as it affects nations around the world, to
include the kind of terrorism that affects India'.
 FIFTY YEARS OF INDIA'S ARMED FORCES
AND THEIR MAJ OR OPERATIONS

The armed forces of India, besides being responsible for defending the country from external attack,
have a secondary task of defending the country from internal threat. In addition to these basic roles the
armed forces have all along been called out as "Aid to Civil Authority", for maintaining and restoring law
and order and for humanitarian tasks like flood relief. These aspects could have been highlighted to give an
overall picture of what the army people do in peace-time. Every year floods ravage different parts of the
country. Arrangement and the necessary wherewithal for meeting these exigencies have not been built to
date, and use of combat bridging equipment, boats, helicopters and transport aircraft of the IAF act as a
makeshift arrangement along with the manpower of the Armed Forces.
The contribution of armed forces in the field of games and sports including mountaineering, at
national level, has been considerable and deserves mention. Another achievement besides the profession of
arms is the contribution to the expeditions to Antarctica, where the armed forces have provided leadership
and personnel for these difficult missions.
The Indian armed forces have had to face many conflicts. These commenced in the formative years
with the beginning of the Kashmir problem. The three major conflicts-one in 1962 against the Chinese and
the Indo-Pak Wars of 1965 and 1971.
These conflicts brought to light certain major aspects of political compulsions and lost opportunities.
Counter insurgency has great importance in present day scenario. India's contribution to International Peace-
Keeping with the UN forces is quite noteworthy. The UN's role as a peace-keeper may present future
conflicts at various possible flash points, provided the belligerent agree to the UN intervention and accept
the deployment of a UN Peace- Keeping Force in the conflict zones.
The machinations of Pakistan in 1947, in a bid to woo some of the princely states including Jaipur
and Jodhpur, involved India's armed forces to get these states merged in the Indian Union. Also Hyderabad
and Junagadh, with no boundary with Pakistan, attempted to secede to Pakistan. But the intervention of the
armed forces saved them for accession to India. The Nizam had to be suppressed by using the armoured
division, and the Nawab of Junagadh fled to Pakistan while his state joined the Indian Union. In fact
Pakistan continued to include Junagadh in its map for some years.
The annexation of Gilgit by Pakistan, with the connivance and active participation of the British
officers serving with the Gilgit Scouts is most revealing and shows up on which side the outgoing British
Army Officers willingly leaned. It also casts aspersion on these British Officers, who were serving as part of
the State forces of the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, whom they readily betrayed. With a unified
command of Indian and Pakistani forces still functioning, this act of treachery could not have occurred but
with full knowledge and tacit support of the British Command.
The conflict in Kashmir in 1947-48 had several background reasons. Firstly though not publicised by
India or Pakistan, both sides recognised the strategic importance of Kashmir. Besides being a very valuable
chunk of real estate, Kashmir was a Muslim majority state and thus arose Pakistan's desire to annex it. To
India, Kashmir being apart of the secular Indian state, was meant to boost India's secular image, where a
Muslim predominant state could thrive as a part of Hindu majority but a secular country.
Jawaharlal Nehru who was delighted to have Kashmir as part of India declared: "..Kashmir, because
of her geographical position, with frontiers merging with three countries, namely, the Soviet Union, China
and Afghanistan, is intimately connected with the security and international contacts with India.
Economically also Kashmir is intimately related to India."
A former Pakistani army general is quoted as having stated that "...One glance at the map was
enough to show that Pakistan's military security would be seriously jeopardized if Indian troops came to be
posted along Kashmjr's Western border."
Liaqat Ali Khan in a letter: to Nehru pointed out in December 1947 : "The security of Pakistan is
bound up with Kashrnir and ties of religion, cultural affinity, and economic interdependence bind the two
together.." A cease-fire agreed to by India at a stage when it was in a position to throw out Pakistani troops
from Kashmir has left it with a problem, which has so far defied a solution.
The 1965 war can well be called a large scale skirmish along the border. If there were any strategic
objectives, neither India nor Pakistan launched an effective, thrust which got anywhere near a worthwhile
objective. Some important tactical features like the Haji Pir Pass and point 13620 overlooking Kargil were
captured, only to be handed back by our politicians. The Point 13620 was captured again by Indian forces in
1971 with considerable loss of lives of our attacking troops, and the cause of this needless slaughter was our
willingness to barter away captured ground at Tashkent. Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri could not live down
Tashkent, he died there, but our country should know that post 13620 recaptured in 1971 where we lost an
excellent officer, Major Vetrinathan, Vir Chakra, and a number of men-it is the hand of politicians which
will remain smeared with this wasteful bloodshed of our soldiers.
The 1971 Indo-Pak war was decisive. From March to November 1971, The Indian armed forces
prepared a campaign to liberate East Pakistan. The balloon went up in early December with a pre-emptive
air strike by Pakistan in the West. The Indian army poised for an offensive in the East, and holding actions
in the West, unleashed its forces to capture East Pakistan, and Bangladesh was born on December 16, 1971.
In this campaign, the most spectacular offensive was by four corps under General Sagat Singh
supported by a force of helicopters under Air Commodore Chandan Singh. The generalship displayed by the
GOC 4 Corps does the Indian army proud. The daring use of helicopter airborne troops across the Surma
river in Sylhet, and across the Meghna river, hastened the decisive end of the war. A country was liberated,
93,000 prisoners of war were taken, which is by far more than any number in the wars after World War II.
Huge quantities of arms, ammunition and equipment were captured.
After 1971, the army and the IAF, already engaged in the counter-insurgency in the North-East
found themselves moved to the insurgency situation in the Punjab. Operation Blue Star was a black mark on
the clean record of the Army, and the alienated Sikh community. However, time and measures to solve the
wounded pride of these gallant people has not yet helped in bringing them back to the national fold.
From April11984, to date a war situation prevails in the Siachen Glacier. Both India and Pakistan
have lost over 2,000 soldiers each and spent approximately Rs. 15,000 crore each. To what avail one would
ask except ego satisfaction of leaders on both sides.
The operations of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka was a disaster. Haying been initially
committed to peacekeeping, our forces were not equipped or prepared to undergo combat operations with
the LTTE. Resultantly, we suffered avoidable casualties and a general feeling of this commitment not being
our war, prevailed. A delayed pullout saved further involvement in this operation. The stories of wars and
conflicts can really be very very long indeed. But a brief approach to these fits well owing lack of space in
this essay book.
 INTERACTIVE MEDIA COMES OF
AGE IN INDIA

Beginning in the form of "letters to the editor" a column hidden in some obscure corner, newspapers
now offer the reader more 'space' in a daily, seeking to create brand loyalty and attract advertisers.
As more newspaper columns are devoted to local and national or even world problems, personal
interface ideas are welcomed by the newspapers from their readers, which are often organised by the
newspapers on a selected theme which the readers are expected to write and send their views. Experts in
newspapers welcome the trend saying it would lead to more people-oriented media in the newspaper.
The media’s initiatives for an interface with the readers are encouraging signs. In fact, this kind of
interface should have begun long ago, says Dr. N. Bhaskar Rao, chairman, Centre for Media Studies
With delicate balance of power in the country gradually shifting from the government and the
executive to the people and the public opinion they generate, the role of news media has become even more
significant. That is how the agenda setting role of media has become important.
Considering the immense reach and impact of print media, the newspapers must realise their
responsibility vis-a-vis the general public. Some leading newspapers have started many interactive columns
which provide readers a platform to express their views and opinions on given topics -University life,
Problems related to the youth, environment, power supply, education and drugs abuse, etc/
Almost all newspapers, big or small, have also started advisor-columns, where readers seek answers
to questions they would not normally ask even their parents and friends -matters relating relationships and
health. Some others have gone to the extent of direct interaction with their readers by holding meetings with
residents of particular colonies in various cities to hear their problems.
Such activities really instill confidence among the people. They face a lot of problems at the
neighbourhood level and if big newspapers take up these matters, then surely the chances of our grievances
being redressed become manifold. After all it is the duty of the media to take up peoples' cause. Direct
interactive sessions with people is also a part of information gathering. So it is definitely a part of any news
organisation's primary job.
Total commercialisation of media in India had led to less ofpeople-oriented activities. There was lot
of concentration on politics. So these are welcome changes and initiatives in the right direction. Such
interactive sessions also help increase the business of the newspaper by making them attractive advertisers.
Advertising revenues are the financial backbone of a newspapers. As a result of slashing of corporate
advertising budgets these years, newspapers have been witnessing a snowballing effect more than television.
The proliferation of satellite channels in recent years has further resulted in the fragmentation of
advertising spending. All this means a decline of 15-20 percent in advertising outlays on press. Newspapers
in India have increasingly become politics centric neglecting the other areas. Therefore there has been a glut
of politics. But the people today are more concerned about things like gas, water, power supply and the
drainage system in the locality.
If big newspapers come forward to hear the problems of the readers directly, then it certainly instils
confidence among the people and creates accountability. If in the process advertisers also pitch in, then that
can be taken as bonus. That should not be taken as a primary objective of such interactive sessions.
Female readership of newspapers, particularly in the southern states of the country, has also
witnessed a distinct growth over the last few years. Therefore, initiating activities in areas which concern the
women of the household also helps create a loyalty for the newspaper among them. Readership among
females is a key variable to growth of newspapers. The growth rate in readership and circulation did not
keep up in the 1970s and 1980s.
 APPROPRIATE USE OF ARTI CLE 356 !

Article 356 of the Constitution of India should be seen in a new progressive light. There is need for a
law which should consider Non-performance by States as something to be held accountable. The Union
Government has an overall responsibility to ensure the progress of the country. If a given State continues to
perform at a low level for two or three years running then it becomes a fit case for action under Article 356
to ensure India remains a socio-economic democracy, without which political democracy ceases to have any
meaning.
Provision and contents of Article 356 in the Constitution are specific to our country. For its origin
one has to go back to the Government of India Act-1935, which provided that in the event of a breakdown of
the constitutional machinery, the Governor General could assume all or any power vested in federal
authorities. Similar provision existed in the case of provinces, where in the case of a breakdown of
constitutional machinery, the government could by proclamation assume all powers vested in or exercisable
by any provincial authority.
India's Constitution provides three types of emergencies: (i) When the security of India is threatened
(Article 352); (ii) A State government is not functioning in accordance with the provision of the constitution
(Article 356) and (iii) When the financial stability or credit of India is threatened (Financial emergency).
Article 188 says that the Governor of a State could assume powers at his discretion as may be given
out in the proclamation, and if he is satisfied that a grave emergency has arisen which threatens the peace
and tranquility of the State, subject to concurrence of the President who should also feel that the law and
order situation is grave and hence the federal government should take over the governance until next
elections.
Articles 39, 39 A., 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48 and 49 of the constitution clearly outline the directions
which may be given to the Chief Minister of a Stale in furtherance of the objective of economic and social
democracy along with the maintenance of political democracy. Failure in the sectors like education, health,
provision of drinking water, job avenues, development of agriculture and allied items should be good
reasons to threaten the State Government with Article 356.
The Seventh Schedule of the Constitution clearly spells the subjects to be dealt with by the States in
social and economic sectors-public health, agriculture, rural infrastructure like roads, irrigation, industries,
etc. The Chief Ministers of States are to see that social and economic aspects of the democracy could be
achieved only by the constructive cooperation of the State Governments.
What happens when State/States fail to achieve the objectives which they have their duty to
achieve ? Should the people wait for five years ? or till the next election ?
Our constitution is quite a good one. It has all the ideals that a constitution should have. But a time
has come when it should be made more practicable. The very election system is thoroughly bad. To get
elected to the Parliament one needs lot of money. Many rich dullards happen to be law-maker. Neither a law
degree nor a Ph.D. or any research qualification. Some of our law makers are interested in politics as it gives
them power to make money by hook or crook, or else they will not spend the money on election. Their first
effort is to recover the money spent on being elected and then reap rich harvest.
It is desireable that the lawmakers should be political philosophers of repute who may be invited to
seek election but the government should meet their expenses. Lawmakers should be initially chosen by
educational bodies or professionals like the economists, or even scientists and engineers of standing and then
let them get elected.

INDIA'S INTEREST IN CTBT

The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is under intense debate in this country. Earlier while the treaty
was being finalised in Geneva and subsequently adopted in the UN General Assembly, there was near
unanimous consensus in India against joining it. There were three major objections to the treaty spelt out in
the statement made by India at the Conference on Disarmament on June 20, 1996. The treaty, at that stage,
affected our national security interests. Second it was not a Comprehensive Test Ban.
 Treaty but only a nuclear test explosion ban treaty which permitted sophisticated nuclear weapon
research through sub-critical tests, computer simulation and design techniques. Third it was not linked to
nuclear disarmament.
Nuclear Tests
Now in the wake of nuclear tests, India has indicated that it will sign the CTBT and allow it to come
into force by September 1999, the first deadline prescribed in Article XIV of the treaty. There is one view
that it is being done under US pressure. On the other hand, the Indian government declared on the day of the
tests (May 11, 1998) that it was prepared to abide by certain provisions of the CTBT. After May 13, 1998,
India announced a voluntary moratorium on the tests.
The CTBT has 18 articles. Out of these only four articles are of crucial importance. Article I forbids
any nuclear weapon tests or any other explosion. Article II lays down the organisation to implement the
treaty, the conference of the state parties, the executive council of 51 states to be elected and a technical
secretariat to be headed by a director general. Article IV deals with verification measures, which includes an
international monitoring system and an on-site inspection.
Article XIV dealing with the entry into force of the treaty would normally have been a routine article
but for the inclusion of India in the list of 44 nations which must sign and ratify the treaty after India
declared on June 20, 1996, that it would not do so.
No article mentions the non-proliferation treaty or any special privileges of nuclear weapon powers
though prevention of proliferation has been mentioned as an objective as also nuclear disarmament in the
preamble.
Critics of the treaty agree that there is nothing discriminatory or objectionable in the language of the
treaty itself. It must be recalled that India was prepared to allow the treaty to be adopted by the international
community except that it would not sign it because of national security considerations.
The infamous Article XIV was brought in at the last moment to prevent India going nuclear once and
for all. The nuclear tests of India have made Article XIV meaningless from the Indian point of view as India
has declared itself as a nuclear weapon state. The national security consideration no longer stands in the way
as India has equipped itself with what our scientists say is equivalent to what 50 tests would have provided.
The critics argue that though the treaty is not discriminatory in its language, the five hegemonic
powers (N-5) who concluded the treaty through separate parallel negotiations among themselves
marginalising the Conference on Disarmament may have their own motives for harassing a country like
India. The CTBT has a provision to punish a state which makes a frivolous demand for an on-site inspection.
Some who are deeply suspicious of the N-5 would argue that under their domination the Executive Council
would never conclude that any of their demands for inspection are frivolous even if proved so.
Spy Satellites
Yet another point focused upon by critics is the provision that on-site requests may be based on
information collected besides the international monitoring system, from national technical means of
verification in a manner consistent with generally recognised principles of International Law. That means
information through spy satellites and not human spies. Since four out of five N-5 powers have spy satellite
systems, they may use information obtained from them in ways to harass India. This country will also have
spy satellite system in the near future.
The last criticism is about the N-5 particularly the US continuing to conduct sub-critical tests and
research using computer simulation and design in the national ignition facility now being built. The critics
argue that these steps will place India at a disadvantage unless it attains the right to conduct more tests and
accumulates more data. Our top scientists Dr. Chidambaram, Dr. Kakodkar and Dr. Sikka are very
reassuring on this issue. However, a section of the Western scientific establishment has launched; a
campaign to run down the Indian test achievements and sow doubts in the minds of our people. This is an
issue on which the government has to arrange for our nuclear scientists to make a persuasive case.
Against this background, India's accession to the CTBT will have to be based on the following
factors-what is the sober senior level scientific opinion on the need for more tests ? This view should come
from the top. Most nuclear weapon designers, irrespective of the country of their origin love having more
and more tests. Therefore, scientifically and strategically informed political judgement is required. Second
what is our assessment on our ability to stand up to the harassment of N-5 ? The Indian nuclear tests and
their aftermath are clear proof that India is in a position to withstand such pressures. Thirdly, the recent
developments have highlighted that there is no likelihood of an absolute unity of purpose and effort among
the N-5 on all issues and occasions. This factor should be taken into account in our political assessment.
What is our assessment on the US senate ratifying the CTBT and on China doing so ? If we are to conclude
that the probability of their ratification is not high then it is to our advantage to declare our readiness to join
without actually signing the CTBT till they do so.
Underlying the CTBT, the US and China were playing very different games. The US wanted to
freeze the nuclear weapon technological sophistication of both China and India. China's game was to prevent
India becoming a nuclear weapon power. There is however increasing acceptance by many nations of the
legitimacy of Indian security concerns vis-a-vis China. Therefore one has to watch carefully the Chinese and
US reactions to the CTBT ratification.
 INDIA'S STRATEGIC CONCEPTS OF
NATIONAL SECURITY

India's security instruments, the defence services, paramilitary forces, intelligence and police services
are rigidly compartmentalised. India's strategic minds are confined to the backroom of the Indian Institute of
strategic Studies, and totally absent from government. So the first and greatest threat to Indian security was a
smug Indian introverted swadeshi mind without clear strategic concepts, and knee-jerk emotional reactions,
and crippling babudom, says A.D. Modie, a former ICS officer.
Mr. Modie first wants us to pose cogently, present and future perceptions of threats to India's
security, internal and external, both inseparably linked. Briefly internal threats, which are no less than the
external ones, may be summarised as follows :
(i) the absence of national security on the political agenda of the main parties. (ii) the absence of
defence specialisation among policy makers, (iii) Financial indiscipline of centre and state governments,
making the Indian state non-viable, (iv) India ranks 138 th among 172 states like the backward Central
African states.
The fundamental internal threats of the future arise from extensive failures of rural development,
urban decay and infrastructural breakdown. To deal with them there is a need for national consensus among
the major political parties for more effective and transparent governance; an agenda for globalisation,
measures for greater international competitiveness and cooperation, specially in the context of WTO. Social
development in education, health, infrastructure, and security must be prioritised.
Only such a consensus can yield speedier responses to basic international problems, an advantage
that China has over India. The perceptions of external threats are fundamentally based on geography. There
is a blue water threat in the entire Indian Ocean area at three strategic points: the Strait of Malaca, the Cape
of Good Hope (now Suez too) and the Persian Gulf, the centre of world's oil supplies.
From India's point of view, this involves the security of ports and nearby oil and nuclear bases, and
the sea lanes and minesweeping; threats to its outlying islands including the A. and N. Islands and to its
neighbours like Mauritius and Sri Lanka. Here there are also shared trade and oil security interests with the
USA, ASEAN, Japan and South Africa.
A sea blue water shield is needed to protect the blue water arena, it will be primarily navy, air, and
combined operations of forces with missile capability for Indian Ocean area north of 30 degree Latitude. It
would be wise for India to consider this area a shared responsibility with powers which share a common
trade, oil and security interest here and not treat the Indian Ocean as an Indian Lake.
A sky blue air superiority missile shield in the Indian sub-continent and the Indian Ocean area is also
needed, as air superiority has been a pre-condition for all successful military operations since World War II.
A brown western front army and air shield, supplemented by the navy shield on the Arabian Sea flank,
perhaps India's only large scale land, water, air operations area of the old order, involving division and corps
scale operations in an integrated large command and communications system is also needed. It would stretch
from the Arabian Sea to Jammu.
We need a plains-based Panzer army with superior air power for the defence of the north west
frontier from Gujarat to the Punjab and Jammu, supplemented by the naval power on the Arabian Sea flank.
The western theatre may be the last arena of the old large land army concept, with supplementary arms.
Only now it is far more reinforced with electronic, digital communications systems and weaponry, with a
sophisticated command and communications structure.
Lastly there is the arena of deterrence with missile and nuclear power. This will only come into play
when all other military and diplomatic efforts fail, and for the very survival of the nation and the state. This
will be medium and long-range stratospheric strike power; with its command and communication structure
centre in the chief state executive. Tactical missile weaponry may be used in other operations, at non-
political, operational command levels.
A white mountain shield from the Karakoram to NEFA, based on mobile brigade-size combined
operations strike units involving the army, the air force, and paramilitary forces like the BSF and ITBP with
a strong communications, and supply chains is another necessity. These should preferably be based below
12,000 ft using the Himalayas as the natural fortress, tactical features and the requisite firepower. Unlike
1962, air/missile power should be used to destroy hostile forces the other side of the lndo-Tibetan passes, in
the event of hostilities.
In this area much will depend on the future diplomatic rapprochement with China, with or without
boundary settlements, to minimize the cost of conflict in the Himalayan region, and convert it into a region
of trade and hydroelectric power for mutual benefit.
All these will involve fundamental rethink and design of India's defence administration including a
clearer definition of the roles of the political establishment, the bureaucracy, including the proposed defence
council, of which service chiefs will be full time members. The new regime will need: afar more integrated
intelligence service which will provide an integrated feedback system of high sophistication and secrecy on
military and economic threats to deal with more sophisticated terrorist attacks, across the border and within.
This is a common concern with all India's neighbours. The most vulnerable places will be the cities
and the critical infrastructure areas, including nuclear, oil, and gas installations. Small terrorist groups can
now use weapons of mass destruction, chemical and biological, with devastating effects. In future such
terrorist attacks may have a more crippling than conventional warfare.
Far more strategic inputs from the chiefs of staff (and possibly a future joint chiefs of staff) with
direct responsibility for all military strategy, weaponry, supplies, and organisation is needed, for which the
chiefs of staff should be assisted by a highly competent director general of technical services.
This will leave the defence ministry bureaucracy supported by an economic advisor with
responsibility for working out the optimum use of available resources, coordinating military and terrorist
intelligence, and liaisoning with external affairs ministry in all diplomatic matters concerning India's
security. Good diplomacy can reduce security costs and risks.
The defence bureaucracy need not have any direct role in postings and transfers in the defence
services. This power should rest with the command concerned accountable to the defence minister. The
three service chiefs may consider the need for smaller brigade-size operational units with air complements in
all commands, except the brown western shield. The navy may lead the Southern command with amphibian
and airborne units of brigade-size strike forces. If for any reason, the government cannot come to favourable
decision on a joint chief of staff for the three services, the chiefs may consider joint commands and the
operations at the deputy chief level on pragmatic grounds in addition to the joint chiefs committee.
Weapons Backup
While a partial backup from Russian rupee funds may be available to India for the next decade, India
needs to build its own weaponry base, and bring about a major diplomatic rapprochement with the US,
Japan and China, with whom there are many common shared interests.
In that direction, a medium to long-term objective should be the early formation of SAARC
Common Market (in which India, the largest member still has the highest tariffs), and a later fusion with
ASEAN, with India leading in that direction earlier.
The Gulf countries may also be considered for an Indian Ocean Economic Community by 2005, by
which time India would hope to be able to compete in the WTO.
The goodwill of the smaller neighbours should be a primary diplomatic objective in the spirit of the
Gujral doctrine. Among our neighbours. Afghanistan has been both a threat and a zone of concern for the
millenium and needs to be carefully watched. Relations with Myanmar, Bangladesh. ASEAN, Iran and the
Gulf states call for a new orientation, political and economic.
Last but not the least we face the Pakistan problem. Perhaps half of the Pakistan problem lies in
Washington. When the Washington factor is neutralised, relations may improve on all the three sides. The
other half lies in the good sense and common economic and political interests of the two people. More so,
with Pakistan’s economic plight, and the ethnic fundamentalism powder keg of Afghanistan.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO KOSOVO

