Self-Objectification and the Use of Body Image Coping Strategies: The Role of Shame in

Highly Physically Active Women

Author(s): K. Alysse Bailey, Larkin Lamarch, Kimberley L. Gammage and Philip J.
Sullivan
Source: The American Journal of Psychology , Vol. 129, No. 1 (Spring 2016), pp. 81-90
Published by: University of Illinois Press

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 Self-­Objectification and the Use of Body
Image Coping Strategies: The Role of Shame
in Highly Physically Active Women
K. ALYSSE BAILEY, LARKIN LAMARCHE, KIMBERLEY L. GAMMAGE,
and PHILIP J. SULLIVAN
Brock University

We investigated the mediating role of body shame in the relationship between self-­objectification
and body image coping strategies in highly physically active university women. Bivariate correla-
tions revealed body shame was positively related to self-­objectification, appearance fixing, and
avoidance coping but unrelated to positive rational acceptance. In addition, self-­objectification
was positively related to appearance fixing and avoidance coping but unrelated to positive
rational acceptance. Mediation analyses showed that body shame partially mediated the rela-
tionship between self-­objectification and avoidance and appearance fixing coping but did not
mediate the relationship between self-­objectification and positive rational acceptance. Future
research should examine other potential mediators or moderators in this relationship and ex-
plore the role of positive body image framed within self-­objectification theory.

Keywords: sexual objectification, coping, psychological health, women

The experience of growing up as a woman may in- individual, as if her body’s parts alone may be repre-
volve being treated as a sexual object to be evalu- sentative of her. According to objectification theory,
ated by others (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, sexual objectification leads to self-­objectification,
& Twenge, 1998). Researchers have begun to eluci- the internalization of an observer’s perspective on
date the negative effect this type of socialization has one’s own body. It is characterized by habitual mon-
on the psychological and physical health of women. itoring of the body’s outer appearance (i.e., body
One framework researchers have used to understand surveillance). According to objectification theory,
this process is objectification theory (Fredrickson & self-­objectification and associated body surveillance
Roberts, 1997). According to objectification theory, lead to psychological consequences such as shame,
experiences of sexual objectification socialize young anxiety, decreased flow states (i.e., fewer peak moti-
girls and women to behave as though their bodies are vational states of deep enjoyment, creativity, and total
objects to be evaluated solely by their appearance. involvement with life; Csikszentmihalyi, 1990), and
Bartky (1990) stated that sexual objectification occurs insensitivity to bodily cues, which in turn increase
when a woman’s body is separated from her as an one’s risk of mental health problems (e.g., disordered

American Journal of Psychology

Spring 2016, Vol. 129, No. 1 pp. 81–90 • © 2016 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

