Chapter 2

Who Are You? Who Are

Your Students? Culture
and Diversity

Anita Woolfolk Hoy

Teachers’ Casebook: Conversations
About Race
What Would You Do?
A video is widely circulated on social media of an unarmed Black teenager being
injured by police over the weekend in a town not far from your school. On Monday
morning, as students are settling into class, you overhear a conversation about what
happened. One student, whose dad is a police officer and whose backpack sports a
“Blue Lives Matter” tag, remarks that what the teen was doing was wrong. Another
student responds, “Well, my parents have always taught me that I’d better watch out for
the police because I’m Black. Black lives matter too, don’t they?” Students around the
room begin to chatter. One girl sighs audibly, “Why does everything have to be about
race? Can’t we just agree that all lives matter?” Her comment immediately reminds
you of how upset one of your colleagues became earlier this year when she found her
“Black Lives Matter” bumper sticker defaced in the school parking lot. Perhaps this is a
teachable moment.

34
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 35

Critical Thinking
• How could you use this as an opportunity to talk about race in your classroom?
How would you design the classroom space for difficult conversations about
race? What would be essential for you to do in order to set up the classroom for
productive and courageous discursive interactions?
• If you knew that students of color were upset by White students’ comments,
how would you respond?
• When, if ever, is it a good idea to bring up group-based identity and the systems
of privileges, advantages, and disadvantages those identities might bring with
them?
• What are your fears about having conversations about race (or other social
identities)?

Overview and Objectives

Who are you? How have the various facets of your cultural and social
identities shaped your own experiences and views? Who are your students?
How will their cultural backgrounds affect their learning, development, and
motivation in your class? Nearly all aspects of educational psychology—
from how brains work to how you can create a positive workflow in your
classroom—are better understood when we are able to recognize the ways
in which our cultural and social backgrounds have uniquely shaped who
we are. The cultural composition of classrooms in the United States and
around the world is constantly evolving. Frank Pajares, who was my (Ellen
in this chapter) advisor in graduate school and one of the wisest educational
psychologists I know, speaking at a meeting of the American Educational
Research Association, observed that “the critical questions in education
involve matters that cannot be settled by universal prescription. They demand
attention to the cultural forces that shape our lives” (Pajares, 2000, p. 5).
I believe he is right. In this chapter, we explore the ways in which culture
forms the fabric of our society.
We will start with a look inward. Understanding yourself and your own
frame of reference is key to understanding others. Then we will meet two
individuals whose stories bring the statistics on cultural diversity and
intersectionality to life. We will consider the development of cultural-
based stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination as they affect teaching and
learning. With a broad conception of culture as a basis, we then examine
three dimensions of every teacher’s and student’s identity: social class, race/
ethnicity, and gender and sexual orientation. Then we turn to a consideration
of culturally responsive education, an approach to teaching that embraces
diversity, and we look at ways to create culturally welcoming classrooms.
36 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

The last section presents four general principles for teaching every student.
By the time you have completed this chapter, you should be able to:
2.1 Describe the meaning of culture and discuss how cultural diversity in
American education today is related to learning and teaching.
2.2 Discuss what defines social class and socioeconomic status, including
how SES differences relate to school achievement.
2.3 Explain how race, ethnicity, prejudice, discrimination, and stereotype
threat might affect student learning and achievement in schools.
2.4 Describe the development of gender, gender identity, and sexual
orientation and discuss their roles in teaching and learning.
2.5 Define multicultural education and apply research on diversity to the
creation of culturally relevant classrooms.

OUTLINE
Teachers’ Casebook—Conversations About Race
Overview and Objectives
Education Is Cultural
What Is Culture?
Your Cultural and Educational History
Meet Two Students
Cultural Intersections and Terminology
Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination
Economic and Social Class Differences
Social Class and Socioeconomic Status
Poverty and Social Inequality
Extreme Poverty: Homeless and Highly Mobile Students
Poverty and Academic Outcomes
Ethnicity and Race in Teaching and Learning
Defining Ethnicity and Race
Ethnic and Racial Identity
Ethnic and Racial Differences in School Achievement
The Legacy of Racial Inequality
Gender and Sexual Orientation in Teaching and Learning
Sex and Gender
Gender Identity
Gender Roles
­Gender Bias and Sexism in Curriculum and Media
Gender Bias in Teaching
Sexual Orientation
Discrimination Based on Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation
Creating Culturally Welcoming Classrooms
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
Diversity in Learning
Lessons for Teachers: Teaching Every Student
Summary and Key Terms
Teachers’ Casebook—Conversations About Race: What Would They Do?
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 37

Education Is Cultural
Learning Outcome 2.1 Describe the meaning of culture and discuss how cultural
diversity in American education today is related to learning and teaching.
Classrooms are culturally diverse places. Classrooms and schools have their own cultures,
too. Throughout this text we take a broad interpretation of culture and cultural diversity.
We begin with a look at the meaning of “culture.” Then we invite you to explore your own
­cultural and educational backgrounds. This exploration will be important for how you
­relate not only to the rest of your studies in education but also to your future students. We
will then consider social groups and identities and the cultural significance they hold. We
will specifically examine social class, race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation because Culture
they reflect some of the most researched social categories in education. The knowledge, values, attitudes,
and traditions that guide the
behavior of a group of people and
What Is Culture? allow them to solve the problems
There are many definitions of culture. Most include some or all of the following: the knowl- of living in their environment.
edge, skills, rules, norms, practices, traditions, self-definitions, institutions (e.g., educa-
tional, legal, communal, religious, political), language, and values that shape and guide
beliefs and behaviors in a particular group of people as well as the art, literature, folklore,
Connect and Extend to
and artifacts produced and passed down to the next generation (Banks & Banks, 2016;
PRAXIS II®
Cohen, 2009, 2010). Cultures have scripts—programs for living—that are communicated to
The Larger Community (IV, B1, 3)
members. This communication is for the most part tacit—understood or implied without
Familiarize yourself with the
being explicitly stated. Cultural boundaries are socially constructed and fluid. Cultural and predicted changes in the U.S.
social groups can be defined along regional, ethnic, religious, racial, gender, social class, population over the next several
or other lines. These lines are sometimes drawn to maintain or resist systems of power decades. How are those changes
(Causadias, 2020). For example, the Black Lives Matter movement arose in resistance to a likely to affect education? What
dominant culture built on the foundation of White supremacy in the United States. can schools and teachers do
Each of us is a member of many groups, so we all are influenced by many different to adjust positively to those
changes?
cultures. Sometimes these influences are incompatible or even contradictory. For example,
if you are a feminist but also a Roman Catholic, you might have trouble reconciling the two
different cultures’ beliefs about the ordination of women as priests. Your personal belief will
be based, in part, on how strongly you identify with each group.
Many different cultures thrive within every modern country. In the United States,
students growing up in a small rural town in the Great Plains are part of a cultural group
that is quite different from that of students in a large Northeastern urban center or students
in a Texas suburb. Within those small towns in the Great Plains, the child of a convenience
store clerk grows up in a different culture than does the child of the town doctor or ­dentist.
Individuals of African, Asian, Hispanic, Native American, or European descent have
distinctive histories and traditions even though great cultural variety exists among ­members
of these groups. People living within a particular country may share common experiences
and values, but many aspects of their lives are shaped by their different cultural affiliations
and increasingly by their social networks that have no geographical boundaries. Members
of different cultural groups are treated differently by the larger cultural structures within
society.
Culture has been compared to an iceberg. A small part of the iceberg is visible; the rest
is hidden and often unknown. The visible signs of culture, such as costumes and marriage
traditions, reflect only a small portion of the differences among cultures, as you can see in
Figure 2.1.
Many aspects of our cultural selves exist “below the surface.” Many of our cultural
affiliations are not readily visible to others. In addition, your own cultural “database”—
the basis for your assumptions, norms, and actions—might not be visible even to you.
I once gave a research presentation in France and was worried when I saw that no one
was nodding along as I spoke. Was it my accent? My message? I realized that cultural
rules for appropriate interpersonal behaviors differ. In some groups, listeners give a slight
affirmative nod of the head and perhaps an occasional “uh huh” to indicate they are
38 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Figure 2.1 Culture as an Iceberg

Just as most of the iceberg is out of sight and below the water line, so are most cultural
differences invisible to others and even out of conscious awareness. The out-of-awareness
differences are often the causes of misunderstandings and conflicts.

Heroes and
Heroines

Cooking and foods

Literature
Myths Music
Dress Games
Language

Notions of modesty
Holiday customs

Childrearing beliefs

Understanding of the natural world

Rules of eye contact Roles of men and women

Explanations of disease Beliefs about effort and ability

Conception of justice and fairness

Conception of cleanliness Beliefs about social mobility

Definition of insanity

Roles in relation to age, sex, class, occupation, kinship, and so forth

Nature of friendship Facial expressions Sense of time

Preference for competition or cooperation Conceptions of learning and teaching

Definitions of showing respect Concept of personal space

AND MUCH, MUCH MORE…

listening carefully. But members of other cultures listen without giving ­acknowledgment,
or with eyes downcast, as a sign of respect. In some cultures, high-status individuals
initiate conversations and ask the questions, and low-status individuals only respond.
In other cultures, the pattern is reversed. These are the elements of culture beneath the
­surface—they are implicit, unstated beliefs about acceptable ways of thinking, being, and
doing (Kahneman, 2011; Sheets, 2005). I was unaware of this culture-based expectation
I held of my audience.
Cultural influences are widespread and pervasive. Some psychologists have shown that
culture can determine even how a group defines intelligence (Nisbett, 2009). For example,
physical grace is essential in Balinese social life, so the ability to master physical movements
is a mark of intelligence in that culture. Manipulating words and numbers is important in
Western societies, so in these cultures such skills are indicators of intelligence (Gardner,
2011). Even symptoms of psychological disorders are affected by culture. In industrialized
cultures where cleanliness is emphasized, people with obsessive-compulsive disorders
often become obsessed with cleaning their hands, whereas in Bali, where social networks
are emphasized, people with obsessive-compulsive disorders often become ­obsessed with
knowing all the details about the lives of their friends and family—their social network
(Lemelson, 2003).
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 39

Your Cultural and Educational History

To better understand educational psychology and human development, let’s begin by ex-
ploring your own cultural and educational background. More than 100 years ago, father of
American psychology William James, whom you met in Chapter 1, famously observed that
“introspection is what we have to rely on first, foremost, and always.”

Stop & Think So let’s conduct a little introspective research (we might call this
“me” search). Look back at your life. How would you describe your educational and
cultural background? What were your formal and informal educational experiences
like? Which cultural groups were you part of growing up? Which have you chosen
for yourself? In what ways have you been advantaged? In what ways have you been
disadvantaged? How does this affect you now?

I recently asked my undergraduate students to conduct their own autobiographical

research project about their educational background (we called it a “me” search project).
To help them reflect, I provided a few guiding questions (see the list in Table 2.1 on the
next page). We also spent some time discussing how talking openly about our individual,
­social, and cultural backgrounds can be an emotionally vulnerable thing to do. I encouraged
students to share with others only those details about their experiences that they felt
­comfortable sharing. The activity was mostly designed to help students reflect ­introspectively
on the circumstances of their lives that contributed to who they have become.
How would you answer the questions in Table 2.1? Your own experiences and
­circumstances, whether you selected them or not, have shaped the way you see yourself
and ­others. They are also part of your cultural background. Your social and educational
­experiences have helped you build a rich cultural “database.”
As my students selected details about their educational autobiographies to share with
others in the class, many used words like “normal” or “typical” to describe their schooling
experiences. However, as they listened to their classmates, they were asked to write down
at least one aspect of each classmate’s cultural or educational experience that was different
from their own. Here are a few of the distinctions my students noticed as they listened to
one another:
• “He is from a big family and did not move, which is the opposite of my small,
­fractured family and many moves.”
• “She was raised in an affluent community outside of Chicago—she had more
­opportunities for growth than I had. My dad drank our money away.”
• “I never went to a predominantly White school like he did.”
• “I grew up with no ethnic minority students in my school system. I missed out on a
valuable learning experience.”
• “She went to an all-girls high school, which was probably a very difficult experience.”
• “He has lived in three different states throughout his life, and I’ve never left K
­ entucky.
My family has lived in the same house since my parents got married.”
• “She became super close friends with one of her teachers, which I wouldn’t have
even imagined possible in my experience.”
• “Christian farm life must be so different from my non-Christian suburban life. I have
never even been on a farm before.”
• “He had advanced musical opportunities from a pretty young age. He has been very
well trained by world-class musicians.”
• “Being from a poorer area and school district shaped her educational experience.
Unlike me, she learned more from her informal education than from her formal
­education due to the low funding.”
40 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Table 2.1 Your Educational Autobiography

REFLECTIVE QUESTIONS
• What was your family’s educational background? What was your household income? Whom have you lived with?
• How would you describe your parents’ social class and status?
• Where have you lived? How would you describe your home(s) and neighborhood(s)? Where have you traveled?
• What were the values, norms, and expectations in your home?
• What learning tools (e.g., books, computers, games, people) were available to you at school and at home?
• What were your formal schooling experiences like? What kinds of schools did you attend? What kinds of classes were you in (or not in)?
How did you feel at school?
• What were your informal learning experiences (e.g., faith groups, sports, travel, music, camps, work) like?
• How were your teachers? Who or what has been your most influential teacher?
• How would you describe your peers and classmates?
• What was the most typical aspect of your education? What was most atypical?
• In what areas do you feel less educated than you would like to be? Why?
• How have you felt different from others? When, where, and by whom did you feel most and least accepted?
• How much trust did you feel in people in your community (e.g., peers, teachers, neighbors)?
• How would you describe your own cultural background? How has it affected you?
• How were you as a learner? Where has learning been easiest? Where has it been most difficult?
• How would you describe your academic motivation?
• How has your educational experience influenced what you want out of life?
• What social or cultural events, ceremonies, or rituals did you take part in?
• How would you describe the health (e.g., physical, psychological) of your family members?
• Who were the members of the “in” and “out” groups in your schools and communities? Which were you in?
• How would you describe your interactions with members of other racial groups?
• Were you a part of any social group for which you had to qualify?
• Were you a member of any selective groups (e.g., girls only, advanced students, special education, varsity athletics)?
• Did you have financial or social resources that gave you additional educational opportunities?
• Do you or does someone close to you (a) speak more than one language, (b) play a musical instrument, (c) participate in a civic
organization, (d) have a private tutor, (e) read extensively, or (f) have an advanced degree?
• How much choice did you or your parents have in where you went to school, what classes you were in, and who your teachers were?
• What resources (e.g., books, transportation, high-speed Internet, family members who attended college, a trusted adult confidant,
a personal bank account, a job opportunity, a private tutor) were available to you?
• What was your relationship to the natural environment? How often did you spend time outdoors?
• What job(s) have you held? How and why did you get those job(s)? What have they taught you?
• In what capacity have you had to work with others toward a common goal?
• Where have you felt that the doors to opportunity were open to you? Where have the doors felt closed to you? Why?
• What did you learn, whether directly or indirectly, about groups of people who were different from you?

What did you notice? I hope you can see that no single educational or cultural experi-
ence exists. We can all find commonalities and differences. Becoming more aware of your
own social and cultural upbringings and those of others will help you become a more
culturally conscious teacher. This awareness will increase the likelihood that you honor
­cul­tural differences when you plan your instruction. Later in this chapter, we will provide
specific examples of ways you can do this.
For now, let’s meet two students who provide a more in-depth look at cultural diversity.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 41

Meet Two Students

In Chapter 1, you read some statistics about students in America and saw that class-
rooms are becoming more diverse. But teachers do not work with statistics; they work
with ­students—unique individuals. In this section, Nancy Knapp from the University of
­Georgia invites us to meet two individuals. These students are not specific people; they are
composites of the characteristics of real people Nancy has known and taught. The names
and schools are fictional, but the descriptions of these students’ lives are very real.
Ternice Mattox is a seventh-grader who lives with her mother and three younger
­s iblings in a large city in the Northeast. Her mother works the 7:00 to 3:00 shift at a
­dry-­cleaning plant and then cleans offices some nights and weekends to make ends meet,
so Ternice gets her brothers and sister up and ready for school every day, feeds them dinner
when they get home, and makes sure they do their homework at night; she has been doing
this since she was 10.
School hasn’t ever been very hard for Ternice. In elementary school she usually got B’s,
but she never really liked school until sixth grade, when her English teacher “let you write
about whatever you wanted, even your own life; and she didn’t count off for every mistake
right away, but let you work with her and with the other kids until you had a final copy
you could be really proud of.” Ternice found out that she really enjoyed writing and was
good at it, too. She talked so much in English class that Anthony Bailey criticized her about
“actin’ so White.” Ternice got mad; it really bothered her. She and Anthony kind of “talk,”
and she likes him a lot. Her teacher wants her to take some tests to see whether she can get
into the program for students with gifts and talents, but Ternice is not so sure. Even if she
got in, she’s afraid she wouldn’t know anyone; almost all the kids in “gifted” are White, and
the few Black kids are from another part of town. Besides, her friends, especially Anthony,
might not like it. Her mama wants her to try and says there’s no telling where she can go
from there, but Ternice doesn’t want to go anywhere that’s away from all her friends. Still,
she wishes she could have more classes like her English class last year.
Jessie Kinkaid is a junior at Red Falls High School in Wisconsin. She lives with her
mother, who works as a doctor’s receptionist, in a small house in town. Her father lives just
outside of town with his second wife and Jessie’s three-year-old half-brother, so she sees
him pretty often.
Jessie is in the vocational track at school and mostly makes Cs, with a few Ds. Once in a
while, she fails a course, but she’ll have enough credits to graduate by the end of next year,
which is all she really cares about. Her family and consumer sciences teacher says she has a
real flair for cooking and wants Jessie to bring up her grades so that she can apply to chef’s
school. Jessie likes to cook and knows she’s good at it, but she doesn’t see any point in getting
more schooling. She’s graduating only to please her parents; she knows what she’s going to
do with her life. After graduation she’s going to get a job in town somewhere for a couple
years to save up some money, and then she’ll marry Walter Aiken. She and Walt have been
dating since she was a freshman and he was a junior. Walt started this year at UW–Platteville
to get a degree in animal science, and they plan to wait until he is finished before they get
married. Then they’ll move into the small house on the Aikens’ farm until Walt’s dad is ready
to retire, probably in another 3 or 4 years. Then Walt will take over the farm, and they’ll move
into the large farm house; Jessie hopes they’ll have at least one child by then.
So, Jessie doesn’t see any point in worrying about her grades, as long as they’re good
enough for her to graduate. Her father agrees that it would be foolish to waste time and
money on extra schooling she’ll never use. Jessie’s mother, who left school at 17 to marry, is
the one urging Jessie to think about continuing her education. She says she just wants Jessie
to “keep all her options open.”
Ternice and Jessie are just two students, and there are millions more—unique ­collections
of abilities and experiences. They use different vocabularies, have different ethnic and
­racial backgrounds, and live in different kinds of communities. Some come from f­ amilies
in ­poverty, others from families with power and privilege—but all face challenges in their
education. For the remainder of the chapter, we look at several dimensions of cultural
­differences in schools today.
42 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Cultural Intersections and Terminology

As we discuss cultural differences, we need to keep several important points and terms in mind.
First, we will focus sections of this chapter on social class, ethnicity, race, gender, and sexual
orientation because much of the available research has focused on these categories. Of course,
real people are not just African American, or middle class, or male; they are complex beings and
members of many groups, just like Ternice and Jessie, the two students you just met.

