Wolkite University

Butajira Campus

College of Business and Economics

Department of Accounting and Finance

Group-4 Assignment of History (Hist1012)

Name. ID No.

[Link] Desalegn...............................................................0602/17

[Link] Kedir.................................................................0610/17

[Link] Kasim...................................................................0601/17

[Link] Gebeye.................................................................0636/17

[Link] ketsela......................................................................0621/17

[Link] Teshome.................................................................0616/17

[Link] Chamiso...............................................................058717

[Link] Tesfaye...................................................................0651/17

[Link] Mengist............................................................0633/17

[Link] Worku..................................................................0717/17

Submission Date 08-5-2026G.C

Submitted to Ms. Beza

Introduction

In the 19th-century Horn of Africa, trade routes connecting the interior highlands to the Red Sea and
Indian Ocean coasts played a crucial role in fostering regional integration and stimulating economic
change. These routes facilitated the exchange of ivory, coffee, gold, and slaves, linked diverse ethnic
and religious communities, and gave rise to new market towns. This discussion will examine how
trade networks promoted interdependence among different polities and accelerated economic
transformations, including monetization and the rise of merchant

During the later years of Emperor Haile Selassie’s reign (1941–1974), Ethiopia witnessed significant
socio-economic developments and modernization programs, including the expansion of education,
transportation infrastructure, banking, and early development plans. However, these efforts
remained limited largely to urban centers and failed to address deep-rooted rural land inequality.

The downfall of the monarchical regime in 1974 resulted from a combination of internal andexternal
factors

The Ethiopian monarchy introduced modernization programs aimed at strengthening the state, but
these reforms where uneven and created new tensions.

The expansion of modern education under Haile Selassie inadvertently nurtured the very forces that
would challenge his monarchy. As Ethiopian students were exposed to Western curricula,
revolutionary ideologies, and global student activism, they grew increasingly critical of imperial
stagnation, land inequality, and authoritarian

Key market centers served as points of regional integration. Basso, located immediately north of the
Abay River, was a very important meeting place where Muslim and Christian merchants from Tigray,
Gondar, Wollo, Shewa, and different parts of Oromia used to meet.

Bati and Ancharo were very important market centres in Wollo. Assendabo in Eastern Wollega served
as a point of contact between the Abay and the Gibe River valleys. The Soddo market in Gurage land
was linked with Ankober in Shewa. With the emergence of the Shewan Kingdom in the 19th century,
the caravan route linking the Shewan Plateau with Harar revived, and Harari merchants began to visit
Ankober frequently. From Harar, the trade route went either to Zeila or Berbera on the Gulf of Aden

Throughout the 19th century, major trading items included ivory, civet, gold, wax, animal skins, and
slaves. By the last quarter of the 19th century, coffee also became an important export commodity.
Ethiopian goods were natural products obtained mainly from southwestern Ethiopia. Slaves became a
major Ethiopian export item since ancient times, exported both to Sudan and Arabia.

Well-known slave auction markets were Yejjube in Gojjam and Abdul Rasul near Aleyu Amba. Coffee
gradually assumed considerable importance, particularly after rail transport in the 20th century made
it possible to transport it in large

Although there were some Christian merchants, the majority were Muslim traders from northern
Ethiopia, known as Jabarti. These merchants traveled in large caravans, selecting one of them as their
head, called Negade Ras (later transformed into Negadas).

The Afkala, who were the dominant Muslim merchants in southwestern Ethiopia, came to play a
significant role in the trade network. The interaction of merchants from different regions—Tigray,
Gondar, Wollo, Shewa, and Oromia—at marketplaces like Basso fostered regular contact and
integration among diverse peoples.

The establishment of a monarchical system among the southwestern Oromo regions, particularly the
rise of the five Oromo kingdoms in the Gibe region, contributed to the revival of long-distance trade.
 Although intense regional feudal wars at the beginning of the 19th century were potential obstacles,
trade improved from time to time. This was probably due to the relative improvementof political
conditions along the redsea coast after the Egyptian conquest of South Africa at the beginning of the
19th century.

New political developments along the Red Sea coasts and Arabia strengthened peace and order and
increased the importance of the Red Sea as a very important channel of trade.

The period saw a revival of internal and external trade due to general peace and political stability
following the Adwa victory. The opening of the Djibouti-Addis Ababa Railway (reaching Addis Ababa
in 1917) became a major channel for modern transportation, encouraging the emergence of railway
towns such as Dire Dawa, Nazreth (Adama), and Modjo.

Urbanization accelerated with garrison centers like Gore and Goba growing into important towns.
Addis Ababa, founded in 1886, gained permanence due to land charters, the introduction of
eucalyptus from Australia (solving the firewood shortage), the railway connection, and the presence
of foreign merchants and legations.

