"Challenges Faced by Indian Women in the Nationalist/Freedom Movement in
20th-Century India"
The Indian national movement witnessed mass participation by women across regions,
communities, and classes. Their involvement was significant, because it was also shaped by a
complex matrix of cultural norms, colonial constraints, nationalist ideologies, and patriarchal
[Link] of the most significant challenges Indian women faced was limited access to
education and employment. Female literacy rates were extremely low in the early 20th century,
particularly among lower castes and in rural areas. Education for women was often confined to
religious or domestic instruction, reinforcing their roles as wives and mothers.
It's rooted in 19th-century reform movements led by men like Rammohun Roy and Ishwar
Chandra Vidyasagar. Roy denounced sati and upheld women’s moral capacity. Vidyasagar
championed widow remarriage and female education.1However,these male-led reforms were
shaped by a belief in women’s dependence and a paternalistic desire to ‘protect’ them. These
reforms mostly benefited upper-caste, urban women. The majority of rural and lower-caste
women remained untouched by the early waves of change. By the mid-19th century, elite Indian
males were advocating reforms that allowed women access to education and banned socially
regressive customs. Still, this reformism retained patriarchal structures, denying women
autonomy even as it appeared to elevate them.2 Despite limitations, reform laid the groundwork
for women’s own mobilization. Early women reformers like Savitribai Phule, Pandita Ramabai,
and Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain played a crucial role in challenging gender inequality. Savitribai
Phule pioneered girls' education and worked for Dalit women's rights. Pandita Ramabai
advocated for widow remarriage and founded shelters for destitute women. Rokeya Sakhawat
promoted education among Muslim girls and wrote boldly on women's [Link]
founding of Bharat Stree Mahamandal in 1910 by Sarala Devi Chaudhurani marked a major
turning point. Unlike earlier groups, this organization was explicitly for women, by women.
Between 1917 and 1927, several major all-India women’s organizations were formed: The
Women’s Indian Association (WIA, 1917), the National Council of Women in India (NCWI,1925),
and the All India Women’s Conference (AIWC, 1927). Each group developed feminist agendas
rooted in social reform, legal rights, and education.3
The nationalist leadership often spoke of nari shakti (women’s power) and the spiritual strength
of Indian womanhood, invoking historical and mythological figures such as Sita, Savitri, and
Rani Lakshmibai. Raja Ravi Varma’s mythological prints and Abanindranath Tagore’s painting
became iconic symbols of resistance and cultural [Link] of the most enduring images of the
Indian nationalist movement is that of Bharat Mata, a female allegory of the nation. As
Neumayer and Schelberger show in BharatMata: India’s Freedom Movement in Popular Art,
nationalist posters, calendar art, and pamphlets from the early 20th century frequently depicted
India as a woman dressed in saffron robes, holding a flag, sometimes surrounded by divine
1
Geraldine Forbes, "Caged Tigers: ‘First Wave’ Feminists in India," Women’s Studies
International Forum 5, no. 6 (1982): 526
2
Ibid., 526–27.
3
Ibid., 528–29
beings or revolutionary heroes.4 Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s novel Anandamath where
the hymn “Vande Mataram” was first introduced which described the nation as a mother and
became a rallying cry during the Swadeshi and later nationalist movements. Despite being
controversial later for its religious overtones, the song’s initial power lay in its capacity to evoke
intense devotion toward the [Link] often referred to India as a living mother, suffering
under British rule, while Bose named his army the Azad Hind Fauj, which pledged to free the
motherland through armed struggle.
Forbes emphasizes that Indian women developed a distinct feminist ideology that harmonized
with nationalism rather than opposing it. Women rejected the Western label ‘feminist’ as
alienating and unpatriotic. They framed their struggle in terms of cultural rejuvenation, invoking
a mythic ‘Golden Age’ where women supposedly held power and status.5 Rather than
denouncing men, they targeted ‘custom’ as the true enemy—customs distorted by colonialism,
warfare, and religious misinterpretation. The nationalist call for swaraj became intertwined with
the feminist vision of swadhinata .6
Women like Sarojini Naidu offered powerful metaphors of nationhood and domesticity. India was
a “house,” the people its “family,” and women its moral keepers. This ideological fusion allowed
women to assert public roles while maintaining traditional respectability.
