Cosmic Rift

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 Cosmic Rift

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Cosmic Rift
 Cosmic Rift

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 CONFIDENTIAL CONVERSATION.—THE LETTERS OF MADAME
DE MAINTENON AND SEVIGNÉ.

6th.—The weather proved as bad as it had been on the preceding

day. After finishing his toilet, the Emperor retired to his library,
attended by one of his suite, with whom he held a long confidential
conversation on a topic intimately concerning us.
“We have now,” said he, “been at St. Helena more than a year,
and with regard to certain points we remain just as we were on the
first day of our arrival. I must confess that I have hitherto come to
no determination in my own mind upon these subjects. This is very
unlike me; but how many mortifications have I to encounter! A
victim to the persecutions of Fate and man, I am assailed every
where and on all hands. Even you, my faithful friends and consolers,
help to lacerate the wound. I am vexed and distressed by your
jealousies and dissensions.”—“Sire,” replied the individual to whom
he addressed himself, “these things should remain unnoticed by your
Majesty. In all that concerns you, our jealousy is merely emulation;
and all our dissension ceases on the expression of your slightest
wish. We live only for you, and will always be ready to obey you. To
us you are the Old Man of the Mountain; you may command us in all
things, except crime.”—“Well,” said the Emperor, “I will think
seriously of the subject I have just alluded to, and each shall have
his own particular task.” He dictated a few notes, and afterwards
went down to the garden, where he walked about for a short time
alone, and then withdrew to his own apartment.
The Emperor did not quit his chamber until the moment dinner
was announced. He resumed his remarks on Madame de Maintenon,
whose letters he had been reading. “I am charmed,” said he, “with
her style, her grace, and the purity of her language. If I am violently
offended by what is bad, I am at the same time exquisitely sensible
to what is good. I think I prefer Madame de Maintenon’s letters to
those of Madame de Sevigné: they tell more. Madame de Sevigné
will certainly always remain the true model of the epistolary style;
she has a thousand charms and graces, but there is this defect in
her writings, that one may read a great deal of them without
retaining any impression of what one has read. They are like trifles,
which a man may eat till he is tired without overloading his
stomach.”
The Emperor then made some observations on grammar. He asked
for the grammar of Domairon, who had been our professor at the
military school at Paris. He glanced through it with evident pleasure.
“Such is the influence of youthful impressions,” said he; “I suspect
that Domairon’s is not the best of grammars, yet to me it will always
be the most agreeable. I shall never open it without experiencing a
certain pleasure.”

ERRORS OF THE ENGLISH MINISTERS.—MEANS OF WHICH ENGLAND MIGHT

HAVE AVAILED HERSELF FOR THE LIQUIDATION OF HER DEBT.—THE
GOVERNOR’S REDUCTIONS.

7th.—The Emperor remained within doors the whole of the day.