The major exports shifted from ivory and civet to coffee, which became dominant. Imports included
textiles and beverages. Foreign merchants (French, Indians, Greeks, Americans, Jews) dominated the
import-export trade.

The major mediums of exchange during this period included salt bars (amole), cowrie shells, cotton
cloth (abujadi), and Maria Theresa Thalers (MTT), a silver coin introduced from Austria.

The gebbar system remained the basic means of surplus appropriation, where peasants paid tribute in
kind and through unpaid labour service. The introduction of land measurement (qalad) in southern
regions led to land alienation and pushed poor peasants into insecure tenancy.

Slavery and the slave trade continued, with frequent wars of conquest providing additional
encouragement. However, internal criticism from early educated elites and external pressure led to
reforms: a decree freeing slaves and prohibiting the slave trade was enacted on March 31, 1924, and
forced labour service was abolished in 1935.

Modern education was introduced during the post-Adwa period. The first modern school, Menelik II
School, was opened in Addis Ababa in 1908 with Egyptian Coptic teachers. Alliance Française schools
were established in Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa in 1912.

The Tafari Mekonnen School was founded in 1925 with French directors. French was the medium of
instruction until 1935. By 1930, a Ministry of Education had been created, and many schools opened in
Addis Ababa and the provinces. Between 1920 and 1935, about 200 Ethiopian students finished their
studies in Europe.
Early modern educated intellectuals emerged, including Hakim Workineh (Dr. Charles Martin),
Afework Gebre Iyesus (author of the first Amharic novel Tobia), Takala-Hawaryat Tekle Maryam
(drafter of the 1931 Constitution), Heruy Wolde Selassie, and Gabre Hiywot Baykedagn. They called
for changes in the socio-economic order using the Berhanena Selam newspaper (founded n 1925).

The period saw the introduction of the motor car (1904), printing machinery (1912), and the
aeroplane (1929). Telegraph and postal services were introduced before the close of the 19th century,
and a hospital was founded in 1910. Factories for timber, ammunition, and food processing were also
opened.

Emperor Menelik established the first Council of Ministers with nine ministries in October 1907, laying
the ground for modern bureaucracy. Emperor Haile Selassie issued the first written Constitution in
1931, which established a bicameral parliament, though it confirmed the Emperor's absolute power.

Modern military training began in the 1920s, with the Imperial Bodyguard trained by Belgian officers
and the first officer training school opened at Holeta Gannat in 1934 with Swedish instructors.

Despite these programs, peasant socio-economic conditions showed practically no improvement. The
gebbar system and slavery persisted for decades.

Modern education remained limited and was designed primarily to produce technocrats supportive of
the regime rather than critical thinkers.

Internal Factors

1 Peasant Rebellions

Peasant uprisings were among the most significant internal challenges to the imperial regime. The
Woyane Rebellion (1942–43) in Tigray, led by Blatta Haile Mariam Redda, was the first major post-
liberation revolt. It was caused by maladministration, corruption, heavy taxation, and the oppressive
behavior of the Territorial Army.

The rebellion was crushed by imperial forces with British air support. The Bale Peasant Rebellion
(1963–1970), the longest of its kind, was rooted in land alienation, the introduction of galad land
measurement (1951), heavy taxation, religious discrimination (imposition of Christian settlers on
Muslim populations), and ethnic subjugation. It also received material and moral support from
Somalia as part of its “Greater Somalia” strategy. The rebellion began in El Kere district under Kahin
Abdi, later led by Waqo Gutu, and spread to Wabe, Dallo, and Ganale.

Despite government promises and military operations under martial law, the rebellion continued until
the early 1970s. The Gojjam Peasant Rebellion (1968) was triggered by the 1967 agricultural income
tax, forced gun registration, and the corrupt rule of Governor Dejazmatch Tsehayu Enqu-Selassie.
 Peasants in Mota, Qolla Dega Damot, and Bichena districts refused to pay taxes, expelled state
officials, and took control of their areas. The government eventually offered concessions: Tsehayu was
transferred, tax arrears since 1950 were cancelled, and the income tax was postponed. Additionally,
the Gumuz Rebellion (1952/53) led by Abba Tone and the Gedeo Rebellion (1960) led by peasants
protesting land expropriation by Princess Tenagneworq demonstrated widespread rural discontent
across the empire.

2. Plots and Conspiracies

From the early years of his restoration, Haile Selassie faced conspiracies from patriotic leaders who
resented his return and his favoritism toward exiles and collaborators (bandas). Dejazmatch Belay
Zeleke, a famous patriot from Gojjam, rejected the emperor’s offer to move south and turned to
armed confrontation in 1943; he was captured and publicly hanged.