We have a popular assumption that the early 20th-century reformist middle class shared a
universal model of progressivism. Shivrani Devi Premchand’s memoir Premchand: Ghar Mein
challenges this kind of narrative and presents a unique feminist practice rooted in lived
experience.7 Shivrani’s activism challenges the notion that women were merely "recast" during
the nationalist struggle such as her preference to go to jail instead of Premchand, due to his ill
health, and her fiery speech at a massive Mahila Ashram gathering underscore her political
agency.8The traditional scholarship on Premchand has primarily portrayed him as a reformist
and nationalist literary figure. However, Shivrani’s narrative provides an alternative
reading, foregrounding her own voice within their shared domestic space. As Partha Chatterjee
argues, the nationalist discourse relegated women to the “inner domain” of cultural authenticity,
even as it fought for political sovereignty in the public sphere.9 The memoir also touches upon
the debate over women’s work and economic [Link] advocated for women’s right to
work, noting that self-reliance had become necessary due to changing gender dynamics.
Premchand, however, expressed skepticism, worrying about male unemployment and the
disruption of traditional family [Link] difference in opinion showcases the limitations of male
reformist perspectives and further emphasizes Shivrani’s unique feminist voice. Her critique
extended to caste-based practices as well. Premchand pointed out that even in lower castes
4
Erwin Neumayer and Christine Schelberger, Bharat Mata: India’s Freedom Movement in
Popular Art (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008), 12–25.
5
Geraldine Forbes, 530-31
6
Ibid 531
7
Jyoti Atwal, "Revisiting Premchand: Shivrani Devi on Companionship, Reformism and
Nation," Economic and Political Weekly 42, no. 18 (May 5, 2007): 1631.
8
Ibid., 1636.
9
Partha Chatterjee, "The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question," in Recasting
Women: Essays in Colonial History, eds. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (New Delhi:
Kali for Women, 1989), 237.
where women worked, their earnings were controlled by their husbands, suggesting that
economic independence without legal rights was insufficient. He thus prioritized legal reforms
over economic ones, yet Shivrani’s insistence on economic participation as empowerment
reveals her broader understanding of feminist praxis.
Mahatma Gandhi’s mass campaigns from the 1920s onward created new possibilities for
women to engage in public activism, especially in non-violent protest. Gandhi encouraged
women to participate in spinning khadi, picketing liquor shops, and defying colonial laws. Young
India, October 10, 1921 Gandhi wrote
"To call women the weaker sex is a libel; it is man’s injustice to women. If by strength is meant
brute strength, then, indeed, is woman less brute than man. If strength means moral power,
then women are immeasurably superior."
For most women, particularly those from lower-caste, Dalit, and tribal backgrounds, participation
in the nationalist movement entailed a double burden. They not only confronted colonial rule but
also fought internal social hierarchies. Peasant women participated in regional movements such
as the Tebhaga movement in Bengal or the Warli Adivasi revolt in Maharashtra, yet their roles
were often sidelined in elite nationalist histories.
Outside the Gandhian mainstream, revolutionary groups like the Hindustan Socialist Republican
Association (HSRA) and Bengal’s Anushilan Samiti involved women in militant activities. Figures
like Kalpana Dutt, Bina Das, and Preetilata Waddedar participated in armed struggle, often
facing imprisonment and torture. However, their stories were selectively remembered in
nationalist historiography. Movies like The Legend of Bhagat Singh (2002), Rang De Basanti
(2006) Briefly portrays Durga Bhabhi but focuses largely on male revolutionaries. Reflects how
cinema too mirrors theTheir participation posed a challenge to both colonial and nationalist
gender norms. This invisibility of women in revolutionary imagery reflected a broader discomfort
with female violence in nationalist narratives, which preferred to valorize women as nurturing or
sacrificial figures rather than as political agents capable of radical disruption. However, those
who took up arms and participated in violent resistance were sometimes admired but not fully
absorbed into the “ideal woman” archetype promoted by mainstream nationalism.