Intersectionality Stop & Think Stop here for a moment and think of three to five groups (gender,
Our overlapping, intersecting sexual orientation, class, ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, age, etc.) to which
social identities (gender, sexual you belong. You might use the identity wheel pictured in Figure 2.2 to help. How do
orientation, class, ethnicity, the intersections of your memberships influence your interactions with others? How
religion, socioeconomic status, might your own cultural heritage and chosen cultural affiliations affect how you see
age, etc.) that shape each and
yourself and what you do? What have been the major advantages of your group
every one of us in unique ways.
­affiliations or social identities? What, if any, disadvantages have you experienced?

[Link] fact that you belong to many social groups results in a

Connect and Extend to fascinating tapestry of cultural intersectionality. Intersectionality refers to our
PRAXIS II® ­overlapping, intersecting social identities (gender, sexual orientation, class, ethnicity,
Cultural and Gender Differences ­religion, socioeconomic status, age, etc.) that shape each of us in unique ways (Rosenthal,
in the Classroom (III, B) 2016). Individuals who are members of multiple social groups that have been disempow-
What are the sources of pos- ered by others can experience additional psychological, educational, and health risks.
sible miscommunication among
As Audre Lorde, an African American author who dedicated her career to c­ onfronting
students and teachers in the
racism, sexism, homophobia, and classism, once said, “There is no such thing as a
classroom because of cultural or
gender differences? Identify steps ­single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives” (Lorde, 1982). For example,
a teacher can take to minimize students who are in gender and sexual minority groups are at greater risk of h ­ omelessness,
such problems. and this risk increases if they are also members of an ethnic minority group (Tierney
& Ward, 2017). As you read on, think of your own examples of how such cultural
­intersectionalities might influence learning and teaching.
Figure 2.2 Cultural Identity Wheel Intersectionality also means that knowing that a person is a
People belong to many cultural and social groups. How member of a particular cultural group does not define what that
would you describe yourself in each category? Which person is like. As you just saw, you belong to many social and
of these groups is most important to you? Which do cultural groups—some visible and some invisible. Even m ­ embers
you think about most often?
of the same cultural group can have widely different behaviors.
This means that we must resist the tendency to predict or explain
a person’s behavior from their membership in a particular group.
Religious The reasons for human behavior are much too ­c omplicated!
Neighborhood
beliefs ­C onsider, for example, how many explanations there might
be for why a student in your class consistently arrives late. It
Gender Race
might be that the student has a job before school, must walk a
long d­ istance, or, like Ternice, is responsible for getting younger
Family Peer
status groups
siblings to school. Maybe the student dreads school. Why, then,
Abilities Physical do we use these cultural categories to label people at all?
Traits
Sexual Social
CULTURAL GROUPS AND TERMINOLOGY. The identity wheel in
identity class Figure 2.2 offers some broad categories behind which are many
National Geographic
origin location more terms people use to describe their cultural affiliations and
Ethnicity Age
social group memberships. As we will explore throughout the
book, language is a powerful cultural tool. Behind the words
Work Political we use are concepts that have been socially agreed upon, some-
experience affiliation times through force and domination. For example, the concept of
“nationality” has often been decided based on who conquered
a given territory or people. Similarly, the concept of “race”
has been redefined over centuries using an assortment of arbi-
Source: Image above created by Ellen Usher trarily selected ­physical ­features, including skin pigmentation.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 43

Neuroscientist Lisa Feldman Barrett (2020) observed that we tend to “treat the labeled
boxes as if they’re part of nature when in fact we build them. . . . We, as a culture, choose the
­features of discrimination and draw dividing lines that magnify the differences between the
group we call ‘us’ and the group we call ‘them’” (pp. 121–122).
When labels are used in ways that show an inclination toward or against ­members
of a certain group, the label is considered biased and can cause harm. Consider how
­children might feel when the term “illegal alien” (versus “immigrant” or “refugee”) is
used to ­describe them. As an educator, you should strive to use bias-free language. This
can be ­challenging because language is dynamic and fluid, changing over time and among
groups. Also, the labels that in-group members use to describe themselves might differ
from those used by out-group members. For example, “Latinx” has been used increasingly
as a g ­ ender-inclusive alternative to “Latino” or “Latina” to refer to people in the United
States with ethnic roots in Latin America or Spain. However, a recent study found that
only 25% of Hispanic-identifying people had heard of the term, and only 3% actually use it
­(Noe-­Bustamante et al., 2020). How should you determine which labels to use? What will
you teach your students about labels?
There is no set of rigid rules for the “correct” terms to use. However, some terms are
considered oppressive or obsolete and are therefore always unacceptable. The American
Psychological Association has published guidelines for bias-free language. One overarching
recommendation is that it is best “to use the terms that individuals and/or communities use
to describe themselves, their experiences, and their practices” (APA, 2019, p. 131). However,
if the terms that people use to describe themselves are considered stigmatizing, it is best
to avoid using them. Remember that language holds great power. When in doubt, r­ espect
­people’s humanity. We will all make mistakes, but we can apologize and use the more
­appropriate term next time. In this book, we will make linguistic decisions as responsibly
as we can, knowing that some readers will prefer that we had used different terminology
and that language is always evolving. You can read more specific recommendations about­
language ­related to race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status, disability, and sexual
orientation here: [Link]

Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination

Now that you have explored your own cultural background and reflected on the many
­intersecting cultural groups to which you belong, let’s look at how you have learned to
understand people in social and cultural groups similar to and different from your own.
We will specifically examine the human tendency to categorize people and things and what
can happen when those categorizations become too rigid and lead to cultural conflicts,
­prejudice, and discrimination. Understanding this process will help you develop more Pearson eText
­culturally supportive practices and support your students’ social development. Video Example 2.1
As this teacher learned from a
STEREOTYPES: THE GOOD AND THE BAD. The social and cultural information that your
student, respecting students’
mind has been sifting through during your lifetime—your “database”—permits you to
cultures is very different than
quickly categorize things, people, and places according to the common features that you have expecting students to have
learned about them. As you will learn in later chapters, your mind works more ­efficiently particular interests, skills, or
by grouping things together based on their common features rather than by ­treating things behaviors simply because
individually. We develop schemas—organized bodies of knowledge—about objects, events, they have a particular cultural
and actions. background.

Stop & Think List three traits most characteristic of:

College freshmen
Politicians
Athletes
Buddhists
Members of the National Rifle Association
44 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

From a very young age, we also form schemas, or stereotypes, about groups of people.
Stereotype
For the Stop & Think activity on the previous page, your mind consulted your e­ xperiential
A widely held, often
database to help furnish you with a list of several traits most characteristic of college
oversimplified, schema that
organizes knowledge or ­freshmen, politicians, athletes, Buddhists, and members of the National Rifle Association.
perceptions about a category. That list would reveal your stereotypes about each group. These stereotypes organize what
you know, believe, and feel about the group.
Nothing is inherently wrong with stereotyping. Throughout your life, your mind has
been busy gathering and categorizing data to help you understand the world around you
and make predictions about what will happen. Stereotypes are based on your own social
and cultural experiences. This includes your exposure to media such as television, films,
books, and the Internet. You passively consume a lot of information each day and are not
always aware of the massive number of implicit associations your brain is making along
the way (Greenwald & Lai, 2020). Any time you encounter a new situation—even as you
read the words in this textbook—your mind will refer back to your own experiences to help
you make sense of it. This is a natural starting place. But what if some of that information is
­incomplete or, worse, inaccurate or biased?
You probably also know that stereotypes can be problematic. One reason for this is that
stereotypes are oversimplified (e.g., all Californians are relaxed). Another is that stereo-
types are based on limited data (I will not meet every Californian or learn everything about
each one of them). Even seemingly positive stereotypes can lead to problems. For example,
Asians and Asian Americans have been stereotyped as “model minority” students—quiet,
hardworking, passive students who universally succeed (Yi et al., 2020). These stereotypes
can reinforce conformity and stifle assertiveness. They also set up harmful social compari-
sons between Asian-heritage students and students of other ethnicities. Stacey Lee and her
colleagues have described another stereotype confronting Asian Americans: They are seen
as perpetual foreigners (Lee et al., 2017). No matter how many decades their families have
lived in America, even fourth- or fifth-generation Asian American students might not be
perceived as “real” Americans (J. Lee & Zhou, 2015). In fact, researchers have shown that
teachers tend to refer to these students as “Asian,” not as “Asian American” or “American. ”
Too often, students who are the target of teachers’ cultural stereotypes take them to heart
and feel pressured, burdened, or even invisible.

­F ROM STEREOTYPES TO PREJUDICE. When people think stereotypically about social

groups, they tend to make evaluations about two group characteristics: warmth (Are ­members
of this group friendly? Trustworthy?) and competence (Are people in this group capable?
Assertive?). For example, older adults are often stereotyped as high in warmth but low in
­assertiveness. How would you rate each group in the previous Stop & Think activity on these
two dimensions? According to psychologist Susan Fiske (2018), your evaluation of social
groups leads you hold certain feelings toward people within them. For instance, people a­ dmire
those whom they judge to be high in warmth and competence, but they feel pity or contempt
for those who lack these qualities. Research has shown that these feelings about a group (e.g.,
admiration, contempt, pity) can quickly give way to prejudice—rigid and unfair generaliza-
Prejudice tions about an entire category of people. For example, you are prejudiced against people who
Prejudgment or irrational are overweight if you think they are lazy, feel disgusted when you see them, and refuse to date
generalization about an entire them (Aboud et al., 2012). Likewise, bias refers to a prejudicial preference or action.
category of people. Like stereotypes, prejudice and bias can be positive or negative; that is, you can have
positive as well as negative irrational beliefs about a group. They can be directed toward
individuals of any group categorization, such as race, ethnicity, religion, politics, age, geo-
Bias graphic location, language, sexual orientation, gender, ability, or appearance. How do our
A prejudicial preference or action. prejudices develop?
Prejudice starts early. Humans have a tendency to divide the social world into two
categories: us and them, or the in-group and the out-group. We tend to see members of
the out-group as inferior to and different from us but similar to each other—“they all look
alike.” Even in infancy, children are more likely to accept a toy from people familiar to them
(Rhodes & Baron, 2019). Results from studies around the world show that prejudice based
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 45

on ethnic group membership begins by age 4 or 5 (Aboud et al., 2012; Anzures et al., 2013).
In-group and out-group prejudices might be based on race, religion, gender, age, ethnicity,
sexual orientation, or even athletic team membership.
Another source of prejudice is that people tend to make favorable attributions to
­themselves and less favorable attributions to others, thus assuming their own superior-
ity. For example, people who have more (money, social status, prestige) might justify their
­privilege by claiming it was earned entirely by their individual efforts and skills. This can
lead to blaming the victims: People who live in poverty or women who are raped are seen
as ­causing their problems by their behaviors—“they got what they deserved.” What follows
can be the myth of meritocracy—the idea that all people are on equal playing fields and
that success is just a matter of working hard. This overlooks the many unearned advantages
or disadvantages people have by virtue of their life circumstances, such as when or where
they were born. Emotions play a part as well. When things go wrong, we look for someone
or some whole group to blame. For example, after the global coronavirus outbreak, some
people vented their anger by attacking innocent Asian Americans (Lee & Waters, 2021).
But prejudice is more than a tendency to form in-groups, a self-justification, or an
­emotional reaction—prejudice is also the product of a large storehouse of information and
­values that we gather throughout our lives. Children learn both explicitly and implicitly
about traits and characteristics that are (or are not) valued by their families, peers, and
­teachers and by the broader world around them. The media also perpetuates ­stereotypical Pearson eText
messages about who is (and is not) successful. For years, the “powerful” and “smart” Video Example 2.2
­characters presented in books, films, television, and advertising were European ­Americans Have most of your teachers
and men. People of different ethnic and racial backgrounds were seldom the “heroes” shared your racial or cultural
(Ward, 2004). This is changing. In 2020, the United States elected its first African ­American, background? How did
­southeast Asian American, and female Vice President; its first female Secretary of the this affect you and your ­beliefs?
­Treasury; and its first African American Secretary of Defense. Teacher Dani Ramsey addresses
Even so, seeing historically oppressed groups acknowledged favorably by the ­media the ways that ethnic and racial
is not a given. Negative portrayals in the media of women, racial minorities, and certain representation matters in the
religious minority groups have been amplified in some media outlets in recent years and classroom. Think of how you
might ­increase the opportuni-
by some elected officials. The Southern Poverty Law Center reported a surge in White
ties for students to encounter
­n ationalism, hate speech, racism, and far-right extremism during the 2016 and 2020
people who are similar to and
­presidential campaigns (see Costello, 2016, [Link] How does this
different from them.
affect young ­learners and, ­particularly, those in minoritized groups?
STEREOTYPE THREAT. When learners feel that they must constantly monitor the
e­ nvironment for possible stereotypes and prejudice, their academic performance can be
­undermined—a concept referred to as stereotype threat. The term stereotype threat refers Stereotype threat
to an “apprehensiveness about confirming a stereotype” (Aronson, 2002, p. 282). The basic The emotional and cognitive
idea is that when individuals are in situations in which a stereotype applies, they bear extra burdens that can result from
heightened awareness that your
emotional and cognitive burdens—the possibilities of confirming the stereotype, either
performance in an academic
in the eyes of others or in their own eyes. So, when girls are asked to solve complicated
situation might confirm a
­mathematics problems or when African Americans take the SATs, for example, they are at stereotype that others hold
risk of confirming widely held stereotypes that girls are inferior to boys in mathematics or about you.
that African Americans score lower on the SATs than do other ethnic groups. Believing the
stereotype is not necessary: All that matters is that the individual is aware of the stereotype
and cares about performing well enough to disprove its unflattering implications.
Steven Spencer and his colleagues (2016) pointed out that “Every individual is
­potentially vulnerable to stereotype threat, because every individual has at least one social
identity that is targeted by a negative stereotype in some given situation” (p. 415). The
impact seems to be worse for learners who strongly identify with the group or activity
under threat (“I am proud to be African American,” “Science is really important to me!”)
(Appel & Kronberger, 2012; Huguet & Régner, 2007). For example, studies have shown that
stereotype threat has worsened the performance of students from lower-SES backgrounds,
older adult test takers, elite athletes, White male college students who were very strong
in mathematics but were told that Asian students performed much better on a particular
46 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

test, and school-age boys who believed they were inferior to girls (Hartley & Sutton, 2013;
Spencer et al., 2016).
How, exactly, does the threat of confirming a stereotype affect learners? E
­ xperiencing
a psychological threat can (a) prevent individuals from performing at their best on tests
and assignments; (b) interfere with attention, working memory, and learning in the ­subject
(e.g., math); and (c) decrease connections to and valuing of that subject (­Spencer et al.,
2016). Thus, stereotype threat might be one cause, but not the sole cause, of ­performance
­d ifferences between some groups (Nadler & Clark, 2011). Students who experience
­stereotype threat are less likely to feel a sense of belonging and connection in the context
where the threat is “in the air.” When they feel disconnected, motivation and engagement
suffer (Thoman et al., 2013). They might lose interest, develop self-defeating ­strategies
to avoid looking stupid, or feel anxious in testing situations (read more about these in
­Chapter 12). Experiencing persistent threats can lead to negative, long-term consequences
such as withdrawal of effort or even dropping out of school. As soon as students psy-
chologically disengage from school, they are unlikely to exert the effort needed for real
­learning. One way that teachers can help reduce these effects is by developing a curricu­­­­­­­­
lum that provides rich counterevidence to stereotypical messages and by affirming
students in their diverse identities (Spencer et al., 2016).
FROM PREJUDICE TO DISCRIMINATION. As we have seen, prejudice consists of rigid,
i­ rrational beliefs and feelings (usually negative) about an entire category of people. The third
element of prejudice is a tendency to act, called discrimination. Discrimination refers to
Discrimination unequal treatment of particular groups of people. Clearly, many Americans face prejudice
Treating or acting unfairly toward and discrimination in subtle or blatant ways every day. Mistreatment of unarmed Black men
particular categories of people.
by the police is an example of discrimination with life-and-death consequences. However,
ample evidence of discrimination can be found in childhood and adolescence, from the play-
ground to the classroom to the principal’s office.
Although prejudice and discrimination come from many places—peers, media, social
encounters outside of school—evidence suggests that perceiving discrimination from a
teacher may be the most damaging for educational outcomes (Benner & Graham, 2013). As
noted earlier, teachers are often unaware of their prejudices. Yet these prejudices can affect
teachers’ expectations for their students and how they interpret students’ behaviors.
In her book Discrimination in Childhood and Adolescence, psychologist Christia Brown
(2017) shows that even young children are highly attuned to whether they are welcomed and
included by others at school. Perceiving that one is being unfairly treated can have negative
psychological, physical, academic, and social consequences in both the short and the long
terms. Feeling undervalued, overlooked, or excluded makes staying focused and motivated
at school difficult. In addition, being the target of others’ prejudices and discrimination can
lead learners to feel that they must constantly monitor the environment for further prejudice
and discrimination, causing immense stress and undermining academic achievement.
In the sections that follow, we will look more closely at how members of different ­cultural
groups experience school. Specifically, we focus on economic and social class, ethnicity and
race, gender and sexual identities, and how learners’ experiences are related to learning,
­development, and motivation. We will also share evidence about how group-based stereotypes,
prejudice, and discrimination can alter learners’ self-beliefs, motivation, emotions, and learning.