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 eating, depression, and sexual dysfunction; Fredrick- experienced during their condition, the more likely
son & Roberts, 1997). they were to report body-­related thoughts after re-
In a pivotal study to test the contentions of ob- dressing.
jectification theory, Fredrickson et al. (1998) ma- Other research has provided support for objec-
nipulated levels of self-­objectification and exam- tification theory. For example, Noll and Fredrickson
ined the impact of manipulated self-­objectification (1998) tested the contention that body shame medi-
on several psychological and behavioral outcomes. ates the relationship between self-­objectification and
The authors distinguished between trait and state mental health risks, specifically disordered eating,
self-­objectification. Trait self-­objectification is the and found support for this hypothesized mediation
varying degree to which certain individuals are pre- model. In addition, these authors found a direct rela-
disposed to internalizing observers’ perspectives on tionship between self-­objectification and disordered
their bodies. Objectification theory predicts relatively eating. Generally, this body of research has shown
stable individual differences in self-­objectification. that self-­objectification is related to depression, lower
For example, some individuals (particularly women) subjective well-­being, restrained eating and bulimia
are more expected to be chronically preoccupied with symptoms (Choma, Shove, Busseri, Sadava, & Ho-
their appearance than others. Self-­objectification can sker, 2009; Miner-­Rubino, Twenge, & Fredrickson,
also be induced by certain situations depending on 2002; Moradi & Huang, 2008), and overall quality of
contextual factors (i.e., state objectification). For physical performance (e.g., softball throwing; Fred-
example, situations that are public, mixed-­sex, and rickson & Harrison, 2005).
unstructured are examples of where women’s bod- One outcome that may be important to under-
ies have been found to be most salient to evaluative stand with respect to self-­objectification is body
commentary by others (Gardner, 1980). image coping. Coping can be defined as the cogni-
To examine both trait and state self-­objectification, tions, emotions, and behaviors used as adaptations
Fredrickson et al. (1998) randomly assigned women to for managing a situation perceived as potentially
try on a swimsuit (used to elicit self-­objectification) or threatening (Folkman & Lazarus, 1988; Lazarus &
try on a sweater (used to minimize self-­objectification). Folkman, 1984). In the body image literature, an in-
They found the women in the swimsuit condition re- ventory developed by Cash, Santos, and Williams
ported higher levels of body shame, general shame, (2005), the Body Image Coping Strategies Inventory,
and body-­related thoughts compared with women has allowed researchers to systematically examine
who were asked to try on a sweater, with the great- body image coping and associated outcomes (e.g.,
est levels being among the women with high trait Cash et al., 2005; Choma et al., 2009; Kowalski,
self-­objectification. In addition, heightened trait and Mack, Crocker, Niefer, & Fleming, 2006; Sabiston,
state self-­objectification were related to higher body Sedgwick, Crocker, Kowalski, & Mack, 2007). Three
shame, which in turn predicted restrained eating of specific categories of coping strategies have been
cookies. These authors also showed that heightened identified: avoidance (attempts to elude threats to
state self-­objectification interfered with peak mental one’s body by disengaging in potential body image
states; with baseline math ability controlled, women threat situations), appearance fixing (efforts to change
in the swimsuit condition performed more poorly one’s outer appearance by means of concealment or
on an assessment of mathematical ability than those methods to correct features perceived to be flawed),
in the sweater condition. Quinn, Kallen, and Cathey and positive rational acceptance (mental and behav-
(2006) used the same sweater versus swimsuit para- ioral activities that emphasize the use of positive self-­
digm and found that the effects of heightened self-­ care and rational self-­talk). The use of avoidance and
objectification (increased body-­related thoughts) appearance fixing strategies are considered maladap-
from trying on a swimsuit lasted beyond the imme- tive because such strategies have been linked with
diate situation, after women redressed. Shame was lowered self-­esteem, disordered eating behaviors, and
found in this study to mediate the relationship be- lower quality of life related to body image (Cash et
tween self-­objectification and lingering body-­related al., 2005). By contrast, positive rational acceptance
thoughts. In other words, the more shame the women is considered adaptive because it has been associ-

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 ated with lower self-­evaluative salience of physical and maladaptive coping strategies. Second, women
appearance and abnormal eating concerns and higher willing to participate in exercise may be able to do so
self-­esteem, perceived social support, and quality of because they use more adaptive rather than maladap-
life related to body image (Cash et al., 2005). tive coping strategies (e.g., avoidance). Third, women
To the researchers’ knowledge only one pub- who are physically active are likely to put themselves
lished study has examined body image coping framed in situations of high body image threat in physical ac-
within objectification theory (Choma et al., 2009). tivity settings, which may then help them cope more
These authors examined the moderating and mediat- adaptively (e.g., positive rational acceptance) to other
ing effects of body image coping in the relationship types of body image threats. That is, coping with
between self-­objectification and well-­being in white physical activity settings may provide them with the
female university students. Their findings showed coping skills necessary to manage other types of body
that avoidance and appearance fixing (considered image threats. Choma et al. (2009) found inconsistent
maladaptive), but not positive rational acceptance relationships across their two samples of university
(considered to be adaptive), partially mediated the women between body shame, self-­objectification, and
relationship between self-­objectification and subjec- positive rational acceptance coping. Thus, it was hy-
tive well-­being, depression, and disordered eating at- pothesized that body shame and self-­objectification
titudes. In addition, avoidance and appearance fixing would be positively related to maladaptive coping
coping partially mediated the relationship between strategies (avoidance and appearance fixing). Fur-
body shame and subjective well-­being, depression, thermore, given the inconsistent relationships for
and disordered eating attitudes; however, no body positive rational acceptance, no specific hypoth-
image coping strategies moderated the relationship esis was made about the relationship between self-­
between body shame and health outcomes (depres- objectification and body shame and adaptive body
sion, disordered eating, and subjective well-­being). image coping (positive rational acceptance).
Overall, these findings provide preliminary evidence The second objective was to examine the poten-
of the role body image coping may play in the re- tial mediating effects of body shame between self-­
lationship between self-­objectification and health-­ objectification and body image coping strategies. In
related outcomes in women. line with objectification theory, we evaluated body
Given the evidence of the negative impact of shame as a mediator, but unlike Choma et al. (2009),
self-­objectification on health-­related outcomes and we treated body image coping as an outcome of self-­
limited understanding of body image coping within objectification as it reflects the behavioral dimen-
self-­objectification theory (Choma et al., 2009), the sion of body image. It was hypothesized that body
present study had two objectives. The first objec- shame would be a significant mediator between self-­
tive was to examine the relationships between body objectification and the maladaptive coping strate-
shame, self-­objectification, and body image coping gies (avoidance and appearance fixing). Because of
strategies. Unlike Choma et al., we specifically ex- inconsistent relationships reported between self-­
amined this relationship in a highly physically active objectification and body shame and positive ratio-
group for three reasons. First, it has been consistently nal acceptance (Choma et al., 2009), no specific hy-
found that physical activity is related to more posi- pothesis was made about the mediating role of body
tive body image (see Campbell & Hausenblas, 2009), shame in the relationship between self-­objectification
and therefore we were particularly interested in the and positive rational acceptance.
relationship between self-­objectification and body
shame and positive rational acceptance (the adaptive EXPERIMENT
coping strategy), an indicator of positive body im-
age within the behavioral dimension of body image. METHOD
For example, in highly physically active women, a
more adaptive coping strategy (e.g., positive rational Participants
acceptance) could act as a protective mechanism in University women were recruited because body im-
the relationship between self-­objectification, shame, age concerns and self-­objectification are especially

