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Java: A Beginner'S Guide, Eighth
Edition
Java: A Beginner'S Guide, Eighth

Edition

edited by

Herbert Schildt

Book Space Hub

One may be found, or two) to bring to aid
Their pulpits, and proclaim there is a Church
Planted by Christ’s own hand within our isle.—
And let us now to Worcester.” Then of one
He spake, well-honoured for good service done
Linking our Liturgies unto the past.
“Hearty he is, and earnest; though not meet
Throughout to understand and sympathise,
Yet in his line will lend us his good aid,
Though looking for external front, and powers,
More than on principles which we are bent
To scatter broad and deep. Let’s now to him.”
And thus, full-sailed in academic garb,
Through the Collegiate gates, archway, and porch
We passed in conversation, bent to raise
The Signal: ’twas the day of little things.

That friend with whom I thus in council walked,

Associate of my earlier years, long since
Is in his peaceful grave; nor did he live
To see our sorrows. There was that in him
Wherein one might cast anchor. Often wont
To talk in paradox, it was his mood
Of playfulness, as one that inly smiled
Mocking at the conceptions which the tongue
Is weak to utter; venting heart-felt truths
In startling shape preposterous; with a smile
At incongruity of our poor thoughts
To match our endless weight of destiny;
Yea, at himself, to see intention yoked
So strangely with performance, which still paced
Unequally, and limped or dragged behind.
His intellect was keen-edged as the sword
Of Saladin, well-matched with battle-axe
Of Cœur de Lion; while in poetry
And arts, his judgement was the sculptor’s nail;
But, like the royal Dane of Shakespeare wrought,
One by himself, not of a class or kind:
Like to himself alone and no one else.
There was within him such repose on Truth,
Absence of self, such heart-controlling fear,
I feel that, had he lived, he had not been
The sport of his own sails, or popular winds
That he had courted for our object’s sake
That he had courted for our object s sake.
Men hurry to and fro; but he the while
Hath found the Haven where he fain would be.’
From ‘Cardinal Newman,’ by Richard H. Hutton. London: Methuen &
Co., 1891. [English Leaders of Religion.]
[By the kind permission of the executors of Mr. Hutton, and of Messrs. Methuen
& Co.]

‘The friendship between Newman and Mr. Hurrell Froude, the

elder brother of the historian, which commenced in 1826, and
became intimate in 1829, lasting thence to Mr. Froude’s death from
consumption in 1836, was certainly one of the most important
influences which acted on Newman’s career at the most critical
period of his life. Newman’s was one of the minds which mature
slowly; and it was not till he was twenty-six years of age that it
became clear whether he would be, in the main, a religious leader,
or one of the pillars of the Whately party; that is, the party who
threw their influence into the scale of minimising the spiritual aspect
and spiritual significance of Revelation, rather than of maximising it.
Newman himself mentions that for two or three years before 1827,
he was “beginning to prefer intellectual excellence to moral,” or, in
other words, “drifting in the direction of Liberalism.” “I was rudely
awakened from my dream, at the end of 1827, by two great blows,
illness and bereavement.” And then, in 1829, came fuller intimacy
with Hurrell Froude, which seems to have fully determined, if
anything were then needed to determine, the direction in which his
mind would proceed. Mr. Hurrell Froude was, as Newman describes
him, a man of the highest gifts, gentle, tender, playful, versatile and
“of the most winning patience and considerateness in discussion.” …
I feel little doubt that Dr. Newman’s wrath against “Liberalism” (as
for many years afterwards he always called it, identifying, as he did,
Liberalism with Latitudinarianism) was, to a very considerable
extent, a moral contagion caught from Hurrell Froude.
‘There are a few singularly beautiful lines, added by Newman
after Hurrell Froude’s death, to the exquisite poem called
“Separation of Friends,” written in 1833; and these sufficiently prove
the tenderness of Newman’s friendship for Hurrell Froude, and the
intimacy of the relation between them. The poem, as it was first
written, on the separation of friends caused by death, ran thus:
‘“Do not their souls, who neath the altar wait
Until their second birth,
The gift of patience need, as separate
From their first friends of earth?
Not that earth’s blessings are not all outshone
By Eden’s angel flame,
But that earth knows not that the dead has won
That crown which was his aim.
For when he left it, ’twas a twilight scene
About his silent bier,
A breathless struggle Faith and Sight between,
And Hope and sacred Fear.
Fear startled at his pains and dreary end,
Hope raised her chalice high;
And the twin-sisters still his shade attend,
Viewed in the mourner’s eye.
So, day by day, for him, from earth ascends
As dew in summer even,
The speechless intercession of his friends,
Towards the azure heaven.”