Since early 1998, the Serbian province of Yugoslavia, with the connivance of the central
government, have launched murderous aggression against Kosovo province which has 90 percent of its
population as Albanians. The first recent attack by Serbian Police on Kosovo was made in February 1998 in
which 80 Albanians were brutally massacred in response to the Albanian demand for independence, in a
village near Pristina, the capital city of Kosovo. Such attacks continued to be made intermittently, until the
Albanians started fleeing the country, to neighbouring Macedonia and also Albania, an independent
neighbouring country.
At the heart of the Kosovo's agony is the fact that this little patch of Balkans lying to the east of
Europe falls between two basic but contradictory territories. On the one hand Kosovo has been accepted
internationally as a part of Yugoslavia which is a sovereign country. The borders of Kosovo touch the
Serbian province of Yugoslavia on one side, and Albania, a sovereign country, on the other. Kosovo's
Albanians have a 90 percent population in their province, the rest 10 percent are Serbians.
Historically speaking, most of the Slavs who lived in the first two Yugoslav states – the original one
created in 1918, and the second one (communist) born in 1944 – had freely opted to join the land of the
south Slavs. But the Kosovo Albanians, who were not Slavs, did not speak a Slavic language, and were
mostly Muslim by religion, did not. Yet in 1918, Kosovo, nevertheless, became a part of Yugoslavia by
virtue of the fact that, during the Balkan wars 01'1912, Serbia had re-conquered this territory which for more
than five hundred years, had been part of the Ottoman Empire.
Many people are puzzled that the Serbs claim Kosovo as a holy city for them just "like Jerusalem is
to the Jews", when only less than 10 percent Serbs live there. The explanation is that during the middle ages,
Kosovo was the heartland of the Serbian Kingdom, with vast majority of its peoples, Serbs. However, in
those days, Murad-1, a Muslim, won the famous battle of 1389, and during half a century of Ottoman rule
changed the demography: Serbs moved out, and Albanians moved in.
Despite these migrations, Kosovo – where countless Serbian churches and monasteries are located -
retained a powerful grip on Serbian emotions. For the Serbs who stayed there, the return of the Serbian army
in 1912 was more or less like a liberation army. For Kosovo's Albanians, it was like being conquered. This
situation denied them the chance of having an Albanian State.
Throughout the years between two world wars, Kosovo was a conquered place. The Serbs put down
Albanian rebellions, and sent in settlers to push up their share of population.
During the second world war, many of these Serbs were expelled when most of the provinces
became part of an Italian controlled Greater Albania. After the war, Kosovo had to be put under martial law,
as no Albanian wanted the return of Yugoslav sovereignty.
Things began to change in the 1960s, when Yugoslavia's Marshal Tito started to allow the
Albanisation of the Province. In 1974, as part of a constitutional reform Kosovo became a republic in all
sense except in name. Although technically a province of Serbia, it had its own parliament and police, and
largely ran its own administration. While Tito was still alive, the seeming looseness of Yugoslav
constitution actually made no difference. Tito had the authority and the charisma, needed to hold Yugoslavia
together.
But after he died in 1980, the rumblings began. Students in Kosovo called for the province to
become a full-fledged independent republic, like Serbia itself- and demanded independence. The student
demonstrations were, however, put down, and many people aspiring for independence were jailed. On their
release many students and others, went to stay with their Kosovar friends or relations in Western Europe.
From there they organised an uprising in Kosovo where the Albanians were already struggling for full
freedom from the central government of Milosevic.
In 1987, a communist apparatchik, Slobodan Milosevic, came to real power in Belgrade on the back
of the Kosovo Serbs. Not long after he became President of Serbia, he stripped Kosovo of its autonomy. His
spectacular action had consequences. His imposition of direct rule over Kosovo disintegrated the old
Yugoslavia because most of the other republics -Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, Bosnia - feared that he
would try to put them too under Belgrade's control. In Kosovo itself, with the end of the one party rule
across Yugoslavia, Albanian p'olitical life came to be dominated by the Democratic League of Kosovo, led
by a writer, Ibrahim Rugova. His aim at first was merely the restoration of autonomy for Kosovo. But when
the old Yugoslavia broke up in 1991, Mr. Rugova declared his province "independent." So far as they could,
Kosovo's institutions boycotted Serbian institutions: They set up their own schools and healthcare system
and no longer voted. The cautious Mr. Rugova stayed silent and peaceful in Kosovo and remained pacific.
He argued it would be mad to attempt an uprising against the Serbs. "We have no chance of successfully
resisting the Serb army. In fact, the Serbs only wait for a pretext to attack the Albanian population and wipe
it out. We believe it is better to do nothing and stay alive than be massacred". Mr. Rugova believed that
since there were very few Serbs in Kosovo (barely 10 percent of a population of 1.8 million), and as that
proportion was steadily falling, independence was bound to come at the end. So he argued for passive
resistance, and rejected calls by Croatia and Bosnia to begin an uprising against Serbs. Ordinary Kosovo
Albanians went along with him with him cheerfully enough. But it did not last.
Dayton forgot them. When Disaster struck them in 1995, Kosovo's Albanians were shocked when
the Dayton Peace Conference, which ended the war in Bosnia, did not put Kosovo on the agenda. Worse
followed when the countries of the European Union recogsised the new Republic of Yugoslavia, comprising
Serbia and Montenegro, with Kosovo as part of Serbia. Anger grew. Rugova's policy, his compatriots said,
had failed. At first the problem for disillusioned Kosavars was that, even if they wanted to abandon
Rugova's peaceful tactics, it was hard to bring in any significant quantities of weapons into landlocked
Kosovo. But this changed in 1997, when the Albanian state fell apart in the wake of financial scandal
involving the collapse of a series of fraudulent "pyramid" investment schemes. The Albanian army had to be
dissolved, the police ran away, and their armouries were thrown open. The Kosavars in Germany and
elsewhere raised money to begin buying guns .for the guerillas of the fledgeling Kosovo .Lib1ration Army,
the KLA, which was founded in 1993.
At the end of February 1998, Serbian policemen whose patrols had come under attack killed a
number of people connected with the KLA, sometimes whole families. To their dismay and to the surprise
of the KLA, which at the time numbered a bare two hundred men, Kosovo exploded. The KLA found itself
swept along by an uprising which it had tried to control and organise. Shocked, the Serbs first fell back,
misleading the KLA commanders into the belief that they were winning. They were actually not. In the
summer of 1998, the Serbs hit back. Their counter-attack sent 250,000 civilians fleeing for their lives. The
KLA, melting into the hills hardly suffered any casualties.
It was at this stage that the world involvement followed. Fearing the refugees might die of cold, and
worrying that the war in Kosovo might spread to neighbouring Macedonia, NATO decided it must do
something. The Serbs were told to end their offensive or be bombed. In October 1998, Richard Holbrooke,
the American architect of the Dayton deal, succeeded in getting Mr. Milosevic to reduce the number of his
troops in Kosovo and to accept a verification force from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, a loose group of countries including the NATO members and also among others, Russia.
Mr. Holbrooke's ideas were yet to come through but before that, and when Serbs pulled out of some
areas, the KLA came back in. The supposed cease-fire became even more rugged. The Serbs sent in
reinforcements. Seeking to pick up the pieces, Chris Hill, the US ambassador in Macedonia, shuttled
between Belgrade and Kosovo trying to work out a deal that would at least transfer the conflict from the
bloody hills of Kosovo to the negotiating table.
The elements of the deal, rangled over at Rambouillet outside Paris, in February 1999, were .that
Kosovo should formally remain part of Serbia but in fact run its own affairs. There were to be safeguards for
the Serbian minority. But to reassure the Kosovo Albanians and indeed to make sure the deal worked, it was
to be implemented by a NATO-led force of upto 30,000 soldiers. And the final constitutional status of
Kosovo was to be discussed after three years.
The Kosovars, though nervous and disappointed by the absence of a clear promise of independence,
were eventually persuaded to sign the agreement. Almost everyone including many Serbs believed that Mr.
Milosevic could be prevailed upon to sign it too. But he did not. He refused to accept the proposed
implementation force. His soldiers and policemen continued their offensive in Kosovo. The NATO countries
said they would start air attacks. Mr. Milosevic remained adamant, and the bombs started falling on the 24 th
March, 1999 evening.
Inside Serbia, there was deliberate campaign for ethnic purging or pushing out of Albanians resident
there. There was evidence of such purging written upon the door-posts of their houses and upon their gates.
Even in southern Kosovo, there was evidence of so called ethnic purging on many doors and storefronts
which bore a spray-painted Christian cross with a Cyrillic "C" in each quadrant – the "S" of Roman script -a
widely understood sign that the owners or occupants are Serbs. The four letters stand for an ancient Serb
slogan: "Samo Sloga Srbina Spasavo" – only unity will save the Serbs. Out there was also a mark to insure
that when Yugoslav security forces and paramilitaries sweep through in search of Albanians, the angel of
death should know which homes to spare. Hundreds of thousands of Kosavar Albanians have been forced
from their homes in these sweeps either to flee abroad or to wander furtively within Kosovo, or to face
death.
 QUIET DIPLOMACY OF INDIA AND
THE US ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS

The May 1998 nuclear tests by India and Pakistan were an unambiguous indication of the reality and
credibility of their respective nuclear standards and it is over a year that the global community led by the
USA, has attempted to grapple with this nuclear nettle. India was perceived by Washington as the main
transgressor in having tested first and the Pakistani response in Chagai Hills is often interpreted as a fait
accompli -more so since Islamabad has steadfastly blamed its entire nuclear posture and rationale to the
India factor.
Yet the reason for cautious optimism stems from the distance that has been traversed since the
invective and ire that Clinton administration spewed against New Delhi, in the wake of Pokhran II, to the
consensual nature of the joint statement issued at the conclusion of the Talbot visit.
The actual details of the talks between Talbot and External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh remain
within the envelope of "Quite Diplomacy" and the inferences drawn from reading between the lines of the
joint statement issued at the conclusion of joint deliberations - which for the sake of the statistical record are
the eighth round and represent the most sustained high level dialogue between India and the United States
since 1947.
Expressing satisfaction with the outcome of the talks, the joint statement noted that as with earlier
meetings, "the security perspective of the two sides were further elaborated and clarified and proposals for
harmonising these perspectives were explored. The delegations believe progress was made in several of the
subjects under discussion and remain committed to achieve progress in the future.
If diplomacy is the art of reconciling the irreconcilable, final issue of the joint statement in New
Delhi was encouraging on other stands as well. General Joseph Ralston, the Pentagon representative in the
delegation, had separate conclusions with the Indian military top brass and the resumption of bilateral
cooperation in some areas was mooted.
Simultaneously, the road map for the coming months was agreed upon that includes joint
consultations on export controls and multilateral initiatives under the umbrella of the conference on
disarmament in Geneva, such as the fissile material cut-off treaty.
The need for a ninth round was also envisaged and with cautious optimism the one suggested at the
outset was further reflected in the assertion that "it is the view of both delegations that this is time well
spent, laying the foundation for anew, broad-based relationship that has eluded India and the USA in the
past which both sides are determined to achieve in the future."
The estrangement between India and the USA – the world's largest and oldest democracies -for the
past 50 years, due to their divergent world views and concomitant security perceptions, is familiar narrative.
While the post-cold war years offered an opportunity to recast the template, the techno-strategic
compulsions of the late 20th century as evidenced in the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) acquisition
and proliferation pattern introduced that inevitably pitted US zealotry against India's determined quest to
acquire a minimum credible deterrent" to assuage its own security and bolster New Delhi's strategic
autonomy. One may infer that for the first time there is the beginning of some empathy on the US side to
tentatively acknowledge both the security compulsions and domestic political constraints that India is now
addressing. For long it has been argued that while India and the US have a number of affinities and common
values, the highly desirable broad bandwidth that could underpin a mutually beneficial relationship remains
elusive.
Instead, the entire relationship has been predicated and held hostage to the needlepoint of nuclear
non-proliferation versus disarmament. The commitment to lay the function for the next century that could
realise this potential augers well for this complex pas de deux that will call for considerable patience in the
months ahead.
The Islamabad talks also exuded a positive ambience with certain nuances, which predictably
reflected the special relationship that Pakistan has had with the USA during the cold war decades.
While Talbot reiterated that there would be no dilution of the JS commitment to the nuclear non-
proliferation treaty, he made that seems a significant observation about the determination "to find a way of
managing our disagreement." More so in the light of three immutable, inescapable facts of life after May
1998 : Pakistan's decision to develop nuclear weapons and satellite missiles; the US commitments to the
NPT; and the mutual desire to restore the US-Pakistan relationship to one of unfettered unambiguous mutual
respect and mutual benefit, which means, in the first instance, lifting of sanctions.
The prescription of signing the CTBT, commitment to the FMCT, export controls and strategic
restraint as regards weapons of mass destruction deployment remains consistent in terms of US benchmarks
and would have to be dealt within the negotiations ahead. Thus if the USA can find a modus vivendi with
Pakistan despite the muddied narrative of that country's WMD acquisition pattern and also brings into play
China's complicity and a breach of the NPT strictures, nuclear reconciliation with India ought to be less
problematic provided i the same political will permeate the US stance.
India has to stay the course in urging its principal interlocutor in respect of its determination not only
to acquire what it deems to be a minimum deterrent but simultaneously recognise that the nuclear weapon
has to harmonise with the politico-diplomatic and socio-economic determinants of the collective Indian
endeavour.
The India-US dialogue is to an extent a manifestation of the adage that democracies, like porcupines
have to get to know each other very slowly and the process may have just started. India is undeniably the
subaltern state in an unequal situation and if New Delhi's responses must be guided by pragmatic, yet
principled, nationalism, Washington's WMD management skill must be animated by prudent and equitable
globalism.
 INDO-EUROPEAN RELATIONS

The European Union organised one of the largest corporate fairs in Delhi in March 1999. The
objective was to promote exchanges between Indian companies and those from member states of the
European Union. The Indo-partnariat involved over 600 companies from six sectors, which were identified
by the European Union as having maximum potential for exchanges. These companies had turnovers of
under 40 million euros and belonged to the small and medium enterprise sector. The six sectors covered
were: information technology and electronics, hardware, software and services, engineering, food
processing, environment technology, and chemicals and plastics.
The fair was organised by Asiainvest, a body set up by the European Commission about 20 months
ago to promote investments in Asia through stimulation of cooperation with technical assistance, contacts
and information products on the Asian markets. Asianinvest is entirely funded by the European Commission
and the Indian fair was the largest such event to be undertaken by the new body for the year 1999-2000.
Asiainvest is assisted by India's leading industrial associations like the Confederation of Indian Industry, the
association of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry and the Associated Chamber of Commerce and
Industry. The European Commission has already prepared a detailed brochure that lists all the Indian
companies participating in the fair with details of their activities, business figures and contact persons. It
also indicates what the host company may be looking for. The brochure was duly circulated in the European
Union region so that the European companies could take a look at what the Indian companies had to offer.
According to Mr. Lambert Cleinmann, the official who looked after the fair arrangements, the Indian
companies had been carefully chosen. "We do not want to make this just a business opportunity where both
partners look simply to sell their products," he said. "They must look at this as an opportunity to cooperate,
to form joint ventures and a much bigger opportunity than just a sales meeting. So these companies must
bring something to the table. They should have some international experience and have some cooperation
profile;" Mr. Kleinmann said.
To make the European companies aware of the fair, Asiainvest organised a series of seminars in
leading cities of the EU region. In the space of a few weeks a few more seminars are being organised.
Kleinmann said, the European companies had shown interest and he expected at least 300-400 to show up in
New Delhi. He said the companies were not deterred by the ongoing crisis in Asian economies. To illustrate
he said, the first partenariat was held in Singapore for members of the Association of South East Asian
Nations in November 1997 at the height of the Asian crisis, yet the response from Europe was good and over
300 companies participated.
Moreover, he said, the European companies do not see India as having been affected by the crisis
and hence would be keen to look for business opportunities in the huge market. The participants are largely
from Britain, Germany, Italy, France, Spain and Sweden. The total cost of the fair in Delhi was 1.5 million
euros and Asiainvest bore half the cost with Indian government and corporate sponsors like the EXIM Bank
of India and Deutsche Bank, Germany bearing the rest.
Since October 1998, a series of training courses have been conducted for the Indian participants,
basically educating them how such meetings fit in with their business plans. The Indian companies have
paid about 400 euros to participate. Mr. Kleinmann said, each participant can have as many as 30 contacts
with the Indian companies, with the meetings being organised by Asiainvest. It will also provide follow-up
services through chambers of commerce and industry associations in India as well as the EU member-states.
There will also be two evaluations of the partnariate. One was held immediately after the meeting got over
on March 16, 1999, and the other will be held nine months later. More follow-up is to be taken up by the
local industry associations. Mr. Kleinmann expected at least 30 percent of the participants on either side to
enter into some kind of a relationship at the end of the meetings.
Recently India offered to negotiate the quantity of steel and the price at which it can be exported
from the country to the European Union. There is the need for sitting together of the top officials on both
sides and to negotiate a mutually suitable price as well as the quota, which India could export, Ashok Basu,
the Steel Secretary said.
EU had started anti-dumping and anti-subsidy negotiations against India on the issue of dumping hot
rolled coils. According to international figures released by CRU, EU's total consumption is 131 million tons.
The figure of 4.36 lakh tons was arrived at by India by taking into account actual imports for the period of
January to June 1999 and the import licenses issued for the period of July to December.
 POPULATION CONTROL, ENVIRONMENT AND NGO PARTICIPATION

Poverty and population growth are closely interlinked. Yet promoting family planning amongst the
poor is a an extremely difficult task. Mr. K.B. Sahay, a Biomedical Engineer, says that a family plagued by
want -of food, water, fuel, shelter, medical care -because of an exploitative social system can hardly be
expected to appreciate the importance of family planning. But unless family planning is popularised
amongst the underprivileged classes, known typically for having large families, the country's population
control programme cannot succeed because these classes form almost one-third of our total population. It is
therefore imperative that the government should avail of the services of the non-government organisations
(NGOs) to popularise the family planning programme. Some of the NGOs are quite well known among the
poorer classes and have to their credit some achievements in the field of social serVice. If these NGOs could
be persuaded to take up the task of promoting family planning, their credibility and goodwill can go a long
way in popularising the idea of family planning.
Philanthropic services undertaken for the limited and narrow goal of self-upliftment (like feeding the
beggars occasionally) are no doubt good but it would certainly be far better to take up social service with an
aim to eliminate the very cause of human suffering. To do so the NGOs should concentrate on family
planning because our massive population and its rapid growth are the root cause of most of our problems
which cannot be solved unless we could control our population.
Although there are a great number of government and non-government organisations working to
protect the environment, not one of them has so far highlighted the linkage adequately or stressed to control
our growing population and thereby to save our ecological balance. Environmentalists in India could in
general be classified into two groups, one guided by western models and the other influenced by Gandhian
paradigms. The former thinks that ecological problems, though a consequence of over-consumerism and
industrialisation are soluble by technological measures. Irrespective of peoples' lifestyles and levels of
consumption; whereas the other group believes that the cause of environmental decay is the consequence of
not following the Gandhian model of cottage industries and simple living.
The western model does not bother about the population factor simply because the western world
does not have a problem of overpopulation; and the Gandhian dictum is that the earth has enough for
everybody's need but not people's greed and there is no need to control population by contraceptives. Hence
neither of the environmentalist groups in India raise the issue of population growth which in fact is the main
cause of India's ecological problem. It is merely a coincidence that the concern for environment has come
before the concern for over-population. Or is it because we do not want to take the responsibility for what
we are doing to the environment by not controlling our population ?
It is important to realise that the impact of population on environment is the function of the number
of people it supports at average level of consumption. In other words, low per capita consumption, in a
country with high population density as in India can be as dangerous for the global ecology as high per
capita consumption and low population levels as in the west. So the excess population in India is as
undesirable as the culture of excessive consumerism in the developed countries.
However, realising that India is growing fast in population, we should avail the. help of the NGOs in
popularising family planning in the villages.

MAKING ELEMENTARY EDUCATION AND LITERACY A FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT

Quoting H. G. Wells, N. D. Shourie says "Human history becomes more and more race between
education and catastrophe". He refers to the lack of achievement of educational ideals in India and says : "It
is a matter of real shame that our country will enter the next millenium as the world's largest illiterate nation.
Half of our population of more than 100 crore is illiterate. Half of all our children including two-thirds of
our girls are deprived of schooling even today."
Recent surveys show that 35 million children in the age-group 6 to 10 years do not attend primary
schools. More than half the children who get enrolled in primary schools drop out before reaching class V.
The literacy rate of girls is well below that of boys. They are in fact marginalised. There is also
discrimination within the schooling system along class lines.
Where schools do exist, particularly in the villages, they present a poor picture. Most of them are
ramshackle hutments with crumbling walls, leaking roofs, etc. where malnourished children squat on bare
earth or on jute mats. There may be a dirty blackboard, but there are no libraries, no furniture worth the
name, no teaching aids, The only teaching aid usually used in such schools is a stick to beat the children
with. More than half the schools recently surveyed in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan
showed that there was no teaching factivity at all. This besides the plethora of policies and programmes such
as Operation Blackboard, the National Mission, the programme of non-formal education, District Institutes
of Education and Learning, District Elementary Programme, etc. Unfortunately most of our data on
increasing literacy rates and claims of obtaining district-wise "total literacy" are dubious, as they are based
on imparting a minimal capability of writing a word or two in one's own language and to merely put a
signature instead of thumb impression.
The framers of the Constitution failed to make compulsory education a Fundamental Right. Directive
Principle No.45 merely prescribed that "The state shall endeavour to provide within a period of ten years
from the commencement of the Constitution, free and compulsory education for children until they complete
the age of 14 ears." In substance, it merely spelled out desirable objective without any compulsion on the
state to achieve it and without any enforcibility by court, leaving it merely as a declaration in the shape of a
duty of the state. If it had clearly been made a fundamental right the state could not have ignored its duty to
ensure the attainment of this objective and would have had to find the means and measures for spreading
literacy among all the children and adults, male and female. Our political parties pay lip service to this cause
at election time but they have all failed to deliver when in power. The central and state governments have
now started saying that improvement of the schools is the duty of the community and that private schools
can make up for the inadequacy of government schools.
After fifty and odd years of independence we have regressed to spending less than even 4 percent of
our GNP on education and less than half of this amount on elementary education, which is the key to
building the future of this nation. Lack of resources cannot be a convincing argument for failing to discharge
this national duty. If the government can find the money to implement the Fifth Pay Commission's
recommendations which involve additional expenditure to the extent of about 3 percent of the GNP, surely
the requirement of primary education could also be attended to.
Education is a state subject and it is understandable that the central government cannot impose it
upon recalcitrant states. Some states and union territories have voluntarily enacted legislation for
compulsory elementary education; and that is welcome indeed. Kerala is one state which has shown that it is
possible to achieve remarkable, results in Indian conditions of reaching nearly 100 percent literacy. In sharp
contrast is the state of Bihar where the literacy rate is below 44 percent. About 75 percent of the children
who have never gone to school are concentrated in six states : Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal.
The matter of primary education has come up before the Supreme Court in a public interest case. The
court pronounced as far back as 1993, that the government cannot shirk its responsibility of providing free
and compulsory education to all children and that primary education is, in fact, a fundamental right.
Thereafter the Government of India drafted the 83rd Constitution Amendment Bill to place it beyond doubt
that it is the responsibility of all states in the country to enact and enforce laws for free and compulsory
education. It was introduced in the Rajya Sabha in 1997 but seems to have gone into cold storage.
It has been estimated that nearly 1,20,000 crore of rupees will be required in the next six years to
provide for an adequate number of schools of reasonable quality for more than 130 million out-of-school
children to take the country close to the semblance of a satisfactory state of literacy by 2005. The
constitutional amendment bill proposes an investment of Rs. 40,000 crore -one-third of the estimated in the
next Five Year Plan. This figure too has apparently scared the concerned authorities and the government
does not seem to be prepared to spend even Rs. 8,000 crore per year for providing primary education.
Another matter of serious concern is the non-implementation of the commitments made by the
authorities regarding the abolition of child labour. The fact is that children are often prevented from
attending schools or are taken out of schools early so that they may become bread winners. It is indeed
heart-rending to see small children carrying loads on their heads at construction sites, wearing rags or
striking red hot iron rods to get them into shape in workshops of ironsmiths, or stitching leather articles. In
the vicious circle of ignorance, poverty, illiteracy and deprivation, the national objective of total literacy can
be achieved in a few years time, What is needed is the political will and also public pressure.
 THE IMPACT OF WESTERN LIBEMLISM ON INDIA

