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 FOOTNOTES
[1] See an article by M. Deschamps in the Réforme sociale of
October 1, 1902, on the value of this kind of teaching.
[2] In an article on the teaching of the history of economic
doctrines (Revue de l’Enseignement, March 15, 1900) M.
Deschamps declares that it is unpardonable that we should be
unable to make better use of the marvellous economic teachings
of which both ancient and mediæval history are full, but he adds
that “as far as the history of the science is concerned there is no
need to go farther back than the Physiocrats.”
[3] In the new edition of M. Espinas’s work an entire volume is
devoted to the study of economic doctrines in ancient and
mediæval times.
[4] “What useful purpose can be served by the study of absurd
opinions and doctrines that have long ago been exploded, and
deserved to be? It is mere useless pedantry to attempt to revive
them. The more perfect a science becomes the shorter becomes
its history. Alembert truly remarks that the more light we have on
any subject the less need is there to occupy ourselves with the
false or doubtful opinions to which it may have given rise. Our
duty with regard to errors is not to revive them, but simply to
forget them.” (Traité pratique, vol. ii, p. 540.)
[5] Wealth of Nations, vol. i, p. 351.
[6] Quesnay’s first economic articles, written for the Grande
Encyclopédie, were on Les Grains and Les Fermiers.
[7] Professor Hector Denis, speaking of the Physiocratic
doctrine, remarks that its imperfections are easily demonstrated,
but that we seldom recognise its incomparable greatness.
[8] “The genuine economists are easily depicted. In Dr.
Quesnay they have a common master; a common doctrine in the
Philosophie rurale and the Analyse économique. Their classical
literature is summed up in the generic term Physiocracy. In the
Tableau économique they possess a formula with technical terms
as precise as old Chinese characters.” This definition of the
Physiocrats, given by one of themselves, the Abbé Baudeau
(Éphémérides, April 1776)—writing, we may be sure, in no
malicious spirit—shows us that the school possessed not a little of
the dogmatism of the Chinee.
[9] The first not only in chronological order but the chief
recognised by all was Dr. Quesnay (1694-1774), the physician of
Louis XV and of Mme. de Pompadour. He had already published
numerous works on medicine, especially the Essai physique sur
l’Économie animale (1736) before turning his attention to
economic questions and more especially to problems of “rural
economy.” His first contributions, the essays on Les Grains and
Les Fermiers, which appeared in the Grande Encyclopédie in 1756
and 1757, were followed by his famous Tableau économique in
1758, when he was sixty-four years of age, and in 1760 by his
Maximes générales du Gouvernement économique d’un Royaume
agricole, which is merely a development of the preceding work.
His writings were not numerous, but his influence, like that of
Socrates, disseminated as it was by his disciples, became very
considerable.
The best edition of his works is that published by Professor
Oncken of Berne, Œuvres économiques et philosophiques de F.
Quesnay (Paris and Frankfort, 1888). Our quotations from the
founders are taken from Collections des Principaux Économistes,
published by Daire.
The Marquis de Mirabeau, father of the great orator of the
Revolution, a man of a fiery temperament like his son, published
at about the same date as the production of the Tableau his L’Ami
des Hommes. This book, which created a great sensation, does
not strictly belong to Physiocratic literature, for it ignores the
fundamental doctrine of the school. La Théorie de l’Impôt (1760)
and La Philosophie rurale (1763), on the other hand, owe their
inspiration to Physiocracy.
Mercier de la Rivière, a parliamentary advocate, published
L’Ordre natural et essentiel des Sociétés politiques in 1767.
Dupont de Nemours refers to this as a “sublime work,” and
though it does not, perhaps, deserve that epithet it contains,
nevertheless, the code of the Physiocratic doctrine.
Dupont de Nemours, as he is called after his native town
published about the same time, 1768, when he was only twenty-
nine, a book entitled Physiocratie, ou Constitution essentielle du
Gouvernement le plus avantageux au Genre humain. To him we
owe the term from which the school took its name—Physiocracy,
which signifies “the rule of nature.” But the designation
“Physiocrats” was unfortunate and was almost immediately
abandoned for “Économistes.” Quesnay and his disciples were the
first “Économistes.” It was only much later, when the name
“Economist” became generic and useless as a distinctive mark for
a special school, that writers made a practice of reverting to the
older term “Physiocrat.”