Connect and Extend to

PRAXIS II®
Economic Conditions/Socioeco-
Economic and Social Class Differences
nomic Status (SES) (IV, B2) Learning Outcome 2.2 Discuss what defines social class and socioeconomic status,
Be aware of the possible effects including how SES differences relate to school achievement.
of SES on student achievement.
Even though most researchers would agree that social class is one of the most meaningful
Consider what steps teachers can
take to minimize those effects. cultural dimensions in people’s lives, those same researchers have great difficulty defining
social class (Liu et al., 2004; Macionis, 2019). Different terms are used—social class, socioeconomic
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 47

status, economic background, wealth, poverty, capital, and privilege. Some people consider only
economic differences; others add considerations of power, influence, mobility, educational
­attainment, occupational status, control over resources, access to opportunities, and prestige.

­Social Class and Socioeconomic Status

Most researchers identify five general social class distinctions in U.S. society: u ­ pper,
­u pper middle, middle, working, and lower classes. The main characteristics of these
five groups in the United States are summarized in Table 2.2. These are rough approxi-
mations; people’s lived experiences might not fall neatly within these categorical lines.
Across the past five decades, the number of ­American adults living in middle-income
households has steadily decreased as the number of wealthy and poor households in
America has increased (Horowitz et al., 2020a). The richest 5% of families in the United
States have seen the most rapid growth in wealth. The trends reflect growing income
­inequality in the United States, which outpaces that of other countries.
Another way to assess people’s standing in society commonly used in research by
sociologists and psychologists is by combining variations in wealth, power, control over
resources, and prestige into an index called socioeconomic status (SES). SES is usually
­ascribed to people by researchers; different formulas for determining SES might lead to Socioeconomic status (SES)
different categorizations (Macionis, 2019; Sirin, 2005). No single variable, not even income, Relative standing in a society
is an effective measure of SES. Rather, SES refers to a composite ranking of these various based on income, power,
background, and prestige.
­measures of social inequality.
You might be thinking that your own social standing does not fit into any of these
rigid ­categories. One reason is that levels of wealth, power, and prestige are not always
­consistent. Some people—for instance, university professors—are members of professions
that are ­reasonably high in terms of social status and prestige but that provide considerably
less wealth or power (believe me). Other people have political power even though they are

Table 2.2 Selected Characteristics of Different Social Class Memberships

UPPER MIDDLE
UPPER CLASS CLASS MIDDLE CLASS WORKING CLASS LOWER CLASS

Percentage of U.S.
population 5% 40–45% 33% 20%
Income $239,000 to billions $134,000–$238,000 $55,000–$134,000 $30,000–$55,000 Below $27,000
Occupation/Source Family money, “old Corporate, White-collar, skilled Blue-collar Minimum wage,
of Money money,” investments, professional, income blue-collar unskilled labor
CEO earned in some way
Education Home-schooled, tutors, Prestigious colleges High school, High school; about High school
prestigious private and graduate college, or 20% go to college
schools and colleges schools professional school
Home Ownership Several homes, private At least one home Usually own home About half own About 40% own
jets for transportation a home a home
Health Coverage Full Full Usually Limited Uncommon
Neighborhoods The most exclusive Exclusive or Comfortable Modest Deteriorating, least
comfortable desirable areas
Afford Children’s Easily Usually Seldom Rarely Uncommon
College
Political Power National (perhaps National, state, local State or local Limited No
international), state,
local
Note: All descriptions are rough categorizations. Many exceptions can occur within each category according to individuals and context. For example, income markers differ by number in household and
geographic region. In very expensive areas such as San Francisco, it may take at least $150,000 for a family of three to be in the lower middle class.
­ ource: Information from Macionis, J. J. (2019). Sociology (17th ed). Pearson; Gorski, P. (2013). Reaching and teaching students in poverty: Strategies for erasing the opportunity gap. Teachers College
S
Press.
48 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

not wealthy, or they might be members of the elite social register in a town even though
their family money is long gone.
Most people are generally aware of their social class; that is, they perceive that some
groups are above them in the social class hierarchy and some are below (Diemer et al., 2013).
In fact, people quickly evaluate small social cues (e.g., ­physical ­appearance, language,
­behaviors) to determine what social class others are in relative to them (Kraus et al., 2017).
These subjective evaluations, in turn, guide people’s beliefs, ­behaviors, and well-being,
thereby reinforcing actual social class boundaries.
Students (and teachers) may even show a kind of “classism” (like racism or sexism),
believing that they are superior to members of lower social classes and avoiding association
with them. For example, Marissa, a member of the most popular and privileged clique in
her high school, described the “grits”—the least popular group—as follows:
Grits are poor. I think they mostly live in the country. We—[quickly correcting
herself] some of my friends call them hicks or rednecks. I guess most live on
the Hill—that’s over on the west side of town. It’s the slums. Grits smoke, do
drugs, dress grungy. They have those hick accents. They usually get bad grades.
They don’t like school so I think they drop out a lot. They don’t really fit in.
They are troublemakers. I don’t see them much; they aren’t in any of my classes.
(Brantlinger, 2004, pp. 109–110)
Author Isabel Wilkerson would say that Marissa is describing a “caste” system of social
hierarchy in the United States (Wilkerson, 2020). “Caste” is defined as the “invisible structure
that created and maintains hierarchy and inequality” based on our many intersectional cul-
tural group memberships, including class, wealth, power, race, gender, i­mmigration status,
and other cultural identities (pp. 69–70). This invisible ­structure becomes reinforced in our
policies, structures, and habitual ways of thinking. A caste “affix[es] people to certain roles
based upon what they look like and what they historically have been assigned to or the char-
acteristics and stereotypes by which they have been categorized” (p. 71).

Poverty and Social Inequality

Experiencing poverty can amplify other disadvantages related to a person’s social ­standing.
In 2019, about 14.5% of Americans under the age of 18 lived below the federal poverty line
of a $26,172 annual income for a family of four (Semega et al., 2020). If we add children
living in low-income families (earning about $48,000 for a family of four), then 44% of all
children in the United States lived in low-income or poor families, and 30 million students
qualified to receive free or reduced-price lunches at school in 2016 (Jiang et al., 2016; U.S.
Department of Agriculture, 2016).
The absolute number of children living in poverty is similar for non-Hispanic White
­c hildren (3.2 million), Latino children (4.4 million), and African American children
(3.0 million). However, these numbers are misleading. The rate of poverty is much higher for
African American, Latino, and Native American children—30% of African American and
24% of Latino children lived in poverty in 2018, whereas 11% of Asian and 9% of non-
Hispanic White children were poor (Children’s Defense Fund, 2020). Contrary to many
­stereotypes, the absolute number of poor children living in rural and suburban areas is greater
than that in central cities. But poverty rates are high in urban schools.
Childhood poverty rates declined steadily during the period of economic expan-
sion in the United States between 2010 and 2020 (Semega et al., 2020); however, the
­COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating social and economic inequalities, which are worse
for Latino, African American, and indigenous children and families (Bauer et al., 2020;
Benner & Mistry, 2020). Even before the pandemic, wealth gaps between the upper class
and other income groups in the United States had been widening over the previous two
­decades; White households are approximately 10 times wealthier than Black households and
8 times wealthier than Hispanic households (Killewald et al., 2017). Discriminatory ­practices
(e.g., lending practices, segregation, school districting) and institutionalized racism con-
tinue to put African Americans at a disadvantage when it comes to accumulating wealth.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 49

Poverty and Academic Outcomes

Living in poverty can affect learners’ development and academic outcomes. The average
correlation between SES and achievement tests is moderate, about .30 to .40 (Sackett et al.,
2009; Sirin, 2005). In general, students of all ethnic groups with high SES show higher aver-
age levels of achievement on test scores and stay in school longer than students with low
SES, and this difference widens with the student’s age, from 7 to 15 (Cutuli et al., 2013). And
the longer the child is in poverty, the stronger the impact is on achievement. For example,
even when we take into account parents’ education, the chance that children will be held
back in school or placed in special education classes increases by 2% to 3% for every year
the children live in poverty (Ackerman et al., 2004).
Figure 2.3 shows the trends in reading achievement from third through eighth grade for
students in several income risk groups (homeless/highly mobile, free lunch, reduced-cost
lunch) compared both to the national average for those grades and to students who were
never a part of any of these risk groups (labeled “general” in the figure). You can see that the
growth rates are similar but that these groups begin at different levels in third grade. This is
one reason that early interventions (preschool and primary school) are especially important
for students placed at risk.
One troubling trend is that the educational inequalities are growing between children
from privileged families (income at the 90th percentile) and children from poor families
­(income at the 10th percentile). These inequalities were 30% to 40% greater for children born
in 2001 compared to children born in 1976. These increasingly dramatic income differences

­Figure 2.3 Trends in Reading Achievement from Third Through Eighth Grade for
Students in Several Income Risk Groups

240

Risk group

General

Reduced meals
Reading achievement

220
National norm

Free meals
HHM
200

180

3 4 5 6 7 8
Grade

Note: General = students who were never a part of any of the risk groups; HHM = homeless/highly mobile.
Source: Cutuli, J. J., Desjardins, C. D., Herbers, J. E., Long, J. D., Heistad, D., Chan, C-K, Hinz, E., & Masten, A. S. (2013). Academic achievement
trajectories of homeless and highly mobile students: Resilience in the context of chronic and acute risk. Child Development, 84, p. 851. Reproduced
with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
50 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

between the wealthy and the poor have led to greater segregation of low-income children in
lower-quality schools. Economic resources available to wealthy children allow them to reap
tremendous advantages from informal learning opportunities, such as travel, specialized
summer camps, and tutoring services—resources that poor families can’t afford (Berliner,
2013; Reardon, 2011). This has led some researchers to refer to differences in the educational
performances of rich and poor students as an “opportunity gap” rather than an achieve-
ment gap (Gorski, 2013; Milner, 2010, 2015).
When it comes to the effects of poverty on academic achievement, however, it is
­important to remember that correlation is not causation. In fact, determining how and
why poverty affects children’s performance can be challenging. Researchers have studied
many related factors, such as family and environmental stress, availability of resources, the
types of educational investments parents make, school and neighborhood characteristics,
and c­ ultural beliefs and expectations (Diemer et al., 2020; Duncan et al., 2017). Figure 2.4
provides some examples; others include poor health care, dangerous home environments,
interruptions in schooling, and exposure to violence, overcrowding, homelessness, and
­discrimination. In turn, academic difficulties can lead to low-paying jobs—and another
generation born into poverty. Numerous scholars have offered other possible explanations
­(Ehrlich, 2020; Gorski, 2013; Jensen, 2016). Let’s take a closer look at some of them.
HEALTH, ENVIRONMENT, AND STRESS. The negative effects of poverty begin even before
a child is born. Families in poverty have less access to good prenatal and infant health care
and nutrition. More than half of all adolescent mothers receive no prenatal care at all. Poor
mothers and adolescent mothers are more likely to have premature babies, and prematu-
rity is associated with many cognitive and learning problems. Children in poverty are more
likely to be exposed to both legal drugs (nicotine, alcohol) and illegal drugs (cocaine, heroin)
before birth. Children whose mothers take drugs during pregnancy can have problems with
organization, attention, and language skills.
Poor children are four times as likely to experience chronic stress due to e­ victions,
lack of food, overcrowding, or utility disconnections. Increased stress is related to
­increased school absences, decreased attention span and concentration ability, problems
with ­memory and thinking, reduced motivation and effort, increased depression, and
­reduced neurogenesis (growth of new brain cells) (Blair & Raver, 2016; Evans & Kim,

Figure 2.4 Mechanisms by Which Poverty Affects Children’s Educational Outcomes

Family and Environmental Stress Culture

• Threats to basic needs • Norms, behaviors, and values
• Inability to buy goods/services • Beliefs and worldview
• Stress/depression • Cultural scripts
• Greater household hostility • Structural and economic factors
• Exposure to environmental hazards • Neighborhood/community context

How Might Poverty Affect

Child Outcomes?
Resources and Investments Developmental Factors
Caregivers influence children via: • Brain development
• Skills, preferences, and values • Cognitive and emotional control
• Availability of financial resources (e.g., executive functions)
• Learning and enrichment • Cumulative or snowballing effects
opportunities • Timing and duration of poverty
• Decisions made on behalf of children • Anxiety, internalized oppression

Source: Duncan, G. J., Magnuson, K., & Votruba-Drzal, E. (2017). Moving beyond correlations in assessing the consequences of poverty. Annual
Review of Psychology, 68(1), 413–434.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 51

2013; Jensen, 2013). In the early years, children in poverty experience higher levels of
stress hormones than do children in middle-class and wealthy families. High levels of
these h­ ormones can interfere with the flow of blood in the brain, decrease the develop-
ment of ­synaptic c­ onnections, and deplete the body’s supply of tryptophan, an amino
acid that calms impulsive and violent behaviors (Hudley & Novak, 2007). As they grow,
poor c­ hildren breathe more polluted air and drink more contaminated water—recall
the ­scandal ­surrounding the water in Flint, Michigan. Poor children are at least twice
as likely as non-poor children to have lead poisoning, which is associated with lower
school achievement and long-term neurological impairment (Evans, 2004). E ­ conomically
­d isadvantaged c­ hildren and particularly those who also experience maltreatment or
discrimination are at increased risk of obesity, high blood pressure, and other i­ nflammatory
diseases (Boyce et al., 2021). Exposure to these and other environmental stressors during
critical periods of development can affect many aspects of neurological, cognitive, and
emotional development (Hyde et al., 2020).
LOW EXPECTATIONS—LOW ACADEMIC SELF-CONCEPT. Poor students are also at risk
of being stigmatized by their teachers and peers. For example, students from homes with
­limited resources might wear older clothes or be less familiar with certain books and school
activities. Their teachers and other students might in turn believe that these students are
not bright. The teacher might avoid calling on them, assuming they don’t know the a­ nswer,
set lower standards, place them in lower-ability groups, and accept poor work. Even
without awareness, teachers and peers can send social “signals” that relay a message to
students lower in socioeconomic standing that they are less valued (Piff et al., 2018). Thus,
low e­ xpectations become institutionalized, and the educational resources provided to
these children are minimal and inadequate (Borman & Overman, 2004). Low expectations,
along with a lower-­quality educational experience, can lead children to internalize others’
­negative evaluations and develop a sense of learned helplessness, described in Chapter 12
(Ruck et al., 2019). Students with low SES, particularly those who also encounter racial
discrimination, might decide that school is a dead end. Without a high school diploma, these
students find few rewards awaiting them in the work world. Many available jobs barely
pay a living wage. In his 2015 book Rac(e)ing to Class, Richard Milner describes the ways in
which the intersection of poverty and race have led to chronic inequalities in the educational
opportunities of poor students of color.

PEER INFLUENCES AND RESISTANCE CULTURES. Students who attend schools where
most of their peers are from middle- and high-income families are 68% more likely to attend
college compared to students in schools where most of the students are from low-income
homes. Even after controlling for many possible causes, Gregory Palardy (2013) concluded
that peer influences are the strongest predictors of this difference in college attendance.
Students in high-poverty schools are much less likely to have friends who plan to attend
college and much more likely to have friends who drop out of school.
Some researchers have suggested that certain students from low-SES backgrounds
might cope with the inequities around them by becoming part of a resistance culture. To
Resistance culture
members of this culture, making it in school means selling out and trying to act “middle
Group values and beliefs about
class.” To maintain their identity and their status within the group, these students might
refusing to adopt the behaviors
cope by rejecting the behaviors that would make them succeed in school—studying,
and attitudes of the majority
cooperating with teachers, and even coming to class (Bennett, 2011; Ogbu, 1987, 1997). This culture.
is an understandable reaction from students who might view such attempts as futile in an
oppressive or discriminatory system (Cokley et al., 2011). John Ogbu linked identification
with a resistance culture to poor Latino American, Native American, and African American
groups, but similar reactions have been noted for poor White students both in the United
States and in England and also in high school students in Papua New Guinea (Woolfolk
Hoy et al., 2002).
52 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

This is not to say that all or even most students with low SES resist achievement. Many
young people are high achievers in spite of either their economic situation or negative peer
influences (O’Connor, 1997). And we should not forget that some aspects of schooling—
competitive grading, public reprimands, stressful testing and assignments, and repetitive
work that is too hard or too easy—can (and probably should) encourage resistance in all
students (Okagaki, 2001). Focusing solely on students’ resistance (or their lack of resilience)
is a way of blaming students for their lower achievement; instead, educators should focus
on making school an inclusive place that does not invite resistance from anyone (Stinson,
2006). One way to do this is by realizing how our own cultural backgrounds, socialization,
and rigid stereotypes “might hinder our abilities to connect with low-income families, or
any families, in the most authentic, open way” (Gorski, 2013, p. 59). In Gorski’s words,
educators need to become “equity literate.”
HOME ENVIRONMENT AND RESOURCES. Families in poverty seldom have access to high-
quality preschool care for their young children—the kind of care that enhances cognitive
and social development (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Vandell, 2004). Poor children read
less and spend more time watching television; they have less access to books, computers,
the Internet, libraries, and trips—opportunity gaps again (Kim & Guryan, 2010). Even the
ways in which parents talk with their children can vary by SES (Rowe, 2018). Again, these
are averages and do not apply to all low-income families. Many families provide rich learn-
ing environments for their children and help them develop considerable strengths by coping
with adversity (Frankenhuis & Nettle, 2020). When parents of any SES level support and
encourage their children—by reading to them, providing books and cognitively stimulating
toys, taking the children to the library, making time and space for learning—the children
tend to become better, more enthusiastic readers (Cooper et al., 2010). Home and neighbor-
hood resources seem to have the greatest impact on children’s achievement when school is
not in session.