‘This was an abrupt close. Nearly three years later, it appeared

that the true close had but been reserved till the friend with whom,
in his illness, Newman had been travelling, had left him alone here
to offer this “speechless intercession” on behalf of him who had
departed. Then, after Froude’s death on February 28, 1836, Newman
added the final lines:
‘“Ah, dearest! with a word he could dispel
All questioning, and raise
Our hearts to rapture, whispering all was well,
And turning prayer to praise.
And other secrets, too, he could declare,
By patterns all divine,
His earthly creed retouching here and there,
And deepening every line.
Dearest! he longs to speak, as I to know,
And yet we both refrain.
It were not good: a little doubt, below,
And all will soon be plain.”

‘Such was Newman’s feeling for the friend (already suffering from
the commencement of the consumption of which he died three years
later) with whom he visited the Mediterranean between December,
1832, and April, 1833, when they separated at Rome…. They visited
Ithaca, but in his poems written “off Ithaca” Newman never
mentions the name of Ulysses, though in passing Lisbon he had
recalled that strong pagan figure, in the lines which he headed “The
Isles of the Sirens”:

‘“Cease, stranger, cease those piercing notes,

The craft of siren choirs;
Hush the seductive voice that floats
Upon the languid wires.

Music’s ethereal fire was given

Not to dissolve our clay,
But draw Promethean beams from heaven,
And purge the dross away.

Weak self, with thee the mischief lies!

Those throbs a tale disclose:
Nor age nor trial has made wise
The man of many woes.”
 ‘There you see some trace of the influence of Froude’s high
ascetic nature speaking in the heart of a devotee of music, but a
devotee of music of the most exalted kind. Hurrell Froude, in a letter
home, mentions that the commander of the steamer in which they
sailed sang several songs, accompanying himself on the Spanish
guitar, and it must have been these songs which suggested to
Newman “The Isles of the Sirens.” When the friends reach Ithaca,
Newman seems to forget “the man of many woes” altogether; he is
musing on the difficulty of keeping himself “unspotted from the
world”: which is the last thing, I suppose, that Homer’s Ulysses ever
thought about; while Byron, in the same scenes, thought only of
how he could spot himself most effectually…. Newman’s nostalgia
was more in sympathy with that of Moses than with that of Ulysses:
the home he longed for was a home he had never yet gained. There
is something very strange in the connection between these classical
scenes and the thoughts they excited in the travellers, for I cannot
help thinking that most of these poems must have owed their origin
almost as much to Froude’s suggestion as to Newman’s pen. The
lines, for instance, on England,[359] in which Newman calls her “Tyre
of the West,” and accuses her of trusting in such poor defences as
the fortified rock of Gibraltar, and such poor resources as her rich
commerce supplied, look as if they had owed a good deal of their
inspiration to Froude’s cavalier contempt for the wealth earned by
trade, as well as his scorn for any ostentatious display of power not
rooted in a devout theocratic Faith…. There is, to me, something
very striking in the contrast between the class of thoughts which the
old Greek and Roman localities suggest to a Whig poet like Byron,
with a broad dash of licence in his Whiggery; to classical scholars
like Clough, imbued with what is now called “the modern spirit” (as
well its moral earnestness as its intellectual scepticism), and to grave
spirits like Newman’s and Hurrell Froude’s, dominated not only by a
religious, but by a strongly-marked ecclesiastical bias…. As regards
the influence of this journey on Newman’s future career, it appears
that while, in many respects, it diminished his horror of Romanism,
in consequence especially of the influence of Hurrell Froude, it had a
contrary effect on Hurrell Froude’s own mind, and later (again,
through him, to some extent, I suppose) on Newman’s. Hurrell
Froude writes from Naples[360] on February 17, 1833: “I remember
you told me that I should come back a better Englishman than I
went away: better satisfied not only that our Church is nearest in
theory right, but also that practically, in spite of its abuses, it works
better; and to own the truth, your prophecy is already nearly
realised. Certainly, I have as yet only seen the surface of things, but
what I have seen does not come up to my notions of propriety.
These Catholic countries seem, in an especial manner, κατέχειν τῆν
ἀλήθειαν ἐν ἀδικία, and the priesthood are themselves so sensible of
the hollow basis on which their power rests, that they dare not resist
the most atrocious encroachments of the State upon their
privileges.” And after detailing the abuses of the Roman Catholic
system in Sicily, he goes on: “The Church of England has fallen low,
and will probably be worse before it is better; but let the Whigs do
their worst, they cannot sink us so deep as these people have
allowed themselves to fall, while retaining all the superficials of a
religious country.” When it is considered that this was the impression
of Roman Catholicism, judged by its fruits, which that one of the two
friends who was by far the more inclined to the Roman system
brought away from his life in a Roman Catholic country, we cannot
wonder that Newman should have remained for eight more years a
zealous Anglican, before he even began to foresee clearly whither he
was tending.’
From ‘The Anglican Revival,’ by J. H. Overton, D.D., Rector of Epworth
and Canon of Lincoln. London: Blackie & Son, 1897.
[By the kind permission of Messrs. Blackie & Son.]