An enthusiastic disciple of Quesnay, Dupont’s rôle was chiefly
that of a propagandist of Physiocratic doctrines, and he made
little original contribution to the science. At an early date,
moreover, the great political events in which he took an active
part proved a distraction. He survived all his colleagues, and was
the only one of them who lived long enough to witness the
Revolution, in which he played a prominent part. He successively
became a deputy in the Tiers État, a president of the Constituent
Assembly, and later on, under the Directoire, President du Conseil
des Anciens. He even assisted in the restoration of the Empire,
and political economy was first honoured at the hands of the
Institut when he became a member of that body.
In 1777 Le Trosne, an advocate at the Court of Orleans,
published a book entitled De l’Intérêt social, par rapport à la
Valuer, à la Circulation, à l’Industrie et au Commerce, which is
perhaps the best or at least the most strictly economic of all.
Mention must also be made of the Abbé Baudeau, who has no
less than eighty volumes to his credit, chiefly dealing with the
corn trade, but whose principal work is L’Introduction à la
Philosophie économique (1771); and of the Abbé Roubaud,
afterwards Margrave of Baden, who had the advantage of being
not merely a writer but a prince, and who carried out some
Physiocratic experiments in some of the villages of his small
principality.
We have not yet mentioned the most illustrious member of the
school, both in respect of his talent and his position, namely,
Turgot (1727-81). His name is generally coupled with that of the
Physiocrats, and this classification is sufficiently justified by the
similarity of their ideas. Still, as we shall see, in many respects he
stands by himself, and bears a close resemblance to Adam Smith.
Moreover, he commenced writing before the Physiocrats. His
essay on paper money dates from 1748, when he was only
twenty-one years of age, but his most important work, Réflexions
sur la Formation et la Distribution des Richesses, belongs to 1766.
As the Intendant of Limoges and again as a minister of Louis XVI
he possessed the necessary authority to enable him to realise his
ideas of economic liberty, which he did by his famous edicts
abolishing taxes upon corn passing from one province to another,
and by the abolition of the rights of wardenship and privilege.
Unlike the other Physiocrats, who swore only by Dr. Quesnay,
Turgot owed a great deal to a prominent business man, Vincent
de Gournay, who at a later date became the Intendant of
Commerce. Gournay died in 1759, at the early age of forty-seven.
Of Gournay we know next to nothing beyond what Turgot says of
him in his eulogy (See Schelle, Vincent de Gournay, 1897).
Bibliography. Books dealing with the Physiocratic system, both
in French and other languages, are fairly numerous. A very
detailed account of these may be found in M. Weulersse’s work,
Le Mouvement physiocratique en France de 1756 à 1770,
published in 1910, which also contains a very complete exposition
of the Physiocratic doctrine. In English there is a succinct account
of the system in Higgs’ Physiocrats (1897).
[10] Especially in the celebrated pamphlet, L’Homme aux
Quarante Écus.
[11] J. J. Rousseau, the author of the Contrat Social (1762),
was a contemporary of the Physiocrats, but he never became a
member of the school. Mirabeau’s attempt to win his allegiance
proved a failure. The “natural order” and the “social contract”
seem incompatible, for the natural and spontaneous can never be
the subject of contract. One might even be tempted to think that
Rousseau’s celebrated theory was formulated in opposition to
Physiocracy, unless we remembered that the social contract
theory is much older than Rousseau’s work. Traces of the same
idea may be found in many writings, especially those inspired by
Calvinism. To Rousseau the social question seemed to be a kind
of mathematical problem, and any proposed solution must satisfy
certain complicated conditions, which are formulated thus: “To
find a form of association which protects with the whole common
force the person and property of each associate, and in virtue of
which everyone, while uniting himself to all, obeys only himself
and remains as free as before.” Nothing could well be further
from the Physiocratic view. Their belief was that there was
nothing to find and nothing to create. The “natural order” was
self-evident.