The Governor appeared on the grounds accompanied by a numerous
party; but we fled at his approach. Several vessels have been
observed out at sea.
I was summoned to attend the Emperor, and I found him engaged
in perusing a work on the state of England. This became the subject
of conversation; the Emperor said a great deal respecting the
enormous national debt of England, the disadvantageous peace she
had concluded, and the different means by which she might have
extricated herself from her difficulties.
Napoleon possesses in an eminent degree the instinct of order and
harmony. I once knew a man who, being much engaged in
arithmetical calculations, confessed that he could not enter a
drawing-room without being led irresistibly to count the people who
were in it; and that, when he sat down to table, he could not help
summing up the number of plates, glasses, &c. Napoleon, though in
a more elevated sphere, has also an irresistible habit of his own,
which is to develop the grand and the beautiful in every subject that
comes under his attention. If he happens to converse about a city,
he immediately suggests improvements and embellishments; if a
nation be the object of his consideration, he expatiates on the
means of promoting her glory, prosperity, useful institutions, &c.
Many of his observations, that have already been noted down, must
have rendered this fact obvious to the reader.
Either the contents of the journals and other publications of the
day, or the nature of our situation here, occasioned the Emperor’s
attention to be constantly directed to the state of England. He
frequently adverted to what she ought to have done, as well as to
what she still had to do, and which might render her future condition
more prosperous. I subjoin here a few of the observations, on this
subject, which escaped him at various times:—
“The Colonial system,” said he one day, “is now at an end for all;
for England, who possesses every colony, and for the other powers,
who possess none. The empire of the seas now belongs indisputably
to England; and why should she, in a new situation, wish to continue
the old routine? Why does she not adopt plans that would be more
profitable to her? She must look forward to a sort of emancipation of
her colonies. In the course of time, many will doubtless escape from
her dominion, and she should therefore avail herself of the present
moment to obtain new securities and more advantageous
connexions. Why does she not propose that the majority of her
colonies shall purchase their emancipation by taking upon
themselves a portion of the general debt, which would thus become
specially theirs. The mother-country would by this means relieve
herself of her burthens, and would nevertheless preserve all her
advantages. She would retain, as pledges, the faith of treaties,
reciprocal interests, similarity of language, and the force of habit;
she might moreover reserve, by way of guarantee, a single fortified
point, a harbour for the ships, after the manner of the factories on
the coast of Africa. What would she lose? Nothing; and she would
spare herself the trouble and expense of an administration which,
too often, serves only to render her odious. Her ministers, it is true,
would have fewer places to give away; but the nation would
certainly be no loser.
“I doubt not,” added he, “that, with a thorough knowledge of the
subject, some useful result might be derived from the ideas which I
have just thrown out, however erroneous they may be in their first
hasty conception. Even with regard to India, great advantages might
be obtained by the adoption of new systems. The English who are
here, assure me that England derives nothing from India in the
balance of her trade; the expenses swallow up, or even exceed, the
profits. It is therefore merely a source of individual advantage, and
of a few private fortunes of colossal magnitude; but these are so
much food for ministerial patronage, and therefore good care is
taken not to meddle with them. Those nabobs, as they are styled,
on their return to England, are useful recruits to the aristocracy. It
signifies not that they bear the disgrace of having acquired fortunes
by rapine and plunder, or that they exercise a baneful influence on
public morals by exciting in others the wish to gain the same wealth
by the same means; the present ministers are not so scrupulous as
to bestow a thought on such matters. These men give them their
votes; and, the more corrupt they are, the more easily are they
controlled. In this state of things, where is the hope of reform?
Thus, on the least proposition of amendment, what an outcry is
raised! The English aristocracy is daily taking a stride in advance;
but, as soon as there is any proposal for retrograding, were it only
for the space of an inch, a general explosion takes place. If the
minutest details be touched, the whole edifice begins to totter. This
is very natural. If you attempt to deprive a glutton of his mouthful
he will defend himself like a hero.”
On another occasion the Emperor said:—“After a twenty year’s
war, after the blood and treasures that were lavished in the common
cause, after a triumph beyond all hope, what sort of peace has
England concluded? Lord Castlereagh had the whole Continent at his
disposal, and yet what advantage, what indemnity, has he secured
to his own country? He has signed just such a peace as he would
have signed had he been conquered. I should not have required him
to make greater sacrifices had I been victorious. But, perhaps,
England thought herself sufficiently happy in having effected my
overthrow; in that case, hatred has avenged me! During our contest,
England was animated by two powerful sentiments—her national
interest and her hatred of me. In the moment of triumph, the
violence of the one caused her to lose sight of the other. She has
paid dearly for that moment of passion!“ He developed his idea,
glancing at the different measures which demonstrated the blunders
of Castlereagh, and the many advantages which he had neglected.
“Thousands of years will roll away,” said he, “before there occurs
such another opportunity of securing the welfare and real glory of
England. Was it ignorance, or corruption, on the part of Castlereagh?
He distributed the spoil generously, as he seemed to think, among
the Sovereigns of the Continent, and reserved nothing for his own
country; but, in so doing, did he not fear the reproach of being
considered as the agent rather than the partner of the Holy Allies?
He gave away immense territories; Russia, Prussia, and Austria
acquired millions of population. Where is the equivalent to England?
She, who was the soul of all this success, and who paid so dearly for
it, now reaps the fruit of the gratitude of the Continent, and of the
errors or treachery of her negotiator. My continental system is
continued; and the produce of her manufactures is excluded. Why
not have bordered the Continent with free and independent
maritime towns, such, for example, as Dantzick, Hamburg, Antwerp,
Dunkirk, Genoa, &c., which would of necessity have become the
staples of her manufactures, and would have scattered them over
Europe, in spite of all the duties in the world. England possessed the
right of doing this, and her circumstances required it: her decisions
would have been just, and who would have opposed them at the
moment of the liberation? Why did she create to herself a difficulty,
and, in course of time, a natural enemy, by uniting Belgium to
Holland, instead of securing two immense resources for her trade,