Self-­Objectification, Coping, and Shame • 83

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 relevant for this group. For example, a review by to enter a drawing to win one of ten $20 gift cards
Moradi and Huang (2008) concluded that most for Tim Horton’s. At the conclusion of the study,
available data on self-­objectification suggest women participants were debriefed.
and girls report higher levels of self-­objectification,
body surveillance, and body shame than men. We Materials
classified activity level based on participants’ total The participants’ self-­reported demographic infor-
metabolic equivalent of the task (MET) as assessed mation included age, height, weight, ethnicity, and
through a measure of leisure time physical activity year in school. Participants also completed a measure
(LTPA). Previous research has classified women at- of their LTPA, trait body shame, self-­objectification,
taining physical activity levels of 35 or more METs to and body image coping.
be sufficiently active to receive health benefits from
physical activity (Bengoechea, Spence, & McGan- LEISURE TIME PHYSICAL ACTIVIT Y.
non, 2005). In the present study, our sample reported The Godin Leisure-­Time Physical Activity Ques-
LTPA scores of 53.87 METs (SD = 22.8). A physically tionnaire (Godin & Shephard, 1985) was used to es-
active sample was targeted to extend the findings of timate LTPA levels over the past 7 days. Self-­reported
Choma et al. (2009) to a new sample, because as pre- weekly frequencies of strenuous, moderate, and mild
viously noted, physical activity may be one variable intensity activities were multiplied by their estimated
relevant to body image coping. value in METs (nine, five, and three, respectively).
This study included 104 female students attending Total weekly LTPA was calculated by adding the
a university in southern Ontario. Exclusion criteria products of the separate components. Evidence of
included (self-­reported) diagnosis of or treatment for validity and reliability has been shown in college sam-
an eating disorder, because women with an eating ples (Jacobs, Ainsworth, Hartman, & Leon, 1993).
disorder may have a more negative body image than
SELF- ­OBJECTIFICATION.
other women (Hesse-­Biber, 2007). The sample had
The Self-­Objectification Questionnaire (Fredrickson
a mean age of 20.42 years (SD = 2.85) and a mean
et al., 1998; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998) was used to
body mass index of 23.34 (SD = 3.26). The sample
assess the extent to which a participant views her
was made up primarily of Caucasian women (n = 89).
body in appearance-­based terms, which are ob-
Most students were enrolled in kinesiology or physi-
servable, compared with competence-­based terms,
cal education as their major (n = 69) and were in the
which are not observable, regardless of her level of
second year of their studies (n = 58).
satisfaction with each aspect. Participants ranked, in
order, 10 body attributes by how important each was
Procedures to her own physical self-­concept from 0 (least im-
Upon university ethics clearance, participants were pact) to 9 (greatest impact). The scores ranged from
recruited through announcements made in physi- –25 to 25, with higher scores indicating greater self-­
cal education and kinesiology classes and posters objectification. The Self-­Objectification Question-
placed around campus, including the campus fitness naire demonstrates satisfactory validity, correlating
center. Data were collected as part of a larger study with scales that measure similar constructs, includ-
examining psychological and heart rate responses ing the Appearance Anxiety Questionnaire (r = .52,
to an imagined social evaluative body image threat p < .01) and the Body Image Assessment (r = .46,
in women. Interested participants contacted a mem- p < .01; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998).
ber of the research team. After indicating interest,
participants were provided with a letter of invitation BODY SHAME.
via e-­mail, and study requirements were described. The Body Shame subscale from the Weight and
Participants who were eligible scheduled a time for Body-­Related Shame and Guilt Scale (Conradt et
participation. All testing was completed individually al., 2007) assessed body shame. Six items assess the
and took place in a private laboratory on a university frequency with which a participant feels shame about
campus. Upon arrival at the laboratory, participants her body (e.g., “When I am in a situation where oth-
provided informed consent and then completed a ers can see my body (e.g., pool, changing room), I
demographic questionnaire. Then, participants feel ashamed”). Items are rated on a 5-­point scale
were asked to complete measures of LTPA, self-­ ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (always). The score is
objectification, body shame, and body image coping calculated by averaging all the item scores, with a
strategies. Participants were offered the opportunity higher score indicating higher body shame. Previ-

