Cosmic Commandos

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 Cosmic Commandos

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Cosmic Commandos
Cosmic Commandos

edited by

Christopher Eliopoulos

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Conceived in a desire to do indirectly what ought to be done directly,
it must naturally share the conditions of such a device.
Looking at the proposition in its most general aspect, it reminds
me, if you will pardon the illustration, of that leg of mutton, served
for dinner on the road from London to Oxford, which Dr. Johnson,
with characteristic pungency, described “as bad as bad could be,—ill-
fed, ill-killed, ill-kept, and ill-dressed.”[225] So this measure—I adopt
the saying of an eminent friend, who insists that it cannot be called
an “amendment,” but rather a “detriment,” to the Constitution—is as
bad as bad can be; and even for its avowed purpose uncertain,
loose, cracked, and rickety. Regarding it as a proposition from
Congress to meet the unparalleled exigencies of the hour, it is no
better than the “muscipular abortion” sent into the world by the
“parturient mountain.”[226] But only when we look at the chance of
good is it “muscipular.” In every other aspect it is gigantic, inasmuch
as it makes the Constitution a well-spring of insupportable thraldom,
and once more lifts the sluices of blood destined to run until it rises
to the horse’s bridle. Adopt it, and you put millions of fellow-citizens
under the ban of excommunication, you hand them over to a new
anathema maranatha, you declare that they have no political rights
“which the white man is bound to respect,”—thus repeating in new
form the abomination that has blackened the name of Taney. Adopt
it, and you stimulate anew the war of race upon race. Slavery itself
was a war of race upon race, and this is only a new form of the
terrible war. The proposition is as hardy as gigantic; for it takes no
account of the moral sense of mankind, which is the same as if in
rearing a monument we took no account of the law of gravitation. It
is the paragon and master-piece of ingratitude, showing more than
any other act of history what is so often charged and we so fondly
deny, that republics are ungrateful. The freedmen ask for bread, and
you send them a stone. With piteous voice they ask for protection;
you thrust them back defenceless into the cruel den of former
masters. Such an attempt, thus bad as bad can be, thus abortive for
all good, thus perilous, thus pregnant with a war of race upon race,
thus shocking to the moral sense, and thus treacherous to those
whom we are bound to protect, cannot be otherwise than shameful.
I shall not content myself with describing the device. This is not
enough. You have seen it in its general character only. You shall see
it now in its guilty parts, each one of which is sufficient to arouse the
conscience against it.