SUMMER SETBACKS AND SCHOOL DISRUPTIONS. Children in poverty begin school

about 6 months behind in reading skills compared to those from wealthier homes, but the
skill difference between the groups grows to almost 3 years by sixth grade. This gap in
reading skills between students in poverty and middle-class students has been ­increasing
since the early 1970s. One explanation for this growing gap is that the children from
poorer homes, and especially those whose first language in not English, lose ground
over the ­summer, when school is not in session. Even though both groups make compa-
rable achievement gains during the school year, every summer vacation creates about a
3-month reading achievement gap between poor and advantaged children (Kim & Guryan,
2010; Kim & Quinn, 2013). One study suggested that the four summer vacations between
second and sixth grade accounted for 80% of the achievement differences between poor
and a­ dvantaged students (Allington & McGill-Frazen, 2003, 2008). This truly is a case of
the rich getting richer. Wealthier children have greater access to books all the time but
especially over the summer. They read more, and the more children read, the better readers
they become—volume of reading matters. The good news is that quality summer reading
programs for low-income families and their children can be effective in helping students
improve their reading skills (Kim & Quinn, 2013).
The COVID-19 pandemic has widened the economic and opportunity gaps between
students whose families face economic hardships and those who are financially stable.
One immediately apparent gap emerged when schools closed to in-person instruction
and instructional delivery moved online. Suddenly the classroom became the living room,
bedroom, or kitchen. Resources available in most school districts, such as reliable access
to learning materials, regular meal service, and transportation, were disrupted. Many
families—­including some teachers—lack sufficient resources, technological equipment, and
access to Internet connectivity to participate in high-quality remote instruction. In some
school districts, students have been alternating between remote and in-person learning
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 53

for many months, with no clear end in sight. In schools that have been unable to deliver
online instruction to some or all students, teachers have been doing their best to get materi-
als to students to learn at home. Student absenteeism is at an all-time high; by one estimate,
3 ­million U.S. students did not attend school in 2020–2021 (Korman et al., 2020). Scholars
have projected that students will experience disproportionate learning loss as a function
of their SES and prior achievement levels (Kuhfield et al., 2020). Stories abound about the
ways in which the pandemic has highlighted, and exacerbated, economic inequalities and
opportunity gaps. These gaps are worse for ethnic minority students, English language
learners, students with disabilities, and students experiencing homelessness.
TRACKING AND POOR TEACHING. A final explanation for the lower achievement of many
students who live in low-SES environments is that these students are more often placed
in lower academic tracks, and they are therefore actually taught differently (Oakes, 2005).
If they are tracked into “low-ability,” “general,” “practical,” or “vocational” classes, they
might be taught to memorize and to learn more passively than their more advantaged peers.
Middle-class students are more likely to be encouraged to think and be creative in their
classes.
Even if they are not tracked, students from low-income families are more likely to
attend schools with inadequate resources and less effective teachers (Evans, 2004;
­Goldhaber et al., 2018). For example, in high-poverty schools, more than 50% of math
teachers and more than 60% of science teachers are inexperienced or teaching outside their
subject area expertise; they were not trained for the subjects they are teaching (­ Jensen,
2009). When students with low SES receive a substandard education, this gives them
inferior academic skills and limits their life chances, beginning with not preparing them
for higher education (Knapp & Woolverton, 2003). Having effective teachers improves stu-
dents’ short- and long-term learning, school attendance, and graduation rates.

Extreme Poverty: Homeless and Highly Mobile Students

According to the National Center for Children in Poverty, nearly 10% of U.S. children who
are 9 years old and younger live in deep poverty—their family income is less than half of
the federal poverty line (Nguyen et al., 2020). When families live in extreme poverty, they
sometimes lack even a stable home. In the 2018–2019 school year, nearly 1.4 million stu-
dents were homeless in the United States (National Center for Homeless Education, 2021).
That represents about 2.7% of all enrolled students. Those experiencing homelessness in
adolescence were more likely Black, Hispanic, lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, partly
because of increased exposure to victimization and abuse (Morton et al., 2018; Tierney &
Ward, 2017). Students who are homeless or who move very often are at additional risk
of a range of physical and mental health problems and social and learning difficulties
(Herbers et al., 2020). For example, even after taking many other risk factors and income
levels into account, researchers found that students who moved three or more times dur-
ing a school year were 60% more likely to repeat a grade (Cutuli et al., 2013). According to
the National Center on Family Homelessness, 75% of elementary students and 85% of high
school students who were homeless performed below grade level in reading and math.
Homelessness and high mobility contribute to chronic risks and problems in school, prob-
lems that are difficult to overcome.
Even with such risks, many of these students are resilient. Cutuli and his colleagues
(2013) analyzed the math and reading test scores of more than 26,000 students from third
through eighth grades and found that 45% of the homeless and highly mobile students
achieved in the average-or-better range across time in spite of their challenges. The research-
ers concluded that factors such as effective parenting, student self-regulation skills (see
Chapter 11), academic motivation (see Chapter 12), and the quality of teaching and teachers’
relationships with students (see this whole book) support resiliency for these students. The
early years in school are particularly important. Homeless students who develop reading
and self-regulation skills in the early grades are more likely to be successful throughout
school (Buckner, 2012). For more ideas about quality teaching for students who live in pov-
erty, see the Guidelines: Teaching Students Who Live in Poverty on the next page.
54 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

­GUIDELINES
Teaching Students Who Live in Poverty
Educate yourself about the effects of poverty on student learning.
Examples
1. Read articles from good journals.
2. Seek diverse sources to inform you. For example:
a. Eric Jensen’s (2013), Engaging Students with Poverty in Mind: Practical Strategies for
Raising Achievement
b. Paul Gorski’s (2013) Reaching and Teaching Students in Poverty: Strategies for Erasing
the Opportunity Gap.

Set and maintain high expectations for all students.

Examples
1. Guard against feeling sorry for students, excusing poor work, and expecting less.
Replace pity with empathy based on solid knowledge of your students.
2. Communicate to students that they can improve and succeed with good effort.
3. Engage higher-order thinking skills that validate students’ intellectual capacities.
4. Provide constructive criticism because you believe your students can do quality work.
5. Add challenging subjects and Advanced Placement classes.

Develop caring relationships with your students (see the 2015 Center for Promise
report “Don’t Quit on Me.”)
Examples
1. Use inclusive language—“our class,” “our projects,” “our school,” “our efforts.”
2. Talk to students outside of class. Make a point to identify their interests and abilities.
3. Attend sports or other events in which your students participate.
4. Create a class Welcome Center for families (see Chapter 6).
5. Help a student connect with a mentor, tutor, and/or coach.

Build learning and self-regulation skills as part of the curriculum.

Examples
1. Teach students how to organize work, focus attention, or seek appropriate help.
2. Include conflict management and social problem-solving skills in lessons.

Notice health problems.

Examples
1. Notice who seems to be absent or tardy often.
2. Check to see whether some students struggle to hear the class discussions. Can they
see from the back of the room?
3. Model healthy eating and physical activity.

Assess student knowledge; start where they are, but don’t stay there (Milner, 2010).
Examples
1. Use short, ungraded assessments that target the learning objectives for each unit.
2. Differentiate instruction based on results (see Chapter 14).
Source: Jensen, E. (2013). Engaging students with poverty in mind: Practical strategies for Rraising achievement. Alexandria, VA:
Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.; Gorski, P. (2013). Reaching and teaching students in poverty: Strategies for
erasing the opportunity gap. New York, NY: Teachers College Press; Center for Promise. (2015). Don’t quit on me: What young people
who left school say about the power of relationships. Washington, DC: America’s Promise Alliance.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 55

Ethnicity and Race in Teaching

and Learning
Learning Outcome 2.3 Explain how race, ethnicity, prejudice, discrimination, and
stereotype threat might affect student learning and achievement in schools.
The United States truly is a diverse society. The National Center for Education Statistics p
­ rojects
that by Fall 2029, more than half of the school-age population will be African ­American, Asian,
Latino/a, or from other ethnic groups (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). Before
we look at the research on ethnicity and race in school settings, let’s understand how people
come to understand their own and others’ ethnic and racial group membership.

Defining Ethnicity and Race

Ethnicity usually refers to a group’s shared, common cultural characteristics such as h ­ istory,
homeland, language, traditions, or religion. We all have some ethnic heritage, whether our Ethnicity
background is Italian, Ukrainian, Hmong, Chinese, Japanese, Navajo, Hawaiian, Puerto A cultural heritage shared by a
group of people.
Rican, Cuban, Hungarian, German, African, or Irish—to name only a few. Race is defined
as a socially constructed category of people who share certain physical characteristics (e.g.,
skin color or hair texture) that members of a society have considered important (­Macionis, Race
2019). There are no biologically pure races. For any two humans chosen at random, an A socially constructed category
­average of only 0.012% (about one-hundredth of 1%) of the alphabetic sequence of their based on appearances and
genetic codes is different due to race (Myers, 2005). ancestry.
Both ethnicity and race are therefore primarily social constructions that gain meaning within
particular social or political contexts (Lee & Bean, 2010). At the individual level, they become
part of our identity—how we understand ourselves and interact with others. At the group level,
both ethnicity and race are often institutionally imposed labels involving educational, economic,
political, and power structures (Macionis, 2019). In this book we use the labels ethnicity, race, or
race/ethnicity based on which label seems most appropriate to the findings being discussed.
Sociologists sometimes use the term “minority group” to label a group of people that
receives unequal or discriminatory treatment. But this practice of referring to people as
minorities because of their racial or ethnic heritage has been criticized because doing so is
misleading and has negative historical connotations (APA, 2019; Milner, 2010). For example,
in certain places such as Chicago and Mississippi, African Americans are in the numeric
majority, and European Americans are in the numeric minority. Unless otherwise specified,
when we refer to ethnic minority groups, we do so using the entire U.S. population as a r­ eference
group. We often use the terms White, Black, and Latino instead of European American,
African American, and Hispanic, respectively, because the former terms are more inclusive of
students with ­diverse national origins (e.g., Canada, Haiti, or the Dominican Republic) and
various immigration statuses. As we noted earlier in the chapter, teachers should be mindful
of their own use of these terms when addressing their students’ racial/ethnic heritages (for
more information on terminology, see Christia Brown’s 2017 book about students’ perceptions
of ­discrimination and the link to the APA’s guidelines for reducing bias provided earlier).

Ethnic and Racial Identity

At some point during their development, young people begin to understand themselves
as members of racial and ethnic groups. Young children often make little or no ­distinction
­between their own race and their ethnic identity—the two are inextricably intertwined.
Moreover, although a group may share an ethnicity, its members can include people of
­different races or vice versa. Therefore, researchers have suggested that terms such as “racial-
ethnic-cultural identity may be more appropriate when attempting to accurately represent the
psychological experiences of young people (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Ethnic-racial identity Ethnic-racial identity
generally refers to how people think and feel about their own ethnic and racial groups and The beliefs, feelings, significance,
the significance and meaning they ascribe to them (Seaton et al., 2018; Umaña-Taylor et al., and meaning people have about
2014). Identity evaluations might include how important or central one’s ethnicity or race is to their ethnicity or race.
their life, how group members see themselves (private regard) or perceive others seeing them
56 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

(public regard), or a sense of pride (see Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). Children may begin with an
unexamined racial or ethnic identity, either because they have not explored at all or because
they have accepted the identity labels that have been encouraged by others around them.
European American adolescents are less likely to have examined their own ethnic-racial identity
given their membership, particularly if most of their experiences have put them in the numeric
majority. Early adolescents who have ethnically diverse friends engage in their own ethnic-racial
identity exploration, which is an important part of healthy identity development (Rivas-Drake
et al., 2017). You will learn more about identity development processes in Chapter 4.

Pearson eText MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND FLEXIBLE ETHNIC IDENTITIES. At the beginning of this

Video Example 2.3 c­ hapter, you explored your own complex cultural identity. How would you describe your
A Native American who grew ­ethnic and racial identity? For many students in the United States, ethnic-racial identity is
up on a reservation talks about ­multidimensional and intersects with other identities such as nationality (Parker et al., 2015).
the effect of being taught For example, a Pew Research Center survey revealed that two thirds of Hispanic adults
­history from the perspective consider their Hispanic background to be part of their racial background. However, when
of his colonizers. His ances- asked for their race on the U.S. Census, many Hispanic adults identify more with the country
tors occupied this land long or region of their ancestors (Cuba, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, the Caribbean, etc.) than
before Columbus “discovered” with a general notion of Hispanic or Latino. Others highlight different aspects of their racial
America. How do dominant
identities, such as their African heritage or Caribbean roots (Noe-Bustamante et al., 2020).
cultural narratives that erase
Members of other ethnic and cultural groups respond in similar ways. Adolescents in
or disempower certain groups
immigrant or refugee families might be more motivated to identify strongly with their ­nationality
affect children’s identity devel-
or origin—for instance, with their Chinese, Syrian, Japanese, Filipino, Vietnamese, or ­Moroccan
opment? Consider comparable
heritage in certain situations; in other situations, they might identify with their new country
types of discrimination that
affect other groups.
or with broader ethnic groups such as Asian or Black (Seaton et al., 2018; Verkuyten, 2016).
Similarly, students from indigenous communities might view their tribal identity as c­ entral in
some contexts but identify with colonial (i.e., White) norms in others (Galliher et al., 2017; Jones
& Galliher, 2015). Determining an ethnic-racial identity may be even more complicated for
biracial or multiracial adolescents. The parent they live with, the makeup of their neighborhood,
their appearance, and their experiences of discrimination or support can influence how these
adolescents identify themselves. Some psychologists think that these challenges help
multiracial youth develop stronger and more complex identities, but other psychologists
­argue that the challenges present an extra burden in an already-tough process ( Herman, 2004;
Ritchey, 2015). Perhaps the outcome depends in part on the support adolescents receive when
facing the challenges. One thing is certain: The complexity of identity makes clear how limiting
labels can be, particularly labels that are imposed by others who have more power.
Teachers should understand that their students might be navigating multiple cultures
and identities (Fuligni & Tsai, 2015). Incorporating instructional strategies that e­ ncourage
students to reflect on their own and others’ ethnic-racial identities can offer needed s­ upport
(Branch, 2020). Perhaps the best advice is to try to understand that many of your students
will be constructing complex identities that allow them to move in and out of several
­cultures and languages. Get to know the individual students and respect their growing
identities by creating an “identity-safe” learning environment (Spencer et al., 2016).
RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT. Richard Milner (2003, 2015) has pointed to the importance
of racial identity development and awareness, especially in teaching. To reckon with how we
and our students have come to understand ourselves and others as members of different races
is helpful for moving toward more racially just and equitable education. The process of racial
­identity development is also helpful for understanding people’s race-related beliefs, behaviors,
and experiences. Let’s examine one model that has focused on Black racial identity development.
William Cross (1991; Cross & Cross, 2007; Cross et al., 2012) devised a framework that
specifically addresses African American racial identity and consciousness—that is, the
­process of becoming Black. The process, which he called nigrescence, has five stages:
Nigrescence
The process of developing a • Pre-Encounter: At this stage, Cross says that an African American’s attitude might
Black racial identity. range from ignoring race to feeling neutral about race and to actually being anti-Black.
­African Americans at this stage might adopt certain beliefs of White Americans, includ-
ing the tendency to see “Whiteness” as superior. Some level of self-hate is a possible
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 57

consequence. At the pre-encounter stage, people value other aspects of their identities,
such as religion, profession, or social status.
• Encounter: This stage is often triggered by encounters with overt, covert, or insti-
tutional racism. For instance, when an African American is followed around in an
upscale store, is assaulted by police, or sees news reports about such assaults, then
his or her eyes are opened to the reality that race matters in society. The individual
­becomes attuned to their Blackness.
• Immersion/Emersion: Cross sees this stage as a transition—an in-between state that
might cause people to be anxious about “becoming the ‘right kind’ of Black person”
(Cross, 1991, p. 202). In response to encounters with discrimination, the individuals
fill their lives with symbols of Blackness; they buy books about Black experiences
and socialize mainly with other African Americans, for example. They are eager to
understand their racial heritage more deeply.
• Internalization: Individuals are firmly connected to and secure in their sense of racial
identity. They don’t worry about what friends or outsiders think—they are confident
in their own standards of Blackness.
• ­Internalization-Commitment: This stage is very closely connected with internalization.
The main difference is an individual’s continued interest in and commitment to Black
affairs. Such individuals chart their lives to connect to their Black racial identity; for
example, a painter might dedicate his life to painting images of Black life or a researcher
might dedicate her life to studying the educational experiences of African Americans.
No single model describes identity development for all members of a race group living in United
States. For example, the stages in the nigrescence model might not be appropriate for understand-
ing the identity development of first-generation, U.S.-born African students or for students with
both a Latino and a Black heritage such as that of some Dominican Americans (DeWalt, 2013).
Similar racial identity development models have been explored for individuals of other
racial backgrounds. For example, Janet Helms (1995, 2014) put forth a model ­describing
stages of White identity development. White people have historically held power over
indigenous people and people of color in the United States. Consequently, their healthy
­identity development requires, in part, that they come to terms with this history and the
­unearned privileges that Whiteness has given them (Helms, 2020). Whitney Dow, a ­filmmaker
and founder of “The Whiteness Project,” recalled being asked by a seventh-grade student
what he had learned about his own racial identity after working on the project with his
­African American collaborator, Marco Williams: “It was like suddenly getting x-ray glasses. . . .
[I realized that] the most day-to-day manifestation of my White privilege is not being forced
to think about the fact that I am White. I think that for most people who aren’t White, they
don’t have that luxury” (PBS, 2017). Some White people have difficulty recognizing the
privileges and affordances of being born White. Table 2.3 on the next page provides a list
that may be helpful in understanding some of these advantages.
For Black individuals and members of other racial and ethnic minority groups who have
been historically oppressed or marginalized in the United States, having strong ­positive Pearson eText
feelings about one’s own group seems to be important for good mental health as well as Video Example 2.4
for engagement and success in school (Cook & Cook, 2014; Steinberg, 2005). How central As young Black students in this
or salient people’s race is to how they view themselves might also be related to how they video compare two Cinderella
handle discrimination (Brown, 2017). Ultimately, the importance of your racial ­identity stories from Africa and the
depends on several contextual factors. For example, researchers studied the effect of the Caribbean, they have the
sociopolitical context of the Black Lives Matter movement on children’s racial identity opportunity to appreciate their
­development between 2014 and 2016. Black and multiracial children who were interviewed Black racial identity in new
at each time point reported that their racial identity had become more important to them, light rather than focusing on
whereas White children did not (Rogers et al., 2021). Parents, peers, and media also affect the traditional Cinderella story
children’s developing racial identities (Huguley et al., 2019; Williams et al., 2020). T
­ eachers who with White culture and values.
­understand the complexity of students’ racial identity development and expose s­ tudents to How might this approach
diverse ­social models who have developed their own healthy racial identities are better able to ­promote racial identity
support their students’ healthy development (DeCuir-Gunby, 2009; Spencer et al., 2016). development and awareness?
58 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Table 2.3 Privileges Often Afforded by Being White in America

ARE YOU ABLE TO ...
• Browse leisurely in a store without being watched closely by an employee?
• Congregate in public spaces with other members of your race without being perceived as
threatening?
• Observe more positive than negative portrayals of your race group in the media?
• Experience failures in work or school without fearing that people will attribute them to your race?
• Take classes on just about any topic that are taught by people who look like you?
• Choose healthcare professionals who are members of your race?
• Share the same race with most of your immediate colleagues and high-level leaders in your field?
• Call the police when a crime has been committed without fear that your race will affect how you will
be treated?
• Walk around in your residential community without being asked if you really live there?
• Go to any salon or barbershop and find someone who can appropriately style and care for your hair?
• Go through your daily life without fear of being viewed as “out of place” because of your race?
• Offer your opinions without an expectation that they reflect the views of your entire racial group?
• Be an expert or highly skilled in something without it being attributed to your race?
• Find numerous books and films that feature lead characters who look like you?
• Receive an education that will highlight the traditions and accomplishments of people of your race?
• Interact with others without being asked what country you are from?
Source: Statements created with input from Jennifer Burris, Xiao-Yin Chen, Anastacia Cole, Candice Hargons, and Jaylene Patterson.