by keeping them separate? Holland, which has no manufactures of
her own, would have been the natural depôt for English goods; and
Belgium, which might have become an English colony, governed by
an English Prince, would have been the channel for dispersing these
goods over France and Germany. Why not have bound down Spain
and Portugal by a commercial treaty of long duration, which would
have repaid all the expenses incurred for their deliverance, and
which might have been obtained under pain of the enfranchisement
of their colonies, the trade of which, in either case, England would
have commanded? Why not have stipulated for some advantages in
the Baltic, and to balance the States of Italy? These would have
been but the regular privileges attached to the dominion of the seas.
After so long a contest in support of this right, how happened its
advantages to be neglected at the moment when it was really
secured? Did England, while she sanctioned usurpation in others,
fear that opposition would be offered to hers? and by whom could it
have been offered? Probably England repents now, when it is too
late; the opportunity cannot be recovered; she suffered the
favourable moment to escape her!... How many whys and
wherefores might I not multiply!... None but Lord Castlereagh would
have acted thus: he made himself the man of the Holy Alliance, and
in course of time he will be the object of execration. The
Lauderdales, the Grenvilles, and the Wellesleys, would have pursued
a very different course; they would at least have acted like
Englishmen.”
At another time the Emperor said;—“The national debt is the
canker-worm that preys on England; it is the chain of all her
difficulties. It occasions the enormity of taxation, and this in its turn
raises the price of provisions. Hence the distress of the people, the
high price of labour and of manufactured goods which are not
brought with equal advantage to the continental markets. England
then ought at all hazards to contend against this devouring monster;
she should assail it on all sides, and at once subdue it negatively and
positively, that is to say, by the reduction of her expenditure and the
increase of her capital.
“Can she not reduce the interest of her debt, the high salaries, the
sinecures, and the various expenses attending her army
establishment, and renounce the latter, in order to confine herself to
her navy? In short, many things might be done, which I cannot now
enter into. With regard to the increase of her capital, can she not
enrich herself with the ecclesiastical property, which is immense, and
which she would acquire by a salutary reform, and by the extinction
of titular dignities which would give offence to no one? But if a word
be uttered on this subject, the whole aristocracy is up in arms, and
succeeds in putting down the opposition; for in England it is the
aristocracy that governs, and for which the Government acts. They
repeat the favourite adage, that, if the least stone of the old
foundation be touched, the whole fabric will fall to the ground. This
is devoutly re-echoed by the multitude; consequently reform is
stopped, and abuses are suffered to increase and multiply.
“It is but just to acknowledge that, in spite of a compound of
odious, antiquated, and ignoble details, the English constitution
presents the singular phenomenon of a happy and grand result; and
the advantages arising out of it secure the attachment of the
multitude, who are fearful of losing any of the blessings they enjoy.
But is it to the objectionable nature of the details that this result
must be attributed? On the contrary, it would shine with increased
lustre if the grand and beautiful machine were freed from its
mischievous appendages.
“England,” continued the Emperor, “presents an example of the
dangerous effects of the borrowing system. I would never listen to
any hints for the adoption of that system in France; I was always a
firm opposer of it. It was said, at the time, that I contracted no loans
for want of credit, and because I could find no one willing to lend;
but this was false. Those who know any thing of mankind and the
spirit of stock-jobbing, will be convinced that loans may always be
raised by holding out the chance of gain and the attraction of
speculation. But this was no part of my system, and, by a special
law, I fixed the amount of the public debt at what had generally
been supposed to be conducive to the general prosperity, namely, at
eighty millions interest for my France in her utmost extent, and after
the union with Holland, which of itself produced an augmentation of
twenty millions. This sum was reasonable and proper; a greater one
would have been attended by mischievous consequences. What was
the result of this system? What resources have I left behind me?
France, after so many gigantic efforts and terrible disasters, is now
more prosperous than ever! Are not her finances the first in Europe?
To whom and to what are these advantages to be attributed? So far
was I from wishing to swallow up the future, that I had resolved to
leave a treasure behind me. I had even formed one, the funds of
which I lent to different banking-houses, embarrassed families, and
persons who held offices about me.
“I should not only have carefully preserved the sinking fund, but I
calculated on having, in course of time, funds which would have
been constantly increasing, and which might have been actively
applied for the furtherance of public works and improvements. I
should have had the fund of the Empire for general works; the fund
of the departments for local works; the fund of the communes for
municipal works, &c.”
In the course of another conversation, the Emperor observed:
—“England is said to traffic in every thing: why, then, does she not
sell liberty, for which she might get a high price, and without any
fear of exhausting her own stock; for modern liberty is essentially
moral, and does not betray its engagements. For example, what
would not the poor Spaniards give her to free them from the yoke to
which they have been again subjected? I am confident that they
would willingly pay any price to recover their freedom. It was I who
inspired them with this sentiment; and the error into which I fell
might, at least, be turned to good account by another government.
As to the Italians, I have planted in their hearts principles that never
can be rooted out. What can England do better than to promote and
assist the noble impulses of modern regeneration? Sooner or later,
this regeneration must be accomplished. Sovereigns and old
aristocratic institutions may exert their efforts to oppose it, but in
vain. They are dooming themselves to the punishment of Sisyphus;
but, sooner or later, some arms will tire of resistance, and, on the
first failure, the whole will tumble about their ears. Would it not be
better to yield with a good grace?—this was my intention. Why does
England refuse to avail herself of the glory and advantage she might
derive from this course of proceeding? Every thing passes away in
England as well as elsewhere. Castlereagh’s administration will pass
away, and that which may succeed it, and which is doomed to inherit
the fruit of so many errors, may become great by only discontinuing
the system that has hitherto been pursued. He who may happen to
be placed at the head of the English cabinet, has merely to allow
things to take their course, and to obey the winds that blow. By
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