The feature of Indian tradition of peace and tolerance and of Western liberalism is an abiding
sentiment of Indian middle class life. It stems from Mahatma Gandhi's rejection of Western ways and
strident advocacy of "swadeshi". Gandhi's leadership transformed the nascent Indian nationalist movement
into an activist political force and eventually won India freedom from British colonial rule. The key to his
success was the support of the great middle class that existed in India 'at that time. Schooled in the tradition
of British liberalism, the Indian middle class spurned its Western ways at Gandhi's behest and in doing so
provided an impetus to the freedom struggle.
After independence, India embraced socialism under the tutelage of Gandhi's protege, Jawaharlal
Nehru, the country's first Prime Minister. In the event, Indian policies expanded the middle class who played
big roles in the economy. Thus for five decades the country had some development under the Five Year
Plans but the progress was not phenomenal as could have been. The slow growth could not offset the
massive population explosion. A vicious circle of poverty and deprivation established a vice-Iike grip on the
country. In the late 1960s and through the 1970s middle class youth fled the country to the more salubrious
climes of America, Britain, and Canada lured by the better prospects for income.
In the 1980s, the socialist profligacy finally caught up with India as deficits widened and the balance
of payments turned unfavourable. The denouement came in 1991 when its foreign exchange reserves hit
rock bottom, amounting to less than a month of the country's import bill. With bankruptcy staring the
country in the face, the leadership moved to reform the massive state-controlled economy.
The economic reforms fuelled unprecedented growth in the size of the middle class. The National
Council of Applied Economic Research estimates that the middle class will treble in number to include
nearly 25 million households -about 150 million people - by 2007. Apart from the increase in numbers, the
middle class is increasingly younger, which is natural in a country where the vast majority of the population
is under 40 years of age. This massive and ongoing demographic shift has stirred up things. With the middle
class not only growing but becoming more assertive, Indian politics has turned volatile.
Given the Parliamentary system, where a government can be turned out on a non-confidence vote
long before the completion of its five-year term, India has faced frequent political changes. Between 1991
and 1998, five governments have ruled in New Delhi. By comparison. between 1947, when India became
independent, and 1991, there were just 11 changes in government. Unused to such political instability,
Indian commentators widely disparaged the trend as evidence of national decline.
Seizing upon the widespread discontent, the Hindu Nationalist BJP mounted a populist campaign
that struck a chord in the burgeoning middle class. An essential plank in the BJP's platform was a diatribe
against the foreign influences. In the Hindu Nationalist liturgy, these include the Islamic invasion of India in
the medieval age and the advent of Western powers thereafter. Religious bigots who see India's Muslims as
foreigners, form the bedrock of the BJP's political support. However, staunch liberal opposition to the anti-
Muslim platform restricted the party's appeal to the middle class. To expand its base of support therefore, the
BJP broadcast its hate message to include the West and westernised Indians.
In the year 1998, the elections concluded in February itself. The BJP won enough adherents to their
communal cause to form a government. It hooked some allies who, on purely opportunistic grounds offered
to cast their votes in the Parliament with the BJP. Immediately after assuming office, the Party ordered
nuclear tests for which the Department of Nuclear Energy was already prepared. The blasts brought the BJP
some publicity and credit. By carrying out the nuclear blast, the BJP hoped to expand its support base, but
the euphoria quickly melted when it became evident the BJP had no plan to handle the fallout.
Confronted by a hostile international environment, the government spokesman responded with a
fusillade of irresponsible statements that alienated neighbouring Pakistan as well as China. The bankruptcy
of BJP's actions was exposed when Pakistan too set off a series of nuclear blasts.
Obviously overtaken by events, BJP floundered. In rapid succession, it proceeded to mess up on a
spectacular scale. It reneged an agreement with the opposition and it installed its own speaker in the Lok
Sabha. Its various ministers got embroiled in unseemly spats with the bureaucrats such as the Chief
Executive of the Prasar Bharti Corporation, the enforcement director, and a secretary in the urban affairs
ministry. It introduced a regressive budget with irrational levies on gasoline, imports and packaged goods. It
made a hash of inter-state relations, seeking to dismiss the Bihar government, but came up against strictures
by the President. In the winter session of Parliament it could not introduce a single worthy legislation. Its
negotiations with the USA on the matter of nuclear proliferation got so confused and opaque, that the US
Deputy Secretary of State, Strobe Talbott, had to release a statement outlining the tangled negotiations. Most
recently the BJP got into a flap with the summary dismissal of the Navy chief just a month after he was
appointed head of the Navy. Finally and most ominously, it sought to downplay attacks by Hindu
fundamentalists on Christians in Gujarat and elsewhere.
It became evident to some of its middle class supporters that the Hindu Party's in-your-face stance
was profoundly out of touch with their ideals. This is specially true among the younger generations which
had tested nearly a decade of unprecedented growth that was for some time threatened by international
condemnation, economic sanctions, and regressive policies put up by BJP government.
Growing disillusionment with the intolerable BJP policies then set off a wave of domestic protest.
'India is upset by many long-standing problems like labour unrest, increasing poverty, power and water
shortages, increasing lawlessness, and political protest to BJP's communal politics. In the state elections last
November, 1998, the BJP was roundly defeated in three states, including, Rajasthan, Delhi, and Madhya
Pradesh.
The consensus among the press and politicians is that the BJP's days are numbered and it is a matter
of time that BJP would cease to show its face to the electorate for its tricky administration for over a year.
More important than the political shakeout is the cultural issue. Has the BJP's bumbling governance finally
destroyed the claim of the Hindu Nationalists over the middle class which has strong faith in secularism and
liberalism ?
 CONTROVERSY ON PATENTS BILL
With the passage of the controversial Patents Amendment Bill on March 10, 1999, the Left parties
and the government continued to trade charges against each other on the contentious Bill. While the left
parties led by the CPI leader, Dr. Gurudas Dasgupta, described the government decision as a "meek
surrender to the World Bank which will not only seriously hamper research and development in the country
but also put the Indian farmer into a lot of difficulty", Officials in the industry ministry refuted the
allegations saying that the interests of both the Indian industry and the consumer had been taken care of.
According to Dr. Dasgupta, the amended bill will bring the Indian industry under the thumb of
developed countries, which significantly are raising trade barriers to protect their own domestic industry.
Industry minister officials pointed out that the government took the decision deliberately to go in for
exclusive marketing rights rather than going ..n for product patent regime only to give to the pharmaceutical
industry the required time till 2005 to restructure its operations and go on for basic molecular research. With
the EMR route also the inventor in India can develop another process for manufacture of the same product.
"Hence the pharmaceutical industry will continue to have the right to develop alternative methods of
production of pharmaceutical products and to get protection over the same."
Officials in the industry ministry aver that there are some safeguards available in the Patents
Amendment Bill, 1998, even before granting exclusive market rights. First the Controller of Patents has the
power to examine the application to ascertain whether there is a violation of the relevant provisions of the
Patents Act. The controller who is also the deciding authority on the nature of and extent of examination,
can also ensure that EMR does not extend the life of the existing patents granted in other countries in order
to grant rights on a non-patentable invention. It is expected, say the officials that with this examination, only
genuinely patentable inventions will be granted EMR. There are also safeguards, which are imposed after
the granting of the EMRs. If the government feels that the existence of EMRs is against the public interest or
under any circumstances of extreme urgency, it may sell or distribute the article or substance. This ensures
that government is able to make pharmaceutical products available to the public in the event of any epidemic
or under any circumstances where the EMR holder has not been able to meet the requirement of the public.
This, according to the government officials, takes care of the Opposition's charge that the prices of medicine
will skyrocket once the EMR is given to foreign companies.
In addition the existing laws for protection of such rights would be applicable even after the grant of
EMRs. After granting exclusive rights to sell or distribute an article or substance, the government may, in
public interest, direct that a product for which EMRs have been provided shall be sold at a price fixed by an
authority specified by it. The government has also reserved the rights to grant compulsory license in the
event of non-fulfillment of requirements of the public with respect to a product for which EMR has been
granted. This will also apply to cases where the EMR companies have not made available products at a
reasonable price.
Meanwhile the Pharmaceutical Industry welcomed the Patents Amendment Act. Said a senior
official in one of the country's biggest pharmaceutical companies: "We are fully supportive of Exclusive
Marketing Rights." It was an international commitment of India in which the government has been able to
get the final concurrence of the Parliament to fulfill this obligation. He further added that EMRs will provide
the Indian pharmaceutical industry with an adequate window to fully adjust to the Product Patent Regime by
2005. On the contentious issue of whether prices of medicines will skyrocket because of the grant of the
EMRs to multinational companies, the senior official said that it was absolutely clear that the prices of
medicines which are already available in the market will not be affected and their prices maintained. Only
those medicines which are produced and marketed in the future will be affected. "And it will take two to
three years before such a threat becomes a reality. However, he added, that within next two or three years
the government will have to adjust to the DPCO to the new reality -bringing the prices of drugs to the
international level. The government decided to avail itself of this transitional arrangement in order that the
pharmaceutical industry would have enough time to restructure its operations to go in for basic molecular
research. Even with the EMR route the inventor in India could develop another process for manufacture of
the same product. Hence the pharmaceutical industry in India would have the right to develop alternative
methods of production and to get the protection over the same.
On March 13, 1999, however, three days after the Patents Amendment Bill was passed, the CPI
leader, Dr Dasgupta moved again a resolution in the Parliament pointing out that the government which had
in an earlier report which had spelt out clearly that the passage of the bill in the present condition "would
impinge seriously upon our national interest" and therefore five recommendations were mooted. Elaborating
further, Dasgupta said that though TRIP's agreement suggested that countries should take care to safeguard
their national interests, the proposed amendment bill had not taken into consideration even the concessions
arid benefits provided under TRIPs. Describing the Bill as a total surrender of the BJP with the collusion of
the Congress, Dagupta said while the USA and the European Union were protecting their domestic
industries, India had meekly surrendered into their hands.
Mr. Biplab Dasgupta, MP of the CPI(M) also criticised the government for not taking the issue to the
people even as the economic interests were at stake. The government could have sent the Bill to the
Standing Committee for Industry for its views.
Meanwhile the Law Commission has suggested that India should take advaJltage and incorporate the
exemptions permitted in the TRIPs agreement immediately. Article 27 (2) permits member countries to
exclude from patentability inventions, the commercial exploitation of all those items which are necessary to
protect public order or morality including protection of human, animal or plant life or health or to avoid
serious prejudice to the environment.
Similarly, another clause in Article 27 also enables members to exclude from patentability
diagnostic, therapeutic and surgical methods for treatment of humans and animals.
Secondly, to safeguard traditional Indian knowledge and practice, which is still is in vogue among
the rural and tribal communities should not be covered by the EMRs. The Commission has suggested an
amendment to Section 24 (A) of the Bill.
According to the recommendation, the exclusive right to sell or distribute any article or substance
shall neither include any article or substance based on the system of Indian medicine or any article or
substance or method indigenously used or intended to be used for treatment.
Thirdly, the Commission has recommended that section 39 designed to protect and promote the
national interest of our country, should also be amended. It should be amended, according to the
Commission, that if within weeks of getting the letter, the controller does not intimate in writing that he has
issued directions on the patent application, the applicant shall be free to apply for patent anywhere outside
India.
Fourthly, the Commission has also suggested that it is necessary to amend section 64, which
provides for revocation of patents on certain specified grounds. Accordingly it is suggested that a special
clause be added so that any patent which is prejudicial to the security of the country had been granted in
contravention of the act and could be revoked. This revocation clause is also necessary to prevent vested
interest in the application and ensure that the applicants do not indulge in fraudulent practices in obtaining
patents. Finally the Law Commission has also recommended adding a new section which deals with
international relations and the concept of reciprocity. Under the reciprocity clause, (Article 134) if a country
denies rights to Indian citizens which it accords to its own nationals, India too could deny to the citizens of
that country the rights to apply for patents in the country.
However, as the Commission notes that in recent years there have been several instances where
certain developed countries have denied India access to technology on the special ground of "dual use"
potential. Even protests of discriminatory denials have had no response.
Hence it is recommended that any country which prevents and withholds access to any patented
invention, whether product or process in any field of technology. by means of unilateral export prohibition,
on grounds of security or otherwise should also not be allowed to patent their products or processes in this
country.
 ECONOMIC REFORMS - RECONCILING CONFLICTING AGENDAS

According to a prominent economist Arjun Sengupta designing a programme of economic reforms in

a. democracy is much more difficult than doing so in a country where the survival of the government does
not depend upon elections. For most reform programmes designing is mainly a technical exercise -whether
the different policies are mutually consistent, reinforcing each other, which of them be implemented first
and which later, and how much of each policy change would be expected to produce the desired results.
Estimating these relationships is, of course not easy, often dependent on judgements based on
experience and understanding. That makes these programmes vulnerable to mistakes and mis-judgements.
Still the policy makers do not do not necessarily face the problems acceptable to the majority on whose
support the government expects to survive and be reelected.
The perception that the reforms would not in too distant a future yield large benefits to the majority
of people is often more important than any actual and immediate benefits from the reforms. Quite often the
reform programmes, aimed at stabilization of an overheated economy with high inflation and fiscal deficit,
contract income and employment. But the people may be quite willing to accept the hardships if they believe
that better days are around the corner.
Investment level
If the design of the reform programmes does not generate this perception among the majority, the
government, afraid to lose the elections, may slow down the reform process halfway through, reverse some
of the policies or worse still adopt populist measures encouraging fiscal profligacy. Fiscal discipline is
necessary for the consistency of a reform programme as none of .the deregulation and liberalisation
measures would work if inflation or fiscal deficit is too high. A politically acceptable programme may thus
become even technically unsustainable.
What is more important is that if reforms are seen as unsustainable, with a high possibility of reversal
and instability of policies, private investors would be reluctant to increase or even maintain their rate of
investment. The recent literature on investment shows that sustainability of policies is often more important
than profitability in determining the level of investment. This is particularly so in countries where whole
policy environments are changing due to reforms. Investors assessing the risks on the returns of a project are
very sensitive to the possibility of a reversal of policies that made investment opportunities more attractive
than before. In making any decision in locking funds in irreversible fixed investments, they attach a high
value to the option of waiting and watching if policies are sustainable.
Foreign Investors
So if reforms are unsustainable, investments will not increase but without increasing investments,
policy reforms will not work and cannot be sustained. All reforms by lifting controls and opening up
competition, reduce the price distortions and there is almost an immediate gain in output due to improved
efficiency. To sustain this gain would require an increase in the rate of investment, so that the static gains in
allocation efficiency lead to a higher rate of growth. The increase in investment will require not just a
onetime rise in output and profitability but reasonable expectation that they will be sustained.
The policy uncertainties would particularly affect foreign investors. In addition to the risks of
realising the returns on investment which depends upon the stability of policies regarding relative prices,
interest rates, exchange rates and inflation, foreign investors have to worry about repatriation of their profits
into foreign exchange, which depends on the stability of exports, import and exchange rate policies.
Even with a moderate probability of these policies being reversed, foreign investors may be reluctant
to come in. It would therefore be important to design reform programmes where crucial investments such as
in infrastructure are not left to be provided only by foreign investors.
If capacities are not created for infrastructure, the potential return on investment in other sectors
would fall, discouraging investment in general and lowering the overall growth. Most of the policy changes,
however, require a sustained rate of growth for their success. Reduced tax rates, for example, can raise total
revenue and avoid increased fiscal deficit, only if there is growth of income and output. Exposing domestic
industry to foreign competition that would lead to contraction of inefficient domestic units can lead to
increased employment only if there is increased growth in other industries absorbing more labour. Giving up
controls and rationing will not raise the prices of essential commodities and inputs very much, if their
supplies increase. Improved growth improves the likelihood of success of most policy, and therefore the
likelihood of their being sustained. Conversely without growth, policies cannot be sustained, which in turn
would lower investment and growth ...
…In addition to promoting growth and investment, designing a reform programme must incorporate
special measures providing for education, health, nutrition, social security and rural employment to promote
acceptability of the programme to the majority of the people. If a reform programme involves cuts in public
expenditure on these counts, it would be seen by the millions as going against their interest.
Fiscal Deficit
The art of designing such programmes would be to ensure sustenance of social development
expenditures within the overall constraint of maintaining a moderate fiscal deficit. Large fiscal deficit makes
a reform programme technically unsustainable. A drastic cut in public expenditure on social development
will make reforms politically unsustainable.
The ability to reconcile these two conflicting ends will determine the success of the design of reform.
Fortunately, effectiveness of a public expenditure programme depends much more on delivery at the
grassroots level without wastage, than just on the size of the financial provision. If their implementation can
be improved then with even a moderate rate of growth of the GDP and the same fiscal deficit to GDP ratio,
there can be enough provision for basic social services. Public expenditure on social development then
would promote sustainability of reform programmes generating expectations of policy stability. That will
attract more investment and thereby raise the growth of GDP and generate enough resources to meet the
requirement of such social expenditure. .
 NATIONAL TELECOMMUNICATION POLICY -1999

The government adopted on March 26, 1999 a new National Telecommunication Policy for 1999,
sharing a revenue sharing regime, corporatisation of the Department of Telecommunications and the
empowerment of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India to adjudicate in disputes between the
government -a government provider – and any licensee. The policy came into force from April 1,1999. The
Union Cabinet decided to seek the opinion of the Attorney General on whether -and how -the existing
private basic and cellular operators could be brought under the new policy framework.
Announcing the policy, the chairman of the Group on Telecom, Mr. Jaswant Singh, said the
contentious matter of existing licences of cellular and basic operators would be referred to the Attorney
General, without prejudice to the ongoing court cases.
As and when the circles currently occupied by existing licensees were vacated by expiry of the
existing period or surrender through mutual consent or otherwise, new licensees would be appointed under
the new policy regime.
The new policy stipulates a revenue sharing arrangement instead of a onetime license fee. The basis
of the onetime entry fee and revenue sharing arrangement for new licensees would be recommended by Trai,
in a timebound manner.
Stating that the government was committed towards a strong and independent regulator, Mr. Jaswant
Singh said, the Department of Telecommunications as a service provider would be in the purview of TRAI.
Earlier, the draft telecom policy favoured a universal access levy on all telecom operators to facilitate
fulfillment of their universal service obligations(USO) -rural telephony and other social obligations. The
paper prepared by the Kamath group and submitted to the main group on telecommunications (GoT), has
also favoured automatic grant of licenses to operators interested in providing basic services in rural areas.
The Kamath Group has proposed that the universal access levy should be a percentage of the revenue share
paid by all operators under various license categories. The implementation of the USO would be undertaken
by all fixed service providers, who shall be reimbursed from the corpus resulting from the levy, depending
on the proportion of the lines they provide in the rural areas.
Another suggestion is the automatic grant of licenses for firms wanting to set up basic telecom
networks in rural areas and towns, having a population of less than 10,000, provided they do not offer
"centralized switching providing data" voice and video services. In case wireless access is contemplated, the
required frequencies shall be allocated out of the available spectrum. The discussion paper which is now
open for comments says that the government is committed to providing basic telecom services to all people
at affordable prices. It states that the government seeks to achieve the following universal objectives: voice
and low-speed data service for the 2.9 lakh currently uncovered villages by the year 2002. Internet access to
all district headquarters by the year 2000 and telephone on demand in urban and rural areas by 2002.
The telecom policy of 1994 had envisaged that private basic service operators would provide 20
percent of their total connections to rural areas. However, due to policy cliches, private basic services had
started in only two circles – Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. Private operators were also not keen on
offering connections because of low returns. There were indications at one point of time that the Department
of Telecommunications would take upon itself the targets earmarked for private operators. However, DoT
itself failed to fulfill its village public telephone targets in the Eighth Plan. It will try to do the needful now.
 CHILD LABOUR IN INDIA

Child labour is often the upshot of poverty, unemployment and illiteracy, when in fact it is the
perpetrator of these maladies, says, Anandita Chatopadhyay. She counsels that unless the menace of child
labour is eradicated, the country's progress in the next millenium is bound to be poor.
Human Rights Day comes and goes but this time it was also observed as the 50 th anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On this occasion seminars were held, and pledges taken to
eradicate the menace of child labour. But the children of India who languish in slavery in dimly lit, cramped
spaces in factories, houses, toiling 16 hours a day, getting little pay and more abuse - life continues as usual.
Slavery was one of the first human rights issue to arouse widespread concern both at national and
international levels. Although our civilisation is going to enter the 21 st century, child labour continues as the
worst form of slavery in society.
According to the latest census reports, of the 200 million Indian children in the age of 5-14, about
11.3 million are labourers. But NGOs like the South Asian Coalition On Child Servitude, embarrassingly
reveal that there are in fact over 60 million child labourers in India working in carpet, bangle, matches,
fireworks, brassware, pottery and brick kiln units and as domestic helpers. The carpet industry has 300,000
children working for it.
A close look at the child labour situation in Delhi shows how grim is the life of children. An NGO
estimates that out of about three million children in the age-group of 6-14 years, a million are child labourers
of which 200,000 work as domestic helpers and almost an equal number are bonded labourers. The SACCS
alone rescued 45,000 child bonded labourers over a period of 15 years. When the menace thrives to this
extent under the nose of the country’s law-makers, the picture elsewhere is anybody’s guess.
A labourer in an industrial set up is one who sells his/her labour to an employer in lieu of wages
under certain work-related conditions such as legal safeguards, work safety, bargaining power, and right to
special amenities. But children have no identity as workers. They have just to obey the master and remain at
his mercy. There are no minimum wages or working hours for them. Vulnerable to physical and mental
exploitation, the children are abused, beaten and sexually exploited and more often than not such abuses go
unnoticed.
Despite the umpteen laws in India safeguarding the rights of the child, and the UN Declaration of
Human Rights, and Convention on the Rights of the Child, aimed at ensuring healthy growth and holistic
development of children, child labour in our country has menacing proportions. The main hurdle in the
abolition of child labour lies in the laws themselves which are full of loopholes and are anomalous.
In 1986, a law was enacted to prohibit child labour. Certain industries were classified as hazardous.
Employment of children, often under the pretext of family work, was banned. This meant that no one should
employ children in these hazardous industries not even by declaring them to be relations, sons, daughters
etc. But according to Kailash Satyarthi, Secretary of the SACCS, the factory owners insisted during the raids
that child workers were his kith and kin who were learning about the family business. While it is regarded as
a lie, the children themselves endorse the statement of the employer.
Often, employers in their effort to circumvent the Indian factory laws, scatter their units in villages,
instead of having them under one roof and enslave thousands of child labour under the garb of family trade.
One important factor why the employment of child labour continues is that political leadership is generally
busy with other matters and do not bother about children. Unless there is a strong political will, the matter is
likely to drag on. Many of the state governments have passed some legislation on the style of the Central
legislation called Bonded Labour Abolition Act, 1976 and Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation Act)
1986. Mr. Satyarthi points that there has not been a single c!ise that may have been brought under this
subject. "It is not a case of absolute absence of political will that not a single child employer has been
brought to book till date though legal instruments mentioned above are quite profound."
It is generally believed that poverty, unemployment, illiteracy and the population explosion are the
major reasons allowing child labour to thrive. Our political leaders believe that so long as poverty exists
child labour cannot be removed. But the truth is that child servitude is the root cause of the other maladies.
Poverty can never be removed unless child labour is strictly abolished. An Asia Labour Monitor
report says "Children in India contribute more than one-fifth of the total GNP of the country. But the 60
million child labour earns less than 10 rupees a day. Thus the total amount is not even one-fifth of what they
contribute. If the child labour were not there, the employers will have to pay more than five times they pay
to children. But the adults now lose bargaining power as employers have the option of hiring cheap child
labour.

HOLLYWOOD AND BOLLYWOOD

"East is East, and West is West; Never the twain shall meet." It is an old adage, but one that is now
being challenged by the film industries of the two largest democracies of the world.
Hollywood has been showing increasing interest in the Mumbai-based counterpart, popularly called
Bollywood. Many Hollywood companies including Columbia Tristar, 20th Century. Fox and Warner
Brothers have already opened their offices in India.
Soon after the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) granted Sony Pictures Entertainment
(SPE) permission on April 13 1999 to produce films in India, its subsidiary Columbia Tristar Films of India
Ltd. (CTFIL), ventured into distribution of Hindi films. CTFIL has acquired the world-wide distribution
rights of Tyger production's maiden picture -director Kaushal's "pyar Mein Kabhi Kabhi" which will be
released on June 25. The film which has 118 newcomers in the production team, also features debutantes
Dino Morea, a model, and Rinki Khanna, the second daughter of Rajesh Khanna and Dimple Kapadia, in the
lead roles. "It presents a kick-start and extends our motion picture business beyond the traditional state of
Hollywood films," said Duncan Clark, President, Columbia Tristar Film Distributors International. The
company, which recently released Walt Disney's "A Bug's Life" is providing 20 prints of the movie to
Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Gulf countries. Uday Singh, director of SPE Films India, said the decision
to distribute "Pyar Mein Kabhi Kabhi" was "in line with Sony's policy of nurturing and developing new and
upcoming talent. Our focused marketing campaign will take the film to its right target audience -the youth."
The Hollywood major is concentrating on the promotional campaign of the film and marketing it in a
manner comparable to Hollywood movies. The roadshows for the film will include premiers, contests,
quizzes and interactive sessions between the cast and the audience. Tickets will also be sold through
corporate tie-ups. Columbia is said to have approached Pepsi, the Taj Group, Carbon Black, which is De
Beers representative in India, Jet Airways, BPL and Ray Ban in this regard.
The United States also plans to distribute several Hindi films, and it may go beyond simply releasing
movies. "It may not venture into production of film but its role of financing is on the cards. Not all
Hollywood companies are directly investing with the Hindi film industry. Having found a huge audience for
Hollywood hits, specially after the mega success of the "Lost World" and Titanic, most of the Hollywood
companies are promoting Hollywood films in India. Warner Brothers is, for instance, dubbing movies into
Hindi and other regional languages. Apart from the market for Hollywood films, and the investment
potential in Bollywood, US-based entertainment companies have been showing an interest in India for other
reasons as well.
Recently, an Indian computer animator, who has worked on several Hollywood projects in the past,
played a key role in the unique full-length film "Antz" which took two years to produce. Producer Steven
Speilberg was reported quite impressed with Mumbai-bred Apurva Shah's work at the Pacific Data Images
(PDI) studios in Palo Alto, California. "Antz" was PDI's first animated feature film, and the success has led
to Shah being named sequence supervisor on PDI's current project, "Shrek".