Ethnic and Racial Differences in School Achievement

A major concern in schools is that some ethnic groups consistently achieve below the aver-
age for all students (Matthews et al., 2010; Uline & Johnson, 2005). This pattern of results
tends to hold for all standardized achievement tests, but the gaps have been narrowing since
about the 1980s and are smaller than the gaps seen between wealthy and poor students
(Raudenbush, 2009; Reardon, 2011). For example, as you can see in Figure 2.5, on the
National Assessment of Educational Progress in mathematics, the gap between scores
of White and Black fourth-graders has narrowed from 34 points in 1996 to 25 points in
2019 (U.S. Department of Education, 2019). The gap between White and Hispanic fourth-
graders has narrowed from 25 in 1996 to 18 in 2019. These gaps are larger in eighth grade
(32-point gap between White and Black students; 24-point gap between White and Hispanic
students). Asian and Pacific Islander students scored the highest in math at both grade levels.
Proponents of this notion of an “achievement gap” have been criticized for taking a nar-
row view and assuming that the scores of White, middle-class students are the norm that all
other students must be compared to and measured by (Anyon, 2012) or that students who
are underperforming are somehow to blame for their inadequacies (Zirkel & Pollack, 2016).
Milner (2013, 2015) suggests that we think about other kinds of “gaps” such as teacher
education and quality gaps, challenging curriculum gaps, affordable housing and health
care gaps, school integration and funding gaps, and quality childcare gaps, digital divide
gaps, wealth and income gaps, and employment gaps—all culminating in opportunity gaps
for many students of color. For example, a case analysis of one high school in Berkeley,
California, showed that school staff implemented science learning labs before and after
school to decrease achievement gaps between White students and African American and
Latino students. These opportunity structures were not actually equally accessible to all
students and ended up widening rather than narrowing the learning gap between students
(Zirkel & Pollack, 2016).
Gloria Ladson Billings (2006) described the educational debt (based on decades of
underinvestment and discrimination) that we owe students of color and students living
in poverty. Other educational psychologists have pointed out that students of color often
experience a discrepancy between their own needs and the opportunity structures provided
by schools, which can result in a decreased sense of school belonging, academic motivation,
and, in turn, performance (Gray et al., 2018).
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 59

Figure 2.5 Scores on The National Assessment of Educational Progress in Fourth-

Grade Mathematics
The figures below show the math achievement scores of American fourth-graders between
1990 and 2019. The top figure compares White and Hispanic students. The bottom figure
compares White and African American students.
SCALE
SCORE
500
320
300
280
260 * 248 249
*
** *
240 220* *
220
* * * * 229* 231
200 *
** *
180 220* *
160
140
120
100
80 20 19 18
* * * * * * * * * *
0
90 17 19
ASSESSMENT YEAR
White Hispanic Accommodations not permitted Accommodations permitted
Significant difference ( p < .05) * Significantly different from 2019 ( p < .05).

SCALE
SCORE
500
320
300
280
260 * 248 249
*
220 ** *
240 *
*
220
* * * 223 224
200 *
** *
180 *
*
160 188
140
120
100
80 32 25 25
* * * * * * * * *
0
90 17 19
ASSESSMENT YEAR
White Black Accommodations not permitted Accommodations permitted
Significant difference (p < .05) * Significantly different from 2019 ( p < .05).

Note: Black includes African American, and Hispanic includes Latino. Race categories exclude Hispanic origin. Score gaps are calculated based on
differences between unrounded average scores.
Source: U.S. Department of Education, 2019 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) Report Card: Mathematics. Retrieved from
[Link]
60 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Opportunity gaps and educational debts lead to education completion gaps. Across the
United States in 2018, about 89% of White students graduated from high school, ­compared to
79% of African American students, 81% of Hispanic students, 92% of Asian/Pacific ­Islander
students, and 74% of American Indian and Alaska Native students (Hussar et al., 2020).
But again, these are averages across all states—variations occur by state and district. For
example, graduation rates for Hispanic students ranged widely from 65% in the District
of Columbia to 90% in West Virginia (U.S. Department of Education, 2019). Be aware of the
­graduation rates in the district where you teach and the factors that might influence those rates.
Although consistent differences still exist among groups on tests of academic a­ bilities,
most researchers agree that the reasons for these differences are mainly the legacy of
­discrimination, the product of cultural mismatches and language differences, or a result of
growing up in poverty. Because many students from ethnic groups are also economically
disadvantaged, separating the effects of these two sets of influences on school a­ chievement is
important (Milner, 2015; Shores et al., 2020). For example, one study found that l­ earning and
self-regulation skills (e.g., attentiveness, persistence, organization, learning i­ ndependence)
explain the literacy development of African American boys from kindergarten through fifth
grade, even after taking into account the effects of the boys’ SES, home environment, and
problem behaviors (Matthews et al., 2010). So, early development of these learning skills
can help to close the opportunity gap, at least for African American boys, and probably for
others.
Rather than focusing on achievement gaps, many educators have called for more
research on the school-based assets that facilitate the growth and successes of
African American and Latino students (Del Toro & Wang, 2020). Berry (2005) studied two
­middle-school-age African American boys who were successful in mathematics. In the lives
of those students, Berry found support and high expectations from family and teachers;
positive math experiences in preschool and elementary school; connections to church and
athletic extracurricular activities; and positive identities as math students. One final theme
characterized the successful African American boys: Their families had prepared them to
understand and deal with a legacy of inequality in schools, our next topic.

The Legacy of Racial Inequality

When we considered explanations for why students with low SES have trouble in school, we
mentioned the limited educational opportunities and low expectations/biases of teachers and
fellow students. This also has been the experience of many students from ethnic and racial
­minority groups. For example, in some areas of the South in 1924, Black students attended
their own, separate schools for only 6 months out of the year because they were expected to
work in the fields the other 6 months. White students attended school a full 9 months. The
highest grade available for the Black students was eighth grade (Raudenbush, 2009).
Pearson eText A minister in Topeka, Kansas, was upset about how far his young daughter had to travel
Video Example 2.5 just to get to her elementary school. Despite the fact that Linda Brown was accustomed to
This brief video documents playing in her neighborhood with White, Black, and Native American children, the closest
­several historical events
elementary school, just four blocks from her home, would not admit her because she was
­surrounding ­desegregation
Black. Instead, Linda had to traverse a rail yard, cross a busy road, and then wait for a bus to
and attempts by the federal
take her across town to the school that served Black students. She recalled her misery on one
­government to deal with
bitter cold winter day that made her tears turn to ice. Linda wondered why she couldn’t just
­resistance. Consider the
attend the school closer to home (Genzlinger, 2018). Her parents’ answer to this question,
­opportunity gaps that prevail
with the help of other concerned families, was to file a suit challenging the school policy.
in today’s schools as a result of
continued inequality. You know the outcome of the 1954 Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka ruling: “Separate
but equal” schools for Black children were declared inherently unequal.

­PUT YOURSELF IN THEIR PLACE Legal segregation came to an end in 1954. Take
a moment to imagine that you were living back then and that the child described above
was your own. What would you do?
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 61

Almost 70 years later, pages of research have mostly shown that legally mandated inte-
gration is not a quick solution to the detrimental effects of centuries of racial inequality.
White students left desegregated schools and neighborhoods as the number of students of
color increased, leaving many urban schools today more segregated than they were before
the Supreme Court ordered desegregation measures such as busing (Orfield et al., 2016).
Schools in Los Angeles, Miami, Baltimore, Chicago, Dallas, Memphis, Houston, and Detroit
have fewer than 11% White, non-Hispanic students. In fact, two thirds of the schools that
African American and Latino students attend are quite segregated, with high concentra-
tions of students living in poverty, which means that racial segregation is often aligned with
economic segregation ­(Ladson Billings, 2004; Mickelson et al., 2013; Shores et al., 2020). In
school districts where Latino children make up at least 10% of student enrollment, Latino
students are experiencing more segregation over time and are less likely to interact with
White peers (Fuller et al., 2019).
Parent and journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones (2016) described the tension she and her
husband experienced when deciding whether to allow their daughter to attend a racially
segregated, low-income public school in New York City. “Hadn’t we worked hard . . .
precisely so that she would not have to go to the types of schools that trapped so many
Black children?” This is the question many families face (see Hannah-Jones, 2015 episode
on This American Life). Research suggests that the demographic composition of schools
does indeed affect long-term psychological and academic outcomes (Graham, 2018). For
example, economist Rucker Johnson (2019) found that Black adults who attended more
racially desegregated schools as children lived longer, were more likely to attend college
and live in racially integrated neighborhoods, and were less likely to be poor, to suffer from
chronic health problems, and to go to jail than were those adults who had attended racially
segregated schools. Similar research has shown that Asian American adolescents who have
more cross-race friendships report better psychological well-being, particularly in contexts
where anti-Asian prejudice was most prevalent (Liu et al., 2020).
But even in “integrated” schools, too often students from historically disadvantaged
ethnic or racial minority groups are resegregated in low-ability tracks due to teachers’ lower
expectations about them (Kogachi & Graham, 2020; Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007; Tyson, 2013).
Simply putting people in the same building does not mean that they will come to respect
each other, become friends, or even experience the same quality of education (Johnson, 2019;
Ladson Billings, 2004; Mickelson et al., 2013). For more information on how to understand
and reduce ethnic and racial disparities in education, look at the report by the American
Psychological Association’s Presidential Task Force on Educational Disparities (2012). One
critical step in reducing disparities in educational outcomes is to acknowledge the roles that
racism and discrimination play in education.
RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION. Racial prejudice (racism) is pervasive in the United
States. Although racism is not confined to one racial group, anti-Black racism has remained Connect and Extend to
in the spotlight because of the killings of unarmed Black people such as Breonna Taylor PRAXIS II®
and George Floyd, which sparked nationwide protests for racial justice in 2020. Even so, Racial Bias (IV, B4)
White and Black Americans differ in their beliefs about whether the United States should Describe the possible effects of
take further action to protect civil rights. More than 10,000 American adults were asked in racial discrimination and bias
on minority students. What can
September 2020 whether the country has done enough when it comes to giving Black people
teachers and schools do to
rights equal to those of White people. The perceptions were starkly different by race: 42% of address the lingering effects of
White people responded that the country’s response has “been about right,” whereas only this discrimination?
5% of Black respondents chose this response (Horowitz et al., 2020b). More than 86% of
Black respondents said the country had “not gone far enough.”
Subtle, below-the-surface racism remains. Even though it may be outside conscious
awareness, it can lead to discriminatory behavior. Researchers have demonstrated this
in numerous ways. For example, in response to police killings of unarmed Black men,
researchers created a videogame that showed a series of White or Black men holding either
a gun or a non-weapon such as a flashlight or wallet. Participants in the research were told
to “shoot” whenever the person in the videogame held a weapon. Race was not mentioned.
62 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Nevertheless, participants shot armed targets more quickly and more frequently when those
targets were Black and more quickly and more frequently decided not to shoot unarmed
targets when they were White (Greenwald et al., 2003). When the participants in another
study were actual police officers, they were more likely to mistakenly shoot unarmed Black
suspects compared with unarmed White suspects (Plant & Peruche, 2005).
You might think that police officers and teachers are quite different. Think again.
Researchers have used similar techniques to show that teachers are more likely to expect
less of students from ethnic minority groups than they expect from students from ­ethnic
majority groups. They are also more likely to disproportionately refer students from
­historically disadvantaged groups—and particularly Black students—for special education
or disciplinary interventions (Morris & Perry, 2016; van den Bergh et al., 2010). In fact,
teachers hold similarly pro-White, anti-Black biases in roughly the same proportion as
members of the general public (Starck et al., 2020), and these biases have been shown to
exacerbate achievement differences between their Black and White students (Chin et al.,
2020). In a profession that prides itself on educating all learners equally, how and why does
this happen?
People tend to over-rely on rigid, possibly biased categories when they are under stress
or have limited resources (Baumeister & Bargh, 2014). Teachers know these conditions well!
Teachers, like police officers and all humans, can distort information to make it fit their schema
better, especially if their stereotypes include prejudiced beliefs about a group. We notice
information that confirms or agrees with our stereotypes—our schema—and miss or dismiss
information that does not fit (Kahneman, 2011). This can lead to actions that discriminate
against others who are members of social groups whom we have categorized less favorably.
Although prejudice and discrimination come from many places—peers, media, social
encounters outside of school—evidence suggests that perceiving discrimination from a
teacher might be the most damaging for educational outcomes (Benner & Graham, 2013). Even
if teachers are unaware of their prejudices, those very prejudices can affect the ­expectations
teachers hold for their students and how they interpret students’ behaviors (Brown,
2017). For example, researchers at Yale asked teachers to watch videos featuring racially
diverse preschool children. Some teachers were primed to expect the students to show
“­challenging behaviors,” whereas others were not. Teachers primed to look for ­misbehavior
gazed longer at Black children—especially Black boys—than at White children, suggesting a
form of implicit bias. Both Black and White teachers showed similar patterns (Gilliam et al.,
2016). This type of unconscious bias could be partly responsible for the disproportionate ­number
of suspensions of Black students relative to their White peers (U.S. Department of ­Education,
2016). Another study found that non-Black high school teachers held lower ­expectations of
Black students (particularly of boys) than did Black teachers (Gershenson et al., 2016). Implicit
biases can have serious effects (even if unintentional) on students’ educational attainment.
Clearly, many learners face prejudice and discrimination in subtle or blatant ways every
day. Black and Hispanic students begin to lose out in science and math as early as e­ lementary
school. They are chosen less often for gifted classes and acceleration or for ­enrichment
programs. They are more likely to be tracked into “basic skills” classes (Tyson, 2013). As
they progress through middle school, high school, and college, their paths take them further
and further out of the pipeline that produces our scientists. If they do persist and become
scientists or engineers, they, along with women, will still be paid less than White e­ mployees
for the same work (National Science Foundation, 2019; Shen, 2016). Hispanics, African
Americans, and Native Americans make up about 35% of the U.S. population, but in 2019,
about 8% of the doctorates awarded went to Hispanic students, 7% to African Americans,
and fewer than 1% to Native Americans. In contrast, 38% of the doctorates were awarded to
nonresidents of the United States (National Science Foundation, 2020).
The families of racial and ethnic minority students often have to be vigilant about
discrimination to protect their children from its adverse psychological, social, and ­academic
consequences. Some evidence has shown that children who have been socialized to
­understand racism and discrimination are better equipped to handle them when they arise
(Park et al., 2018; Yip et al., 2019).
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 63

Gender and Sexual Orientation in Teaching

and Learning
Learning Outcome 2.4 Describe the development of gender, gender identity, and
sexual orientation, and discuss their roles in teaching and learning.
In this section we examine the development of gender identity and sexual orientation.
We particularly focus on how people develop, how they are socialized, and the role of
teachers in providing an equitable education for all students, regardless of their particular
identities.