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 ous evidence has shown satisfactory internal consis- analyses. Specifically, variables were normally distrib-
tency and convergent and discriminant validity for uted and no missing data were present. There were
the Weight and Body-­Related Shame and Guilt Scale also no instances of multicollinearity (i.e., r > .90).
subscale (Conradt et al., 2007). Internal consistency Before mediation analyses, the relationships be-
for the present study was deemed satisfactory for this tween self-­objectification, body shame, and body
measure (α = .73).
image coping strategies were examined through
BODY IMAGE COPING. Pearson correlations. Body shame was significantly
The 29-­item Body Image Coping Strategies Inven- positively related to self-­objectification, appearance
tory (Cash et al., 2005) was used to assess coping fixing, and avoidance coping but was unrelated to
strategies women use during an event that can nega- positive rational acceptance coping. In addition, self-­
tively affect their body image. Participants responded
objectification was significantly positively related to
to each item on a 4-­point scale ranging from 0 (defi-
appearance fixing and avoidance coping but unre-
nitely not me) to 3 (definitely me). Nine of these items
measured avoidance (e.g., “I withdraw and interact lated to positive rational acceptance coping. The
less with others”), 10 items measured appearance fix- correlation matrix can be found in Table 1.
ing (e.g., “I spend extra time trying to fix what I don’t All mediation followed the procedures suggested
like about my looks”), and 10 items measured positive by Field (2013). First, a regression analysis was con-
rational acceptance (e.g., “I tell myself there are more ducted to see whether the predictor variable (i.e.,
important things than what I look like”). The Body self-­objectification) significantly predicted the out-
Image Coping Strategies Inventory has demonstrated come variable (i.e., body image coping). Second, a
good internal consistency and test–retest reliability regression analysis was conducted to see whether the
(Cash & Grasso, 2005; Melnyk, Cash, & Janda, 2004) predictor variable significantly predicted the media-
and convergent validity (Cash et al., 2005). Scores tor (i.e., body shame). Finally, a regression analysis
were calculated by averaging the items for each sub-
was conducted where both the predictor and medi-
scale, with higher scores representing greater use of
ating variable predicted the outcome variable. If the
that coping strategy. Internal consistency was deemed
satisfactory for all subscales in this measure for the effect of the predictor (in terms of its unstandardized
present study (αs ranged from .75 to .87). coefficient) is less in the final model than in the first
model, then partial mediation is present. If the ef-
fect is 0 in the final model, then complete mediation
RESULTS
is present. Three models were run, with a different
Before data analysis, the dataset was examined to coping strategy as the outcome in each one. Self-­
determine whether it met the assumptions of data objectification and body shame were the predictor

Table 1. Means, Standard Deviations, and Bivariate Correlations for Study Variables

Variable 1 2 3 4 5

1. Body shame — .26** .42** .56** –.12

2. Self-objectification — .26** .49** –.04
3. Avoidance coping — .37** –.03
4. Appearance fixing coping — –.02
5. Positive rational acceptance —
coping
Mean (standard deviation) 1.32 (0.81) –4.73 (12.20) 1.73 (0.53) 2.62 (0.60) 2.42 (0.51)
Note. Body shame scores range from 0 to 4, with a higher score indicating higher body shame; self-objectification scores range from –25 to 25,
with higher scores indicating greater self-objectification; coping subscales range from 0 to 3, with higher scores indicating higher use of that
coping strategy; correlations are two-tailed.
**p < .01.