THE STATE OF TOURISM IN INDIA TODAY

According to Vijay Thakur, a reputed journalist, India has everything that can attract a tourist -Taj
Mahal, many other buildings (historical and industrial), Central Secretariat, Atomic Energy Centres and
Reactors, etc., yet the tourism industry in the country is facing a downward trend as compared to other
countries. As a result India's position in world tourism has been sliding down over the years. Some much
more smaller countries are thriving on tourism business – doing twice or thrice the Indian quantum of
business.
Tourism is the world's third largest industry. Not only it is the source of foreign revenue, but also an
important base of economic development. The tourism situation in India has been aggravated by steep
currency devaluation in some East Asian countries. The spending of holidays by tourists in those countries
has become considerably cheaper compared in India. To some extent cheaper living in the Asian countries is
responsible for diversion of tourists from India.
Smaller destinations like Singapore, Malaysia, Hongkong are better placed on the tourist map of the
world.
India earns at present only $ 3 billion from 2.1 million tourists. This is only 0.4 percent of world's
total. The estimated flow of world tourists is over 700 million tourists providing $ 500 billion revenue. Why
does India not enjoy its true share of global tourism ? Why don't more visitors flock to India -home to an
ancient civilisation with great historical relevance and magnificent people wedded to non-violence taught to
them by Mahatma Gandhi, the great hero of India's independence.
It is estimated that in India tourism has given direct employment to 9.1 million people and indirect
employment to about 12.4 million people. The world over, a little more than 11 percent of the world's
working population are engaged in tourism related business, according to the World Tourism Organisation.
By the year 2005, tourism will add one new job every second, which means creating in excess of 70
million new direct and indirect opportunities. In short one in eight people round the world will be working in
tourism related jobs by the year 2005. Another research by the World Travel and Tourism Council shows
that the tourism industry is a major contributor to the world's economic growth. It contributes 10.9 percent
of the global gross domestic product and this is further expected to increase to 11.4 percent in the next five
years.
The tourism industry generates, directly and indirectly, an estimated $ 750 billion in exports world-
wide. This is estimated to grow to $ 1.4 trillion by the year 2005 (the research was conducted before the
Asian crisis, but tourism experts feel no change or little change would take place in the figures). If these
figures are taken into consideration, India has not explored even 10 percent of its tourism potential. If a
small country like France can receive 66.8 million tourists almost 27 times more than that of India, there is
no reason that India cannot increase the number of tourists it receives 10 times that is from 2.3 million to 23
million, increasing the workforce employed in the tourism industry accordingly.
According to the Ministry of Tourism, the capital and labour ratio is the highest in tourism, for every
Rs. 10 lakh of fresh investment creation of jobs is 44.6 in agriculture, 12.6 in manufacturing, 47.5 in tourism
and 89 in the tourism sub-sector of hotels and restaurants.
There is a long list of reasons that hamper tourism development in a country:
(i) non-development of tourism related infrastructure.
(ii) complexity of taxes,
(iii) shortage of hotel rooms and
(iv) political instability and lack of will power to improve the system.
In 1980, China ranked 34th while India ranked 19th on world tourism list. But today China has
climbed to the ninth rank with judicious investments while India has come down to the 34 th position.
Development of infrastructure for tourism remains a dream for the country. For instance, smaller
destinations like Thailand and Singapore spent in excess of $ 50 million per year in tourism promotion,
which India, which has much more to offer and gain, has planned a budget of only $ 27 million for the fiscal
year 1998-99.
From the consumer point of view, complex tax structures in the hospitality business is another
hurdle. As per a rough estimate, taxes in India add to an average of 27 percent to each dollar spent, with the
figure going up to a steep 35 percent in states like West Bengal. But in other major tourist destinations this
percentage is as low as four to eight percent.
This means a tourist payer pays at least six times higher tax in India as compared to other major
tourist destinations in the world. Here a customer has to pay an expenditure tax of 10 percent on the total
amount spent in hotels that offer a room tariff of over $40. In addition to this there is a service tax., and an
excise rate ranging from 3 percent to 18 percent (depending on revenue generation). Luxury tax could be as
high as 20 percent (depending on the state you are sleeping in).
Sales tax is levied on food and beverage tax ranging from 17 percent to 20 percent for soft drinks,
and 22 percent for domestic or imported liquor. The import duty on alcoholic beverage is around 102
percent on wines and a whopping 262 percent on spirits imported by hotels and restaurants.
Another big problem for hospitality business is the shortage of hotel rooms. The government has
announced a target of 5 million tourists for the year 2000, but it hardly took the necessary follow-up actions.
To receive 5 million tourists, the tourism industry will require about 125,000 rooms of approved category.
Compared to this the country has only 65,000 rooms available just half of the required number. For the
additional 60,000 rooms, an investment of about Rs. 20,000 crore will be required. Even if this project is
spread to five years, about Rs. 4,000 crore investment is required every year.
There is an acute shortage of rooms in the metropolitan cities. According to a report, there would be
a growth in demand for hotel rooms in the five metros in the short term, while the supply will grow at a rate
of 8.8 percent. In other related areas the supply figures are projected at six percent and nine percent
respectively.
With just a pathetic political field, the target of five millions seems an unrealistic figure by the year
2000. Bit if the government makes it in the next five years, it would be a good achievement.
 MAKING THE GREEN REVOLUTION GREENER IN INDIA

India is today experiencing the: new age in cultivation. A growing section of Indian farmers are
taking advantage of new technologies and are adopting various methods not just to maximise the yield per
hectare but also improving the caloric and nutritional content of the crop. With the introduction of new
'dwarfing genes' in wheat cultivation, the yield has multified on an average three-fold. The pests and insects
are no longer a problem with Indian farmers who are learning the benefit of biotechnology. Agro-scientists
in numerous agro-based institutions in the country are developing new seed varieties, which not just improve
farm production but also add to the nutritional values of the products.
Agricultural production and marketing in India comprises cash crops and immediate enrichment of
the farmer. New techniques like in-vitro fertilization plant quarantine and cyrobanks are being adopted by
the farmers so as to reap the best results from their land.
Pusa Institute of Agriculture, New Delhi, and numerous other institutes recognised for their
professional specialisation, are providing ready results of their research. The increase in population in India
is at present more than offset by the increase in agricultural production in every field. Thanks to modern
techniques developed by the research institutions, farming in India is acquiring an altogether new status.
Horticulture and orchid development have become important branches of agriculture as the financial
recovery from fruits like grapes, dates and palms, besides mangoes, apples, oranges, pear, raspberry,
strawberry, peaches, pineapple, banana, anars, antelope, and many other varieties, Till some decades ago the
production of many fruits was minimal, but with the help of new techniques of orchid 'development the
fruits are grown in bulk quantities. Most of the dry fruits which were imported on considerable scale are
now sown and reaped in the country. Thanks to the new seed varieties, conditions have been created for their
widespread yield. Today they are being cultivated so widely that they not only meet their demand in the
country but also are exported on a good scale.
Previously, farmers were reluctant to grow these fruits in India mainly because of the attack by
numerous insects. Moreover their seeds were difficult to be preserved for the next harvest as they would be
destroyed by pests. Now the scientists have developed the technique of plant quarantine, which protects all
fruits from pests and even ants. The quarantine process is based on successive chemical reactions over a
period of time, which makes the plants totally immune to insects. Scientifically, plant quarantine means
prevention pests or pathogens from spreading or multiplying further in case they have already found entry in
a field.
Dr. J .L. Kalihaloo of the National Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources (NBPGR) says: "Though plant
quarantine may not guarantee permanent protection against pests, the process helps check or delay the
introduction of these unwanted organisms in plants. Thus it goes along way in protecting crops from the
ravages of exotic pests and diseases and also from those, which are not present in that area but could come
in some future time.
It is desirable for the farmers to take the help of experts from any agricultural university, which is
close to them or attend one of the many workshops being held by these universities from time to time and
then apply the controls themselves. Like quarantine, the concept of Cyrobank too is generally gaining
popularity among Indian farmers. A Cyrobank preserves seeds in liquid nitrogen under 35 to 40 relative
humidity and at four degrees Centigrade. Traditionally, farmers had been using crude techniques to preserve
seeds. But there are inherent problems with such techniques. One, due to the moisture content in the
atmosphere, the yield potential of the seed drops significantly year after year till it finally drops to zero.
Secondly seeds areas susceptible to insect attacks as plants and are difficult to preserve but now farmers can
set up their own cyrobanks and preserve seeds in nitrogen solution which not only maximises harvest but
also increases the nutritional value of the yield. This technique is widely used in cereal crops like rice, bajra,
wheat, gram and pulses.
According to experts at NBPGR, Cyrobanks are becoming very popular in crop-rich states like
Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Kerala and Andhra Pradesh. In fact a number of agriculturists are setting up
Cyrobanks at home to reduce cost and maximise yield. Another breakthrough, which is poised to
revolutionise agriculture is the in-vitro conservation and fertilization technique, developed indigenously at
NGPGR after several years of painstaking research. The technique helps change the colour, shape, taste, size
and caloric value of a particular crop, fruit, or vegetable.
 In fact some of the priority crops in which in-vitro conservation and fertilization has been undertaken
are: banana, sweet potato, garlic, ginger, turmeric, pepper and a number of medicinal, aromatic and
endangered plants. It is thus possible to grow a banana afft long, which could suffice as a meal in terms of
its caloric value.
However, despite the advance in techniques and enthusiam among agro-scientists about these new
developments, the results have not started to show at the speed at which they were envisaged. That is
because a number of farmers are still resistant to change. Even though students and experts from various
agricultural universities often camp in villages, to educate farmers on the economic benefits of introducing
these new techniques, it is taking some time before the message is driven home to the farmer.
Says NBPGR's Or. Karihaloo, "Whenever you introduce something new, specially in the agricultural
sector, resistance is bound to arise. But once the farmer is convinced, them there is no looking back."
At the national level, the Delhi-based Pusa Institute has set up a Plant Genetic Resource Centre,
which has one of the largest collection of crop gene samples in the world. These samples are cried and
stored for long periods (10-15 years or more) under strictly controlled environment (around minus 20
degrees centigrade). This reduces the risk of gene changes through frequent regeneration and also prevents
the erosion of stored germplasm. "The germplasm diversity available in nature is depleting at such an
alarming rate that it has become a global concern to save it for posterity. Conservation strategies seed
genebanks and botanical herbal gardens are being set up at the village level which makes the process of
conservation fast and simple. These efforts will go a long way in advancing agro-production in India, says
Dr. Karihaloo. Agricultural scientists now feel that the actual benefits of the green revolution are just
starting to pour in and farmers instead of depending only on nature can now depend on science for better
yields.
 GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBILITY FOR PROTECTING INDIA'S FORESTS

Forests are a valuable asset of any nation. Some of the countries are reported to have cut out their
forests for immediate benefit. They might have needed the wood for making furniture or otherwise used it
for some national or individual purpose.
World Commission on Forests and Sustainable Development (WCFSD) has revealed some startling
facts about forests in the world. According to the World Commission on Forests, forests have virtually
disappeared in 25 countries of the world, 18 countries have lost more than 95 percent, and another 11
countries have lost about 90 percent. In the last two decades of the 20th century, the world has been losing
10-15 million hectares of forest annually and causing permanent deforestation.
This warning has significance for India as its record in forest conservation is not very encouraging.
According to the "State of the Forest" report for 1997, the total forest cover in India was 633,397 sq km in
1997, compared to 638.879 sq km in 1995. This shows a reduction of the forest cover by 5482 sq km. This
much reduction of the forest cover in just two years is a matter of concern as forests perform many functions
-ecological, subsistence and developmental. They help maintain soil and water conditions, contribute to the
maintenance of biological and genetic diversity, provide fuel, fodder and other materials to local
communities, supply raw materials for industry and provide non-wood forest produce such as tendu leaves,
and seeds, and pine resin for local and national economy. Forests also provide livelihood to great majority of
tribal people.
The increasing population of India, coupled with lack of integrated planning for forest management
is causing a great pressure on forests. Increasing destruction and degradation of forests and trees, specially in
the Himalayas and other hilly areas, contribute to erosion of topsoil. Uneven rainfall, and occasional floods
are also the result of depleting forests. The biotic pressure further causes degradation of forests.
Since forests are a renewable resource, the Government of India has formulated certain policies to
seek the preservation of forests. The Forest Conservation Act, 1980, banned indiscriminate deforestation of
certain areas and the diversion of forestland for industry or agriculture. Under the provisions of the 1980
Act, prior approval of the Central government is required for diversion of forestland for non-forest purposes.
Since the enactment, the rate of diversion of forestland has come down to around 25,000 hectares per annum
from 1.43 lakh hectare per annum before 1980. As the permission for diversion of land is difficult to obtain,
the rare exceptions carry stipulations for compensatory afforestation and other conditions laid down in the
act.
The National Forest Policy of 1988 aims at maintenance of environmental stability through
preservation and restoration of ecological balance; conservation of natural heritage; check on soil erosion
and denudation of catchment areas of rivers, lakes and reservoirs; check on extension of sand dunes in desert
areas of Rajasthan, and along coastal tracts; finding steps to meet the requirements of fuelwood, fodder,
minor forest produce, and timber for rural and tribal populations; increasing productivity of forests to fulfill
natural needs, encouraging efficient utilization of forest produce; optimum substitution of fodder and
fuelwood; and devising steps to promote peoples' participation in forest preservation.
During the 8th Five Year Plan, anew programme was initiated, which recognised the value of peoples'
participation in conservation efforts. Named Association of Scheduled Tribes and Rural Poor in
Regeneration of Degraded Forests, the objective of the programme was to improve forests based on biomass
resource in degraded forests and manage it on sustained basis for domestic needs of the identified
communities. By involving scheduled tribes and other rural poor in protection and development of degraded
forests, the programme proposed to provide gainful employment and a sustainable base to them.
To operate the NFP-1988, the Government decided to formulate a National Forestry Action
Programme (NFAP) and signed a project with UNDP and FAO in 1993. The objectives of the programme
were the preparation of the NFAP and long-term, medium term, and short term perspective plans as well as
identification and quantification of investment and technical assistance in line with the NFP. Implementation
of the NFAP will contribute to sustainable development and the use of forest resources on the one hand and
to maintain the ecological balance of the country on the other.
Another feature of the government effort is the establishment of the National Afforestation and Eco
Development Board (NAEB) which is responsible for afforestation, tree planting, ecological restoration and
eco-development activities allover the country, with special attention to degraded forest areas and lands
adjoining forest areas, national parks, sanctuaries and other protected areas, viz. the Western Himalayas,
Aravalis, and Western Ghats.
The NAEB implements afforestation schemes under the 20-point programme. It implements the
Integrated Afforestation and Eco Development projects scheme under which efforts are on to augment
availability of biomass, fuelwood and fodder, extend and disseminate proven afforestation and management
technologies in the cause of equity and environment conservation with the participation of local
communities and generate employment.
A centrally sponsored scheme "Introduction of Modem Forest Fire Control Methods in India", was
launched in 1992-93 to control forest fires with a view to protecting and conserving both natural and man-
made forests and to improve productivity of forests by reducing the incidence and extent of forest fires.
Despite efforts of the government and non-government organisations, forests continue to be depleted
at an alarming rate. High growth of population and the increasing pressure on limited land is a major reason
for this. Lack of vacant landscapes for construction work that is accelerated due to various developmental
activities also makes forests an easy target.
There is a lack of awareness among the masses about the urgency of protecting the forests. The
efforts of the NGOs too are often at cross purposes contribution to no special conservation. The government
should take up urgently to ponder the recommendations of the WSFSD and try to make them a part of its
programmes.
The World Commission has already highlighted the need for a systematic approach to adequately
support the forest planners and managers. This would require existing academic research, monitoring and
policy institutions to come together to establish such a network with financial support from corporations,
foundations and governments.
Improved information, analysis, research understanding and training are required to imbue forest
policies and practices and increased networking to make that possible in a short time and to effect
widespread application. Awareness and education should be imparted to masses in away that they appreciate
the multi-functions of forests and public policies, which governments formulate to ensure the continuation
of these functions. A wide range of NGOs and other organisations note that the commission has been
playing an increasingly proactive role in promoting sustainable management of forests. The commission
feels that the need for attention to the crisis gripping the forests is so urgent that such new and potentially
effective mechanisms not limited to governments are necessary to accelerate progress towards solutions.
It is the responsibility of the government to perceive, articulate, defend and secure the public interest.
This can be achieved by creating mechanisms by the government for consultations, in which all private
interests, the poor and politically weak are represented and through which the public interest also becomes a
vested interest.
In a nutshell, the government can play the pivotal role in containing the fast depleting natural
resources of forests, which, if ignored, could spell disaster for all of us.
 VSAT TECHNOLOGY IN INDIA

The tremendous strides made by satellite technology during the last few decades has helped expand
the frontiers of global communication at a spectacular speed. The launch of the Soviet Sputnik about four
decades back which heralded man's leap into space also marked the emergence of innovative satellites
capable of changing the style of life on earth.
However, the era of satellite communication was first introduced by the USA who launched the
"Early Bird" satellite in early sixties by providing telephone link between USA and Western Europe. Today
the satellite communication is capable of two-way data conversation, beaming TV programmes and
broadcasting distress signals for launching search and rescue operations.
As for India, it was as early as 1975 that India carried out an ambitious programme called "SITE"
(Satellite Instructional Television Experiment) as part of which developmental programmes were flashed
directly to thousands of TV receivers spread across selected villages of six Indian states using the American
ATS-6 satellite. A science fiction writer had earlier forecast that "three satellites placed above the earth at a
height of 23,000 miles could provide round the clock uninterrupted communications.
Satellite communications are reliable and inexpensive. These are immune to breakdown in ground-
based network and environment hostilities. Further these do not depend on the distance involved. In the
earlier days, ground stations measuring up to 30 feet were required I to facilitate two-way communication,
but with improvements in, satellite technology in course of time together with development of solid state
electronics, miniature terminals enabled them to arrive at satellite communications by using rooftop
antennas measuring between 1.8 meters to 3.5 meters. The increased power packed in satellites made
possible communication using small terminals called VSAT, which enabled the setting up of a
communication network independent of the existing central communications infrastructure.
In a VSAT system, one does not fall back on repeaters or cables. For a string of powerful spacecraft
high up in space is always available as a "celestial repeater." Hence the system is reliable, fast, inexpensive
and free from interference from any extraneous source. Further it does not need any highly qualified
personnel to operate it. It is easy to install, operate and shift. Another advantage of V SAT is that it can be
straight away connected to equipment like telephone, fax or computer. For the industrial units spread over a
large area and situated far away from urban centres, VSAT provides a highly beneficial and productive
mode of communication.
A variety of VSAT networks can be operated based on the type of satellites used. In India, VSAT
operations are made possible by the extended C-Band facilities available in the second generation Insat
Spacecraft. The frequency band is specifically used on the Insat series of satellites and is not pressed into
service for other communications traffic. It is less prone to frequency interference and breakdowns. Time
Division Multiple Access (TDMA) is the most Popular mode of satellite access used in India's VSAT
networks. In a TDMA network, the satellite resource is efficiently utilized by dividing a particular frequency
into a time slot for transmission.
The Indian VSAT market is today being boosted by the networking requirements of fast moving
consumer companies, corporate units and industrial units having multiple points of operations. Industrial
units located in remote areas, stock exchanges, corporate houses with countrywide operations, banks and
insurance companies are emerging as potential customers of VSAT. In the financial sector, the stock
exchanges have taken the lead in adopting VSAT to extend the advantages of screen-based trading facility to
the brokers' offices. Thus the introduction of VSAT has brought about a remarkable change in the Indian
business environment. The availability of VSAT has helped the companies and corporate units to reduce
their operational costs. In recent months, news and wire agencies have taken to VSAT systems to streamline
their operations. All VSAT users have discovered that VSAT tariffs are distance insensitive and thus makes
for lower operational costs as compared to the line networks.
Essentially a VSAT ground unit is made up of an outdoor unit and an indoor unit. The outdoor unit
comprises an antenna and a Radio Frequency Trans-Receiver (RFT). The RFT receives the downlink signals
from the satellites besides transmitting the uplink signal to the satellite after performing the necessary
frequency corrections. The indoor unit can be a telephone, fax or a computer, which is invariably linked to
the outdoor unit.
In India, Wipro BT. RPG satcom, ITI and HCL Communications are among its leading providers of
V SAT services and technology. As it is, the market for V SAT service is still in its infancy. It is likely to
grow from its present size of 750 VSATs to about 10,000 by the year 2000. According to Simon Ornu,
deputy chief of Wipro BT, the V SAT market is set for a 100 percent a year growth. Currently West Europe
and North America account for more than 314 that of the worldwide installed base.
 COMPUTERS IN INDIA

(a) Software Exports

Despite the prevailing industrial recession and a stunted economic growth, India's resurgent software
export industry is looking ahead for a booming growth. Against Rs. 6500 crore netted in 1998-99 by way of
export, the buoyant Indian software export in 1999-2000 is poised to earn not less than Rs. 11,000 crore.
Sources in National Association of Software and Services Companies (NASSCOM) say that the
Indian Software drive remained insulated from the economic turbulence around and pushed smoothly its
drive for exports. During the year 1999-2000, our software exports are expected to increase by 51 percent.
Most of these exports were directed to the USA and Canada Out of the total exports, Europe accounted for
26 percent. In recent years countries in the Asia-Pacific region are looking towards India for their software
solutions.
European Community's euro-conversion project could bring to the NASSCOM about $ 50 million.
Besides India the euro-conversion projects have also been allotted to computer industry in the US, China,
Japan and Australia.
The Software Technology Parks of India (STPI) has taken the initiative together with a few Indian IT
/outfits and the Indo-German Chamber of Commerce to ensure that Indian software and service companies
have a fairly good share of the cake. They have created an Indian Special Interest Group and will shortly
initiate an accreditation scheme to ensure standard solutions.
At present exports from STPI account for 53 percent of the country's exports. As it is, STPls have
been promoted as "complete environment complexes for 100 percent export units by the department of
electronics. Thus STPI serves as one of the largest of network exporting units in India. Meanwhile a study
by NASSCOM shows that there has been a perceptible shift in the last few years from on-site services to
offshore services, the latter contributing to about 41 percent of the export. Today about 90 percent of the
STPI exports are through offshore development.
According to Raj Narain, Chairman of the NASSCOM for 1999, during the last decade of
NASSCOM existence the Indian software industry has grown 30-fold in size to reach an annual turnover of
$ 4 billion. He also revealed that NASSCOM has now prepared a growth profile that would make India a
software superpower with a turnover of $ 100 billion by the year 2008. However, the Information
Technology (IT) plan outlined on July 14, 1998 by the National Task Force on Information Technology on
Software Development has set a target of $50 billion for export of software and related services by the year
2008.
In order to boost the availability of skilled manpower, Department of Electronics has recommended
the setting up of national visual institute, which will provide for distance education to enhance knowledge of
working professionals in the software sector. This institute will seek support from premier engineering
outfits and training companies for exposing software professionals in the latest in the industry.
But all said and done, the Indian software industry is miles away from attaining a really global status.
For all intents and purposes, India's software exports constitute less than one percent of the total
international market. IT experts are of the view that India is still a marginal player in the software market
and its expertise is limited to the provision of on-site services and offshore software development. A study
carried out by a team of experts from the Indian Institute of Technology points out that the present industry
structure prohibits India from emerging as a major software developer/exporter in the near future.
Similarly a study by the ICICI (Industrial Credit and Investment Corporation of India) Banking
Corporation Limited lists many negative features afflicting the Indian software industry. "New entrants into
the Indian IT industry are scared of bureaucratic norms which are stumbling blocks in such ventures."
A New Delhi-based software exporter says handling IT related issues lack professionalism and
vision. On the other hand, Mr. Shyam Kumar, a Bangalore-based software entrepreneur, says that India
should start experimenting with new technologies, sites, programmes and plans to emerge as a global IT
superpower.
(b) Building Internet Communities in India
World- Tel a UN sponsored body to spread the telecom revolution around the world, will expand
operations in India, particularly southern India, where a network of Internet Community Centres were being
set up to bring about an information revolution. "It fill bring a revolution beyond any body's imagination,"
Mr. Sam Pitroda, Chairman World- Tel and a former advisor to former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, says:
"In India, we have chosen so far four southern states for building a network of Internet community centres,
similar to trunk dialling booths," he said.
"This is because, the four states of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra are fit for such a
networking in a speedy manner. Such centres will be different from the America on-line Service where one
needs a personal computer at home. Our centres will provide access to all the service and information for
their day-to-day needs on open booths. It will bring a revolution beyond anybody's imagination." He went
on to say, "All revenue records, licence procedures, payment of electric and telephone bills, school
examination results, children's home work, newspapers and hundreds of other things could be made
available on Internet in local languages." He said, "however, this would happen only if state governments
make their database available in the local languages."
Mr. Pitroda said, "We (World- Tel) are ready to provide the structures. The primary challenge before
India is to change the old mindset." He said the information race was on and it will not wait for any country
or person. He said, "Information technology, along with biotechnology, is going to open the floodgates of
new life, new values, new methods of working, new ways of thinking and new ways of running the
economy." Mr. Pitroda said, state controls had kept away non-resident Indians from investing in their native
country, "It is difficult to do business in India, There are too many official procedures and people think they
need the government support, permission, patronage etc. to do anything worthwhile in India. One has to do a
lot of running around and after a while one gets tired of it. There is no clear-cut partnership between the
business and the government," he said.
While comparing India with other countries, he said signals of progress from Africa were confusing
while those from China were encouraging. But most of all "Latin American countries were very liberal and
were making fast progress while making for lesser and lesser controls," he said. India "with its vast reservoir
of talent" could make a major difference in IT in the 21st century, said Mr. Pitroda.
Explaining the work of World- Tel, Pitroda said, it was the offspring of the UN International
Telecom Union with 187 countries as its members and a governing council of 48 countries. "ITU is the
oldest institution of the UN. Eight percent of its members are from developing countries," he said.
"We decided five years ago at the Telecom Advisory Council of ITU that we should do something
for the developing countries. We collected a donation of $500,000 from 30 different companies and hired
Mckinsey and Company to study and report on this aspect. The latter it-self donated a million dollars. It was
after this development that World- Tel was born," he said.
Mr. Pitroda was chosen from three other contenders for the chairmanship of World- Tel. The Council
had heads of Telecom from Australia, the USA, and an expert from Kuwait. The World- Tel has two
projects in hand at present. First a billion dollar project in Mexico with a World- Tel equity of $ 100 million
and the second in Azerbaijan worth $ 100 million, with World- Tel equity of $ 50 million. He said the
World- Tel was also working on projects in Kenya, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Peru, Pakistan,
Bangladesh and China.
"Our job is to structure a project in one and half years time. We arrange finances, we sit on the board,
and become catalysts.
(c) Better Memory Chips
As microprocessor speeds continue to increase exponentially, chip manufacturers are scrambling to
find a design that will stop memory bottlenecks within a system.
Cashing in on this need is Rambus, a $ 40 million Silicon Valley-based company in which an
American Indian is spearheading the effort to design and market high speed memory interface technology.
Mr. Subodh Toprani, vice president and general manager of Microprocessor's Logic Products
Division, says: "Processor speeds will reach speeds of 800 megahertz over the next few years while memory
chips are still at 100 mhz," This disparity between a slow memory chip or a dynamic random access memory
(DRAM) and a microprocessor could cloud the performance of next generation processors from industry
leaders such as Intel, and Advance Micro Devices (AMD).
According to Mr. Toprani, Rambus has the technology to speed up processing by fostering better
communication between memory chips and the logic devices that control them such as microprocessors,
promising upto six giga bytes per second output soon-to-be-released DRAM design called "RDRAM". A
factor likely to spur the adoption of Rambus' technology, Toprani said, is its endorsement by industry
leaders such as Intel, NEC and Samsung. Manufacturers of DRAM chips such as NEC, Toshiba and
Samsung are already paying Rambus royalties of some 1.5 percent to adopt the idea.
 "Rambus has a chip-to-chip interface, so we have set a standard. If ten companies are using Rambus
then the 11th will want to use Rambus because otherwise the chips won't hook up with the other companies'
devices," he said.
The new Rambus technology works by packing the three messages that travel between a memory
chip and a logic chip on the computer's motherboard for transmission down a single electronic line
substantially speeding up the interaction between the memory chip and the processor.
The three messages concerned are the address where the data impulse is to go the data bits
themselves and the instruction that, says what should be done with that data. These three messages
traditionally run on different paths at different speeds, to be recombined on the memory chip.
According to Toprani, Rambus 'big break' came in 1995 when Japan's Nintendo was looking to
leapfrog the popular play station video game made by rival Sony. A new memory was just the trick.
Nintendo-64 player game uses Rambus designs with custom made logic chips from NEC to process graphic
data at a speed close to that of a supercomputer ferrying the data between memory controller and chips at a
speed of 500 million bytes per second. The Nintendo system proved our, technology was viable. That set the
stage for being seriously considered for PC main memory, Mr. Toprani said.
The deal with Nintendo gave Rambus a jumpstart and in May 1997, the computer went public with
its share prices rocketing from $ 12 to close the first trading day at $ 30.25 to $ 94 at present.
(d) DNA Computer Chips
Motorola Inc. in the US will collaborate with Packard Instrument Company to develop a DNA-based
computer chip aimed at improving diagnosis of genetically transmitted illness and speeding public health
response to epidemics. The two companies will pay $19 million for a five-year licence to commercialise a
research breakthrough by the Argonne National laboratory and the Eaglehardt Institute of Molecular
Biology in Moscow. The agreement marks one of Motorola's first forays in the much hyped and volatile
field of biotechnology. The deal was announced at a telephone conference call by officials of the two labs
and their new corporate customers.
Fredrico Pena, Secretary of the Energy Department, which overseas Orgonne, gave the venture a
dramatic introduction. "This morning we could very well be witnessing the birth of anew multi-billion
industry that will allow American and Russian children to live in a substantially healthier world," Pena said.
University researchers who are expected to help identify new uses for the biochips, should begin to
receive them in about two years. It will be five years or more before they come into widespread use as a
diagnostic tool in doctors' offices," said Richard McKernan, President of Packard Instrument Co. But a
University of Chicago scientist familiar with the Argonne-Eaglehardt research noted that the technology is
still unproven and an industry analyst wondered if two companies working with two research labs on
opposite sides of, the world could muster the focus needed to bring commercially' successful biochips to
market.
Motorola and Packard will try to capitalise on a discovery by Argonne and Eaglehardt researchers
that allows scientists to arrange genetic material in a gel on a computer chip. Suspending it in a gel gives it
three dimensions. When unknown genetic material is introduced to the chip in the presence of fluorescent
light, it produces distinctive pattern of light that serves as a kind of signature.
The three dimensionality of this microgel technology should increase the accuracy of identification
of genetic material by a factor of at least 10, Packard officials said. Microgel biochips could be used to
identify viruses and bacteria in epidemics and identify mutations that cause disease among humans, said
McKernan.
Interest in chips is specially high because of the 8-year-old Human Genome Project, a federally
funded effort to map, sequence and decode all the 100,000 or so genes in the human genetic blueprint. The
current state-of-the-art in biochips requires using time-consuming, expensive photolithography, making the
area ripe for breakthrough. But the microgel approach has worked only in prototype form, said Robert
Hazelkorn, a University of Chicago researcher who has worked with Andrei Mirzabekov, the investor of the
technique. "They have still to show that the thing works," said Hazelkorn, the Funny L. Pritzker
distinguished professor of molecular genetics and cell biology.
So far, the liquid polymer gel has diffused the light passing through it, limiting the effectiveness of
identifications, Hazelkorn. In the immensely complex world of biotechnology, the Argonne-Eaglehardt
advance has an appealing simplicity, according to McKernan. But Eddie Hedaya, an analyst for Bio Vest
Research Inc. of Hartsdale, NY said that while microgel chips are “very interesting new technology it is a
strongly entrepreneurial activity which needs considerable focus to succeed.”
 Motorola Vice President Rudyard Istvan said the company would set up a new bio informatics
business unit to make the chips, either at an existing facility at Arizona or Illinois. "We see this as a logical
outgrowth of our core competencies," in semiconductors and precision manufacture, Istvan said.
Privately held Packard, a unit of Packaid BioScience Co., headquartered in Meriden, Conn., will
make microrobots to insert genetical material in gel and produce the laser optics for biochip analysis. Both
devices will be manufactured at the company's facility in Downers Grove, Illinois.
(e) Doctor on the Internet
There are neither distress calls to help line nor letters addressed to any of the numerous agony aunt
columns. They are just two of the millions of messages pasted on the bulletin board of an Internet site.
Today Internet medium is providing relief to millions around the globe in the garb of medical help. What is
St. John's wort ? Can Cycloserine affect the vision of a person ? What to do when cornered by a migraine ?
Just a click of the mouse can answer all these questions now.
Internet has opened new vista for millions of those who seek a second opinion from a doctor in the
other part of the world and the ones who are in dire need of emotional support, says Rodolfo Panteon, a
volunteer in a Chile-based, non-profit organisation for AIDS patients. "I don't have any sort of medical or
paramedical training but I like to help people. And that is why I go online to help people overcome that
phase in which they feel they haven't got anybody to turn to.
Special cases can be posted on the Internet and help can be asked for. There are a number of doctors
and health experts who help online. Many specialists can be consulted who are otherwise inaccessible owing
to distance.
The medical data and the sites catering to the needs of a layman are staggering. There is not only the
user-friendly Yahoo and also specialised libraries and other government aided sites. Some of the reliable
Web sites include those aided by the US government, the healthfinder ([Link]), which has
information from federal agencies and non-profit organisations and the Centres for Disease Control and
Prevention ([Link]) which has information like diverse topics like botulism, Hepatitis C, school
violence, AIDS research update, family parenting, child care. Then there are special sites for cancer
(CancerNet, [Link];) etc.
However, Indian sites for the specific needs of Indian people are yet to make a mark a mark. One of
the major ventures of Internet has been taken by the Mumbai-based Health Education Library for People
(HELP), which started a site in 1997. Its site ([Link]) is India’s first consumer health
resource centre. It is the only site on the web, which has searchable databases of Indian hospitals, doctors,
medical equipment manufacturers, medical libraries and medical colleges. Another site that has a complete
list of hospitals in Mumbai and hospitals in other metropolitan cities in [Link] says Dr.
Annuradha Malpani, medical director of HELP, “Indians are like everyone else – they all need information
on their health and medical problems, and the Web is an excellent source! However, there is still very little
‘India specific’ medical information on the web. For instance you can find the names and addresses of all
doctors in the USA, but you cannot find even “a complete list of hospitals in Mumbai as yet.”
So much about the plethora of web sites. All of us know that information technology is the in thing
these days; how reliable is this medium? “Can be reliable and unreliable”, says Dr. Malpani. After all the
Web is a very democratic medium, anyone can publish information on the Web, with no quality control
measures being implemented.” “Just like there are good doctors and bad doctors, there are good Web sites
and there are bad Web sites.”
 POPULATION PROBLEM – ITS CONTROL IN INDIA