Sex and Gender

The word gender usually refers to traits and behaviors that a particular culture judges to be
appropriate for boys and girls, men and women. In contrast, sex typically refers to biologi-
cal differences assigned at birth. As with other cultural labels, the terms used in this area
can be complex and controversial (Hyde et al., 2019). An individual’s identity in terms of
gender and sex is multifaceted. In this section, we examine the role of three important facets:
gender identity, gender roles, and sexual orientation (Ruble et al., 2006). Gender ­identity
is an individual’s self-identification as a gendered person. Although gender identity has Gender identity
historically been described in binary terms (i.e., male or female), it is better conceptualized The sense of self along the
female-to-male continuum or
along a c­ ontinuum. This more inclusive view recognizes that physiologically and psycho-
as neither female nor male
logically, gender is more like a mosaic than an either/or categorization (Hyde et al., 2019). It (i.e., nonbinary).
is therefore no surprise that many forms of gender expression exist. Gender roles are those
behaviors and characteristics that the culture stereotypically associates with a binary (male/
female) view of gender. Sexual orientation is also a multidimensional construct that can r­ efer Gender roles
to people’s sexual identity, sexual attraction, and/or sexual behavior (APA, 2015; Wolff et The behaviors and characteristics
al., 2017). Relations among these three elements are complex. For example, a young woman that the culture stereotypically
might identify herself as female (gender identity) but behave in ways that are not consistent associates with being a man or a
woman.
with the stereotypical female gender role (play football or wrestle) and might be attracted to
both men and women (e.g., bisexual). Let’s look at some of these facets in further detail.
Sexual orientation
Gender Identity A multidimensional construct that
Gender identity refers to one’s individual sense of being a woman, a man, both, or neither refers to people’s sexual identity,
(Brown & Stone, 2016). Erikson and many other earlier psychologists thought that identifying sexual attraction, and/or sexual
behavior.
one’s gender is straightforward; one simply realizes that they are a man or a woman and acts
accordingly. But today, we know that an individual’s gender identity might be ­different from
the sex assigned at birth. The term cisgender (pronounced “sis-gender”) is used to d ­ escribe
an individual whose gender identity matches the biological sex that they were a­ ssigned at
birth. Transgender individuals often report feeling trapped in the wrong body: They expe-
rience themselves as female, whereas their biological sex is male, or vice versa (Lhamon
& Gupta, 2016; Ruble et al., 2006). In a poignant self-disclosure, one of my undergraduate
­students recently told our class that they spent their childhood knowing that they were ­really
a boy, not the girl they were raised as. The student described having the distinct feeling that
“my i­nsides don’t match my outsides.” Others might simply behave in gender-expansive,
gender nonconforming, or gender atypical ways (Diamond, 2020). A young boy might surround
himself with girls, play with dolls, and dress as girls do. He might identify with most girls
more than he identifies with most boys and might therefore resist a binary gender label.
Some children’s gender identity is formed early and remains relatively permanent.
However, gender identity formation might take longer for others. Students who express
themselves in gender-atypical ways might be vulnerable to stigma, discrimination, or
low self-beliefs. For example, researchers in Holland asked seventh-grade students how
gender typical they felt. Students who reported higher gender atypicality felt less confident
in their academic capabilities than did gender-typical students (Vantieghem et al., 2014).
Teachers can play an important role in supporting students during their process of gender
64 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

identity formation (Fabes et al., 2019; Leaper & Brown, 2018). Three major ways that they
can do this is by addressing harassment and bullying, making school spaces more gender
inclusive (avoiding segregation by gender), and dealing respectfully with students’ records,
names, pronouns, and privacy (see Beyond the Binary: Discussing Transgender and Gender Non-­
Conforming Identity in K–12 Schools, ADL, 2019).

Gender Roles
Gender roles are expectations about how people should behave in gender-conforming
ways—in other words, in ways consistent with what is considered masculine or f­ eminine.
Gender roles vary by culture, time, and place. What was expected of women in the United
States in the 1700s definitely has changed even though women generally still are the
primary caregivers and are in charge of the home.
Pearson eText When and how do children develop their understandings of masculine and f­ eminine
Video Example 2.6 gender roles? As early as age 2, children are aware of gender differences. They know
In this video, 7-year-old Callie whether they are girls or boys and that mommy is a girl and daddy is a boy. By age 3
answers questions about or so, many begin to believe that their sex cannot be changed. Biology plays a part in
­subjects she likes and dislikes gender-role development: Very early, hormones affect activity level and aggression,
in school and math games with boys tending to prefer active, rough, noisy play. Play styles lead young children
she likes to play. As you listen to prefer same-sex play partners with similar styles, so by age 4, children spend three
to her answer the questions, times as much play time with same-sex playmates as with opposite-sex playmates; by
­consider the extent to which age 6, the ratio is 11 to 1 (Halim et al., 2013; Hines, 2004). Biology is not the whole story,
her answers do or do not follow however. The fact that boys tend to play with boys and girls tend to play with girls
stereotypical gender patterns. might lead to a gender-segregation cycle by which binary gender-role norms are defined
and reinforced (Martin et al., 2014).
Boys and girls might be treated differently, too. Researchers have found that boys are
given more freedom to roam the neighborhood and are allowed to attempt potentially
­dangerous activities earlier, such as crossing the street alone. Thus, independence and initia-
tive seem to be encouraged more in boys than in girls. In fact, parents, peers, and teachers
might reward behaviors that seem gender appropriate—gentle kindness in girls and strong
assertiveness in boys (Brannon, 2002; Brown, 2014).
Then there are the toys! Walk through most stores’ toy sections or order a child’s
fast food meal, and see what is offered for girls and boys. Dolls and kitchen sets for girls
and toy weapons for boys have been with us for decades. Then came aisles of princess
­paraphernalia for girls and battle videogames for boys. Are consumers partly to blame?
Adults often select gender-typed gifts for children, and some fathers discourage their
young sons from playing with “girl” toys (Brannon, 2002; Brown, 2014). When a large
retailer announced recently that it would no longer segregate toys by gender, many par-
ents were outraged. And let’s face it, gender socialization does not stop in childhood. I
was recently helping a first-year student move into his co-ed dormitory on campus. His
door was decorated with a hot-rod car with his name on it; his female dorm-mates had
princess tiara name cards on their doors. What are the consequences of such environmen-
tal messages about gender?
Through their interactions with family, peers, teachers, toys, media, and the broader
­social environment, children begin to form gender schemas, or organized networks of
Gender schemas
knowledge about what it means to be a man or a woman (Ward & Grower, 2020). Gender
Organized cognitive structures
schemas help children make sense of the world and guide their behavior (see Figure 2.6). So
that include gender-related
a young girl whose schema for “girls” includes “girls play with dolls and not with trucks”
information that influences how
children think and behave. or “girls can’t be scientists” will pay attention to, remember, and interact more with dolls
than with trucks, and she might avoid science activities (Golombok et al., 2008; Leaper,
2002). Of course, these are averages, and individuals do not always fit the average. An indi-
vidual girl might decide, for example, that the gender schema “trucks are for boys” doesn’t
matter to her. She will play with the truck if it interests her (Bigler & Liben, 2007). By age 4,
children have an initial sense of gender roles, and by 5 or so, they have developed a gender
schema that describes what clothes, games, toys, behaviors, and careers are “right” for boys
and for girls—and these ideas can be quite rigid (Ellemers, 2018; Halim et al., 2013).
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 65

Figure 2.6 Gender Schema Theory

According to gender schema theory, children and adolescents use gender as an organizing
theme to classify and understand their perceptions about the world.

Influences processing
of social information—
attention, memory, etc.
Society’s beliefs
about the traits Gender
of females Schema
and males
Influences self-esteem
(only behavior or attitudes
consistent with gender
schema are acceptable)

Even in this era of great progress toward equal opportunity, a preschool girl is more
likely to tell you that she wants to become a nurse than to say that she wants to become
an engineer. After she had given a lecture on the dangers of sex stereotyping in schools, a
colleague of mine brought her young daughter to her college class. The students asked the
little girl, “What do you want to be when you grow up?” The child immediately replied,
“A doctor,” and her professor/mother beamed with pride. Then the girl whispered to the
students in the front row, “I really want to be a nurse, but my Mommy won’t let me.”
Actually, this is a common reaction of young children. Preschoolers tend to have more
stereotyped notions of sex roles than do older children, and all ages seem to have more rigid
and traditional ideas about male occupations than about what occupations women should
pursue (Woolfolk & Perry, 2015).
Later, as children approach and enter puberty, they might become even more focused
on behaving in “masculine” or “feminine” ways, as defined by their peer culture, social
media, parents, or the environment. For example, in one study, children and early a­ dolescents
who were shown sexualized and nonsexualized images of girls rated the s­ exualized girls
as more popular than the nonsexualized girls but also viewed the s­ exualized girls as not
as athletic, smart, or nice (Stone et al., 2015). The sexualized gender stereotype was more
strongly endorsed by girls and by older students, suggesting that exposure to sexualized
images in the media increases as children get older and might be especially important to
girls as they form their schemas about gender.
Other research has shown that when parents (particularly mothers) see the useful-
ness and value of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, their
children enroll in more STEM courses throughout high school (Rozek et al., 2015). Even
small changes in the learning environment (e.g., when a computer science classroom
contains ­stereotypical objects such as science fiction books versus plants) can invoke gender
­stereotypes that disadvantage some students. One study showed that just reading about a
stereotypical computer science classroom caused adolescent girls to feel less like taking the
class for fear they would not belong (Master et al., 2016). The bottom line is that so many
factors, from biology to cultural norms, play roles in gender-role development. Beware of
either/or explanations!

Gender Bias and Sexism in Curriculum and Media

While I (Anita here) was reviewing this very page for a previous edition, riding cross-
country on a train, the conductor stopped beside my seat. He said, “I’m sorry, dear, for
interrupting your homework, but do you have a ticket?” I had to smile at his (I’m sure Gender biases
unintended) sexism. I doubt that he had asked the same question of the man across the Different views of men, women,
aisle who was writing on his legal pad. Like racial discrimination, messages of sexism and or gender non-conforming people
often favoring one group over the
gender biases can be subtle, and they can and do appear in classrooms (see Brown &
other.
Stone, 2016; Leaper & Brown, 2014).
66 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Unfortunately, schools often foster sexism in several ways. Publishers have established
Connect and Extend to guidelines to prevent gender bias in educational materials, but it still makes sense to check
PRAXIS II® those materials for stereotypes, particularly given the slow turnover of books that populate
Gender Bias (IV, B4) school library shelves. For example, even though children’s books now have equal num-
There has been much debate in bers of men and women as central characters, there still are more men in the titles and the
the news media over possible illustrations, and the characters (especially the boys) continue to behave in stereotypical
gender bias in schools. What can ways. Boys are aggressive and argumentative, and girls are expressive and affectionate. Girl
you as a teacher do to reduce characters sometimes cross gender roles to be more active, but boy characters seldom show
or eliminate gender bias and its
“feminine,” expressive traits (Brannon, 2002; Brown, 2014). Also, virtual learning sites,
effects?
social media sites, and online sources such as YouTube have not been carefully screened for
gender, racial, ethnic, economic, religious, or age stereotypes and biases, and they can be
sources of stereotyped messages (Henry, 2011; Ward & Grower, 2020). Digital games and
even school materials often feature hypermasculine or hyperfeminine characters. One look
at the body features of men and women in video combat games shows what unreal and
unhealthy body images they promote.
Another “text” that students read long before they arrive in your classroom is t­ elevised
and online media. A content analysis of television commercials found that White male
characters are more prominent than any other group. Even when only the actor’s voice
can be heard, men are 10 times more likely to narrate commercials. And the same pattern
of men as the “voice of authority” on television occurs in the United Kingdom, Europe,
Australia, and Asia. Women are more likely to be depicted as dependent on men and often
are shown at home (Brannon, 2002). The #MeToo movement has brought greater ­awareness
to pervasive sexism in televised media and advertising. The documentary film Miss
Representation (Newsom, 2011) offers numerous compelling (and rather shocking) exam-
ples of how mainstream media and culture depict girls and women in ­hypersexualized
and underpowered positions. Similarly, the film The Mask You Live In explores how
boys are often subjected to narrow definitions of masculinity that cause stress and
dissonance (see [Link] for more information, including
an educator toolkit). Disclosure, a 2020 Netflix documentary, shows how unfavorably
­transgender individuals have been depicted in films and on television. How might these
messages affect how people think about themselves and others?

Gender Bias in Teaching

Quite a bit of research has examined teachers’ gendered treatment of students. You should
know, however, that most of these studies have focused on White students. Emerging
research points to the ways in which intersectionality provides a useful lens for understand-
ing teachers’ different interactions with students of various gender and race groups. The
Guidelines: Avoiding Gender Bias in Teaching, provides ideas for teaching all your students
effectively and empathetically. Let’s look at some related research findings.
Many studies describe what seem like biases favoring boys. One of the best-­documented
findings of the past 30 years is that teachers have more overall interactions with boys than
with girls; however, this includes more negative interactions with boys but not more positive
interactions (Jones & Dindia, 2004). This is true from preschool to college. Teachers ask more
questions of male students, give them more feedback (praise, criticism, and correction), and
offer them more specific and valuable comments. Of course, these differences are not evenly
distributed. Some boys, generally high-achieving White students, receive more than their
share, whereas high-achieving White girls receive the least teacher attention. On average,
teachers rate boys as more competent in mathematics than girls, unless girls are perceived
as working harder, behaving better, and being more eager to learn than boys. Only then do
teachers rate girls’ math competence similarly to that of boys (Robinson-­Cimpian et al., 2014).
Recent efforts have also examined how teachers’ implicit beliefs and attitudes might
differentially affect girls and boys. For instance, some evidence has shown that girls pick up on
the attitudes of their teachers. In one study, girls whose teachers had higher math anxiety scored
lower on end-of-year math tests and were more likely to endorse the view that boys are better
than girls in math (Beilock et al., 2010). Another study showed that middle school girls who
perceived that their math teachers treated them differently because of their gender performed
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 67

GUIDELINES
Avoiding Gender Bias in Teaching
Check to see whether textbooks and other media you are using present an honest
view of the options open to men, women, and to gender nonconforming individuals.
Examples
1. Identify whether men, women, and gender nonbinary people are portrayed in traditional
or nontraditional roles at work, at leisure, and at home.
2. Discuss your analyses with students, and ask them to help you find gender-role biases in
other materials—magazine advertising, TV programs, and news reporting, for example.
Watch for any unintended biases in your own classroom practices.
Examples
1. Monitor whether you group students by gender for certain activities. Consider how being
in gendered groups might feel to students who do not identify as boys or girls. Is the
grouping appropriate?
2. Monitor whether you call on one gender group more frequently for certain answers—boys
for math and girls for poetry, for example. Consider the quality of your feedback to students.
3. Monitor your metaphors. Don’t ask students to “tackle the problem.”
Look for ways in which your school might be limiting the options open to students
with different gender identities or expressions.
Examples
1. Find out what curricular or career advice guidance counselors give to students.
2. Look into whether a good sports program is accessible to all.
3. ­See whether girls are encouraged to take advanced courses in science and mathematics
and whether boys are encouraged to take English and foreign language classes.
Use gender-free language as much as possible.
Examples
1. Make sure you use inclusive terms (e.g., speak of “law-enforcement officer” and “mail
carrier” instead of “policeman” and “mailman”).
2. Be sure you name a committee “head” instead of a “chairman.”
3. Discuss personal pronouns with your students. Make sure you are using the pronoun they
would like you to use (e.g., her, him, they).
Provide counter-stereotypical gender role models.
Examples
1. Assign articles written by female research scientists or mathematicians.
2. Have recent female graduates who are majoring in science, math, engineering, or other
technical fields come to class to talk about college.
3. Create electronic mentoring programs for students that connect them with gender diverse
adults who are working in areas of interest to the students.
Make sure all students have a chance to do complex, technical work.
Examples
1. Experiment with collaborative groups to avoid gender-stereotypical work assignments
(e.g., girls as the secretaries, boys as the scientists).
2. Rotate jobs in groups or randomly assign responsibilities.

What if you witness gender bias as a student teacher? For ideas, see
[Link] and search for “classroom resources.”
68 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

worse on subsequent math tests and reported decreased motivation for math in high school
(McKellar et al., 2019). Teachers might not be aware of how their behaviors are influenced
by their own attitudes, but through direct instruction, modeling, or differential interactions
with boys and girls, they can have a powerful influence on both how students see them-
selves and how they perform (Gunderson et al., 2012).
Not all biases in school favor boys. In the past 10 years in North America, Western
Europe, Australia, and some Asian countries, educators have raised questions about
whether schools are serving boys well. This concern is fueled by data from many countries
that seem to show underachievement in boys. In fact, the underachievement of boys in
school has been called “one of the most pressing educational equality challenges of current
times” (Hartley & Sutton, 2013, p. 1716). More dramatic accusations include that schools
are trying to destroy “boys’ culture” and force “feminine, frilly content” on boys. Boys are
referred to special education services at greater rates than are girls, and these rates are even
higher for boys who are members of ethnic or racial minority groups (Artiles, 2019).
One possible explanation put forth for why boys struggle in school is that the expecta-
tions of schooling do not fit the way boys learn (Gurian & Stevens, 2005), particularly African
American boys (Stinson, 2006). Another suggestion is that boys sabotage their own learning
by resisting school expectations and rules to “display their masculinity and get respect”
(Kleinfeld, 2005, p. B6). Some have suggested that boys need smaller classes, more discus-
sions, better discipline, mentoring programs, and more men in their schools—90% of elemen-
tary teachers are women. One suggestion for making schools more effective for both boys and
girls is single-sex classrooms. In 2008, The New York Times Magazine had a cover story about
that topic (Weil, 2008), and in 2015 and 2016, The Atlantic reported on its “resurgence”
(Anderson, 2015; Yap, 2016). During the past decade, many school districts across the United
States have experimented with single-sex classrooms in core subjects such as English,
science, and mathematics (Herron, 2013). Do gender-segregated approaches work? Read the
Point/Counterpoint for the arguments.

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Should Girls and

Boys Be Taught Differently?
­Point
Proponents say that students are better off learning some things with their same-gender
counterparts. Critics say that gender-segregated classrooms change little for learners and
reinforce problematic stereotypes that could lead to greater gender disparities.
Boys and girls have unique strengths and challenges and should be taught in different
ways. Many educators paid attention when, in 2001, the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act
began to allow public schools to offer same-sex classes, which led to the 2006 amendment
to the Title XI regulation that removed the ban on single-sex public education. In the spirit
of innovation, many schools took up the call and began catering instruction to the unique
needs of boys and girls. After all, findings from the 2012 PISA test revealed that among
15-year-olds worldwide, boys were disproportionately over-represented at the lowest and
highest ends of achievement in math and reading, and girls generally reported lower self-
confidence and higher anxiety in math than boys (OECD, 2015). It seemed logical to examine
whether all students would benefit from gender-specific instruction (Bigler et al., 2014).
Since then, thousands of school districts across the United States have
implemented some degree of single-sex education (Klein et al., 2014). Some
organizations, such as the Gurian Institute ([Link] have
offered books and professional development workshops for schools focused on how
best to educate each gender based on the core assumption that boys and girls have
different learning “styles” (Gurian & Stevens, 2005). A staunch proponent of single-sex
classrooms, Leonard Sax (2005) has suggested that these styles are rooted
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 69

in fundamental biological differences between boys and girls that require different
instructional approaches. Single-sex classrooms can help girls develop their own
strengths and boost their self-confidence, interests, and achievements, particularly in
STEM disciplines. Boys, on the other hand, can focus on strengthening their literacy
skills and cooperativeness. Anecdotal findings reported by Gurian and others, primarily
in popular media, have shown gains for both genders (e.g., Gurian et al., 2009). Students
and their families might have some choice in whether students attend a single-sex or
a mixed-sex school, which could mean that such students are predisposed to respond
well to the single-sex learning environment.