1. Of course you cannot fail to be struck by its language. Here

words become things. In express terms there is admission of the
idea of Inequality of Rights founded on race or color. That this
unrepublican idea should be allowed to find place in the text of the
Constitution must excite especial wonder, when it is considered how
conscientiously our fathers excluded from that text the kindred idea
of property in man. The saying of Mr. Madison cannot be too often
repeated:—
“He thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the
idea that there could be property in men.”[227]
But is it less wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of
Inequality of Rights founded on race or color? Surely the authors of
this proposition have acted inconsiderately and with little regard to
the spirit of the Fathers. Imagine it introduced into the Convention
which framed the Constitution. Not many words would have been
used; but evidently it would have found no place in that text, which,
with pious care, was to be guarded against degradation. And now
mark the change. After the lapse of generations, when our
obligations have increased with increasing light, at an epoch of
history when mankind are more than ever before sensitive to the
claims of human rights, and when among ourselves there is more
than ever before a desire and a duty to fulfil all the promises of the
Declaration of Independence, we are invited to make the
Constitution disown the Declaration of Independence, insult the
conscience of mankind, and disregard all the obligations pressing
upon us. But this is a mild way of stating the character of the
attempt plainly apparent in the words. Its essential uncleanness is
not disclosed. Adopt this proposition, and you will imitate those
ancient birds who defiled the feast that was spread. The Constitution
is the feast spread for our country, and you hurry to drop into its
text a political obscenity, and to diffuse over its page a disgusting
ordure,—
“Defiling all you find,
And parting leave a loathsome stench behind.”[228]
Only by plain language can this attempt be adequately exposed.
Only in this way can it be seen in its true character. Only in this way
can you be moved to shrink from it with proper repugnance. In this
spirit the religious press of the country is beginning to speak. The
Boston “Recorder,” the most venerable of all the religious papers of
New England, and perhaps of the whole country, which for more
than half a century has been a weekly teacher at uncounted
firesides, thus solemnly appeals to the conscience of patriots and of
statesmen:—
“The proposed Amendment to the Constitution of
the United States, which passed the House of
Representatives last week by a vote of 120 to 46, will,
if it should become the fundamental law of the land,
inflict upon our free institutions greater infamy than
anything contained in our written Constitution. There
are things there which were sufficiently disgraceful in
their intent and purpose. That the slave-trade should
not be prohibited before 1808, that three fifths of the
slaves should be represented in Congress by the votes
of their owners, that fugitive slaves should be returned
to their owners,—these were scandalous provisions to
which our noble fathers submitted only because
without them we could have no common national
existence. But they couched these offensive
propositions in terms that, on the cessation of Slavery,
 would have no objectionable meaning. This event they
anticipated much earlier than it has actually occurred.
And now that it is a fact, no one wishes the clauses of
the Constitution to which we have alluded to be
stricken out.
“But now it is proposed to ingraft upon this revered
instrument a principle implying that a State may
decree that all men are not born equal, and may
disfranchise a majority of her citizens and their sons
and their sons’ sons forever! Good jurists have
declared that the Constitution, as it now stands, would
forbid any such State action, and that all constitutions
and laws disfranchising citizens because of their
parentage, color, race, or descent, are null and void.…
We are not aware of any attempt to refute this view
with a shadow of success.
“And now it cannot be that we shall give up our
vantage-ground, and stain the triumph bought with so
much precious blood with a concession which might be
turned to so base a use.
“Let every patriot, to whom the good name of
America is dear, bestir himself. Let every Christian who
believes that God is no respecter of persons, let every
father who would not leave to his children a legacy of
national discord and a birthright in a nation yet to
bleed in Helot conspiracies, let every statesman who
believes that even justice is the only sure foundation of
national tranquillity, arouse himself.”[229]
I have heard somewhere a strange apology for this amendment. It
is said that it is “punitive,” and that the idea of Inequality of Rights is
to be admitted into the Constitution for punishment, and not for
sanction. As well say that the term “three fifths of all other persons”
in the Constitution was “punitive.” It was no such thing. It was a
compromise; and such is the precise character of the present
attempt, which, by its very words, is a plain license to tyranny, in
consideration that the tyrants pay in political power. The primary
element, standing out in “darkness visible,” is the license; the
secondary element is the pay. Here is nothing less than a mighty
house that shall be nameless, which it is proposed to license
constitutionally for a consideration. Even if political power is
curtailed, it is only as a consideration for the license. It is a new sale
of “indulgences,” on a larger scale than that of Tetzel. The latter,
returning from Rome into Germany, became vendor of licenses for
adultery, robbery, theft; but the outrage aroused Martin Luther, and
the Reformation began. As well say, that, since pay was required,
therefore the indulgences of Tetzel were “punitive.”
Thus far I have spoken of the attempt only as it appears in its
words, without analyzing it in detail.