To let continue an unchecked growth of population is the most important problem before India. All
our major ailments are related to this problem and quite a disaster awaits the country if this problem is not
tackled effectively and urgently.
Poverty is a problem in the country, which we keep constantly lamenting about. But, surprisingly and
woefully, we fail to understand that the problem of poverty is mon-made-the more the population, the more
the poverty. We have not been able to educate our poor class that more children are not an asset, they are a
liability. For the present the poorer class thinks that every child born to them would in due course, be an
earning member-an asset; while they fail to understand or we have failed them to understand that every new
child would need more to eat, more to be fed, more space to live. There is an unchecked migration from
villages to towns-the town life apparently appears to them so alluring but coming to the towns means living
in the most in sanitary conditions with no place to rest their heads, so much dearth of space, of drinking
water, dearth of basic amenities. Slums grow under most unhygienic surroundings. Jobs are few, job-seekers
are more and this leads to their taking to petty crimes to begin with and they turn into 'goons' gradually.
India has crossed the 1 billion mark in population. China had a larger population than India; they
have a larger land are, still they have controlled their population through stringent measures. The only
problem with us is that we are a democratic country where every voter has to be kept in good humour.
‘Family Planning’ and ‘Family Welfare’ programmes remain a mere euphemistic terminology. No
Government policy whether at the Central or the State level has come out with a daring and positive
pronouncement that families with one or at most two children shall be given benefits or preferences in jobs
or initiatives in business. Then there are difficulties in implementing the family-planning programmes
among Muslims. Their social-religious ethos militates against adopting contraceptives. And none dare touch
them on this issue.
There is a National Population Policy in force in India, which is very often referred to. But the will to
implement its provisions is not there with the government. The political leaders even with eleven or more
children live in a lavish life-style; they have not known the pang of poverty or deprivation; hence they have
no incentive or zest to implement the programme. And it is they who have to do it. It is they who, in a
democratic set up have to lead and carry the torch. The masses still remain uncommitted to the concept of a
small family. The MLAs and the MPs should be made accountable if the ‘family planning’ programme is
not found catching up in their constituency. U .P., M.P., Rajasthan and Bihar are the sort of states where
women remain illiterate and illiteracy of womanhood is a great bane in the proper and effective
implementation of this programme. Kerala has shown the way which other states need to emulate and
follow.
Let us look into the figures as below and assess for ourselves the growing magnitude of the problem-
The population of India as on March 1, 2001 stood more than 1000 million. The second populous country,
India is the home of 16% of world's total population. This is against an area of 2.42% of the total world area.
The population of India as recorded at each tenth year from 1901 has grown steadily except for a decrease during the
decade 1911-21. The following table indicates the decadal growth of population from 1901 to 2001 :
Year Population Decadal Growth Rate
1901 23,83,96,327 --
1911 25,20,93,390 + 5.75
1921 25,13,21,213 - 0.31
1931 27,89,77,238, + 11.00
1941 31,86,60,580 + 14.22
1951 36,10,88,090 + 13.31
1061 43,92,34,771 + 21.51
1971 54,81,59,652 + 24.80
1981 68,33,29,097 + 24.66
1991 84,63,02,688 + 23.85
2001 100,08,12,170 + 23.60
 Thus in most states the growth rate declined during the 1911 to 1921 decade. However, Andhra
Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Nagaland, Tripura, West Bengal, Daman and
Diu, Lakshadweep, and Pondicherry, which account for one third of the country's population, recorded
increase in growth rate. Nagaland registered the highest growth rate of 56.08% while Kerala the lowest
14.32%. Mumbaimetropolis continued to be the most populated city of the country with urban population of
12.60 million, Calcutta taking the second place with 11.02 million. Delhi ranked third with the population
(urban) of 8.42 million, followed by Chennai 5.42 million.
Population Density
One of the important indices of population concentration is the density of population. It is defined as
the number of persons per square kilometre. The population density has gone up from 216 in 1981 to 267
persons in 1991. In 1901 it was 77 persons. The 10 heavily populated districts of the country are Calcutta,
Chennai, Greater Mumbai, Hyderabad, Delhi, Chandigarh, Mahe, Howrah, Kanpur City and Bangalore. All
of them have a density of 2,000 persons per square kilometre and above, and 5.1 % of the country’s
population lives in these districts. The average density of these districts is 6,888.
Sex Ratio
Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1,000 males. In India it has generally been averse
to women. The ratio has also declined over the years except in 1981 when it slightly improved to 934 from
927. In 1991, there has been a fall by 7 points to 927 per thousand males. But Kerala represented a different
spectrum. The state has a higher number of females than males, 1,036 females for a thousand males.
In the Indian context, a sex ratio of 950 can be considered favourable to the females. In some states
and union territories, the ratio is as follows: Himachal Pradesh (976), Andhra Pradesh (972), Goa (967),
Karnataka (960), Manipur (958) Orissa (971), Tamil Nadu (974), Dadra and Nagar Haveli (952), and
Pondicherry (979), Chandigarh (790). Chandigarh had the lowest sex ratio.
Literacy
For the purpose of Census, a person is deemed to be a literate if he or she can read or write any
language with understanding. In the 1991 Census, the question on literacy was canvassed only for
population aged seven years and above, unlike earlier censuses, which took into account population of five
years or above. The final results reveal that there has been an increase in literacy in the country. The rate in
1991 was 52.21 percent for males and 39.29 for females.
Kerala retained its position by being on top with 89.81 percent literacy rate in the country. Bihar
stood at the bottom with a literacy rate of 38.48 percent, with Rajasthan being close to it having 38.55
literacy percentage. But literacy among the women was the lowest in Rajasthan with a percentage of 20.44
as compared to 54. 99 among the males.
The above figures of population in India highlight the deep concern posed by the rapid multiplication
of human numbers in a country Jike India, which is still struggling for self-sufficiency in basic necessities of
life. As long as the relationship between the growing population and natural resources remains as hopelessly
unfavourable as it is in the developing countries of Asia, as Huxley puts it, it would be impossible for
democracy to take root and develop. To a great extent, the degree of a nation's peoples' living standards and
of increasing national power are determined by the relationship between the growth rate of the economy and
the growth rate of population.
It is the problem of the increasing number of mouths to be fed and clothed that alarms people in all
parts of the world. Economists are baffled, sociologists are scared, and politicians and administrators are
worried. It has created various problems like unemployment, poverty, half-starvation and illiteracy, besides
shelter. And unfortunately those living in the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, are
continuing to get more than their share of problems because of their ever-increasing population.
India, a developing country, comes second to China in the world in the figures of population.
Although the world is forty times as large as India in area, the world population is less than seven times as
large as India's. One out of every seven persons is an Indian. Obviously, India, like other developing
countries, is feeling a great pressure of population.
The population of India has increased from 236.5 million in 1901 to about a 1,000 millions today.
More than about 6,500 babies are born everyday. To some extent, the main cause in our extraordinary
growth is not excessive births, but our victory against death and disease. Our ability to control
communicable diseases like malaria, smallpox and cholera and ushering in improving health services have
steadily brought down the death rate from 27 per 1,000 in 1951 to just 15 today, while the birth rate has
remained about the same. Life expectancy at birth has risen from 32 years in 1950 to 60'today. Thus our
number is multiplying every day. As a result, there are 21 million births a year and about 8 million deaths,
giving an annual excess of about 13-14 millions in our already huge population.
The result of our increasing numbers is obvious -much of our effort to raise the standard of living of
our people through successive five-year plans has been nullified. The growth of population, besides
neutralising all developmental efforts, brings distress to the community, to the family and to the individuals.
As one of our great economists has said: “To plan when population growth is unchecked is like building a
house where the ground is in flood.”
What then needs to be done ? The remedy is to reduce the number of births. In order to stabilise the
relationship between population and the basic necessities of life, we must bring our birth rate down from 41
per thousand to 25 per thousand as quickly as possible. The family planning programme was begun in a
modest way in 1951. The importance, which the Government of India has attached to birth control is quite
evident from the fact that about Rs. 50 crore -half of the outlay on health in each annual plan is set apart for
family planning. A Department of Family Planning (now family welfare) functions in the Union Ministry of
Health. The Government has accorded top priority to the programme of birth control and is making all-out
efforts to reduce the birth rate to 25 per 1,000 as early as possible.
Population growth is a stimulant to economic growth up to a point, but afterwards, as we are
witnessing in India, it becomes a serious impediment. Larger population provides abundant labour as well as
a big market for consumption. But the alarming rate of increase in population produces an occasional crisis
in food situation, necessitating import of food grains, involving large amount of foreign exchange, which
could otherwise be made available for faster economic growth. Although food production has increased to
some extent, it is not enough to feed the newly arriving excess population.
High birth rate increases the number of children, making a higher proportion of dependent
population unproductive. The number of unproductive consumers is presently put at 400 million. Another
consequence of vast growth in population is that it reduces the capacity to save and invest in the national
economy. In any developing country, capital formation is crucial to economic growth but in India most of
the resources are used up in supporting the unproductive population, so that the problem of poverty gets no
solution. Investments for such important projects as highways, rail-roads, commli'f1ication systems,
electrical power and generation, irrigation pumps etc. are not available to the extent desired. Unless birth
rate gets reduced in the country, it is impossible to effect any savings to increase capital formation.
It seems all voluntary methods of birth control have failed to yield any tangible results. What should
be taken resort to is for the Government of India taking a decision to officially declare to limit the family
size on the principle of one-family one-child norm. This population control policy has greatly succeeded in
China. There is no reason why such a policy should not be framed in India without any further delay ?
 ELECTION COMMISSION - DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

Election Commission is an independent constitutional authority set up by the Government of India in

pursuance of Article 324(1) of the Constitution. Since its inception in 1950 and till October, 1989, the
Commission functioned as a single-member body consisting of the Chief Election Commissioner. On
October 16, 1989, the President appointed two more election commissioners on the eve of the general
election to the Lok Sabha held in November-December 1989. However, the said two commissioners ceased
to hold office on January 1, 1990 when those the posts of (WO election commissioners were abolished.
Again on October 1, 1993, the President appointed two more election commissioners. The new law provided
that the Chief Election Commissioner and the two election commissioners will enjoy equal powers and will
receive equal salary, allowances, and other perquisites. The law further provided that in case of difference of
opinion amongst the chief election commissioner and/or two other election commissioners, the matter will
be decided by the commission by a majority. The validity of the new law was challenged in the Supreme
Court, where a bench consisting of five judges dismissed the petition and upheld the provisions of the above
law by a unanimous judgement on July 14,1995:
The Election Commission of India is responsible for superintendence, direction and control of
preparation of rolls for and the conduct of elections to Parliament and state legislatures, and preparation of
rolls for election to the offices of President and Vice President of India.
Independence of Election Commission and its insulation from executive interference is ensured by a
specific provision in Article 324(5) of the constitution to the effect that the Chief Election Commissioner
shall not be removed from office except in like manner and on like grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court
and conditions of his Election Commissioners cannot be removed from office except on recommendation by
the Chief Election Commissioner.
Plenary powers and superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls and
the conduct of elections vested in the Election Commission under Article 324 of the constitution
supplemented further by Acts of Parliament, namely, Representation of the People Act, 1951, Presidential
and Vice Presidential Acts, 1952, Government of Union Territories Act 1963, Government of National
Capital Territory Act, 1991 and the Rules and Orders made thereunder.
Registration of Political Parties
Section 29 A of the Representation of the People Act 1951 provides for registration of political
parties by the Election Commission. A Party registered with the Election Commission may be granted
recognition of National or State Party on the fulfillment of certain criteria based on its poll performance. If a
Party fulfills the criteria for recognition under the election symbols (reservation and allotment) order, 1968
in four or more states, it is deemed to be a National Party throughout India. In the case of a state party, a
symbol is reserved for it in the state or states in which it is so recognised. Such reserved symbols are allotted
to the candidates of the parties for which they are so reserved. As on July 1, 1997, 619 political parties were
registered with the Election Commission. Of them eight, parties were recognised as National Parties and 38
parties as State parties.
Electoral System
The Election law has undergone some important changes with effect from August 1996 by the
Representation of the People Act, 1996. Some of the important changes are :
(i) Disqualification on convictions under the Prevention to insults to National Honour Act, 1971 :
Any conviction under Section 2 (offence of insulting ttle Indian National Flag or the Constitution of India)
or section 3 (offence of preventing singing of National Anthem) of the Prevention of insults to National
Honour Act 1971 shall hereafter entail disqualification for contesting elections to Parliament and state
legislatures for a period of six years from the date of such conviction;
(ii) Increase in security deposits and number of proposers: The amount of security deposit which a
candidate for election to the Lok Sabha or a State Legislative Assembly stands enhanced as a measure to
check the multiplicity of non-serious candidates. In case of an election to the Lok Sabha or the State Vidhan
Sabha the deposit has been increased from Rs. 500 to Rs. 10,000 for the general candidate and from Rs. 250
to Rs. 5,000 for a candidate who is a member of the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe. In the case of
elections to the State Legislative Assembly, the candidates are required to make a deposit of Rs. 5,000 if
they are general candidates and Rs. 2,500 if they belong to a scheduled caste or scheduled tribe, instead of
Rs. 250 and Rs. 125 respectively as was being previously deposited by them. The amended law further
provided that the nomination of a candidate in a Parliamentary or Assembly constituency should be
subscribed by ten electors of the constituency as proposers, if the candidate has not been set up by a
recognised National or State party. In the case of a candidate set up by a recognised party only one proposer
would be sufficient. Minimum interval between the last date for withdrawal and date of poll has been
reduced to 14 days in5tead of 20 days.
(iii) There is a restriction on contesting election from more than two constituencies.
The President issued an ordinance on June 5, 1997 called the Presidential and Vice-Presidential
Elections (Amendment) Ordinance, 1997, whereby the number of proposers and seconders for contesting
election to the office of President of India was increased to fifty each in place of ten number of electors as
proposers and seconders, and for contesting Vice-Presidential election it was increased to 20 each in place of
five. The amount of security deposit has also been increased to Rs. 15,000 in place of Rs. 2,500 for
contesting election to the offices of President and Vice-President.
Reservation of Seats
The 57th Amendment Act 1987 provides for determination of seats reserved for scheduled tribes in
Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizorarn, and Nagaland by amending Article 332 of the Constitution as
follows: Arunachal Pradesh -59 out of 60 , Meghalaya 55 out of 60, Mizoram 39 out of 40, Nagaland 55 out
of 60.
The Election Commission has arranged for the use of electronic machines in the elections.
General Elections So Far
The First general election on the basis of adult franchise was held in 1951-52. This was a
simultaneous election both for the Lok Sabha and all state legislative assemblies (including Part A, Band C
states).
Second general election held in 1957, shortly after reorganisation of states, was also a simultaneous
election.
In the Third general election in 1962, election to state assemblies in Kerala and Orissa became out of
step with general election with the result that simultaneous election could not be held in these two states.
Fourth general election to the Lok Sabha was held in 1967, but simultaneous election could not be
held in Nagaland and Pondicherry.
The Fifth general election was held in 1971. After 1967, election to most of the state assemblies were
held earlier than normally due with the result that Orissa, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal had simultaneous
election to the Lok Sabha.
The Sixth general election was held in 1977. Kerala was the only state where election to legislative
assembly was held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha election.
When the Seventh general election was held in January 1980. Election to constitute new assemblies
were held simultaneously only in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Daman and Diu and Pondicherry.
Polling for Eighth Lok Sabha election was held in the last week of December 1984 in 20 states and
nine union territories, except Assam and Punjab. Election for assemblies of Tamil Nadu, Manipur,
Arunachal Pradesh and Goa, Daman and Diu were also held simultaneously. The term of the Eighth Lok
Sabha was due to end on January 14, 1990. But the Lok Sabha had been dissolved earlier.
Hence the election to the Ninth Lok Sabha was held in the last week of November 1989.
Simultaneous election was held for new assemblies in Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Karnataka, Sikkim and Uttar
Pradesh. Election could not be held in Assam as its revision of polls had not been completed. The Ninth Lok
Sabha did not serve its full term. The House was dissolved on March 12, 1991.
Elections to 511 seats of Tenth Lok Sabha, except for 6 seats in Jammu and Kashmir and 13 seats in
Punjab, were held on May 20 and June 6,8,12 and 15,1991.
Elections were also held to the state assemblies of Assam, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana,
Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. Bye-election to 15 Lok Sabha seats and 56 assembly seats in 14 states
was held on November 16, 1991. Election to the Lok Sabha and assembly seats in Punjab was held on
February 9, 1992.
Election to Eleventh Lok Sabha was held in April and May 1996, although the 10 th Lok Sabha was
due upto July 8, 1996. Simultaneous election to the new assemblies was held in Kerala, Tamil Nadu,
Haryana, West Bengal, Assam and Pondicherry. Assembly election in Jammu and Kashmir was hcld in
September 1996. The election to new assembly in Ut tar Pradesh was held on September- October, 1996.
The assembly election in Punjab was held on February 7, 1997.
 INDIA’S DEFENCE PREPAREDNESS