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 and mediating variables, respectively, in all three son & Harrison, 2005; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997;
models. Miner-­Rubino et al., 2002; Moradi & Huang, 2008).
The model for positive rational acceptance re- Research has also provided evidence of the mediat-
vealed no significant prediction of coping by self-­ ing role of body shame in the relationship between
objectification, F(1, 100) = 1.37, p > .05, B = –0.002, self-­objectification and mental health risk (Noll &
so no mediation was present. For both avoidance and Fredrickson, 1998). The present study examined
appearance fixing, there was evidence of mediation. body image coping framed within objectification
Because the effect of the predictor on the outcome theory. Our findings show that consistent with our
variable was reduced, but not to zero, in both cases, hypothesis, body shame and self-­objectification were
both models displayed partial mediation, as opposed positively related to maladaptive coping strategies but
to full mediation. Bootstrapping was conducted on were unrelated to adaptive coping. In addition, our
both mediation models. The 95% confidence inter- findings provide evidence of the partial mediating
vals for both direct and indirect pathways in both role of body shame in the relationship between self-­
models did not contain zero. These results are sum- objectification and maladaptive body image coping
marized in Figures 1 and 2, respectively. strategies.
Our findings that body shame and self-­
objectification were unrelated to positive rational
DISCUSSION
acceptance are interesting because it would be pre-
To date, research has shown that self-­objectification sumed that more positive rational acceptance would
is related to a number of negative health-­related be present among a highly physically active sample,
consequences (e.g., eating disorders, depression, acting as a protective mechanism in body image situ-
lowered subjective well-­being, lowered mental and ations. However, it should be noted that our sample
physical performance; Choma et al., 2009; Fredrick- reported higher use of all body image coping strate-

Figure 1. Path analysis for the mediating effect of body shame on the relationship between self-objectification and avoidance coping. All
values reported are standardized residuals. Values above the line from predictor to outcome variable are for the direct relationship; values
below the line are for the mediated relationship. *p < .01; **p < .001; 95% confidence intervals in parentheses

Figure 2. Path analysis for the mediating effect of body shame on the relationship between self-objectification and appearance fixing
coping. All values reported are standardized residuals. Values above the line from predictor to outcome variable are for the direct relation-
ship; values below the line are for the mediated relationship. *p < .01; **p < .001; 95% confidence intervals in parentheses