2. One of its elementary parts and consequences is that it

sanctions the acknowledged tyranny of taxation without
representation. A whole race, constituting a considerable part of the
people of the United States, and embraced under the words of the
preamble to the Constitution, “We the people,” are left without
representation in the Government, but nevertheless held within the
grasp of taxation, direct and indirect, tariff and excise, State and
National. Sir, this is tyranny,—or else our fathers were wrong, when
they protested against a kindred injustice. The principle is
fundamental. You cannot violate it without again dishonoring the
Fathers.
To the application of this principle there have been two replies:
first, that in its origin it was a claim of representation for
communities only, and not for individuals; and, secondly, that in its
nature it embraces women as well as men. And from these two
considerations it is argued that it cannot be invoked for the
protection of four million people whose only offence is a dark skin.
Even if it had been originally a claim for communities only, and not
for individuals, it is difficult to see how it can be rejected as a rule in
determining the rights of fellow-citizens counted by millions. Our
fathers, when they cried out that taxation without representation is
tyranny, were not more than two millions and a half. Our fellow-
citizens now renewing the same cry are more than four millions,
possessing the weight of numbers, if not of organization. But it is a
mistake to suppose that the original claim was for communities only,
and not for individuals. This is a question of history, to be considered
with the gravity of history, and as such I ask attention to it.
In opening this debate, I carried you to that Provincial Court in
Massachusetts, where, in assailing Writs of Assistance, James Otis
first launched the thunderbolt, “Taxation without representation is
tyranny.” You remember how careful he was to insist that without
representation there could be no taxation of any kind, direct or
indirect, on land or on trade, and that the representation must be
substantial, real, and not merely imaginary, or, as it was expressed
at that time, “virtual.” In developing this principle, he announced the
equal rights of all, without distinction of color. On this ground he
stood, when he uttered those memorable words, which the whole
country adopted at once with patriotic frenzy, and which I insist you
shall not deny in our organic law.
But, to show more precisely the meaning of Otis, I let him be his
own interpreter. Again and again he asserts the equality of men. This
was his fundamental principle, which on an important occasion he
thus expressed: “The first simple principle is equality and the power
of the whole.”[230] Nor did he allow this to be limited in application by
any distinction of color. John Adams, who was present when the
orator first raised his great cry, says: “Nor were the poor negroes
forgotten. Not a Quaker in Philadelphia, or Mr. Jefferson, of Virginia,
ever asserted the rights of negroes in stronger terms.”[231] Otis, in
another form, assailed directly the distinction of color, saying: “Will
short, curled hair, like wool, instead of Christian hair, as ’tis called by
those whose hearts are as hard as the nether millstone, help the
argument?”[232] Such, then, were his premises,—the equal rights of
all, without distinction of color. From these his conclusion was easy:
—
“The very act of taxing, exercised over those who
are not represented, appears to me to be depriving
them of one of their most essential rights as freemen,
and, if continued, seems to be, in effect, an entire
disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil
right is worth a rush, after a man’s property is subject
to be taken from him at pleasure, without his consent?
If a man is not his own assessor, in person or by
deputy, his liberty is gone, or lays entirely at the mercy
of others.”[233]
Stronger words for universal suffrage could not be employed. His
argument is, that, if men are taxed without being represented, they
are deprived of essential rights, and the continuance of this
deprivation despoils them of every civil right,—thus making the latter
depend upon the right of suffrage, which by curious neologism is
known as political instead of civil. Then, giving point to his
argument, the patriot insists, that, in determining taxation, “a man
must be his own assessor, in person or by deputy,” without which his
liberty is entirely at the mercy of others. Here, again, in different
form, is the original thunderbolt; and the claim is made not merely
for communities, but for “a man.”
Such a principle naturally encountered opposition at that time,
even as now in this Chamber; but Otis was ready at all points. To the
argument, that Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America,
returned no members to Parliament, he flashed forth in reply:—
“If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every
man of a sound mind should have his vote.”
And then again, taking up the reply, he exclaimed:—
 “Lord Coke declares that it is against Magna Charta,
and against the franchises of the land, for freemen to
be taxed but by their own consent.”[234]
Thus does he interpret again the flaming words, “Taxation without
representation is tyranny.”
But, while thus positive, there is reason to believe that Otis so far
yielded to prevailing sentiment, and especially to the opinions of
Harrington, whose “Oceana” was much read at that time, as
sometimes to recognize property in determining the basis of political
power. On one occasion he said that Government could not be
“rightfully founded on property alone,” thus seeming to intimate that
property might enter into the foundation, although, as he derisively
remarks, “the possessor of it may not have much more wit than a
mole or a musquash.”[235] But it was doubtless obvious to his clear
intelligence that a claim of power founded on property was very
different from a claim of power founded on color. Property may be
acquired; but color, from its nature, is an insurmountable condition.
The original Constitution of Massachusetts recognized property as an
element of political power; but it rejected all discrimination founded