India's defence policy aims at promoting and sustaining durable peace in the sub-continent and
equipping the defence forces adequately to safeguard aggression.
There are three strategic wings of India's defence forces. They are Army, Navy and Air Force.
Army
In the Army headquarters in New Delhi, the Chief of the Army Staff is assisted by the Vice Chief of
the Army Staff and seven other Principal Staff Officers, namely, the two Deputy Chiefs of the Army Staff,
Adjutant General, Quarter-Master General, Master-General of Ordnance, Military Secretary and Engineer-
in-Chief.
The Army is organised into five Operational Commands, viz., Southern, Eastern, Western, Central
and Northern Commands and one Training Command. Each Command is under a General Officer
Commanding-in-Chief who holds the rank of Lieutenant General. General Officer Commanding-in-Chief
commanding an operative command is the commander of demarcated geographical area and has both field
and static formations under the command. The major field formations are Corps, Division and Brigade
commanded by the General Officer of the rank of Lieutenant General, a General Officer Commanding of the
rank of Major General and Brigadier, respectively. The major static formations are Area, Independent Sub-
Area and Sub-Areas. An Area is commanded by a General Officer Commanding of the rank of Major
General and an Independent Sub-Area and sub- Area by a Brigadier.
The Army consists of a number of arms and services. These are armoured corps, Regiment of
Artillery, Corps of Air Defence Artillery, Army Aviation Corps, Corps of Engineers, Corps of Signals,
Mechanised Infantry, Infantry, Army Service Corps, Military Nursing Service, Army Medical Corps, Army
Dental Corps, Army Ordnance Corps, Corps of Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, Remount and
Veterinary Corps, Military Farms Service, Army Education Corps, Intelligence Corps, Corps of Military
Police, Judge Advocate General Department, Army Physical Training Corps, Pioneer Corps, Army Postal
Service, Territorial Army, Defence Security Corps. In addition the Army has its own recruiting organisation,
Record Offices, Depots, Boys Establishments and Selection Centres and Training institutions.
Navy
The Navy is responsible for defence and security of India’s maritime interests and assets, both in
times of war and peace. The Chief of the Naval Staff at the Naval headquarters, New Delhi, is assisted by
four Principal Staff Officern, namely, the Vice Chief of Naval Staff, Deputy Chief of Naval Staff, Chief of
Personnel and Chief of Material
The Navy has three commands, i.e. Western, Eastern and Southern with their headquarters located at
Mumbai, Vishakhapatnam and Kochi respectively. Each command is headed by Flag Officer Commanding-
in-Chief in the rank of Vice Admiral. Western Command and Eastern Command have under them operation
fleets i.e. Western and Eastern fleets comprising warships, submarines, aircraft and other support ships. The
southern Naval Command is responsible for all training activities of the Indian Navy.
The Indian Navy is a well-balanced three dimensional force consisting of sophisticated missile-
capable warships, aircraft carriers, minesweepers, advanced submarines, and the latest aircraft in its
inventory. Many of the warships are of the indigenous design and have been constructed in Indian shipyards.
These ships compare well with the ships of similar capability constructed by the advanced countries. The
Naval forces are maintained and supported by modem dockyard facilities encompassing state-of-the-art
technology. At present it has two major Naval bases at Mumbai and Vishakhapatnam.
Coast Guard
The Coast Guard was established on February 1, 1977, and was constituted as an independent Armed
force of the Union of India with the enactment of CG Act 1978 on August 18, 1978. As the youngest armed
force of the Indian Union, the Coast Guard's broad charter of duties includes: (a) Safety and Protection of
offshore installations and artificial islands; (b) providing protection to fishermen in distress; (c) Protection of
maritime environment; (d) Assisting Customs in anti-smuggling operations; (e) Enforcement of MIZ Act;
and (f) Safety of life and property at sea.
The general superintendence, direction, and control of the Coast Guard is exercised by the Director
General Coast Guard under Ministry of Defence.
The entire coastline of India and the national maritime zones have been divided into three Coast
Guard Regions, namely, Western, Eastern and Andaman and Nicobar Islands, under the respective
commanders of the regions. The Regional Headquarters are located at Mumbai, Chennai and Port Blair. The
Coast Guard Regions are divided into eleven Coast Guard Districts based on our maritime states. There are
five District Headquarters on the West Coast, namely, Porbandar, Mumbai, Goa, New Mangalore and
Cochin. Four on the East Coast are: Chennai, Vishakhapatnam, Paradip, and Haldia, and two District
Headquarters in Andaman and Nicobar Islands are : Diglipur and Campbell Bay. In addition there are Coast
Guard stations and Air Enclaves at various locations.
Beginning with two frigates and five Seaward Defence Boats (SDBs), the Coast Guard Service has
made rapid progress in the last 20 years. The service has now developed into a full-fledged maritime
organisation with nine Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPVs), one Advanced Offshore Patrol Vessel (AOPV), 21
Fast Patrol Vessels (FPVs), 15 Interceptor Boats (IBs), and ICs, 14 Dornier Aircrafts and 15 Chetak
Helicopters. The second Advanced Offshore Vessel and one FPV have also been commissioned.
Air Force
The Air Force is organised both on functional and geographical basis. There are five operational
commands: Western Air Command, South Western Air Command, Central Air Command, Eastern Air
Command, Eastern Air Command, and Southern Air Command. In addition, Maintenance Command and
Training Command are two functional commands.
At the Air Headquarters in New Delhi, the Chief of the Air staff is assisted by the Vice Chief of Air
Staff, Deputy Chief of Air staff, Air Officer Incharge Personnel, Air Officer Incharge Administration, Air
Officer Incharge Maintenance, and Inspector General (Flight Safety and Inspection), Each of these Principal
Staff Officers is assisted by Assistant Chiefs of the Air Staff.
The Air force has an array of modern aircraft on its inventory sides other high-tech electronic and
support equipment. The aircraft fleet consists of Fighter Bombers, air superiority fighters, interceptors,
transport and logistic aircraft and helicopters. The fighter force comprises MiG-21 variants, MiG-23s, MiG-
25s, MiG-27s and Jaguars which represent the modern generation strike aircrafts. Older generation aircrafts
like the Hunters and Canberras are presently used in training and ancillary transport. MiG-29s and Mirage-
2000 are air defence aircraft of the present generation. The transport fleet consists of IL- 76s, AN-32s, the
indigenously produced HS- 748, Dornier-228 which are manufactured under license by HAL and Boeing-
737 which are used for YIP duties. While the IL- 76s provide the Air Forces with heavy lift capabilities,
AN-32s and HS-48s are also used in training role besides performing air maintenance and communication
duties. The helicopter fleet consists of Chetak, Cheetah, MI-8s, MI-17s and the heavy lift MI-26. All these
aircraft are used for high altitude operations and provide logistic support to ground forces. Chetak, Cheetah
helicopters manufactured by HAL for the Air Force, are also used for anti-tank Guided Missile (ATGM)
carriers, air borne Forward Air Controller (FAC) and for search and rescue operations. MI-8 helicopters are
specially modified to undertake tasks in Antarctica. In addition, the force has been supplemented with MI-25
and MI-35 attack helicopters. HPT-32 and HJT-16 (Kiran) aircraft, both manufactured by HAL are used as
basic and applied stage trainers respectively with Kiran being supplemented by Polish Iskara aircraft.
The first batch of women pilots were commissioned on December 17, 1994. Since then women pilots
are serving in frontline Air Force transport and helicopter squadrons. Women officers are also serving in
Technical, Administrative, Logistic, Education, and Medical branches. The first batch of women Air Traffic
Controller and Fighter Controller/D ATs was commissioned in May 1996. Thus all branches of the IAF now
have women serving in them.
Commissioned Ranks
Following are the commissioned ranks in the three services. Each rank is shown opposite to its equivalent in the other
service:
Army Navy Air Force
General Admiral Air Chief Marshal
Lieutenant General Vice Admiral Air Marshal
Major General Rear Admiral Air Vice Marshal
Brigadier Commodore Air Commodore
Colonel Captain Group Captain
Lieutenant Colonel Commander Wing Commander
Major Lieutenant Commander Squadron Leader
Captain Lieutenant Flight Lieutenant
Lieutenant Sub-Lieutenant Flying Officer
Second Lieutenant Acting Pilot Officer
Sub-Lieutenant
Ordnance Factories
The Ordnance Factory Organisation is the largest departmental undertaking engaged primarily in the
production of defence hardware for the armed forces and paramilitary/police forces. "There are at present 39
Ordnance factories spread allover India. These operate quite a wide range of discipline, technologies and
supply critical lethal as well as non-lethal stores for defence forces. The bulk production of 5:56 mm rifle
has already been established in an ordnance factory and commenced from 1993-94. The development of
light machine gun (LMG) is at its final stage and the bulk production is being planned. A 5.56 rifle with its
sight has been developed and production stabilized. A steep rise in production has been achieved variants
viz., 5.56 mm LMG and 5.56 carbine are under user trials.
The factories are also producing bombs required by Air Force. Besides liquid fuel required for
successful trials of Prithvi and Agni missiles, igniters and copper liners for the warheads were also supplied
specially for the development of Prithvi Missile.
The production of Ajeya Tank (T- 72), Sarath (BMP-II), Infantry combat vehicle are carried out at
Heavy Vehicle Factory at Avadi and at Ordnance Factory, Medak, respectively. A sophisticated opto-
electronic production unit has been set up at Dehra Dun to produce the opto-electronic fire control and night
vision devices required for Ajeya tank (T- 72-MI) and Sarath Vehicle (BMP-II).
Production of Main Battle Tank (MBT) "Arjun" which has now been accepted by the Army for use
is also being taken up. To meet the Army's requirement of high calibre ammunition, a new Ordnance
Factory is being set up in Bolangir district of Orissa.
As part of diversification efforts, Vehicles Factory, Jabalpur has taken up modification and
upgradation of the 'Jonga' to cater to the civilian market.
Defence Undertakings
There are eight public sector undertakings under the Department of Defence Production and
Supplies. These are: Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), Bharat
Earth Movers Limited (BEML), Mazagaon Dock Limited (MDL), Garden Reach Ship-builders and
Engineers Limited (GRSE), Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL), Bharat Dynarnics Limited (BDL) and Mishra
Dhatu Nigam Limited, (MIDHANI). The vai00-4tbeproduction of the Defence Undertakings was Rs. 5,~51
crore in 1996-97.
Research and Development
Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) was established in 1958 by
amalgamating Defence Science Organisation and some of the Technical Development Establishments. A
separate Department of Defence Research and Development was formed in 1980, which operates through
network of 50 laboratories/Establishments. The Department aims at self-reliance in critical technologies of
relevance to national security. It formulates and executes programmes of scientific research, design and
development leading to induction of state-of-the-art weapons, platforms and other equipment required by the
Armed Forces. It functions under the control of Scientific Advisor to the Defence Minister and is also the
Secretary, Defence Research and Development.
DRDO has registered significant achievements in its various activities. The notable developmental
successes of the Department include surface-to-surface missile Prithvi, the state-of-the-art main battle tank
Arjun, flight simulators for aircraft, pilotless target aircraft-PTA, balloon barrage system, parallel super
computers PACE-PLUS etc. The weapons and ammunition developed by the organisation and
productionised by production agencies include Indian Field Gun, INSAS rifle 5.56 mm, chargeline mine-
clearing for safe passage of vehicles in the battle-field, illuminating ammunition for enhancing night field
fighting capability, cluster weapon system for FSAPDS-105 mm and 125 mm FSAPDS ammunition.
Multibarrel rocket system PINAKA is undergoing user trials. In the field of electronics and instrumentation,
the significant developments are low level tracking radar Indra-l, Indra-II, for army and air force,
lightweight field artillery radar, battle-field surveillance radar, secondary surveillance radar, automatic
electronic switch, avalanche victim detector, tidex, EW systems, night vision devices and secured telephone
SECTEL. Installation and commissioning of facilities and equipment for fabrication of Galleum Arsenide
warfare at Gaetec and artillery cambat command and control systems. Some of the development successes in
the area of engineering systems are Bridge Layer Tank KARTIK, military bridging systems, various types of
shelters, crash fire tenders, rapid intervention vehicle and state-of-the-art fire detection and suppression
system for tanks, naval ships, missile launches and barbette areas.
In the field of naval systems, and materials, the Organisation has developed advanced ship sonar
system, marine accoustic researchship SAGARDHWANI under water anti-fouling paints, torpedoes, naval
simulators, and jackal steels. Submarine sonar and weapon control system 'Panchendriya' is getting ready for
harbour / sea trials. The Indigenous light combat aircraft (LCA) was rolled out in the presence of Prime
Minister on November 17, 1995. LCA got ready for maiden trials in 1997-98. The advanced technology aero
engine Kaveri of LCA is undergoing multi test-bed trials. The Kaveri engine has been successfully tested for
about 500 starting cycles. Remotely piloted vehicle FACON has successfully undergone 17 developmental
flight trials. Integrated--Guided Missile Development programme (IGMDP) comprises four missile systems
PRITHVI, surface-to-surface tactical battle field missile; and NAG third generation anti-tank missile.
TRISHUL is getting ready for user trials. AKASH and Nag are in advanced stages of development. The
programme also included successful development of re-entry technology demonstrator under project AGNI.
LCA and other high quality technological systems are being channelised to make available to
common man bio-medical equipment at a fraction of prevailing price of imported systems. A Society of bio-
medical technology has been formed for this purpose. Extra light weight floor reaction orthosis (FROs) for
polio handicapped persons, cardiac stress analyzer, cardiac pacemaker and cytoscan for early detection of
cancer cells have been developed and the technology has been transferred industry.
 SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY INFRASTRUCTURE IN INDIA

India has had a long and distinguished tradition in science from ancient times. And great
achievements have been made during the 20th century. At the time of Independence India's scientific and
technological infrastructure was neither strong nor organised in comparison with that of the developed
world. Before Independence the country was technologically dependent on skills and expertise available in
the west. In the last five decades, an infrastructure and capability largely commensurate with meeting
national needs has been minimising our dependence on other countries. A large range of industries from
small to the most sophisticated have been established covering wide range of utilities, services and goods.
There is now a large reservoir of expertise well acquainted with the most modern advances in basic and
applied sciences. India is now fully equipped to enable us to make choices between available technologies
and provide a framework for future national development.
Scientific and technological activities in India can be classified into the following: (i) Central
Government, (ii) State Government, (iii) Higher educational sector, (iv) Public and Private sector, and (v)
Non-profit institutions/associations. These institutional structures, with their research laboratories, are the
main contributors to research and development in the country. These are the Council of Scientific and
Industrial Research, Indian Council of Agricultural Research, Indian Council of Medical Research, besides
departmental laboratories of various Departments and Ministries, viz,. Department of Atomic Energy,
Department of Electronics, Department of Space, Department of Ocean Development, Defence Research
and Development Organisation, Ministry of environment and Forests, Ministry of Non. Convention Energy
Sources and the Ministry of Science and Technology. In addition, there are about 1.200 in-house research
and development units in industrial undertakings supporting research in their respective industries.
Agricultural universities with their research stations have been set up under the state governments.
In 1983, the Ministry of Science and Technology drafted Technology Policy Statement with the
basic objective of developing indigenous technology and ensuring absorption and adaptation of imported
technology appropriate to national priorities and availability of resources. It is aimed at attaining technical
competence and self-reliance, reducing vulnerability, particularly in strategic and critical areas and making
use of indigenous resources. The TPS also aims at using traditional skills and capabilities making them
commercially competitive. Several other measures through technology intervention are envisaged to
optimise demand on energy and ensure harmony with the environment. With a view to strengthening the
economy, structural reforms have been introduced through adoption of anew industrial policy which will
have an important bearing on the programmes of development pertaining to science and. technology.
Department of Science and Technology set up in1971, has evolved policy statements and guidelines,
provided mechanism of coordination in areas of science and technology in which a number of institutions
and departments have interests and capabilities, supported grants-in-aid to scientific research institutions and
professional bodies. By the very nature of the activities of the Department, it has to playa catalytic and
coordinating role and in this process over the past few years the efforts at promoting science and technology
in the states and union territories have also gathered considerable momentum.
Department of Science and Technology has been playing a critical role in identifying and promoting
front-line and priority areas on research and development in various disciplines of science and engineering.
This support is provided through Science and Engineering Research Council (SERC), which is an advisory
body consisting of eminent scientists and technologists drawn from academic institutions like IITs,
universities and national laboratories as well as industry. The Council through its advisory committees,
expert committees assists the Department not only in peer reviewing of the proposals but also identifies
newer and inter-disciplinary areas of R and D for concerted effort. The Council with the help of advisory
committees, also monitors progress of individual projects sponsored in various disciplines along with
monitoring the progress of coordinated and concerted efforts. Every year about 1,000 project proposals are
received for consideration in the Department, most of which fall in the category of basic sciences and
engineering research.
The Department also supports programmes for setting up of national facility in the form of unit or a
core group under the scheme of Intensification of Research in High Priority Areas. Some of the areas
include Nonmaterial and Carbon Chemistry, Satellite Research Programme in Plasma Physics, Non-linear
Dynamics, Liquid Crystals, Laser Processing of Materials, Mathematical Sciences, Ultrafast Processes, etc.
In addition several national facilities have been set up to cater to the needs of scientific community for
undertaking research in advanced areas. These facilities include single crystal x-ray diffractometer,
Geotechnical Centrifuge, High field FTNMR, Confocal Scanning fluorescence Microscope, AMS facility,
Magneto Telluric facility etc.
In order to promote R&D activities in the country, the Department also has the responsibility to
strengthen the basic infrastructure for research by providing instruments to the scientific community.
Regional Sophisticated Instrumentation Centres (RSICs) have been set up to cater to the need of the
scientists in that particular region. Besides this, special opportunities are provided to the scientists, such as
national and international fellowships, summer and winter schools for training particularly to encourage
young scientists for pursuing research career etc. About 100 scientists are supported every year.
As part of the Technology Development Promotion Programmes, the Department has initiated
specific technology missions, which develop the product sub-systems/systems such as biology pest control,
bio-fertilizer and aquaculture in the Department of Bio-technology; parallel computing new materials,
selected retrofit automation, air navigation system, micro-electronics and phonics in the Department of
Electronics; leather and clean coal technologies in the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research. Four
initiatives launched by the Department are: advances composites, fly ash disposal and utilization, seismicity
and sugar production technologies.
As per the 1983 Technology Statement Implementation Committee's recommendations, the
Department has set up an autonomous body, called Technology Information, Fore-casting and Assessment
Council (TIFAC). The main objectives of Tifac include generation of Technology Forecasting (TF) and
Technology Assessment (TA) and Technomarket Survey (TMS) documents and enabling a Technology
Information system. These studies have been carried out in a number of areas of human settlement planning/
Building Technology and skills, sugar industry, steel, materials technology, automated machinery and
production systems, foundary modernisation, energy, high volume industrial gases, prospects for
biotechnology products in India by 2000 AD in health and agricultural sectors, fertilizers -a relook and
comprehensive picture of Science and Technology status in India. Tifac has taken new initiatives in surface
engineering, high performance computational facilities etc. The major milestones of Tifac's implementation
efforts are the technology projects on a Mission Mode approved by the government of India for sugar
production technologies, Advanced composites and Flyash Disposal and Utilization.
A significant activity being pursued by Tifac is promotion of specific Home Grown Technologies,
which are expected to strengthen the linkages between research institutions and industry by
commercialisation of technologies developed indigenously. Already about 20 projects are under
implementation. These are in the areas of CFC substitute, co-based chemicals, Vitamin-A, 64-bit parallel
computer (flosover), high energy rare earth magnets, cobalt recovery, etc.
A recent achievement of Tifac is the generation of Long Term Technology Forecast Reports (also
known as Technology vision 2020). These reports cover sixteen technology areas viz., Agro-Food
Processing, Civil Aviation, Electric power, Waterways, Road Transportation, Food and Agriculture, Health
Care, Life Sciences and Biotechnology, Advanced censors, Engineering Industries, Materials and
Processing, Services, Strategic industries, Electronics and Communication, Telecommunications. In addition
one report deals with Driving Forces-Impedances. More than 5,000 specialists from various disciplines
participated in this mega exercise.
The Department of Science and Technology also provides support for the National
Superconductivity Programme (NSP), a nationally coordinated programme of three government
departments/ agencies, namely, Department of Atomic Energy, Department of S&T and Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research, under the aegis of the National Superconductivity Programme and
Technology Board. In the second phase of NSP 55 R&D projects were supported at 36 institutions durillg
the period October 1988 to September 1995.
Technology Development Board
The Government of India has been collecting a Cess under the Research and Development Cess Act
1986 at the rate of 5% on all payments made by the industrial concerns towards import of technologies. Out
of the Cess collection, the Government was making funds available to the Industrial Development of India
for forming a venture Capital Fund. In February 1994, the Government decided to credit the Cess into a new
fund for Technology Development and Application to be placed at the disposal of the Department of S&T.
The Technology Development Board was constituted in September 1996 to provide financial assistance to
industrial concerns and other agencies for attempting development and commercial application of
indigenously or adapting imported technology to wider domestic application. The government offered Rs.
30 crore into the Technology fund.
INSAT, IRS AND [Link] SYTEMS IN INDIA
 Indian Space Programme was officially started in India in 1972 with the setting up of the Space
Commission and the Department of Space (DOS) to promote development and application of space
technology, specially in the areas of telecommunication, and television broad-casting, meteorology
resources survey and management. Development of satellites, launch vehicles and associated ground
systems is integral to the space programme objectives.
The Indian National Satellite System (INSAT) is a multipurpose satellite system for
telecommunications, meteorological observations and data relay, television broadcasting and radio and
television programme distribution. It is a joint venture of the Department of Space, Department of
Telecommunications, India Meteorological Department, All India Radio, and Doordarshan. Department of
Space has direct responsibility for operation and of INSAT space segment.
INSAT system was established in 1983 with the commissioning of INSAT 1B. At present the system
is served by the last of the first generation INSAT-1D launched in 1991, and four ISRO-built second
generation satellites, INSAT-2A, INSAT-2B, INSAT-2C and INSAT-2D launched in July 1992, July 1993,
December, 1995 and June 1997 respectively. One more satellite in the INSAT-2E series was scheduled for
launch in 1998.
The communication payloads on Board the first two satellites in INSAT-2 series, INSAT-2A and
INSAT-2B, comprise 12 C-band transponders, six extended C-band transponders and two high-powered S-
band transponders. The meteorological payload includes a Very High Resolution Radiometer (VHHR) with
two km resolution in visible band and 8 km resolution in infra-red bands, and a transponder for
meteorological data relay. These satellites also incorporate a transponder for receiving distress alert signals
for search and rescue missions.
INSAT-2C and INSAT-2D, in addition to carrying communication transponders in INSAT-2A and
2B, incorporate Ku-band transponders for business communication, extended coverage C-band transponders
to enable TV programmes outreach beyond Indian boundaries catering to the population from Southeast
Asia to the Middle East and transponders for mobile satellite services. They do not have a meteorological
payload. INSAT-2C and INSAT-2B are co-located in the geo-stationary orbit, thus enabling efficient use of
allocated orbital slots.
INSAT-2E is planned to incorporate an improved meteorological payload besides the
communication payloads as in INSAT-2C and 2D. DOS will lease to INTELSAT organisation eleven 36
MHz equivalent units of C-band capacity on board INSAT-2E. The capacity for use by INTELSAT is being
built into INSAT-2E.
There are 280 terminals of various types, including 50 terminals for rural telegraphy in the north
eastern part of the country, operating in the INSAT network, providing about 5,322 two-way speech circuits
over 166 routes. More than 800 micro-terminals have been set up under National Informatic Centres to
provide nation-wide data communication links between district and state capitals. Captive satellite-based
networks as for National Thermal Power Corporation, Gas Authority of India, Nuclear Power Corporation,
Indian Telephone Industries, Oil and Natural Gas Commission, National Fertilizers Ltd., and Coal India
Limited are all operating through INSAT. The Press Trust of India has installed a system to provide its news
and information services at high speed and increased volume by utilizing broadcast facilities of INSAT
satellite. With the availability of INSAT-2C, business communication in Ku-band and mobile satellite
service are being introduced.
The meteorological data gathering with VHRR instrument on board INSAT and its dissemination,
along with its collection of remote area meteorological data from an attended platforms, has vastly improved
weather forecasting in the country. Satellite-based locale specific disaster warning system has been
established with over a hundred disaster warning receivers installed in the cyclone-prone coastal areas.
INSAT has enabled a vast expansion in the television service with over 800 TV transmitters linked through
INS AT. The INSAT television network provides access to over 80% of India's population. INSAT-2C and
INSAT-2D enable Indian television outreach beyond Indian boundaries catering to the population from
South East Asia to Middle East. Educational TV service through INSAT has been introduced at university
level in the national network and at primary school level in several states: Andhra Pradesh, Orissa,
Maharashtra, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh. A channel on the INSAT has been dedicated for development of
education and training. A two-year pilot project for demonstration of satellite-based developmental
communication and training has been taken up in Jhabua district of Madhya Pradesh.
 Indian Remote Sensing Satellites are the mainstay of National Natural Resources Management
System for which Department of Space is the Nodal Agency, providing operational remote sensing data
services. The first IRS system was the IRS-IA in March 1988. An identical satellite IRS-1B was launched in
August !991. The IRS system has been further enhanced by IRS-C, IRS-P2 and IRS-P3, the last two having
been launched by India's own launching vehicle PSLV. IRS-1C, the first of the second generation IRS series
was launched on December 28, 1995 by a Russian Rocket.
This spacecraft has enhanced capabilities in terms of spatial resolution, additional spectral bands,
stereoscopic imaging, wide field coverage and a more frequent revisit capability than its predecessors. It
carries a camera aboard for recording the data when data is not being transmitted in real time. IRS-1 C has
three cameras aboard. IRS-1 C is followed by a similar satellite, IRS-1 D launched during 1998 by PSLV.
IRS-P3 was launched by the third development flight of PSLV-D3 on March 21, 1996. It has a Modular
Optoelectronic Scanner designed and developed by DLR, Germany and a Wide Field Sensor similar to that
of IRS-1 C but with an additional Short Wave IR band for the study of vegetation dynamics besides an
X-ray Astronomy payload to study the time variability and special characteristic of cosmic X-ray sources
and detection of transient X-ray sources.
Another three satellites in the IRS-P series are planned to be launched by PSLV during 1998-99,
1999-2000 and 2000-2001,which will carry Payloads for Ocean Services Survey, cartography and
agricultural resources survey respectively. Remote sensing applications in the country under the Umbrella of
NNRMS, now cover diverse fields such as crop average and field estimation, draught warning and
assessment, flood control and damage assessment, land use/land cover information, agroclimatic planning,
wasteland management, water resources management, underground water exploration, prediction of
snowmelt runoff, management of water-sheds and command areas, fisheries development, urban
development, mineral prospecting, forest sources survey, etc. Active involvement of the user
ministries/departments has ensured an effective harnessing of the potential of space-based remote sensing.
An important application of IRS data is in the Integrated Mission for Sustainable Development initiated in
1992. Under this scheme 174 districts have been identified, aiming at generating locale-specific action plans
for sustainable development.
India started launch vehicle development in a modest way through SLV-3, which could put 40 kg
class satellite into near earth orbit. The capability was further built up through Augmented Satellite Launch
Vehicle, ASLV, which had two successful flights ill May 1992 and May 1994. At that time it injected the
SROSS (Stretched Rohini Satellite Series) satellite, carrying a gamma ray burst experiment and retarding
potential analyser into low earth orbit. The second satellite, SROSS-C2, is still sending valuable scientific
data.
Today, India has realised that operational launch vehicle, PSLV, is capable of launching 1,000/1,200
kg IRS class of remote sensing satellite into polar sunsychronous orbit. The first successful developmental
launch (PSLV-D2) took place on October 15, 1994, when it placed the IRS-P2 remote sensing satellite into
the intended polar orbit.
The second and final developmental test (PSLV-D3) was conducted on March 21, 1996 when IRS-
P3 was placed into the intended polar orbit. Three more flights PSLV-Cl, PSLV-C2, and PSLV-C3 are
planned in the coming years. The development of Geosynchrnous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV),
incorporating a cryogenic stage, which will be capable of placing 2,500 kg INSAT class of satellites in
geosynchronous transfer orbit, is making rapid progress and its final development test was due by 1998. .