Beyond physical resistance, some revolutionary women took on leadership roles in political and
social reform. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, not only participated in the Salt Satyagraha but also
later advocated for labor rights and women's education. She refused to remarry after being
widowed, an act of defiance against social expectations for women—and dedicated her life to
public service. Through their courage and activism, these women laid the foundation for future
feminist and political movements in India. They became symbols of empowerment, challenging
the stereotype of the passive Indian woman and inspiring generations to come.
The “good/bad woman” dichotomy in the Indian national movement reflected deeper social
anxieties about gender, sexuality, and modernity. While women made critical contributions to the
freedom struggle, their roles were often filtered through patriarchal and moralistic
[Link] were similarly fighting for legal and social rights also. One of the achievements
of feminists was their success in legislative advocacy. The Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929,
passed after intense lobbying by WIA and AIWC, marked a major feminist victory. These
organizations held public meetings, submitted petitions, and negotiated with legislators.10 The
10
Geraldine Forbes: 525.
Act set minimum ages for marriage and applied to all religious communities. While not
universally enforced, it signified the increasing influence of women in shaping national policy.
Similarly, demands for women’s suffrage were advanced persistently, culminating in women
gaining the right to vote in 1935 under the Government of India Act.
The mainstream historiography of the Indian nationalist movement has long been dominated by
the stories of upper-caste, urban, and elite male leaders. women were central to mass
mobilizations during the nationalist struggle, particularly in movements like the Civil
Disobedience Movement, Quit India Movement, and various satyagrahas. They boycotted
foreign goods, engaged in picketing of liquor shops, and participated in protest marches and
non-cooperation activities. However, lacking formal education and elite connections, their efforts
were rarely documented. In revolts such as the Santhal uprising and later tribal resistances like
those led by Alluri Sitarama Raju or Birsa Munda, tribal women supported and often took active
roles in sustaining the movements. Women like Begum Rokeya had earlier laid the groundwork
for Muslim women’s education and reform, but their influence has often been read as part of the
“Muslim question” rather than the nationalist struggle perspective.
The issue of Partition in 1947 further revealed how nationalist rhetoric had ignored the
vulnerability of women in communal conflicts. The violence of Partition saw tens of thousands of
women abducted, raped, and forcibly converted. Nationalist leaders on both sides treated these
women as symbols of collective honor rather than as individuals with rights. Urvashi Butalia and
Ritu Menon have shown how nationalist ideologies reduced these women to bearers of
community purity, failing to protect them in times of actual crisis. The Indian Constitution (1950)
guaranteed equality before the law, the right to vote, and protection against discrimination.
Reforms such as the Hindu Code Bills modernize family laws concerning marriage, inheritance,
and divorce but they applied only to Hindus. The Dowry Prohibition Act (1961) sought to curb
the widespread practice of dowry and The Maternity Benefit Act (1961) ensured maternity leave
and job protection. Other legal provisions such as Protection of Women from Domestic
ViolenceAct (2005) offered civil remedies to victims of abuse, while the Sexual Harassment of
Women at Workplace Act (2013) provided mechanisms for redressal and safer work
environments. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments (1992) reserved one-third of
seats for women in Panchayati Raj institutions, increasing their role in grassroots governance.
Recently Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (2023) passed by parliament will provide 33%
reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies.
The 20th century was both a century of struggle and of significant progress for Indian women.
While they played key roles in the nationalist movement and made inroads into public life, they
continued to face systemic challenges rooted in social conservatism, gender inequality, and
exclusionary politics. The participation of women in the national movement was both
empowering and limiting , it allowed visibility but often under patriarchal terms. One of the
greatest challenges faced by women in the nationalist movement has been historiographical
erasure. Much of post-independence history has prioritized male leaders and strategies,
relegating women to footnotes or special interest categories.
Bibliography
Atwal, Jyoti. “Revisiting Premchand: Shivrani Devi on Companionship,
Reformism and Nation.” Economic and Political Weekly, May 5, 2007.
Chatterjee, Partha. “The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question.” In
Recasting Women: Essays in Colonial History, edited by Kumkum Sangari and
Sudesh Vaid, 233–53. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1989.
Forbes, Geraldine. Women in Colonial India: Essays on Politics, Medicine and
Historiography. Delhi: Chronicle Books, 2005.
Neumayer, Erwin, and Christine Schelberger. Bharat Mata: India's Freedom
Movement in Popular Art. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008.