on color. If, therefore, under the maxim of Otis, there may be
discrimination founded on property, most clearly, according to reason
and early practice, there can be none founded on color; so that at
the present hour his maxim is of vital force as a claim, not merely for
the community, but for the individual. Let the country now, as
aforetime, take it up and repeat it until it becomes the watchword of
patriotism.
But Otis was not the only interpreter of this maxim of Liberty. The
Legislature of Massachusetts, on repeated occasions, made the same
claim. In solemn resolutions, drawn by Samuel Adams, and adopted
unanimously, it declared, in substance, that, “by the Law of Nature,
no man has a right to impose laws more than to levy taxes upon
another”; that “the freeman pays no tax, as the freeman submits to
no law, but such as emanates from the body in which he is
represented.”[236] Surely this claim is not merely for the community,
but for the individual freeman also.
Virginia was not behind Massachusetts. In her Declaration of
Rights, drawn by that determined patriot, George Mason, and
adopted June 12, 1776, anterior to the Declaration of Independence,
is the following emphatic claim:—
“All men having sufficient evidence of permanent
common interest with and attachment to the
community have the right of suffrage, and cannot be
taxed or deprived of their property for public uses
without their own consent or that of their
representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to
which they have not in like manner assented for the
public good.”[237]
Here again the claim is not merely for the community, but for “all
men,” and it is set forth thus positively in a Declaration of Rights.
And now listen to Benjamin Franklin. I quote a statement found
among his papers, and placed by his excellent editor under date of
1768-9, while the Colonists were echoing the cry, “Taxation without
representation is tyranny.”
“That every man of the commonalty, excepting
infants, insane persons, and criminals, is of common
right, and by the laws of God, a freeman, and entitled
to the free enjoyment of liberty.
“That liberty or freedom, consists in having an actual
share in the appointment of those who frame the laws,
and who are to be the guardians of every man’s life,
property, and peace; for the all of one man is as dear
to him as the all of another, and the poor man has an
equal right, but more need, to have representatives in
the Legislature than the rich one.
 “That they who have no voice nor vote in the
electing of representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are
absolutely enslaved to those who have votes and to
their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have
governors whom other men have set over us, and be
subject to laws made by the representatives of others,
without having had representatives of our own to give
consent in our behalf.”[238]
Here is no claim for communities merely, but expressly for “every
man,” including especially “the poor man,” and without distinction of
color.
This American testimony is fitly crowned by the Declaration of
Independence, which, beginning with the proclamation that “all men
are created equal,” proceeds to assert that governments “derive
their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Here again is
no claim for communities, but for “all men”; and this is the most
authoritative interpretation of the original claim thundered forth by
Otis, and echoed throughout the land. It is idle to show that in
certain instances the Fathers failed to apply the sublime principles
they declared. Their failure can be no apology for us, on whom the
duty is now cast.
But there is still another interpreter. The maxim of Otis was not
original with him. It is found in the writings of John Locke, so
remarkable for masculine sense and an exalted love of liberty. On a
former occasion I adduced his authority, which is plain and positive.
Pardon me, if I call attention to it once more. After asserting that
Government cannot take the property of any one without his own
consent, being the consent of the majority, the philosopher thus
expresses himself:—
“For, if any one shall claim a power to lay and levy
taxes on the people by his own authority and without
such consent of the people, he thereby invades the
fundamental law of property and subverts the end of
 government; for what property have I in that which
another may by right take, when he pleases, to
himself?”[239]
Mr. Hallam, commenting on this text, does not hesitate to say, that
it “in some measure seems to charge with usurpation all the
established governments of Europe,”—that “neither the Revolution of
1688 nor the administration of William the Third could have borne
the test by which Locke has tried the legitimacy of government.”[240]
A later English writer, Mr. Tremenheere, commenting also on this
text, sets forth its two propositions as follows: “First, that a political
society can only be bound by the act of the majority; second, that
taxation without representation is tyranny.”[241] Such are the two
propositions this English writer finds in Locke, and which he cites for
condemnation. Thus, if we repair with Otis to the very source from
which he drew, we find that there was no claim for communities
merely, but for the individual man, without distinction of color.
Mr. Bright, our English friend, in one of his admirable speeches,[242]
has recently furnished an additional illustration. He has brought to
light a resolution from no less an authority than Lord Somers, on an
important occasion, kindred to the present, when it was proposed to
disfranchise all who were not of the Established Church, as it is now
proposed to disfranchise all who are not of a certain color. Speaking
for the House of Lords, in conference with the Commons, this great
constitutional lawyer insisted:—
“That though the Lords allow that no man hath a
place by birthright, or but few such examples in our
Government, yet that giving a vote for a
Representative in Parliament is the essential privilege
whereby every Englishman preserves his property, and
that whatsoever deprives him of such vote deprives
him of his birthright.”[243]
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