Counterpoint
Girls and boys are more similar than different and should be taught together. Researchers
who have looked critically at data used to support gender-segregated educational approaches
have argued that these approaches come up short in fulfilling their promise of promoting gender
equity in learning and psychological well-being. In their 2011 article “The Pseudoscience of
Single-Sex Schooling,” Diane Halpern and her colleagues noted that research studies on same-
sex education have been “deeply misguided, and often justified by weak, cherry-picked, or
misconstrued scientific claims rather than by valid scientific evidence” (p. 1706). For example,
when researchers take into account students’ initial performance levels, many students’
achievement gains in single-sex classrooms disappear. These scholars argue that studies of
single-sex schooling have lacked the statistical rigor of randomized assignment, and therefore
findings could be due to sampling or researcher bias. In fact, Halpern and colleagues claim
that separating boys and girls actually worsens outcomes by making gender differences (and,
therefore, stereotypes) more noticeable. They point to research showing that when any group
of humans is set apart from another (based on gender, eye color, or even t-shirt color), people
develop intergroup biases. Single-sex education, they argue, minimizes the very opportunities
needed for gender equity—namely, teaching boys and girls to work alongside each other.
“Positive and cooperative interaction with members of other groups is an effective method for
improving intergroup relationships” (p. 1707).
But what about the evidence of biological differences between men and women? Are
men really from Mars and women from Venus? Hyde (2005) conducted a meta meta-analysis
(i.e., a review of 46 meta-analyses) summarizing hundreds of studies on sex differences in a
range of human behaviors. Her findings provided evidence for what she called the “gender
similarities hypothesis.” With some important exceptions, men and women are highly similar
on numerous psychological and performance metrics. The magnitude of these differences
fluctuates across the lifespan and in different contexts, which can lead researchers to
overestimate the size and stability of sex differences and ignore the fact that gender is
better treated as a continuum (Hyde et al., 2019). For example, much of the evidence on sex
differences has come from studies with adults who have had years of socialization; these
sex differences are not necessarily present in children. Maybe boys and girls are from the
same planet after all . . . and should therefore be educated in similar ways.
Beware of Either/Or. So, do single-sex schools or classrooms improve learning?
The answer is, “It depends.” One meta-analysis offers the most comprehensive answer
to date, addressing some of the methodological problems identified by Halpern and her
colleagues. Pahlke et al. (2014) examined results from 184 studies involving 1.6 million
students in Grades K–12 from 21 countries. They looked at whether students learning in
single-sex schools versus those learning in co-educational schools displayed different
performances and attitudes. To account for variable quality in research designs, the
researchers ran separate analyses for studies that used random assignment and those
that did not. Among studies that randomly assigned students to single-sex classrooms,
only trivial differences emerged between students in the two settings. Both girls and boys
performed marginally better in single-sex schools, but girls attending co-educational
schools had higher educational aspirations than did girls attending same-sex schools.
Furthermore, gender non-binary and gender non-conforming students have been
overlooked in studies that consider gender as a binary variable.
70 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Both proponents and critics of single-sex schools generally agree that good educa-
tion is never one-size-fits-all. Teachers must realize that there are no boy- or girl-specific
teaching strategies—good teaching is good teaching, and inclusive approaches serve all
students. R ­ egrouping students by sex does not make teaching easier; in fact, it can
make class management more difficult and can reinforce rigid gender stereotypes that
are ­harmful (Fabes et al., 2019). The Guidelines: Avoiding Gender Bias in Teaching provide
additional ideas about ways to prevent gender bias for all students in your classes. Giving
careful attention to each student’s motivation and achievement might mean that ­different
approaches are called for at different times. As William James (1899/2001) long ago
reminded teachers: “One can draw no specific rules for all this. It depends on close
­observation in the particular case” (p. 55).

Sexual Orientation
Researchers have often defined sexual orientation in terms of sexual attraction—“an
­internal mechanism that directs a person’s sexuality to females, males, or both, per-
haps to varying degrees” (Savin-Williams & Vrangalova, 2013, p. 59). However, some
people identify as asexual, and may not experience sexual attraction to others (see The
Asexual V ­ isibility & Education Network, n.d.). Sexual orientation can also be defined in
terms of how a person identifies or behaves (Wolff et al., 2017). Sexual orientation and
­gender ­identity are separate and distinct aspects of human development (Orr et al., 2015).
For ­example, a person who identifies as a woman might be attracted to both men and
women (i.e., a bisexual orientation). Some labels for sexual orientation include gay, les-
bian, ­bisexual, asexual, and pansexual. Another frequently used category is “questioning,”
which refers to being unsure of one’s sexual orientation, or “queer,” which some people
use to define their more fluid sexual or gender identity (Robinson & Espelage, 2012). But
sexual orientation labels, like identity labels, can be incomplete representations of how
individuals refer to themselves, and some view sexual orientation on a continuum or pre-
fer no label at all (Savin-Williams, 2016). This makes it somewhat difficult to assess the
precise number of individuals of different sexual orientations within a population (Bailey
et al., 2016). However, the Division of Adolescent and School Health at the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention estimates that among U.S. adolescents, 84.4% identify as
heterosexual, 2.5% as gay or lesbian, 8.7% as bisexual, and 4.5% as not sure (CDC, 2020).
Quite a few identity-development models have included a description of how individu-
als come to understand their sexual orientation if they are not heterosexual. Generally, the
models include the following or similar stages (Savin-Williams & Cohen, 2015).
• Feeling different—Beginning around age 6, the child might be less interested in the
activities of other children who are the same sex. Some children might find this
difference troubling and fear being “found out.” Others do not experience these
anxieties.
• Feeling uncertain—In adolescence, as they feel attractions for peers of the same sex,
students might be confused, upset, lonely, and unsure of what to do. They might lack
role models and might try to change themselves by becoming involved in activities
and dating patterns that fit heterosexual stereotypes.
• Acceptance—As adolescents or young adults, many individuals develop a sexual
orientation and identify themselves as gay, lesbian, or bisexual. They may or may
not make their sexual orientation public but might share the information with a few
friends.
One problem with phase models of identity development is that the identity achieved
is assumed to be final. Actually, newer models emphasize that sexual orientation can be
flexible, complex, and multifaceted: It can change over a person’s lifetime (Diamond,
2020). For example, people may have dated or married opposite-sex partners at one point
in their lives but have same-sex attractions or partners later in their lives, or vice versa
(Garnets, 2002).
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 71

Discrimination Based on Gender Identity

and Sexual Orientation
Children and adolescents who express their gender or sexual orientation in nonconform-
ing ways (that is, whose expressions are not typical of others their age) are more likely
than their classmates to face discrimination by peers and adults (Brown, 2017; Brown &
Stone, 2016; Horn, 2019). For example, a boy whose preferences or behaviors differ from
the norms of masculinity is often teased, subjected to homophobic slurs, stigmatized as
being too feminine, or worse––physically assaulted. This is an affront to all gender groups.
Youth who identify as lesbian, gay, transgender, or bisexual (often referred to under the
more inclusive term sexual minority youth) are more likely to be victims of aggression at
school, according to a meta-analysis (Toomey & Russell, 2016). National survey data have
shown this, too.
The 2019 National School Climate Survey asked more than 16,000 adolescents to
report their experiences in the past year. Among sexual minority youth who took the
survey, almost all (98.8%) had heard the word “gay” being used in a derogatory manner,
69% had been victims of verbal harassment or threats, and 26% were physically harassed
or assaulted in the past year (Kosciw et al., 2020). Almost all reported feeling distressed
over these incidents, and many said they did not feel safe at school because of their sexual
­orientation (59%) or gender expression (43%). Furthermore, two-thirds of students said that
they had heard teachers or other school staff make negative remarks about gender expres-
sion and more than half had heard teachers make homophobic remarks. These stressors
can lead to academic disengagement and lower academic performance among gender and
sexual minority youth (Poteat et al., 2014).
The stress associated with such victimization is one reason sexual minority students
are at greater risk than their heterosexual peers of missing school and attempting
­s uicide (Robinson & Espelage, 2012). Transgender students are particularly suscepti-
ble to i­ ncreased stress and suicide (dickey & Budge, 2020). Fortunately, educational
programs and ­a ctivities that are run by schools receiving U.S. federal assistance must
abide by Title IX of the ­Education Amendments of 1972. Title IX was designed to protect
the educational rights of all students and ensures them a safe and nondiscriminatory
environment, regardless of their gender identity (Lhamon & Gupta, 2016). However,
the Trump administration rolled back some of the protections for transgender and
gender nonbinary students. An executive order signed by the Biden administration has
signalled that protections will once again be put into place under Title IX (Gupta et al.,
2021). These shifts indicate that the struggle for equal rights continues for gender and
sexual minority individuals.
How can teachers create a safe learning environment for all students, ­regardless
of their gender identity or sexual orientation? A teacher ’s ultimate goal, as one
­s uperintendent observed, should be to determine what a child needs “to feel safe,
included, and supported” (Orr et al., 2015, p. ii). We talk about bullying and teachers’ roles in
handling all types of bullying in Chapter 13. For now, let’s consider what you can do if
students come to you with concerns about their gender identity or sexual o ­ rientation.
Even though parents and teachers are seldom the first people to hear about an
adolescent’s identity concerns, you can be prepared. If a student does seek your
­c ounsel, Table 2.4 on the next page provides some ideas for reaching out and creating
a safe e­ nvironment for gender and sexual minority youth (see more ideas from the
2019 Safe Space Kit: A Guide to Supporting Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer
Students in Your School, published by GLSEN). In addition, you might find it helpful
to consult Schools in T ­ ransition: A Guide for Supporting Transgender Students in K–12
Schools (Orr et al., 2015). Both resources are readily available online. By simply offer-
ing a nonjudgmental ­p resence, teachers can help gender and sexual minority youth
to develop a more ­p ositive and healthy identity (Riggle & Rostosky, 2012). They can
also be advocates for school policies and protections that make school a safe place for
72 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Table 2.4 Reaching Out to Help Students of Diverse Sexual Orientations

The GLSEN Safe Space Kit provides tips for youth-service providers in schools for
creating a safe and supportive learning environment for LGBTQ youth.

TIPS FOR CREATING A SAFE ENVIRONMENT FOR LGBTQ STUDENTS

It is important to create and maintain an environment in which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer-
identifying youth and youth questioning their own sexual orientation feel welcome and safe. Here are several
steps you can take:

MAKE YOUR SUPPORT VISIBLE Safe Space stickers, posters, or other LGBTQ-affirming materials in your
classroom can signal to students that you are an ally. Also consider letting staff in your school know that you
support LGBTQ individuals.

LISTEN One of the best things that you can do is to invite students to express what is going on in their lives
and to listen without judgment.

AFFIRM Use stories, curricula, and words to convey to students that they are not alone. Some LGBTQ
youth feel isolated and lack a supportive social network with whom they can discuss their sexual orientation.
Allow students to self-identify and use terms that affirm their identity.

CONNECT STUDENTS TO RESOURCES You do not have to be the expert. Refer distressed students to
someone who is trained to deal with sexual identity development. This is a demonstration of care, not a dismissal
of responsibility. You can also help interested students find LGBTQ-affirming organizations and clubs.

INTERVENE If you see or hear about a student being verbally or physically harassed, take action immedi-
ately. It is important that targeted students know that you will intervene and that perpetrators know that any
form of harrassment is unacceptable.

RESPECT CONFIDENTIALITY Be sure to let students who confide in you know that you won’t share their
information unless they ask for your help.

FOLLOW UP If a student confides in you, check in with them with acceptance and understanding and to
see if there is anything further you may be able to do.

Additional steps you can take:

• Work on your own sense of comfort around issues of sexual orientation and gender identity.
• Dispel myths around sexual orientation by knowing facts and sharing that information.
• Work on setting aside your own personal biases to better serve students dealing with issues around
sexual orientation and gender identity.
Source: Adapted from GLSEN. (2019). Safe Space kit: A guide to supporting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer students in your school.

all students (see Collins & Ehrenhalt, 2018, Best Practice for Serving LGBTQ Students,
from [Link]
We have dealt with a wide range of cultural differences in this chapter. How can
teachers provide an appropriate education for all of their students? We turn now to this
question.

Creating Culturally Welcoming Classrooms

Learning Outcome 2.5 Define multicultural education and apply research on
Connect and Extend to ­diversity to the creation of culturally relevant classrooms.
PRAXIS II® Picture a tenth-grade class in urban Philadelphia, a first-grade class in rural Kentucky, and
Multicultural Education (III, B)
an eighth-grade class in El Paso. Now picture the classrooms where you were educated
Know the major dimensions of
(those that you thought about at the beginning of the chapter) and those you see on televi-
multicultural education. Describe
sion. Classrooms are the daily gathering places for a unique blend of individuals who are
how these dimensions influence
each other. poor and rich and everything in between, who hail from widely varying cultural heritages,
who express their gender and sexual orientation in stereotypical and nonstereotypical ways,
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 73

and who display a rich tapestry of differences in other important aspects of life, such as
religion, family composition, political affiliation, and (dis)ability. How can teachers, who
begin their work from their own unique cultural locations, create classrooms that can hold,
protect, and even embrace cultural diversity? Multicultural education
Some educators have noted that creating culturally compatible classrooms is the ­ ducation that promotes equity
E
foundation of providing a multicultural education, defined as in the schooling of all students
and challenges racism and other
A process of comprehensive school reform and basic education for all students. forms of discrimination.
It challenges and rejects racism and other forms of discrimination in schools and
society and accepts and affirms the pluralism (ethnic, racial, linguistic, religious,
economic, and gender, among others) that students, their communities, and their
teachers reflect. (Nieto & Bode, 2012, p. 42)
James Banks (2015) described five core dimensions of multicultural education. Teach-
ers are likely to be most familiar with the content integration dimension, which involves
using examples and content from a variety of cultures when teaching a subject. And
because they believe that multicultural education is simply a change in content, some
teachers assume that multicultural education is irrelevant for subjects such as science
and mathematics. But multicultural education is more than a change in curriculum.
To make education welcoming and inclusive for all students in all subjects, we must
consider other dimensions as well. Teachers enact multicultural education by embrac-
ing an equity pedagogy, which means they diversify their teaching practices to meet the
needs of a wide range of learners from different socioeconomic, cultural, and ethnic
backgrounds. They also pay attention to the ways in which students’ cultural frames
affect the knowledge construction process.
Multicultural education also involves prejudice reduction efforts, which focus on teach-
ing practices that help reduce negative attitudes and biases about different cultural groups.
Finally, an empowering school culture and social structure are critical. The way the athletics and
counseling programs are structured, the teaching method used, lessons about prejudice,
Pearson eText
perspectives on knowledge—these and many more elements contribute to a true multicul-
Video Example 2.7
tural education that empowers all people.
A school in Chicago invites
Banks’ (2015) five-dimensional model is just one framework providing ways to create a
parents of English learners to
multicultural learning environment. An examination of the alternative approaches to multi- an open house to familiarize
cultural education is beyond the scope of an educational psychology text, but be aware that them with the acclimation
no general agreement exists about the “best” approach to use. Nevertheless, many educa- process their children
tors have suggested that a culturally relevant and culturally sustaining pedagogical approach are experiencing in their
is beneficial in all classrooms. classrooms. Observe the
comments of educators who
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy practice culturally relevant
Many scholars have described methods for teaching in a culturally relevant and cultur- pedagogy.
ally sustaining way (Delpit, 1995, 2012; Emdin, 2016; hooks, 1994; Love, 2019; Milner,
2015; S­ iddle Walker, 2001; Stevenson, 2014). The work of Gloria Ladson Billings (1990,
1992, 1994, 1995, 2009) is a good example. For 3 years, she studied excellent teachers in
a California school district that served an African American community. To select the
teachers, she asked parents and principals for nominations. Parents nominated teachers
who r­ espected them, created enthusiasm for learning in their children, and understood Culturally relevant
their children’s needs to operate successfully in two different worlds—the home commu- pedagogy
nity and the White world beyond. Principals nominated teachers who had few discipline Excellent teaching that supports
referrals, high attendance rates, and students with high standardized test scores. Ladson students’ cultural identities by
­Billings was able to examine in depth 8 of the 9 teachers who were nominated by both par- promoting academic success,
developing/maintaining cultural
ents and principals.
competence, and developing
Ladson Billings developed a conception of teaching excellence based on her research.
a critical consciousness to
She used the term culturally relevant pedagogy to describe teaching that rests on three challenge the status quo.
propositions.
74 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