It is true that Rousseau was an equally enthusiastic believer in
a natural order, in the voice of nature, and in the native kindness
of mankind. “The eternal laws of nature and order have a real
existence. For the wise they serve as positive laws, and they are
engraved on the innermost tablets of the heart by both
conscience and reason.” (Émile, Book V.) The language is identical
with that of the Physiocrats. But there is this great difference.
Rousseau thought that the state of nature had been denaturalised
by social and especially by political institutions, including, of
course, private property; and his chief desire was to give back to
the people the equivalent of what they had lost. The “social
contract” is just an attempt to secure this. The Physiocrats, on
the other hand, regarded the institution of private property as the
perfect bloom of the “natural order.” Its beauty has perhaps
suffered at the hands of turbulent Governments, but let
Governments be removed and the “natural order” will at once
resume its usual course.
There is also this other prime difference. The Physiocrats
regarded interest and duty as one and the same thing, for by
following his own interest the individual is also furthering the
good of everybody else. To Rousseau they seemed antagonistic:
the former must be overcome by the latter. “Personal interest is
always in inverse ratio to duty, and becomes greater the narrower
the association, and the less sacred.” (Contrat Social, ii, chap. 3.)
In other words, family ties and co-operative associations are
stronger than patriotism.
[12] “There is a natural society whose existence is prior to
every other human association.… These self-evident principles,
which might form the foundation of a perfect constitution, are
also self-revealing. They are evident not only to the well-informed
student, but also to the simple savage as he issues from the lap
of nature.” (Dupont, vol. i, p. 341.) Some Physiocrats even seem
inclined to the belief that this “natural order” has actually existed
in the past and that men lost it through their own remissness.
Dupont de Nemours mournfully asks: “How have the people fallen
from that state of felicity in which they lived in those far-off,
happy days? How is it that they failed to appreciate the natural
order?” But even when interpreted in this fashion it had no
resemblance to a savage state. It must rather be identified with
the Golden Age of the ancients or the Eden of Holy Scripture. It is
a lost Paradise which we must seek to regain.
The view is not peculiar to the Physiocrats, but it is interesting
to note how unfamiliar they were with the modern idea of
evolutionary progress.
[13] Mercier de la Rivière, vol. ii, p. 615. “Natural right is
indeterminate in a state of nature [note the paradox]. The right
only appears when justice and labour have been established.”
(Quesnay, p. 43.)
[14] “By entering society and making conventions for their
mutual advantage men increase the scope of natural right without
incurring any restriction of their liberties, for this is just the state
of things that enlightened reason would have chosen.” (Quesnay,
pp. 43, 44.)
[15] Pursuing this same idea, Dupont writes as follows: “It is
thirteen years since a man of exceptional genius, well versed in
profound disquisition, and already known for his success in an art
where complete mastery only comes with careful observation and
complete submission to the laws of nature, predicted that natural
laws extended far beyond the bounds hitherto assigned to them.
If nature gives to the bee, the ant, or the beaver the power of
submitting by common consent and for their own interest to a
good, stable, and equable form of government, it can hardly
refuse man the power of raising himself to the enjoyment of the
same advantages. Convinced of the importance of this view, and
of the important consequences that might follow from it, he
applied his whole intellectual strength to an investigation of the
physical laws which govern society.” Elsewhere he adds: “The
natural order is merely the physical constitution which God
Himself has given the universe.” (Introduction to Quesnay’s
works, p. 21.)
Hector Denis in his Histoire des Doctrines expresses the belief
that the most characteristic feature of the Physiocratic system is
the emphasis laid upon a naturalistic conception of society. He
illustrates this by means of diagrams showing the identity of the
circulation of wealth and the circulation of the blood.
[16] “Its laws are irrevocable, pertaining as they do to the
essence of matter and the soul of humanity. They are just the
expression of the will of God.… All our interests, all our wishes,
are focused at one point, making for harmony and universal
happiness. We must regard this as the work of a kind Providence,
which desires that the earth should be peopled by happy human
beings.” (Mercier de la Rivière, vol. i, p. 390; vol. ii, p. 638.)