RESEARCH IN OCEAN DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA

India's coastline is more than 8,000 km long and its territory includes 1,256 islands. Its exclusive
economic zone covers an area of 2 million sq km and the continental shelf extends upto 350 nautical miles
from the coast. The total domain for the development of oceanic resources and protection of the marine
environment extends from the coastal land and islands to the wide Indian Ocean. The Government set up the
Department of Ocean Development in 1981 to promote and coordinate the multi-faceted endeavours needed
to accomplish the task, and to develop the new emerging area of Antarctic research and deep seabed mining.
Antarctica provides an excellent opportunity for the conduct of scientific research for the benefit of
all mankind. It is a pristine laboratory of worldwide significance, which has enabled the researchers to detect
and monitor global environment phenomena, such as the depletion of atmospheric ozone, global warming
and sea level changes.
Antarctic meteorological research has provided data essential to forecasting in the southern
hemisphere. Glaciological research provides important information about the heat exchange budget, and
Antarctica's influence on weather and climate.
Geological and geophysical research in Antarctica provides new insights into global geological
history and the formation of continents. The earth's geomagnetic field makes Antarctica particularly well
suited to the study of solar terrestrial interactions and cosmic rays, which travel from outside our galaxy.
The environment of Antarctica provides unique opportunity to study the specialised adaptations of
organisms with their environment and biological research, in providing data essential for decision-making
about marine living resources. Human biology and medicine provides information on the physiological
adaptation of man to extreme climates and insolation.
The Antarctic Treaty nations are fully committed to scientific research in Antarctica. The signatory
parties have recognised the fundamental role that Antarctica plays in understanding global environmental
processes and the opportunity it provides for research. The initiation, promotion and coordination of the
Indian Antarctic Research, which commenced with the launching of the first expedition during 1981,
continues over a very wide range of scientific activities.
The Antarctic research activities have become a regular feature since 1981. Scientific Research
expeditions are sent every year. A second permanent station, indigenously designed "Maitri" was established
in the ice free area about 70 km away from Oakshin Gangotri, which was selected for the first year round
during 1983-84.
The Indian Antarctic Research Programmes have been designed to take advantage of the unique site
and environment of Antarctica to understand the key processes that govern our future well being. The
scientific programmes are its essential part and are rooted in these long-term programmes: (a) ice ocean
atmospheric system in Antarctica and global environment; (b) Antarctic lithosphere and Gondwanaland
reconstruction, framework for delineating plate tectonic processes and assessment of resource potentials; (c)
Antarctic eco-systems and environmental physiology; (d) solar terrestrial processes; (e) innovative
technologies for support system; (f) environment impact assessment; and (g) generating and structuring for
database : geological, topographic, thematic mapping and ecosystems changes, environmental parameters,
health care, etc.
More than 20 research institutions, universities and government departments are contributing to the
success of the Antarctic Research programme. Invaluable logistic support for these activities has been
provided by the three services -Army, Navy, Air Force and by Defence Research and Development
Organisation. The Indian Antarctic programmes have provided research and first hand learning opportunities
to more than 1,200 persons from different institutions and agencies, including the scientists and the defence
services.
It has encouraged development of indigenous technology in specified fields. The annual expeditions
to Antarctica have helped to prepare a viable ground for front-ranking research endeavours in basic and
environmental science and have won for India a well deserved recognition amongst the Antarctic Treaty
Nations. India has a consultative status in the Antarctic Treaty System. It is a member of the Scientific
Committee on Antarctic Research and Party to the Convention on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine
Living Resources. Fifteen scientific expeditions of Antarctica have been launched in continuation of
scientific research programmes on Atmospheric science, meteorology, biology, oceanography, earth
sciences etc. In addition to these regular expeditions, India also launched an expedition to the Weddel Sea in
1989 and a Krill expedition in 1995.
While using Antarctica as a platform for conducting scientific experiments, India has always
recognised the importance of preserving the pristine nature of this remote and unique continent. To uphold
this commitment, India, an original votary of the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic
Treaty, ratified this Protocol in April 1996.
India was recognised in 1982 as a pioneer investor in the area of deep seabed exploration with
special emphasis on the location and sampling of polymetallic nodules. Amine site of 1.5 lakh sq km in the
Central Indian Ocean was allocated by the Preparatory Commission for the International Seabed Authority
in August 1987.
h1dia was the first country in the world to register as a pioneer investor in August 1987 on the basis
of delineation of a prospective area covering 3 lakh sq km. The survey and exploration efforts till now have
been directed mainly to assess the relative concentration and quality characteristics of nodules and broad
seabed topography. The sampling grind has been progressively reduced from 100 km to 25 km and later to
12.5 km to get more accurate information on nodules abundance. The survey of mapping and detailed
bathymetry of the pioneer area has been subsequently strengthened by the use of multi-beam swath
bathymetric system (hydrosweep) on ORV Sagar Kanya. The survey of the entire pioneer area of 1.5 lakh sq
km has been completed by using the hydrosweep. Environmental data, baseline oceanographic data on
physical, chemical and biological parameters has also been collected. High resolution bathymetric maps of
the pioneer area covered during the research cruises have been prepared which give the detailed topography
of the area enabling the identification of the sea mounts and sloped which cannot be negotiated by mining
equipment.

THE INDIAN ECONOMY

 (a) India to Export Wheat and Sugar
(b) Indian Airlines Gets Approval for IPO

(a) The Government of India has approved the export of upto one million tons of wheat, and 25,000 tons of
sugar in value added forms. It also allowed the import of all kinds of oil seeds under the open general license
(OGL). Earlier only soya seed, rape seed, and sunflower seed were allowed to be imported.
The export of cereals and vegetables is a sensitive issue in India, as the domestic prices shoot up if
there is a shortfall in output, as had happened in the case of onions in 1998. The decision to export wheat,
however, became inevitable following a record harvest of over 70 million tons in 1999, compared to 65 tons
in 1998.
The procurement of wheat by government agencies also touched a record high of about 14 million
tons this season. Punjab and Haryana, the wheat granaries of the country are expected to be more than 12
million tons. At the beginning of April, the Food Corporation of India (FCI), the main official procurement
agent, had buffer stocks of about 10 million tons, which is six million tons over the prescribed level.
The government warehousing agencies are hard pressed to stock the bulging buffers. The FCI just
does not have the covered space to store all the grain it purchases even in normal times. Often grain has to
be stored in the open, under tarpaulin cover. This year the FCI has requisitioned unused air strips for storing
the wheat.
The Warehousing Corporation of India, which has some 300-odd warehouses all over the country, is
also trying to acquire additional storage space. It is not surprising, therefore, that the idea of exporting wheat
in a situation of glut has become alluring.
Although the export of wheat was banned in 1998, 100,000 tons of wheat products were permitted
for export. In addition, 45,000 tons of wheat were sold to countries in the region and 25,000 tons were
exported to Iraq under the "oil for food" programme.
In 1999-2000, the government will have to heavily subsidise the wheat exports as international wheat
prices are ruling low, averaging around $ 100 a ton. This is far below the price, which the government pays
to the farmer and the added overhead costs of storage and freight. Wheat shipments will, therefore, have to
be confined to neighbouring countries in the Asian region and the Middle East.
(b) Indian Airlines. The Government has begun the process of restructuring the cash-strapped national
domestic carrier, Indian Airlines (IA), by deciding to inject Rs 3.25 billion ($77.38 million) as equity to the
company.
Indian Airlines has also been permitted 10 mobilise funds from the capital market through an initial
public offering (IPO) or any other modalities available for its restructuring. The move is expected to bring
down the government's holding in the airline, and begin the privatisation of Indian Airlines.
The funds will be used to upgrade the airlines aging fleet, so that the value of AI shares receives a
boost by the time the company decides to launch a public issue.
The decision, taken at a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA)is in line
with the recommendations of the Kelkar Committee appointed in 1995 to examine the reasons for Indian
Airlines' losses, and to suggest remedial steps to make it globally competitive.
The Panel is headed by Vijay Kelkar, Finance Secretary. It recommended a capital injection of Rs
9.22 billion ($ 220 billion) in the form of compensation, subordinated loan, equity and contribution by
Indian Airlines and its employees, with about half of the amount being provided by the government. The
shareholding structure should be in the ratio of 49% for the government, 10.6% for the employees and
40.4% for the public.

THE UNITED NATIONS IN A NEW WORLD ORDER

The United Nations came into being on October 24, 1945 with a view to end the scourge of war from
this earth. Despite the 54 years of its existence and its very useful role in world affairs, small wars and
conflicts persist in many places.
We have learned much from what worked and what didn’t work in the 2Oth century's first two tries
at “world order” – the League of Nations after 1919 and the United Nations after 1945. We have now a
chance to revise the flawed assumptions on which the United Nations was built: that the world is truly a
"community", that the major powers who won World War II would squash aggression by always working
together, and that the United Nations would be a way station to some kind of world government- which
could too easily have become another form of oppressive authority.
The fruitful lessons of the United Nations' 54 years are in bits and pieces, in its parcels 'of functional
operation. Some of these are in political arena such as the codification of human rights or the unremitting
pressure on South Africa to end the apartheid'. But most of the bright spots in international cooperation
show up where new technologies make win-win situations possible – and restrain the temptation of political
leaders to score debating points instead of deciding to do together what can only be done together. There is
little to report about international cooperation in political field because there is mistrust, suspicion,
controversy, conflict, terrorism, and war. But many international systems -ranging from weather forecasting
to international civil aviation to transnational investment and international health care efforts -are working
more or less the way they are supposed to work.
International cooperation works when there is a concensus on desired outcomes, when it is clear that
no one loses, and when sovereignty is pooled rather than argued about. In all the success stories, the use of
modern information has been of the essence. Also non-governmental organisations have played key roles.
Some norms are widely accepted in the United Nations. These include territorial integrity, the immunity of
diplomatic missions and civilian aircraft and ships, and the obligation to help refugees. Slavery and
colonialism rule are strictly banned. Also on its way out is overt official discrimination against people for
being different than themselves. There is also a striking unanimity of agreement on avoiding a third world
war, on protecting the air and the earth from further pollution and on the ambition that no child should go to
bed hungry.
In every part of the international system, what works best is a wide concensus on norms and
standards, leaving too uncentralised systems the task of carrying ideas into action. Concensus means the
acquiescence of those who care, and apathy of those who don't. The lack of centralisation means there is
much more scope for "coalitions of the willing" and for non-government organisations of many kinds. In
building international institutions, we will have to get beyond the traditional ON formula -committees of
sovereigns with a staff.
The principles and purposes of the UN charter are a good guide for the third try at organizing
international systems. Some people feel that many of the charter's procedures are outdated obstacles to
cooperation and should be bypassed in the future of international governance. For example, ON
Peacekeeping is already done in ways not spelled in the charter, yet are consonant with its charter. Non-
government organisations, not mentioned in the charter are likely to play major roles in the policy analysis
and concensus building that will guide most of the world's work: preventing armed conflict, regulating the
world economy, and enhancing the human environment.
In this knowledgeable era of civilization, managing crisis requires a world-wide crisis-information
network. Space satellites for observation and communication, can keep the world apprised of most military-
related movements. Computer teleconferencing and satellite broadcasting can also playa role. But the key
role will still be played by individuals who have to organise the data into information, integrate it into their
knowledge base, use their intuition, and derive from all this the wisdom to foresee conflict and work to
mediate and moderate it.
Conflict resolution usually needs a "third party" instantly available to talk frankly with and listen
hard to both (or many) disputants. Heads of governments and the UN Secretaries General have done this,
themselves or through personal. representatives.
No doubt there are UN international courts of justice and arbitrators etc. but more needed is the
international panel of conciliators, experienced people known for their independence of spirit and skill in
human relations, designated ahead of time by the United Nations. The UN also agrees to drop immediately
whatever else they may be doing, act for the community of nations in defusing or resolving an international
conflict.
According to some people the United Nations is a deceptive name. It is at best an association of
territorial nation states, each sovereign, i.e. independent of any superior authority on earth in fashioning its
laws, including whether and when to be at peace or war with other nation-states. Jean Bodin defined
sovereignty in the l6th century to the effect that sovereign countries are not accountable to anyone. Their
relations with one another are not governed by enforcable laws and norms.
 To be sure, nations usually follow established customs in their relations with one another. Minor
conflicts are normally settled by negotiation, or if this fails by the decision of an agency such as the
International Court of Justice, at the Hague, Netherlands. Nations also make treaties with one another,
including peace and non-aggression treaties. Treaties, customs, and other arrangements (e.g. the diplomatic
immunity accorded to ambassadors or the treatment of the prisoners of war) are usually made in good faith:
the parties intend to stick to what they arrange because it is advantageous to all. However, the treaties arc
adhered to so long as they are convenient to the parties. They are ignored if their violation helps the interests
of the violator. Thus international treaties cannot be enforced between two sovereign states.
It is deceptive to call international laws "laws". Can a wronged party compel the non-compliant party
to appear in an international court? No. Only a domestic court can order the parties to do what it decides and
can punish wrong doers, enforcing its decisions by means of the police. Nothing of the sort can be done
about the relations among sovereign countries.
The UN Charter gives the Security Council the authority "to maintain or restore international peace
and security," and to enforce the will of the Council on a state that has broken peace. Use, of military force
by the council for these purposes was foreseen by the founders of the United Nations. Indeed it was seen
over half a century ago as an essential element in the world order that the United Nations was intending to
establish. Should the need arise, the countries would be protected from aggression by forces provided to the
Security Council by member states, serving as a UN army at the council’s will. Military forces, however,
have not been available on this basis and improvisation has therefore been required although there is no
provision for military force against any country in the Charter.
Military force has quite frequently been used by the United Nations for the purpose of peace-
keeping, something not foreseen in the charter. This improvisation was first devised in haste to facilitate at
end of 1956 hostilities in the Middle East. Since that beginning, which amply demonstrated the value of the
technique, the UN use of military power has become a well-established practice now supported by all the
major powers.
The use of military force by the United Nations for both enforcement and peacekeeping is essential
to a world order in which international security, which is looked after by the Security Council is heavily
dependent on the defaulting member-state/states.
 WORLD HEALTH ORGANISATION - ACHIEVEMENTS IN FIFTY YEARS

As the World Health Organisation (WHO) completes its fifty, years of service to mankind, its
achievements have been great but the challenges facing it are greater.
Lack of political commitment and injudicious spending of huge funds for combating diseases are
responsible for inhibiting or slowing down WHO's sustained efforts.
One of WHO's greatest success stories in this century is the total eradication of small pox, saving
many lives around the world and many people from its crippling effects.
The other great successes include near eradication of guineaworm disease. Since August 1996 India
has reported zero incidence. Yemen is the last country outside Africa, which still reported cases in 1997. At
present 109 countries are dracunculiasis free, thanks to the sustained eradication efforts by the International
Commission for the certification of dracunculiasis or guineaworrn disease which will soon be eradicated
saving many people from total or partial disability.
Poliomyelitis or polio that has been crippling our children will soon be eradicated. Leprosy that
makes a man almost untouchable is on the verge of elimination. The World Health Assembly targeted
leprosy for global elimination in 1991 by the year 2000. Since then significant progress has been achieved
throughout the world, including a 76% reduction in the number of registered cases. Similarly the number of
endemic countries has shrunk to 122 from 55 in 1997.
Another step towards achieving success is that the 32-strong executive board of the WHO, which
began its 101st session on January 19, 1998, will consider progress towards elimination of two major
tropical diseases, leprosy and Chagas disease. The infection of Chagas disease extends from Mexico to the
south of Argentina, affecting 16 to 18 million people; The economic loss suffered by this disease due to
early mortality and disability amounts to $ 8,200 million a year. The year 2010 is the year for its elimination.
The advances in health care are many. Globally life expectancy has increased to 65 in 1995 from 46
in the 1950s. The tetanus deaths in newborns have dropped. Oral rehydration therapy has reduced deaths
from cholera and other diarrhoeal diseases. Infant mortality has halved in 30 years to 50 deaths per 1,000
live births. In 1990 women were having 3.2 babies on an average per family. And 8 out of 10 children are
now immunised against killer diseases like measles.
These successes are certainly great but unfortunately the challenges ahead are even greater. For
example, WHO aimed at Health for All by the year 2000, yet Health for All appears to be a distant dream.
In this context, WHO Regional Health Report, 1996, had rightly observed, “In 1978, HFA by the
year 2000 seemed a reasonably-paced achievable proposition. But now with only a few months left for the
turn of the century, many of the HFA goals remain still distant for the 10 countries of South East Asia region
comprising 25% of the world population.”
The situation has come to such a sorry pass that WHO still confronts the greatest challenge of
infectious diseases. In 1995 alone, infectious diseases killed at least 17 million people. The break-up of the
top 10 killers is: pneumonia and other respiratory infections killed 4.4 million; diahrrial diseases like
cholera, typhoid, dysentery - 3.1 million; tuberculosis 3.1 million; malaria 2.1 million; hepatitis B more than
1.1 million; AIDS more than one million; measles more than one million children; neonatal tetanus 4,60,000
infants; whooping cough 355,000 children; and intestinal worms at least 135,000.
Not only this, at least 30 new diseases, most dangerous and fatal among them like AIDS for many of
which there is no treatment, cure or vaccine, have emerged during the past 20 years. It had worried the then
director general of WHO, Dr. Hiroshi Nakajima, who had lamented, “We are standing on the brink of a
global crisis in infectious diseases.”
Although tuberculosis is not the greatest killer in infectious diseases, it is dangerous, because it is a
contagious disease. A healthy man needs to inhale only one germ known as bacilli. That is why someone in
the world is newly infected with TB every second. And an Indian dies every minute due to TB, according to
the Indian Medical Association.
WHO had recommended treatment strategy for detection and cure of TB, which is called DOTS
(Directly Observed Treatment, Short course). DOTS produces cure rates of up to 95% even in the poorest
countries. DOTS prevents new infections and the development of MDR -TB. The World Bank has ranked
the DOTS strategy as one of the most "cost-effective of all health interventions." In half of China, cure rates
among new cases are 96%. At the beginning of 1997, 95 out of 112 countries had adopted the DOTS
strategy. Of these only 63 have implemented it. Dr. Arata Kochi, Director of WHO's Tuberculosis
Programme, presented a report on March 19, 1998, in London, which listed 16 countries, including India
and Pakistan, for slow progress. Of the five elements of DOTS, the first and foremost is political
commitment, in the absence of which it is very difficult to implement DOTS.
The tale of infectious diseases does not end here. A WHO press release of January 29, 1998,
highlighted the stark reality that 3 billion people worldwide lacked sanitation facilities. WHO warns, “the
poorest 1,000 million people are seven times more likely to die from infectious diseases and maternal and
prenatal conditions most of which are directly related to bad sanitation for those that are the least poor 1000
million people.”
WHO states that in developed countries nearly all human excreta is collected safely by means of
sewerage septic and other systems. But in developing countries roughly 10% and mainly urban population
has access to sewerage systems and a slightly larger proportion, roughly 20% has some kind of onsite
sanitation facility. But the vast majority, about 65% of people in developing countries do not have sanitary
excreta disposal system.
The rural sanitation scenario is all the more grim in developing countries (2900 million)-, as 80%
live in rural areas. Most of the faces are recycled for use in agriculture or deposited on land without prior
destruction of pathogens, most of which eventually enter the surface and ground waters, sometimes
surviving for considerable lengths of time. Not surprisingly diseases such as diarrhoeal diseases,
schistosomiasis and hepatitis are endemic in those areas. Disposal of most of this biodegradable organic
material without treatment pollutes environment with organisms that are highly dangerous to human health.
The Executive Board of the WHO at its 101st session addressed a number of health problems. But its
main focus was on increasing polluting environment, which leads to poverty, and poverty in turn, leads to
environmental pollution. A host of environmental and social problems continue to add to the burden of
disease and ill-health. It contributes to the spread of disease, undermines the effectiveness of health services
and slows populations' control.
After taking account of the dramatic global changes of the past 20 years and arriving at conclusions
that the insanitary conditions contribute to spread of diseases. WHO has sent out a call for action to help
those most in need of improved sanitation.
The Board adopted a resolution urging member states to "reorient and strengthen their sanitary
programmes to ensure that priority is given to communities at high risk from insanitary conditions.” The
resolution further urged member states to “give higher priority to sanitation in national planning for health
and investment infrastructure.” It also calls upon the United Nations and the international donor community
to support efforts of individual member-states in this area.
To this end, a Global Environmental Sanitation initiative has been launched, supported by WHO,
UNICEF and other Agencies. In order to overcome the challenges it is for the national governments to
extend full cooperation to the WHO to make the new health policy-Health for All in the 21 st century a
success.
 IN SEARCH OF TERRORISTS VIS-A- VIS US – ARAB RELATIONS

United States officials say they believe that two suspected terrorists wanted by the FBI have received
help through two Persian Gulf countries with close ties to Washington, complicating the US's counter-
terrorism efforts.
Although the Clinton administration has made no public complaint or protests, it quietly sent senior
officials recently to one of the countries, the United Arab Emiratesto lobby for a halt to a suspected financial
relationship between a government-controlled bank and Osama bin Laden, the Saudi-exiled charged in the
bombings of United States embassies in Africa in 1998.
A federal indictment charged that Bin Laden's extensive businesses had provided him a cover to
acquire explosives and weapons, and Washington had begun a worldwide effort to curb his access to
international financial systems. CIA has obtained evidence that Bin Laden has been allowed to funnel
money through the Dubai Islamic Bank, which the United Arab Emirate government effectively controlled.
The US Administration was also confronting allegations by some American officials that the foreign
ministry of Qatar had told a suspected lieutenant of Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, a convicted terrorist, that an FBI
counter-terrorism team was on its way to Qatar to arrest him.
Some administration officials said they did not believe that the Foreign Minister was involved in the
1996 incident, but that the United States believed that at least some Qatar officials had warned the fugitive,
Khalid Sheikh Muhammad. The United States wanted him in connection with a plot to blow up 12 American
airliners over the Pacific.
Both cases highlighted the difficulties of managing the relations with moderate Arab states long
courted by Washington, showered with aid and allowed to buy high military weapons. The American
generosity is meant to encourage the moderate states to stand as a bulwark against radical Islam, with public
policies and with quite support for American Intelligence operations.
But analysts say some members of the elite even in moderate Arab states apparently feel a need to
hedge their bets against critics of their pro-western policies and to ensure against becoming targets of
terrorist attacks themselves. The allegations that the Dubai Islamic Bank is dealing with Bin Laden seems to
underscore that this scion of one of Saudi Arabia's wealthiest families retains some support among the elite
of the Arab World.
Although Bin Laden was exiled and supposedly cut off by his family, which controls construction
companies in Saudi Arabia, American officials believe wealthy Sunni Arabs in the Persian Gulf quietly
share his anti- Western fundamentalist beliefs even though they run counter to other moderate Arab
interests.
US Intelligence officials have said they had evidence that Bin Laden had a relationship with the
bank, which they believed had been arranged with the approval of the officials who control the bank.
Minister of State for Finance and Industry for the Emirates, Mohamad bin Kharbash was elected chairman
of the bank in February after the Government stepped in to prop it up in the wake of severe financial losses
in 1998 that followed charges of embezzlement.
A senior United States official who went to the Emirates recently said that officials were responsive
to American concerns about the Dubai Bank's involvement with bin Laden. But they refused to provide
details about the meetings, which included Treasury Department and National Security Council officials.
The American officials also declined to say how much money bin Laden had funneled through the bank.
Bin Laden is believed to be living in Afghanistan under the protection of the Taliban. Estimates of
his wealth vary widely. Some analysts say they are convinced that he has just a few million dollars left from
his vast inheritance. The CIA estimates that he has upto $ 250 million, including assets in legitimate
businesses.
The Clinton Administration has refrained from public comment on either case apparently fearing
damage to relations with two oil-rich Arab states, which have generally supported American policies in the
region and also help in military operations in the Gulf. For years, the main port of call for United States
warships in the Gulf was in the Emirates. In 1998, Emirates agreed to pay $ 8 billion for F-16 fighters, a
major boost for Lockheed Martin.
In Qatar, construction is under way on what United States officials say will be the Pentagon's largest
prepositioning supply base outside the United States. When the $ 178 million complex is completed in about
a year, it will support up to 10,000 troops and 5000 vehicles, aiding operations against Iraq. Since the Gulf
war, Qatar has also deepened its economic ties, cutting deals with American oil companies like Occidental
Petroleum and Mobil. Breaking with its larger neighbour, Saudi Arabia, Qatar also became the first Gulf
state to establish open trade relations with Israel. Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister, Sheikh Hamid bin Jasim
al Thani, plays a significant role in Emirate's relationship with Washington.
The Qatar case centres on efforts to arrest in connection with Yousef’s plot to destroy the airliners.
Yousef was convicted in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Centre in Manhattan. In 1996, the United
States indicted Mohammad as an accomplice in the airport plot. In January 1996, American authorities
learned that Mohammad was living in the capital of Qatar, Doha and working at the Public Works Ministry.
The American Ambassador, Patrick N Theros, a former counter-terrorism official in the State
Department, met Qatar officials and reported that he was optimistic that Qatar would be willing to arrest
Mohammad and turn him over to the United States. But before anything could be managed, Mohammad
disappeared. Even the best search for him proved fruitless.
 INDIA AND INTERNET