‘The fact is that [in 1833] Rose, Palmer, and perhaps Perceval on
the one hand, Froude, Keble, and Newman on the other,
represented, not exactly two different parties, but two different
classes of mind. The former group were essentially conservative:
they did not share the dissatisfaction with the Church as it was,
which was so strongly felt by Keble, Newman, and Froude; they only
desired to see it freed from what they regarded as the oppression of
the State. They were very different types of men, Rose representing
the brilliant and fascinating, Palmer the learned, and Perceval the
aristocratic or territorial element. But none of them was prepared to
follow what Newman calls the “go-ahead” course, for which he and
Froude were ready, and from which Keble was not at all averse…. As
a matter of fact, the Movement was carried on by the latter, not by
the former group.
‘… Pusey’s adherence was an instance of the right man coming in
just at the right time. The public had now [1835] been fairly
aroused; they had had sufficiently impressed upon them the duty of
maintaining Church principles; they had now a right to demand that
those principles should be fully and definitely explained to them in
detail. The time for short, stirring appeals was over; the time for
solid, sober treatises on divinity had arrived…. [Pusey’s] mild and
conciliatory spirit introduced a healing element into the Movement
which was certainly needed. The “fierceness” (to use his own
expression) of Newman, and especially of Newman when “kept up to
the mark by Froude,”[361] had the very natural effect of raising
opposition; and even in Keble, the gentle, humble Keble, there was a
strong spice, if not exactly of fierceness, yet of a tendency to give
vent to the most unpopular sentiments in the most uncompromising
way, without the slightest attempt to tone them down. Pusey, again,
was far more apt to recognise two sides of a question than was
Keble, Newman, or Froude…. The Movement gained Pusey, and lost
Hurrell Froude, almost at the same time. When Pusey joined the
party, Froude was practically a dying man; and in February 28, 1836,
to the infinite regret of his many friends, he died at his native
Dartington. With Froude passed away the most daring and “go-
ahead” spirit connected with the whole Movement. Newman was
enthusiastic, but Froude was far more so; Newman waged war
against the complacency which was so characteristic of the old
Church party, but Froude was still more exasperated against it;
Newman was not over-cautious in his invectives against the fallacies
and prejudices of the age, but Froude was ten times less so. With an
intense earnestness and thoroughness of conviction, with a fiery
energy which would ride over anything, with a courage which
sometimes amounted to audacity, and with an irresistibly attractive
personality, there is no saying what would have happened if his
short life had been prolonged! But it is not a very profitable
speculation to conjecture what might have been. Suffice it to say
that in one respect the influence of Froude was likely to have had
exactly the opposite effect to that of Pusey. The one seemed, of all
men, the most calculated to trouble the waters, the other, to pour oil
upon them; and the fact that Froude dropped out just when Pusey
began to make his influence felt, seemed to promise that henceforth
the Movement would create less hostility. After events, however,
proved that this was not to be the case; and the causes are not far
to seek….
‘One of the most startling … events was the appearance, in 1838,
of the first series of Froude’s Remains, edited by Keble and Newman
jointly. It is not surprising that this publication raised a violent
outcry: it gave to the world the off-hand utterances of a young
enthusiast whose opinions would probably have toned down with
age, but were here expressed with all the recklessness of
inexperience, and were only intended, in the first instance, to be
read by sympathetic friends.
‘His views on the English Reformation and Reformers were
sufficiently startling. “The present Church system is an incubus upon
the country”; “the Reformation was a limb badly set: it must be
broken again in order to be righted”; the English Reformers
generally were “a set of men with whom [I wish] to have less and
less to do”; Jewel, in particular, was “an irreverent Dissenter”;
Latimer, “a Martyr somewhat in the Bulteel line.” One can conceive
the horror with which such sentiments would be read by men with
whom “our happy Establishment in Church and State,” “our glorious
Reformation,” and “our martyred Reformers” were almost articles of
faith!
‘It has been thought that the Editors miscalculated the effect
which the book would produce; but the theory is not very
complimentary to their judgement. Surely must they have known
that the glamour of Froude’s personality would not affect the
general, still less the hostile, reader (and his name was legion), who
would greedily seize upon any handle which could be turned, as
Froude could so easily be, against the Movement. Moreover, how
does it agree with the fact that when they found out their mistake,
they nevertheless published in the following year, 1839, a second
series as outré as the first? And this they introduced with a Preface
pointing out how Froude’s sagacity had anticipated all the
improvements that had taken place, and representing him, not as a
disturber of the people, but as a prophet indeed. This Preface is said
to have been chiefly the work of Keble, and it is highly characteristic
of the man, though not of the popular conception of him: for Keble
was always for the bold course.
‘The other Editor, Newman, writing to his friend Frederic Rogers in
July, 1837, gives six reasons why Froude’s private letters should be
published; and to his Co-editor he writes at the same time: “We
have often said the Movement must be enthusiastic. Now here is a
man fitted above all others to kindle enthusiasm.” May it not have
been that both Editors put forth the Remains with their eyes
perfectly wide open as to what the result would be? that they were
not unwilling the enfant terrible of the Movement should say his say,
and startle the public? The public was startled: it took in all
seriousness the audacious dicta of Froude as if they were stamped
with the approval of the whole party, which it denounced with
increased vigour, accordingly.
‘It is impossible to help connecting with the publication of
Froude’s Remains the starting of that project which gave to Oxford
one of the most beautiful of its many beautiful monuments, the
“Martyrs’ Memorial,” opposite Balliol College, on the spot on which
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer had been burnt.[362] The greatest
offence of Froude was that he had spoken disparagingly of the
English Reformers generally, and of these men in particular. The
project of the Memorial originated in a small meeting held towards
the close of 1838, at Oriel, in the rooms of Mr. Golightly, who, having
begun as a friend of the Movement, had soon become its bitterest
and most persistent foe. Everybody seems to have connected the
Memorial with the Remains; but there was some division of opinion
as to the course which should be pursued. Keble and Newman were
from the first opposed to the project, and so were moderate men
like Palmer and Benjamin Harrison. But Hook and S. Wilberforce
were in favour, and so, strange to say, was Pusey, to a certain
extent, at first, until he was persuaded otherwise by Keble and
Newman…. Keble writes to Pusey … “I am not at all prepared to
express a public dissent from Froude in his opinion of the Reformers
as a party.” On the other hand, S. Wilberforce writes to Hook,
regretting that “our good Oxford friends run down Reformers, and
will not subscribe to the Martyrs’ Memorial.” It was said of the
Memorial, “it will be a good cut against Newman”: but it was not a
cut which made him smart.’
From ‘Essays on Various Subjects,’ by Nicholas Cardinal Wiseman.
London: Dolman, 1853, 3 vols.[363]
[By kind permission of the Executors of His Eminence Cardinal Vaughan.]