Bitwoded Negash Bezabih plotted to assassinate the emperor and proclaim a republic in 1951, but the
plot was uncovered and he was imprisoned. Blatta Takele Wolde-Hawaryat, the most persistent
opponent, engaged in multiple plots (1941, 1946, 1969) and was finally killed in a shootout with police
in November 1969.

3. The 1960 Coup d’État

The most serious challenge came from the Neway brothers: Brigadier General Mengistu Neway
(Commander of the Imperial Bodyguard) and Germame Neway (an intellectual educated at Columbia
University). On December 13, 1960, while the emperor was on a state visit to Brazil, the plotters
seized public buildings, took ministers hostage, and took over the radio station.

Crown Prince Asfawosen was declared a salaried constitutional monarch, and a new government was
announced under Ras Emiru Haile Selassie. However, the army and air force refused to support the
coup. Loyalist forces, with American and patriarchal support, crushed the rebellion within two days.
Germame died in the fighting, and Mengistu was captured, tried, and hanged.

Although the coup failed, it marked a turning point in public perception: it demonstrated that the
Solomonic throne was not invincible and that removal of the emperor was possible. The regime made
minor concessions but did not address root causes, and opposition continued to grow.

4. The Ethiopian Student Movement

The expansion of modern education inadvertently created a powerful opposition force. The University
College of Addis Ababa (founded 1950, later Haile Selassie I University) produced a generation of
students exposed to Western values and critical thinking.
 Censorship and the regime’s unwillingness to address social problems pushed students toward
radicalism. The 1960 coup encouraged students to bolder action. In February 1965, students
demonstrated outside Parliament with the slogan “Land to the Tiller!” In 1967, the student newspaper
Struggle replaced News and Views, and the University Student Union of Addis Ababa (USUAA) was
formed. In November 1969, an article on nationalities by Walelign Makonnen challenged the regime’s
ethnic policies.

On December 28, 1969, USUAA president Tilahun Gizaw was killed by security police, sparking further
protests and brutal government repression. The student movement also had an external wing
(ESUNA, ESUE) with journals Challenge and Tatek, spreading Marxist and anti-imperialist ideas.
Students exposed the government’s of the 1972–74 Wollo famine, accelerating public anger.

5. Urban Unrest and the Wollo Famine

The Wollo famine (1972–73) killed tens of thousands of peasants. The government attempted to hide
the disaster from the international community, but Ethiopian students and British journalist Jonathan
Dimbleby’s documentary exposed the truth.

Urban populations suffered from inflation, corruption, and rising petroleum prices following the 1973
Arab-Israeli War. Teachers opposed the Educational Sector Review, taxi drivers went on strike against
petrol price hikes, and the Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Union (CELU) presented demands for
better wages and working conditions.

6. Military Mutiny

The final internal factor was the mutiny of the armed forces. In January 1974, soldiers in
NegeleBorena mutinied over poor living conditions. In February, the Second Division in Asmara, the
Fourth Division in Addis Ababa, and the Air Force in Debre Zeit joined the unrest. Prime Minister Aklilu
Habtewold resigned on February 28, replaced by Endalkachew Mekonnen, but concessions failed to
restore order .

1. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War and Oil Crisis

The October 1973 war led to a sharp rise in global petroleum prices. In Ethiopia, this translated into a
50% increase in petrol prices, which directly triggered the taxi drivers’ strike in February 1974—one of
the immediate sparks of the revolution.

2. International Exposure of the Famine

3. Cold War Dynamics and Shifting Alliances

The United States, Haile Selassie’s main ally, had begun to reduce its strategic interest in Ethiopia by
the early 1970s, finding a new Red Sea ally in Egypt under President Anwar Sadat. While direct
American withdrawal did not cause the fall, the regime’s external support base was weakening.

4. Influence of External Ideologies

Ethiopian students abroad in Europe and North America were exposed to Marxist-Leninist and anti-
imperialist revolutionary ideas. These were transmitted home through journals like Challenge (from
North America) and Tatek (from Europe), shaping the radicalization of the domestic student

The establishment of institutions of higher education began in the post-liberation period. The first
university college was established in 1950, followed by the opening of colleges in other important
towns.

The University College of Addis Ababa (later renamed Haile Selassie I University in 1961) became the
nucleus of the student movement. Secondary schools expanded massively throughout the 1960s and
into the 1970s, both in Addis Ababa and provincial cities.

The education system was primarily designed to produce trained manpower for the bureaucratic
establishment. Due to official censorship, materials on Ethiopia were not available to enlighten
students or enable them to look critically at existing social problems.