On October 20, 1997, Department of Telecommunications (DOT) and Dr. Jalan Committee
announced concrete measures for the enhanced usage of Internet. One such measure was to allow the entry
of private sector Internet Service Providers (ISPs) in India. This is a healthy step for the development of
Telecom and Communication industry in particular and for the national economy in general.
This bold step (and many more steps likely to be taken in future) would open the new vistas for the
latest technology for new millennium in this country. Internet is an intricate web of satellite and optical
cable network. These networks connect millions of computers worldwide. Information is shared in the form
of (text) data, pictures, graphic and voice between the computer system through this latest
technology .Internet is the information super highway, which would be used by people from all walks of life.
Its applications would include surfing, database access, information about cities and their vital services,
education, business communication and entertainment.
In India, 43,000 computers have been linked to Internet so far. This includes dial-up and leased
connection. At present, there are three types of Internet accounts for which the price varies from Rs. 10,000
to Rs. 550 for 550 hours. The license fee of the ISPs has been waived for a five year period. However, the
ISPs have to give a bank guarantee, which is equivalent to the license fee for one year.
Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd. (VSNL) is the sole provider of Internet services in India. The revenue
structure does not favour the Indian businessman, students and scholars. The Internet Services Providers
ISPs would be able to rationalize the fee structure. A private ISP could provide Internet connection at one
tenth of the cost of VSNL. It is worth noting that rate for Internet connection in the West is only US $15-20
per month.
Most of the hardware vendors are modifying their computer configurations for making them more
Internet-friendly. In 1996 alone, the market was flooded with many web servers. Most popular uses of
Internet in India include web browsing, E-mail and File Transmission Protocol (FTP). Roughly 125
establishments in India have either set up or are in the process of setting up Internet accounts. By the turn of
this century, we would have 12,000 establishments utilizing Internet. The credit for this would highly be
attributed to a growth in the number of PCs, networking (LAN and W AN) and electronic commerce. Table
I shows the trends of Internet connections in India.
TABLE I: Projected Internet Connections in India

S. No. Year Internet Connection (Million)

1 1997 0.2
2 1998 0.45
3 1999 0.8
4 2000 1.5
5 2001 3.5
6 2002 8.0

The Internet revolution has taken the Indian business and Industry by storm. Internet browsing and
its constituent www, have been beneficial for the Indian Industry for marketing its products and services.
Electronic mail is the single biggest advantage of such a facility.
Further, Indian businessmen have been able to generate brand awareness of their products and are
able to seek partners (financial and technical) in short time span:
With the liberalization of the economy and the emerging business and economic opportunities, the
government has been considering the creation of a national information backbone, which would be used for
national information infrastructure and for the promotion of Internet services.
DOT and VSNL may not like to give away the Internet business to the ISPs on a platter. The DOT
officials claim that they are providing excellent services and that private operators may not be able to deliver
quality services at low costs. However, some state and private sector players in communication business feel
that DOT is a hard-core monopoly and that privatization of the Internet services is an imminent reality.
India must get out of the agricultural age and must jump on to information technology bandwagon.
The possibilities on the Internet are numerous. For example, it would be possible to have voice transmission
via the Internet in near future. All the major national streams – defence, industry, software development and
exports, international trading, bilateral agreements, information exchange and information needs for daily
usage - would benefit from this latest technological marvel.
Today, there is a lack of a good data transmission network in India. DOT would have to increase the
capacity in intra-state transmission network. Private operators are likely to provide good quality networks as
quality would decide their competence and hence, their market niches.
According to a survey, there is a demand of 5,00,000 Internet connections in the four metropolises.
The problem is of the supply – and not of the demand. High operating cost could be another factor, which is
deterring some of the prospective customers from hooking on to Internet. It is just possible that they are
waiting for an opportune moment of reduced Internet costs.
In a population of 1 billion, there are only 43,000 Internet connections. We have tremendous
software export capabilities. We have the second largest English speaking manpower in the world. Yet, the
Internet users are very few. On the other hand, there are 40 million Internet connections worldwide and
eighty per cent of the business is being carried out through Internet.
Our software exporters would witness more growth, which would demand Internet services. Our
International trading would also depend upon Internet connectivity. The micro-computer costs are falling
everyday. India must take this opportunity in the right stride and must use this new gift of information
technology for the benefit of her citizens.
Currently, the most serious application of Internet is in the area of E-mall. The E-mail services are
very cheap and are used by businessmen and individuals world-wide for information transfer. The next
major usage is in the area of Electronic Commerce (E-Com). This service involves the speedy transfer of a
business and accounting information world-wide. Other services provided by Internet include cinema, latest
happenings around the world, city guides, data base browsing and entertainment.
Unfortunately, there are some thorns attached to this technology. Operating costs are still high as
modem connection is required (which would transfer information through STD connection). Further,
information available an most of the web sites is garbage. Finally, children or youngsters use Internet for
obscene information access and for cheap entertainment. The usage of Internet for business and for data
transfer is not being done in India. However, it is being hoped that India would be fully Internet-linked
within three years and would utilize its potential for making her mark in this wonderful age of information
technology.
 SUPERLASERS AND NU CLEAR WEAPON TECHNOLOGY

Nuclear weapons, nuclear explosions and the latest concepts in nuclear technology are being
discussed in great detail nowadays. The reason could be attributed to the nuclear explosions conducted by
India and Pakistan during May, 1998. The nuclear scenario in South Asia is hot. In the meanwhile, nuclear
scientists are busy in discovering the new technologies in nuclear science. Let us discuss a few latest
concepts.
It is quite amazing to imagine that the sizes of nuclear bombs of the future could be equal to the size
of a teacup. They could weigh, at the most, 1 kg. They could be very cheap. They could be carried to the
desired site with the help of small missiles and artilery systems. Therefore, we have now arrived at a new
concept in nuclear bomb technology which claims – small is beautiful. These are the fourth generation
nuclear weapons with a yield equivalent to 1-10 tons of TNT. They are lethal but are not restricted under the
CTBT.
The CTBT does not allow any nuclear explosions. However, it allows the micro-explosions with a
yield of upto 10 tonnes. The Fourth Generation Nuclear weapons (FGN weapons) could be used as weapons
but not for mass destruction. Note that a conventional nuclear device is 10,00,000 times more powerful than
the conventional weapon. The FGN is only 1,000 times more powerful than the conventional weapon
system. Dr. Andre Gsponer, a nuclear physicist at the Independent Science Centre in Geneva, Switzerland
has been actively involved in FGN weapons projects. Mr. Gsponer states that FGN weapons would be able
to fill the gaps between the conventional and nuclear weapons.
The five masters of the universe – The USA, China, Germany, the UK and France -have a decisive
edge in the FGN weapon technology. But Mr. Gsponer feels that more nations could join for the
development of FGN weapons as they are cheap, manageable and do not attract any CTBT provisions for
complete ban.
The other area of nuclear expansion is the thermonuclear device. A thermonuclear device is different
from the other conventional nuclear weapons. A conventional nuclear device is based on the concept of
nuclear fission in which a heavy isotope (say, Uranium-235) breaks up into two smaller isotopes of
comparable atomic masses when the mother isotope is bombarded by high speed rays of extremely high
energy levels. The fission or the breaking up of the heavy nucleus into two lighter nuclei releases energy.
The bombs dropped at Hiroshima and Nagasaki (named 'Little Boy' and ‘Fatman’) were fission devices. A
thermonuclear device is one in which two lighter nuclei combine (under severe conditions of high
temperature and pressure) to form a heavy nucleus. For example, in the sun, the two atoms of hydrogen are
combining to form one molecule of helium. The process takes energy in the form of heat and pressure in the
initial stages. However, when the fusion process takes place, there is a release of tremendous amount of heat
energy, light and radioactive rays. That is the sole reason why the sun has been generating energy on its own
for several billion years and would continue to do so in future as well.
The “keen and progressive” nations of the world are working on the FGN weapons as well as on the
thermonuclear devices. It must be pointed out that India has already acquired the thermonuclear technology
in May, 1998.
The FGN weapons could use either the fusion fuel or the fission fuel. The yield generation mode in
the fission process is the sub-critical mode, which is not forbidden under the CTBT. Sub-critical burns are
not suitable for making high-yield weapons but are ideal for a yield of 1-100 tons.
For this type of explosive, the suitable technique is the usage of magnetic compression for increasing
the density of the fissile material and a very small amount of anti-matter to initiate the critical bum. While
the anti-matter and lasers would be used as igniters, the main charge could be deuterium-tritium pallets of
0.5 cm size and these would be compressed by a factor of 1,000. Japanese scientists have been able to
achieve the maximum compression of these pallets by increasing the density to 600 times to that of the
original density.
Further, the other vital player in this technology is the laser. Some nations have developed
superlasers by increasing their intensities. The minimum cost of the superlaser is US$ 1 million.
The world has not been able to define what constitutes a nuclear explosion. However, the CTBT
allows the micro-explosions with a yield of 10 tons. According to the CTBT draft, these are not nuclear
explosions in technical parlance.
 Table I shows the list of superlaser laboratories around the world which carry out the research and
development of FGN weapons.
Table I: Superlaser Laboratories Around the World

Sl. No. Laser Type Location Country

1. Petawatt (1) Lawrence Livermore Institute USA
(2) UM, Ann Arbor
2. Trident (1) LANL USA
(2) UC, San Diego
3. LABS II (1) LANL USA
(2) UI, Chicago
(3) UM, Ann Arbor
(4) WSV, Pullman
(5) Stanford University
4. Vulcan Rutherford Appleton Lab UK
5. Titania Rutherford Appleton Lab UK
6. Sprite Rutherford Appleton Lab UK
7. Petawatt CESTA, Bordeaux France
8. P – 102 (1) CEL-V, Limell France
(2) LOA, Palaiseau
9. ELIA University of Bordeaux France
10. Atlas (1) Max Born Institute, Berlin Germany
11. Petawatt Institute for Laser Energetics Japan
12. Petawatt APRC, Riken Japan
13. BM Not known China
14. Not known St. Petersburg Russia

The former vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral David Jeremiah stated at a conference
on Molecular Nano technology (1995) -"The battlefield of the future will be dominated by smart weapons
that will allow us to reduce wholesale destruction and the tremendous expenditure of ordnance. The goal is
finer precision, more selectivity, less need for mass." He further stated that "big-nukes" are of lesser
importance. Therefore, he emphasized upon the slimming of the nuclear technology and the resultant
derivation of the FGN weapons. Admiral Jeremiah also stated that these slim weapons had “greater potential
to radically change the balance of power.”
CTBT is just an instrument for legitimizing the possession and perfection of nuclear weapons by the
nuclear States. But we really do not know what is going on in the laboratories around the world. FGN
weapons could be utilized against the enemy whereas a nation would think at least for ten times before she
uses a “major nuclear option” against any country. The development and usage of full-fledged nuclear
weapons is costly, morally agonizing and technically difficult. The usage of slim nuclear devices like the
FGN weapons is cheaper and morally acceptable. However, it is technically out of reach for most of the
nations. Experts state that this technology could be acquired by many non-weapon states in the times to
come.
The FGN weapons and the superlaser laboratories have added a new dimension to the nuclear
weapon scenario; the small and slim nuclear missiles which pose another 'real' threat to the only living
planet in our part of the universe. We pray that good sense may prevail and this deadly technology may be
diverted towards peaceful applications of nuclear energy.
 SPACE RESEARCH IN INDIA

The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is responsible for the planning, execution and
management of space research activities and space application programmes of this Department. It is engaged
in the development and fabrication of various categories of rockets and satellites for different application
programmes. Along with it, facilities for launching rockets and test and evaluation of allied sub systems are
being established. On the space application site, development of various instrumentations and systems either
have been accomplished or are in hand in the fields of satellite telecommunication, TV broadcasting and
reception via a satellite, remote-sensing of natural resources and of meteorological parameters from a
satellite, etc. It conducts training courses in the satellite communication technology, which are attended by
trainees from many developing countries.
ISRO operates and maintains the Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station (TERLS) and
encourages international collaboration in space research experiments using rockets. It is the sponsoring
agency for the Indian scientist to participate in the space research programmes supported by foreign space
agencies.
The Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station (TERLS), the first establishment in India for
space research using rockets, became operational with the launching of a sounding rocket, on 21 st
November, 1963, for the investigation of the upper atmosphere. Thumba is located about eight kilometers
north of Trivandrum and the magnetic equator passed very close to it. Due to the presence of the magnetic
equator, the study of the upper atmosphere and ionosphere of this region has great scientific importance and
this is the reason for establishing the rocket launching range at Thurnba. Besides, there is no other rocket
launching range on the magnetic equator any where in the world. So, the Thumba range has fulfilled the
long felt need of the international scientific community for studying the equatorial ionosphere with the help
of sounding rockets. The United Nations has recognised this range as an international facility. Since its
establishment, scientists from different countries-the USA, the USSR, the UK, France, West Germany,
Japan have conducted many scientific experiments from TERLS using rockets in close collaboration with
the Indian scientists. The areas of investigation include meteorology, neutral upper atmosphere, ionosphere
and X-Ray astronomy. So far, about 350 rockets have been launched from Thumba for scientific
experiments and many of these rockets have been supplied by those countries whose scientists have
participated in collaborative experiments from this range: Since December, 1965, TERLS has been
functioning as a UN sponsored facility.
Actions were initiated in 1965 to set up an experimental satellite communications earth station
(ESCES) at Ahmedabad for providing first hand experience and training the Indian engineers in. this new
field. The station became operational in 1967 and has since been conducting training courses, which are
being attended by not only the Indian engineers but also engineers from many developing countries in Asia,
Africa and East Europe. Thus, ESCES is functioning as an international training centre in satellite
communications technology.
At present the major establishments under ISRO/Department of Space are the following :

(a) The Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (VSSC) at Thumba near Trivandrum; and its advanced
laboratory in Bangalore for building the satellites, the Indian Secentific Satellite Project (ISSP).
(b) The Space Applications Centre (SAC) at Ahmedabad;
(c) The SHAR Centre on the Sriharikota Island in Andhra Pradesh.

The Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (VSSC) is primarily devoted to activities oriented towards space
technology, with the objective of achieving self-reliance in these fields. From its inception, the VSSC has
created the necessary infrastructure in diversified fields for this purpose. Specific achievements of this
centre can be traced to the areas of rocket experiments from the Thumba range and technology development
projects.
VSSC has developed Menaka series of rockets specifically meant for meteorological purposes. The
regular weekly launchii1gs of the Soviet M-IOO rockets since December, 1970, under collaboration with the
Hydro Meteorological Services of the USSR have provided meteorological data in atmospheric temperatures
and wind conditions, for synthesis of statistical models for weather prediction. Feasibility studies are being
made for suppression of hailstorms, experienced in the northern parts of the country through launching of
rockets for releasing hail suppression materials over hail formations.
Extensive rocket experiments have also been carried out for measurement of parameters of the
ionosphere and the equatorial electrojet. These have thrown light on the processes involved in the
ionosphere and the cyclic changes that occur in the ionospheric medium throughout the year and at specific
periods of intense solar activity and magnetic storms.
In addition, propagation characteristics of the ionospheric regions have been determined through
ground-based experiments and also experiments using international ionsopheric sounding satellites.
Fabrication process, involving fiberglass winding and helical welding of steel strips for production of
rocket chambers, have been developed, which would be useful to industries requiring lightweight structures.
Already, know how developed for production of fiberglass components have found application in electrical
industries and the telecommunications industry. Typical spin-off products include switching levers, whip
aerials and parabolic reflectors using fiberglass material.
The Rocket Propellant plant set up as early as 1969 has been producing various types of propellant
grains with diameters ranging from 75 mm to 1000 mm and weighing 10 Kg. to 3,000 Kg. Even though
initially the ingredients were to be imported, very good progress has been made to use mostly indigenous
materials at present.
Control components have been developed for high performance and high accuracy requirements,
which find applications in the aerospace industry. These include rate gyroscopes, hydraulic and pneumatic
components and a range of electromechanical and optical transducers. In this process, precision fabrication
technology has been developed to a remarkable degree. A pressure transducer unit has been set up at
Bangalore, which will supply pressure transducers against the requirements of European space programme.
In the field of electronics, significant contributions have been made which are in the nature of
augmenting national capability in this sophisticated field. Miniaturisation has been affected in the product
design. Radio frequency transmitters, receivers, signal conditioners and encoders etc. have been developed
and tested to withstand the rigour of rocket flights. Miniature onboard data processors are also being
designed for specific applications. These would find wide utility in aircraft industries, meteorological
research and ultimately in communication satellites of our own when we decide to go for them. Peripheral
equipments including those required for electronic data processing systems have been developed
indigenously and the know-how for some of the products has been transferred to Kerala State Electronic
Development Corporation. These include X-Y plotters and digital incremental plotters. A range of ground
support facilities have been indigenously developed to augment the capabilities of the roket launching range
which find potential application in other industries as well. Ground stations for receiving data from rocket
payloads and satellites have been developed and these will find application in data collection and remote
control.
A surveillance radar has been developed and installed in the rocket launching range. Such equipment
would find use in surveillance at sea coasts and airports. A medium range tracking radar has been designed
and developed indigenously which will find application in tracking aircrafts, meteorological balloons,
rockets and missiles. The significant feature of this project is the pooling of expertise from various agencies
like TIFR, BARC and ECIL for development of sophisticated subsystems.
Pooling of national resources and expertise for major projects of the Centre is a significant aspect of
Space Technology management. As many as fifty public sector and private sector undertakings are
participating in the development of satellite launch vehicle. This programme envisages building a 17 -tonne
4-stage solid-propellant inertially-guided vehicle capable of placing a 40 kg payload in near earth orbit in
1978-79.
In the field of education, lasting contributions have been made by this centre through design of
curricula for courses in Space Technology as well as space sciences. Management and co-ordination of the
efforts of about 3,000 scientists and technicians of varied disciplines to realise major space projects will be a
trend-setter for the management of large scale and complex projects in the country.
The first Indian satellite, Aryabhatta, was launched from a Soviet Cosmodrome on 19th April, 1975,
into a 600 km near-circular earth orbit. The primary objective of this programme was to establish in India,
capability in satellite technology more explicitly, to design and fabricate indigenously a space worthy
system and evaluate its performance in orbit, evolve the methodology of conducting a series of complex
operations OR the tracking system besides the establishment of the relevant infrastructure for the fabrication
of such sophisticated spacecraft systems.
 The operation of Aryabhatta can be broadly evaluated under four major headings-satellite
technological systems, technological experiments of relevance to our future programme, scientific
experiments and performance of ground stations.
The successful launching of the satellite and its performance in orbit have shown that the satellite
structure is round and space worthy. The primary sources of power, namely 18,000 blue-violet silicon solar
cells mounted on the body of the satellite and the chemical batteries are functioning properly. The primary
power source energises 14 different regulated power lines, which provide specially conditioned power to the
various equipments on the satellite. Out of these, only one power line, which is connected to the scientific
experiments package, showed some malfunction. Due to this, the scientific experiments had to be switched
off after the first four days of operations.
The temperature of the outer skin of the satellites varies from about + 1000°C to -600°C during each
orbit as the satellite goes from the sunlit to the dark hemisphere. For proper functioning, the temperature
inside the satellite where all the equipments are mounted should be controlled. The passive temperature
control method adopted for this purpose is working extremely well and is maintaining the inside temperature
within the design limits of 0.0°C. and 400°C.
In order to dynamically stabilise the satellite in orbit, it was spun at 50 revolutions per minute (rpm)
on the fourth day after launch by releasing compressed dry air from one of the six spherical titanium bottles.
Due to the electromagnetic force, in space, the spin rate decreases with time thus requiring the satellite to be
re-spun periodically. Since, during the first three months, the spin rate has decreased from 50 to only 28
rpm, the available gas onboard the satellite should be sufficient for 600 days as against the earlier estimate
of 180 days. In other words, the satellite performance has far exceeded earlier experctations, primarily due
to the care taken in its fabrication in ensuring its magnetic cleanliness.
The data from the satellite, which is transmitted to the ground in a coded form are regularly being
received at ground stations located at Sriharikota (SHAR), Bangalore and Bears Lake (near Moscow). To
enhance the data coverage, tape recorders are installed in the satellite, which can transmit the data stored for
40 minutes in 4 minutes. Telemetry down-link from the satellite has been functioning so well that strong
signals are being received at the ground stations even when the satellite is just over the horizon. Likewise,
the performance of the telecommand system has been very satisfactory-al1 the commands sent to the
satellite have been executed faithfully.
A number of technical experiments, having relevance to future ISRO programme, have been
successfully conducted with the satellite. Several tones were sent to the satellite from the ground and
through this tone-ranging technique the distance to the satellite from the earth, as it passes over the ground
station, has been measured correct 1 km. One is familiar with the apparent change in the pitch of a railway
engine whistle as it approaches or recedes from a platform. This is called the Doppler Principle. Using the
same principle, the speed of the satellite has been measured correct to 20 metres per second (satellite speed
is about 8 km per second).
Likewise, using the interferometric technique, the direction coordinates of the satellite have been
obtained. With the successful completion of the tracking experiments, the first tracking network in India has
now been established.
A communication experiment with the satellite has been successfully conducted by transmitting live
voice messages from SHAR to Bangalore via the satellite. This has given valuable inputs, which will be of
use in the future communication satellite programme of ISRO.
Inspite of Aryabhatta being our first satellite, it is highly sophisticated. It has about 12,000 electronic
components in addition to 18,000 solar cells and other mechanical parts. There are 25,000 interconnections
within the satellite and the total amount of wire ~ used, if stretched across, exceeds 7 km in-length.
With the launching of Aryabhatta, we have succeeded in establishing the expertise and infrastructure
that are essential for the development of satellite technology in our country.
The principal activities of this Centre are in the fields of telecommunication and TV broadcasting
through the satellites, and the use of remote-sensing technique from space/air platform for the study of
agriculture, forestry, hydrology, meteorology, etc. The establishment of ESCES in 1967 for conducting
training courses on satellite communication technology have already been discussed earlier. The Indian
engineers, who has acquired competence and self-confidence through participation in the ESCES project,
had later taken a leading role in establishing the Arvi Earth Station, near Poona, when India joined the
International Telecommunication Satellite Organisation (INTELAST) and required a highly sphisticated
large earth station for routing its international telecommunications traffic via INTELSAT satellites.
 The main project of this Centre is the Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE). On 1st
August, 1975, this year-long programme has started and India has become the first developing country in the
world to broadcast mass television from space. It beams television programmes via the NASA Satellite A
TS-6 straight into 2,400 remote and economically backward villages selected in parts of six states-Andhra
Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan. In addition, TV sets in and around Delhi
and Amritsar and in the Kheda district in Gujarat are also able to receive the programme rebroadcast through
the local terrestrial TV transmitters.
India has become the first country in Asia to broadcast specially designed programmes for rural India
with electricity generated from atomic power.
The programmes televised from SITE contain information on agriculture, animal husbandry, health
and hygiene and other developmental areas such as special programmes for teachers' training and children' s
education, in addition to entertainment, in local idiom. The special programmes for school audiences are
telecasted every morning.
A direct broadcast satellite system of the magnitude involved in SITE, with the necessary
infrastructure for maintenance, feedback and evaluation, has never been in operation before. For the first
time in the country, a TV system has been designed and set up primarily for educational purposes by a team
of people from fields as diverse as the social sciences, education, programme production, physics and
engineering. A variety of new managerial skills and techniques have been developed to harmonise this
complex of expertise.
The earth station of AST is the prime earth station sending up programmes to the satellite and
receiving and monitoring the signals from the satellite. This station is equipped with a solid 14-metre
diameter parabolic antenna and is capable of tracking the satellite. A separate 7 metre diameter antenna has
been installed to receive the SITE programme sent up from Delhi to the satellite. These are relayed to the Pij
(in Kheda district of Gujarat) transmitter using a cable and microwave link. The back-up earth station at
Delhi has a 10-metre diameter antenna and is used to transmit news and other national programmes from
Delhi. It also receives programmes emanating from Ahmedabad and is connected to the terrestrial TV
station of AIR via cable. The earth station at Amritsar is connected to the TV transmitter in that city. A
beacon station set up in Nagpur helps the satellite to keep pointing towards the centre of India.
The other field of major activity at SAC is to develop expertise in remote sensing technology for its
diverse applications. Remote sensing is the derivation of information about terrestrial features and
phenomena from a distance using visible and invisible electromagnetic radiations emitted or scattered by
features and phenomena at or near the earth' s surface. It is also capable of monitoring pollution on a global
basis. The really new thing is the use of light, invisible to the human eye.
The ambitious Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE) was launched in 1975. It covered
in a single simultaneous sweep, 2400 villages in six states, having four different languages. The experiment
covered about 1,500 hours of television programmes, the bulk of which were produced by Doordarshan.
Various evaluation studies commended the experiment for contributing substantially to again in knowledge
and a positive change in the attitude of viewers. India launched the INSA T for the expansion of television in
the country. INSAT- IA had to be abandoned in 1982 because of certain technical snags, but INSAT-IB has
been fully operational since October, 1983. The satellite is being utilised for radio and television,
telecommunications and meteorological purposes. In the case of television, it serves to carry programme to
rural and tribal areas in the remote parts of the country.
Instructional in nature, the INSA T programmes can be broadly calssified as: area-specific items like
rural programmes and educational programmes for primary school children. The area-specific programmes
have their thrust on agriculture, animal husbandry, health and hygiene, family welfare, adult education,
social awareness, national integration, weather forecast and topical hints to farmers. The bulk of these
programmes are required to be prepared in field areas. The programme planning is being done by
Doordarshan producers, in consultation with various allied departments in the Central and State
Governments.