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 gies than those in previous research (Cash et al., 2005; ing objectification theory, which posits that shame
Choma et al., 2009). Perhaps because our sample was plays a mediating role in the relationship between
a highly physically active group, they may be sub- self-­objectification and associated negative outcomes
jected to more social evaluative situations related to such as disordered eating (Choma et al., 2009; Fred-
the body (e.g., fitness facilities). It is possible that rickson et al., 1998; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998). The
highly physically active women report higher levels present study extends these negative outcomes to
of coping (of all types) because they experience situ- negative coping strategies.
ations that require coping more frequently. Exercise Our study replicates previous findings by Cho-
settings are a salient threat to body image, inducing ma et al. (2009) showing that shame mediated trait
self-­objectification (e.g., social comparisons related self-­objectification and avoidance and appearance
to the body, evaluations by others, and the presence fixing coping strategies, but not positive rational ac-
of mirrors), so finding ways to minimize this effect is ceptance coping. In fact, positive rational acceptance
crucial. This may be particularly important in light was unrelated to both self-­objectification and body
of the present findings showing that highly physically shame. In their study, Choma and colleagues found
active women do not necessarily use positive rational that correlations between positive rational acceptance
acceptance over maladaptive coping strategies, even and self-­objectification and body shame across two
though there is strong evidence that exercise is related separate samples were inconsistent: In Sample 1, pos-
to more positive body image (Campbell & Hausen- itive rational acceptance was negatively related to self-­
blas, 2009; Hausenblas & Fallon, 2006; Reel et al., objectification but unrelated to body shame, whereas
2007). A study by Daubenmier (2005) found that positive rational acceptance was negatively related to
yoga practitioners reported more body responsive- body shame but unrelated to self-­objectification in
ness, more body awareness, lower self-­objectification, Sample 2. Our null findings with respect to positive
greater body satisfaction, and fewer disordered eat- rational acceptance indicate that someone reporting
ing attitudes than those participating in aerobic or low body shame or low self-­objectification does not
nonaerobic exercise. Body responsiveness and, to necessarily use more adaptive coping strategies. Our
some extent, body awareness significantly explained findings along with existing inconsistent evidence
the group differences in self-­objectification, body sat- (Choma et al., 2009) may highlight the lack of un-
isfaction, and disordered eating attitudes. Prichard derstanding of positive indicators of body image in
and Tiggemann (2008) found self-­objectification the literature. For example, there is still much to be
to be positively related to the use of cardiovascular known about positive body image because the lit-
machines. In contrast, participation in yoga-­based erature lacks positive body image measures, other
fitness classes was related to lower self-­objectification than the Body Appreciation Scale–2 (Tylka & Wood-­
and exercising for health and fitness reasons (see also Barcalow, 2015), that may better explain relationships
Impett, Daubenmier, & Hirschman, 2006). Lastly, with positive rational acceptance coping.
appearance-­based reasons for exercise mediated Finally, only partial mediation was found for both
the relationship between exercise types and self-­ avoidance and appearance fixing coping strategies,
objectification. Therefore, it is plausible that exercise indicating that self-­objectification was still a signifi-
type or reason and not merely physical activity level cant predictor of these coping strategies. This finding
alone may be related to positive body image coping reinforces the negative impact self-­objectification may
strategies in women. have on health-­related and behavioral (coping) out-
Our findings showed that body shame partially comes in women. It also suggests that other mediators
mediated the relationship between self-­objectification may also be important to investigate; for example,
and avoidance and appearance fixing coping strat- objectification theory also suggests that the process
egies, supporting our hypotheses. Thus, women of self-­objectification can lead to psychological out-
higher in self-­objectification reported higher body comes including feelings of anxiety, reduced peak
shame, which in turn was associated with greater motivational states (i.e., flow), and a lack of aware-
avoidance and appearance fixing coping strategies. ness of internal body sensations. It is possible that
These findings add to the growing evidence support- these variables may also mediate the relationship

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 between self-­objectification and body image coping a psychological consequence of self-­objectification
strategies (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Fredrickson (Fredrickson et al., 1998). In other words, women
et al., 1998). who are more prone to high-­anxiety states may use
Researchers in the area of self-­objectification have more avoidance and appearance fixing strategies to
begun to strategize ways to treat self-­objectification, immediately reduce these negative feelings of shame.
particularly in girls and women. Tylka and Augustus-­ However, other emotions outside those identified in
Horvath (2011) suggested some of the following ways objectification theory may play an important role,
self-­objectification could be treated: raising aware- particularly those that are self-­conscious in nature
ness that body comparison is harmful and how to (e.g., guilt, envy). Future research should also assess
recognize and stop this type of cognitive process the potential mediating effects of positive indicators
(perhaps using cognitive–behavioral modification of body image, such as pride or body appreciation, to
techniques); promoting media literacy by exploring gain a more complete understanding of the complex
and critiquing media portrayals of the body, and par- relationship between self-­objectification and associ-
ticularly how women are sexually objectified in the ated outcomes. Future research may also explore the
media, such as through clothing, facial expressions, potential moderating effects physical activity has on
or body positioning; and providing embodied expe- self-­objectification, shame, and body image coping
riences by promoting a functional view of the body outcomes. With respect to coping, the perceived ef-
(e.g., through exercise). Now that there is growing fectiveness of coping strategies and the reasons why
evidence of the harmful effects self-­objectification has women choose one strategy over another should be
on health, intellectual, and behavioral outcomes, it is examined. Finally, interventions designed to promote
important to treat those affected. adaptive coping strategies (e.g., positive rational
acceptance) should be evaluated. Finding ways to
Limitations and Future Directions improve adaptive coping may have practical applica-
This study has a cross-­sectional design, and there- tions in clinical populations.
fore causality cannot be inferred. Furthermore, cross-­
sectional mediation analyses tend to overestimate true Notes

population parameters (Maxwell & Cole, 2007). Also, Funding for this project was provided by the Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).
the current findings can be generalized only to healthy
Address correspondence about this article to Larkin
college women who are highly active. Although it was Lamarche, Department of Family Medicine, McMaster Uni-
particularly relevant to sample women because it has versity, 100 Main Street West, 5th Floor, Hamilton, Ontario,
been found that they typically display higher levels of Canada L8P 1H6 (e-­mail: lamarche@[Link]).
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