‘It is not often that the leaders of opinions let the public into a
view of their secret counsels and feelings; but when they do, we
think it does credit to the uprightness and sincerity of their
intentions…. Nay, the more unreservedly the human weaknesses of
the individuals are revealed, and the more the feeling is expressed
that with their exposure, or in spite of it, their cause will succeed,
the more highly we shall estimate their confidence in the correctness
of their views, and the disinterestedness of their zeal in propagating
them. These reflections have been suggested to us by the perusal of
Mr. Froude’s Remains. He was, while living, one of the most
enthusiastic members of the theological school from which the Tracts
for the Times have emanated. He died in 1836, having attained only
the age of thirty-three;[364] and was thus prevented from arriving at
that full maturity of religious ideas which was evidently preparing in
his mind, and bearing him onwards towards the perception of
Catholic truths.
‘A preface of twenty-two pages betrays the Editors’ anxiety to
repel a twofold charge: one against themselves, the other against
their deceased friend…. When one whose noble and public proofs of
great virtue far outweigh the errors of youth, or whose public
reputation makes his example, when evil, a warning; and when
repentant, a reparation and an encouragement,—when one, in short,
like St. Augustine, boldly but humbly reveals to the eyes of the
Church the wretchedness of his early sinful life, we admire, in awe,
the strange manifestation of a sublime spirit of Christian virtue, and
we bless the Divine Wisdom that hath caused it to be vouchsafed to
us. But the struggles of one who has not compensated his
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