The goal was not to produce potential challengers but to create technocrats who would be supportive
of the regime. Teachers and curricula were imported from the Western world, which inadvertently
exposed students to Western values and political systems

Despite censorship, as students were exposed to Western values and political systems, they began
making comparisons between their society and the Western world. They started questioning why
their country remained backward. This exposure created a critical consciousness that the regime had
not anticipated.

Despite the unfavorable situation, student newspapers were started and associations were formed.
The first newspaper was News and Views, and the first student association was the "University
Student Union," established in 1959. These platforms allowed students to discuss national issues and
organize collectively.

The student body, particularly university students, played the role of political opposition for several
reasons.
First, the absence of political parties and a strong indigenous class of traders and entrepreneurs left
only the students as a focal point for expressing opposition.

Second, the social respect given to the educated few, in a country with high illiteracy, gave students a
sense of responsibility for their country.

Third, campus life gave student leaders the opportunity to discuss national issues and influence their
peers to pay attention to the miseries of the regime.

The attempted coup d'état of 1960 undermined the popularity of the Emperor and helped students
boldly engage in struggle against the regime. It was only the university students who came behind the
cause of the coup by staging demonstrations.

After the coup failed, students were forced to apologize publicly in writing to the Emperor. However,
this event demonstrated that opposition was possible and that the regime could be challenged.

Scholarship students from different African countries joined the University at Addis Ababa after 1958.
They were greatly shocked by the strict censorship and lack of political freedom in Ethiopia, having
wrongly believed Ethiopia was a place of freedom and an example for Africa.

These African students shared stories about struggles in their respective countries to gain
independence from colonial rule.

University student political radicalism spread into high schools through the Ethiopian University
Student Service (EUSS). Senior university students gave one year of teaching service in high schools
before graduation, starting in 1965.

This program provided a medium for closer communication between university students and high
school students. These "teachers" enlightened high school students and increased their political
awareness, particularly making them aware of the backwardness of their country as a result of the
reactionary nature of the regime.

In February 1965, university students staged a demonstration in front of Parliament while deputies
were debating tenancy regulations.

. This marked a new approach in which students recognized Parliament (as the people's
representative), not the Emperor, as holder of the country's sovereignty.

In 1967, the student newspaper News and Views was replaced by Struggle. Student activists united
various college unions in Addis Ababa into one organization called the University Student Union of
Addis Ababa (USUAA).
Struggle became the organ for spreading new political ideas among students and the public at large.
Students took a strong stand against the USA for giving massive military support to what they saw as
a reactionary imperial regime.

In the November 1969 issue of Struggle, an article on the nationalities problem in Ethiopia was
published by student activist Walelign Makonnen, who firmly supported cultural and linguistic
independence for Ethiopia's nationalities. This directly challenged the regime's repressive ethnic
policy.

On December 28, 1969, the president of USUAA, Tilahun Gizaw, was shot and killed by security police
outside the Sidist Kilo (former Seddest kilo) campus. The next day, thousands ofstudents

mourning his death were fired upon by police and military, resulting in further deaths and injuries.
The University was closed but reopened after three weeks. Despite brutal repression, students
continued their protest through illegal pamphlets. Tilahun Gizaw’s death became a transformative
event that pushed more radical student activists toward revolution.

The Ethiopian student movement had an external wing. Ethiopian students in North America formed
the Ethiopian Students' Union in North America (ESUNA) with its organ Challenge. Ethiopian students
in Europe formed

The Ethiopian Students' Union in Europe (ESUE) with its organ Tatek (meaning "Gird Yourself"). These
journals were brought into Ethiopia and circulated secretly, giving direction to the domestic student
movement. Revolutionary ideas, inspired by Marxist theory and anti imperialist movements
worldwide, were transmitted to Ethiopian students at home through their counterparts.

Conclusion

In the history of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa demonstrates how political, economic, and social
transformations shaped the modern Ethiopian state. During the nineteenth century, trade networks
and regional trade routes played a major role in encouraging economic exchange, cultural interaction,
and regional integration.

At the same time, successive Ethiopian rulers introduced modernization programs aimed at
strengthening the country through reforms in administration, education, infrastructure, and the
military. Although these reforms achieved important progress, they also created new social and
political challenges.

The monarchy’s inability to fully address economic inequality, land ownership problems, corruption,
and growing public dissatisfaction eventually weakened the imperial system and contributed to the
downfall of the regime in 1974.

Furthermore, the expansion of modern education unintentionally encouraged political awareness

Overall, the interaction between modernization, political opposition, and social change significantly
influenced Ethiopia’s historical development. These events not only transformed the country’s
political structure but also laid the foundation for later struggles over democracy, national unityand
development in modern Ethiopia.

References

History module

The book of trade and politics in Ethiopia region 1830-1855

The Ethiopian revolution book in Google