[17] “There is a natural judge of all ordinances, even of the
sovereign’s. This judge, which recognises no exceptions, is just
the evidence of their conformity with or opposition to natural
laws.” (Dupont, vol. i, p. 746.)
[18] Dupont, introduction to Quesnay’s works, vol. i, pp. 19 and
26.
[19] Baudeau, vol. i, p. 820.
[20] Letter to Mdlle. Lespinasse (1770).
[21] See some remarks on the Tableau économique on p. 18.
[22] Baudeau, Éphémérides du Citoyen.
[23] “The laws of the natural order do not in any way restrain
the liberty of mankind, for the great advantage which they
possess is that they make for greater liberty.” (Quesnay, Droit
Naturel, p. 55.) And Mercier de la Rivière says (vol. ii, p. 617):
“The institution of private property and of liberty would secure
perfect order without the help of any other law.”
[24] Dialogues sur les Artisans.
[25] Mercier de la Rivière, vol. ii, p. 617.
[26] The origin of the famous formula is uncertain. Several of
the Physiocrats, especially Mirabeau and Mercier de la Rivière,
assign it to Vincent de Gournay, but Turgot, the friend and
biographer of Vincent de Gournay, attributes it, under a slightly
different form, laissez-nous faire, to Le Gendre, a merchant who
was a contemporary of Colbert. Oncken thinks that the credit
must go to the Marquis d’Argenson, who employed the term in his
Mémoires as early as the year 1736. The formula itself is quite
commonplace. It only became important when it was adopted as
the motto of a famous school of thinkers, so that this kind of
research has no great interest. For a discussion of this trivial
question, see the work of M. Schelle, Vincent de Gournay (1897),
and especially Oncken’s Die Maxime Laissez-faire et Laissez-
passer (Berne, 1886).
[27] “The prosperity of mankind is bound up with a maximum
net product.” (Dupont de Nemours, Origine d’une Science
nouvelle, p. 346.)
 [28] “Labour applied anywhere except to land is absolutely
sterile, for man is not a creator.” (Le Trosne, p. 942.)
“This physical truth that the earth is the source of all
commodities is so very evident that none of us can doubt it.” (Le
Trosne, Intérêt social.)
“The produce of the soil may be divided into two parts … what
remains over is free and disposable, a pure gift given to the
cultivator in addition to the return for his outlay and the wages of
his labour.” (Turgot, Réflexions.)
“Raw material is transformed into beautiful and useful objects
through the diligence of the artisan, but before his task begins it
is necessary that others should supply the raw material and
provide the necessary sustenance. When their part is completed
others should recompense them and pay them for their trouble.
The cultivators, on the other hand, produce their own raw
material, whether for use or for consumption, as well as
everything that is consumed by others. This is just where the
difference between a productive and a sterile class comes in.”
(Baudeau, Correspondance avec M. Graslin.)
[29] “A weaver buys food and clothing, giving 150 francs for
them, together with a quantity of flax, for which he gives 50
francs. The cloth will be sold for 200 francs, a sum that will cover
all expenditure.” (Mercier de la Rivière, vol. ii, p. 598.) “Industry
merely superimposes value, but does not create any which did
not previously exist.” (Ibid.)
[30] Baudeau, Éphém. ix (1770). One feels that the Physiocrats
go too far when they say that “the merchant who sells goods may
occasionally prove as useful as the philanthropist who gives them,
because want puts a price upon the service of the one just as it
does upon the charity of the other.” (Du Marchand de Grains, in
the Journal de l’Agriculture, du Commerce, et des Finances,
December 1773, quoted in a thesis on the corn trade by M.
Curmond, 1900.) We must insist upon the fact that
“unproductive” or “sterile” did not by any means signify “useless.”
They saw clearly enough that the labour of the weaver who
makes linen out of flax or cloth out of wool is at any rate as
useful as that of the cultivator who produced the wool and the
flax, or rather that the latter’s toil would be perfectly useless
without the industry of the former. They also realised that
although we may say that agricultural labour is more useful than
that of the weaver or the mason, especially when the land is used
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