1. Students must experience academic success. “Despite the current social inequities and
hostile classroom environments, students must develop their academic skills. The
ways those skills are developed may vary, but all students need literacy, numeracy,
technological, social, and political skills in order to be active participants in a democ-
racy” (Ladson Billings, 1995, p. 160).
2. S
­ tudents must develop/maintain their cultural competence. As they become more
­academically skilled, students still retain their cultural competence. “Culturally
relevant teachers utilize students’ culture as a vehicle for learning” (Ladson
Billings, 1995, p. 161). For example, one teacher used rap music to teach about
literal and figurative meaning, rhyme, alliteration, and onomatopoeia in poetry.
Another brought in a community expert known for her sweet potato pies.
Follow-up lessons included investigations of George Washington Carver’s sweet
potato research, numerical analyses of taste tests, marketing plans for selling pies,
and research on the educational preparation needed to become a chef. In this way,
pedagogies also serve to sustain cultural diversity.
3. Students must develop a critical consciousness to challenge the status quo. In addition to
developing academic skills while retaining cultural competence, excellent teachers
help students “develop a broader sociopolitical consciousness that allows them to
critique the social norms, values, mores, and institutions that produce and maintain
social inequities” (Ladson Billings, 1995, p. 162). For example, in one school, students
were upset that their textbooks were out of date. They mobilized to investigate the
funding formulas that allowed middle-class students to have newer books, wrote
letters to the newspaper editor to challenge these inequities, and updated their texts
with current information from other sources.
Ladson Billings (1995) noted that many people have said her three principles “are just
good teaching.” She agrees that she is describing good teaching but questions “why so
little of it seems to be occurring in classrooms populated by African American students”
(p. 159).
Lisa Delpit (2003) also described three steps for teaching students that are consistent
with culturally relevant pedagogy. First, teachers must be convinced of the inherent
­intellectual capabilities, humanity, and spiritual character of their students—they must be-
lieve in the children. She has provided many examples from schools around the United States
where e­ thnically diverse students from low-income families are reading well above grade
level and doing advanced math (Delpit, 2012). When scores are low, the fault is not in the stu-
dents but in their education. Second, teachers must fight the foolishness of asserting that high
test scores or scripted lessons are evidence of good learning and good teaching. Successful
instruction is “constant, rigorous, integrated across disciplines, connected to students’
lived cultures, ­connected to their intellectual legacies, engaging, and designed for critical
thinking and ­problem solving that is useful beyond the classroom” (Delpit, 2003, p. 18).
Third, teachers must learn who their students are and what legacies they bring. Then, stu-
dents can explore their own intellectual legacies and understand the important reasons
for academic, social, physical, and moral excellence—not just to “get a job” but also “for
our community, for your ancestors, for your descendants” (p. 19). Drawing on the cultural
strengths of and advantages of students whose cultures have been historically erased, such
Pearson eText as those from indigenous communities, is one way to honor their knowledge and ways of
Video Example 2.8 life (Kana‘iaupuni et al., 2017).
Two kindergarten teachers from In the past, discussions about teaching low-income students and those from racial,
Shakopee, Minnesota, discuss ethnic, or linguistic minority groups have focused on remediating problems or overcoming
how they integrate children’s perceived deficits. But a culturally sustaining approach conveys to students that they are
cultures into their lessons to fully seen within the particular struggles and oppressive forces that they face. In her book
create a caring and respectful We Want to Do More Than Survive: Abolitionist Teaching and the Pursuit of Educational Freedom,
community of learners. Bettina Love (2019) emphasized that “Dark children cannot thrive without a community
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 75

of love, refusal, protection, knowledge, and resource-sharing” (p. 53). Full acceptance also
means acknowledging the role that racism and power have played in systems of oppres-
sion. This is not easy, particularly for White teachers for whom these ideas might be new.
Becoming an “abolitionist” teacher, Love argues,
means you are ready to lose something, you are ready to let go of your ­privilege,
you are ready to be in solidarity with dark people by recognizing your Whiteness
in dark spaces, recognizing how it can take up space if unchecked, using your
Whiteness in White spaces to advocate for and with dark people. And you
­understand that your White privilege allows you to take risks that dark people
cannot take in the fight for educational justice. (pp. 158-159)

Diversity in Learning
How might classrooms be organized to reflect the diverse ways in which students learn?
Let’s look at four aspects that teachers can consider to help them honor the cultural differ-
ences present in their classes: social organization, cultural values and learning preferences,
sociolinguistics, and cultural discontinuity. These were first introduced by Roland Tharp
(1989) and offer useful suggestions for teachers.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. Social structure or organization refers to the ways people
interact to accomplish a particular goal. For example, the social organization of
Hawaiian society depends heavily on collaboration and cooperation. Children play
together in groups of friends and siblings, with older children often caring for the
younger ones. When ­cooperative work groups of four or five boys and girls were estab-
lished in Hawaiian classrooms, student learning and participation improved (Okagaki,
2001, 2006). The teacher worked intensively with one group while the children in the
­remaining groups helped each other. But when the same structure was tried in a Navajo
classroom, students would not work together. These children are socialized to be more
solitary and not to play with children of the opposite sex. By setting up same-sex work-
ing groups of only two or three Navajo students, teachers encouraged them to help each
other. Providing choices and variety in grouping structures creates greater flexibility in
the social organization of the classroom.

CULTURAL VALUES AND LEARNING PREFERENCES. As noted throughout this chapter, all
learners (and teachers) have distinct values and preferences related to their diverse cultural
backgrounds. For example, research has shown that some Hispanic American students are
more oriented toward family and group loyalty. This might mean that these students ­prefer
cooperative activities and dislike being made to compete with fellow students (Garcia,
1992; Vasquez, 1990). It might also mean that some students will behave in ways that reflect
certain Latino values, such as these four identified by Dingfelder (2005):

Familismo: Tightly knit families. Discussing family problems or business might be seen
as disloyal.
Simpatia: Value of interpersonal harmony. Assertively voicing personal opinions or
­arguing might be seen as inappropriate.
Respeto: Respect for people in authority, for example, teachers and government officials.
Personalismo: Valuing of close interpersonal relationships; discomfort with distant, cold,
professional relationships.
The learning approaches of African Americans might be inconsistent with teaching
approaches in some schools. For example, some student learning is facilitated by taking a
visual/global approach rather than a verbal/analytic approach; a preference for reasoning by
inference or improvisation rather than by formal logic; a focus on people and relationships; a
76 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

preference for energetic involvement in several activities simultaneously rather than routine,
step-by-step learning; a tendency to approximate numbers, space, and time; and a greater
dependence on nonverbal communication. Students of color who identify with their heri-
tage cultures might respond better to open-ended questions with more than one answer,
as opposed to single, r­ ight-answer questions. Questions that focus on meaning or the “big
picture” might be more productive than questions that focus on details (Bennett, 2011; Gay,
2010; Sheets, 2005).
In many indigenous communities, humility and harmony are valued more than compe-
tition. Teaching and learning often take place through oral narrative forms that emphasize
holistic, integrated, and “high context” ways of knowing that use cultural metaphors and
­imagery (Cajete, 2020). For example, research has shown that Navajo students preferred
­hearing a story all the way through to the end before discussing parts of the story. Teachers who
stopped reading to ask comprehension questions seemed odd to these students and interrupted
their learning process (Tharp, 1989). Also, these students sometimes show strong preferences
for learning privately through trial and error, rather than having their mistakes made public
­(Morgan, 2009).
But as you saw earlier, there are dangers in stereotyping any group, especially in
terms of their cultural values or learning preferences. A heated debate exists today
about whether identifying group differences in learning preferences is a dangerous,
racist (and/or sexist, colonialist) exercise. In our society, we are quick to move from the
notion of “difference” to the idea of “deficits” and stereotypes (Christopher et al., 2014).
The latter view assumes that White, middle-class culture is “normal” and valuable and
can lead to the perpetuation of oppressive teaching approaches that silence or erase stu-
dents’ ancestral and cultural roots (McIntosh, 2009; Paris, 2012; Sabzalian, 2019). The best
advice for teachers is to be sensitive to individual differences in all your students and to
make available alternative paths to learning. Never prejudge how a student will learn
best based on assumptions about the student’s ethnicity, race, or gender. Get to know the
individual and get to know their culture.

SOCIOLINGUISTICS. Sociolinguistics is the study of “the courtesies and conventions of

Sociolinguistics
conversation across cultures” (Tharp, 1989, p. 351). The classroom is a special setting for
The study of the formal and
communicating; it has its own set of rules for when, how, to whom, about what subject,
informal rules for how, when,
about what, to whom, and how and in what manner to use language. To be successful, students must know these com-
long to speak in conversations munication rules; that is, they must understand the pragmatics of the classroom—when,
within cultural groups. where, and how to communicate. This is not such an easy task. As class activities change,
rules change. Sometimes you have to raise your hand (during the teacher’s presentation),
but sometimes you don’t (during story time on the rug or during an experiment in the
Pragmatics lab). Sometimes asking a question (during discussion) is good, but other times (such as
The rules for when and how to when the teacher is reprimanding you), asking a question isn’t so good. These differing
use language to be an effective activity rules are called participation structures, and they define appropriate participa-
communicator in a particular
tion for each class activity. Most classrooms have many different participation structures.
culture.
To be competent communicators in the classroom, students sometimes have to read very
subtle, nonverbal cues telling them which participation structures are currently in effect.
Participation structures
For example, when the teacher moves to the whiteboard, students should look up and be
The formal and informal rules
ready for instructions.
for how to take part in a given Some children are simply better than others at reading classroom situations because
activity. the participation structures of the school match the structures they have learned at home
(Tyler et al., 2008). The communication rules for most school situations are similar to those
in middle-class homes, so children from these homes often appear to be more competent
communicators. They know the unwritten rules. However, it seems that even students who
speak the same language as their teachers might still have trouble communicating and so
have trouble learning school subjects.
What can teachers do? You can begin by making communication rules for activities
clear and explicit. Do not assume students know what to do. Use cues to signal students
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 77

when changes occur. Explain and demonstrate desired behavior. I have seen teachers
show young children how to use their “inside voices,” “six-inch voices,” or “whisper
voices.” One teacher said and then demonstrated, “If you have to interrupt me while I’m
working with other children, stand quietly beside me until I can help you.” Be consistent
in responding to students. If students are supposed to raise their hands, don’t call on
those who break the rules. In these ways you will help students learn the rules of commu-
nication in the school context.

CULTURAL DISCONTINUITY. What happens when students’ values, participation struc-

tures, and learning preferences conflict with those espoused in mainstream school
culture? After all, a value-free learning environment does not exist (Christopher et al.,
2014). Kenneth Tyler and his colleagues (2008) referred to this phenomenon as cultural
discontinuity, which they defined as “a school-based behavioral process where the
cultural value-based learning preferences and practices of many ethnic minority stu-
dents—those typically originating from home or parental socialization activities—are
discontinued at school” (p. 281). Some learners who arrive at school have difficulty find-
ing their own values reflected in the school culture, which is predominantly based on
White, middle-class norms. Consequently, some students “learn quickly that they are ex-
pected to divorce themselves from their culture in order to be academically successful,”
as Christopher Emdin (2016) poignantly asserted in his book, For White Folks Who Teach
in the Hood (p. 13). What is the cost to students of being in a school culture with dissimi-
lar values? “A loss of their dignity and a shattering of their personhood,” says Emdin.
“Urban youth who enter schools seeing themselves as smart and capable are confronted
by curriculum that is blind to their realities and school rules that seek to erase their cul-
ture” (p. 13). Such students learn that they must conform or else risk becoming invisible
and devalued in the eyes of their teachers and peers.

Lessons for Teachers: Teaching Every Student

To be effective, instruction should be coupled with humility and respect for cultural
differences (Delpit, 2012). The set of cultural behaviors and values that works in one c­ ontext
might not work in another. That does not mean that one is correct and the other is not.
How will you understand, support, and build on all the cultures of your students? Here are
­several general teaching principles to guide you in finding answers to these questions. See
the Guidelines: Culturally Relevant Teaching for more ideas.
KNOW YOURSELF. We began this chapter with a bit of introspective “me”search. Doing more
of this will help you to become familiar and at ease with your own racial and ethnic heri-
tage, ­cultural and linguistic background, gender identity, and sexual orientation (Love, 2019).
Developing an understanding of your own many identities is essential to your being able
to create a safe space for students to do the same. Self-awareness also involves questioning
the assumption that your values and experiences are the “norm” and therefore are the yard-
stick by which others should be measured. Scholars like Peggy McIntosh (2009) encourage all
teachers—White teachers in ­particular—to explore their own varied identities. This means
reflecting on the ways in which we, in our unique and intersecting racial, economic, ethnic,
religious, gender, and sexual identities (to name just a few), have reaped advantages and dis-
advantages from the various systems of power around us. We would like to underscore this
point: To varying degrees, all people face both unearned privileges and unearned disadvantages in
their lives tied to the ways their identities are (or are not) valued by others in different contexts. Take
a moment to return to the Stop & Think activities earlier in this chapter. How has some aspect
of your identity advantaged you? How has some aspect of your identity led to disadvantages?
How can this help you to understand your students’ experiences?

KNOW YOUR STUDENTS. We must learn who our students are and understand the legacies
they bring (Delpit, 2003). Nothing you read in a chapter on cultural differences will teach
you enough to understand the lives of all your students. If you can take other courses in
78 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

GUIDELINES
Culturally Relevant Teaching
Experiment with different grouping arrangements to encourage social harmony and
cooperation.
Examples
1. Try “study buddies” and pairs.
2. Organize heterogeneous groups of four or five.
3. Establish larger teams for older students.
Provide a range of ways to learn material to accommodate a range of learning
preferences.
Examples
1. Give students verbal materials at different reading levels.
2. Offer visual materials—charts, diagrams, and models.
3. Provide audio and video for listening and viewing.
4. Set up activities and projects.
Teach classroom procedures directly, even ways of doing things that you thought
everyone would know.
Examples
1. Tell students how to get the teacher’s attention.
2. Explain when and how to interrupt the teacher if students need help.
3. Show which materials students can take and which require permission.
4. Demonstrate acceptable ways to disagree with or challenge another student.
Learn the meanings of your students’ different behaviors.
Examples
1. Ask students how they feel when you correct or praise them. What gives them this
feeling?
2. Talk to family and community members and other teachers to discover the meanings of
expressions, gestures, or other responses that are unfamiliar to you.
Emphasize meaning in teaching.
Examples
1. Make sure students understand what they read.
2. Try storytelling and other modes that don’t require written materials.
3. Use examples that relate abstract concepts to everyday experiences; for instance, relate
negative numbers to being overdrawn in your bank account.
Get to know the customs, traditions, and values of your students.
Examples
1. Use holidays as a chance to discuss the origins and meanings of traditions.
2. ­Analyze different traditions for common themes.
3. Attend community fairs and festivals.
Help students detect racist, classist, sexist, and homophobic messages.
Examples
1. Analyze curriculum materials for biases.
2. Make students “bias detectives,” reporting biased comments in the media.
3. Discuss the ways that students communicate biased messages about each other, and
decide what should be done when this happens.
4. Capitalize on teachable moments. Discuss expressions of prejudice such as anti-
Semitism or homophobia when they arise in the media, in curricular materials, or in class.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 79

college or read about other cultures, we encourage you to do so. But reading and studying
are not enough. You will learn much more by getting to know your students. This means
fully seeing your students as complex, developing, and culturally-situated individuals. Get
to know your students’ families and communities too. Elba Reyes, a successful bilingual
teacher for children with special needs, describes her approach:
­Usually I find that if you really want to know a parent, you get to know them on
their own turf. This is key to developing trust and understanding the parents’
perspective. First, get to know the community. Learn where the local grocery store
is and what the children do after school. Then schedule a home visit at a time that
is convenient for the parents. The home environment is not usually as ladened
with failure. I sometimes observed the child being successful in the home, for
­example, riding a bicycle or helping with dinner. (Bos & Reyes, 1996, p. 349)
Try to spend time with students and parents on projects outside school. Ask parents to help
in class or speak to your students about their jobs, their hobbies, or the history and heritage
of their ethnic group. Don’t wait until a student is in trouble to have the first meeting with
a family member. Watch for and listen to the ways that your students interact in large and
small groups. Have students write to you, and write back to them. Eat lunch with one or
two students. Spend some nonteaching time with them.

RESPECT YOUR STUDENTS. From knowledge should come respect for your students’ learning
strengths—for the struggles they face and the obstacles they have overcome. Love (2019) empha-
sizes the importance of celebrating the full selfhood of students, particularly students of color.
Not just their culture, language, sexuality, or current circumstances, but their
entire selves, past, present, and future. Their ancestors, their family members,
their friends, their religion, their music, their dress, their language, the ways
that they express their gender and sexuality, and their communities must all be
embraced and loved. (p. 120)
For a child, genuine acceptance is a necessary condition for developing self-esteem. Pearson eText
­Sometimes the self-image and occupational aspirations of some children actually decline Video Example 2.9
in their early years in public school, probably because of the emphasis on majority culture In this video, a middle school
values, accomplishments, and history. One solution is to engage in what Emdin (2016) language arts teacher uses
calls “reality pedagogy—an approach to teaching and learning that has a primary goal of a writing activity to build
meeting each student on his or her own cultural and emotional turf” (p. 27). By inviting community among her diverse
students to bring their group’s culture into the classroom (in the form of literature, art, students. Her teaching practices
music, or any other cultural knowledge), teachers can help students maintain a sense of model principles for teaching
in a multicultural classroom:
pride in their cultural group. This integration of culture must be more than the “­ tokenism”
know your students, respect
of sampling ethnic foods or wearing costumes. Students should teach and learn with
your students, teach your
others about the socially and intellectually important contributions of various groups.
students.
Many excellent references provide background information, history, and teaching strate-
gies for different groups of students (e.g., Banks, 2014; Emdin, 2016; Gay, 2010; Irvine &
Armento, 2001; Ladson Billings, 1995).
TEACH YOUR STUDENTS. The most important thing you can do for your students is teach
them to read, write, speak, compute, think, and create—through constant, rigorous, culturally
connected instruction (Delpit, 2003). A strong emphasis on academics and high expectations
combined with caring support for students are key (Palardy, 2013). Beware of how hidden
­biases can creep in. Sometimes, in an attempt to be compassionate or to relieve the stress on
students at risk, teachers give these students more positive feedback than they would privi-
leged students. This well-intended but overly positive feedback can contribute to lowering
expectations and reducing the academic challenge for these students (Harber et al., 2012).
Too often, goals for students with low SES or from ethnic minority groups have focused
­exclusively on basic skills. Students are taught words and sounds, but the meaning of the
story is supposed to come later.
80 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

And finally, teach students directly about how to be students. In the early grades,
this could mean directly teaching the courtesies and conventions of the classroom: how
to get a turn to speak, how and when to interrupt the teacher, how to whisper, how to
get help in a small group, how to give an explanation that is helpful, how to respect
difference when interacting with others. In the later grades, it might mean teaching the
academic language and study skills that fit your subject. You can ask students to learn
“how we do it in school” without violating the third principle—respect your students.
Ways of asking questions around the kitchen table at home might be different from ways
of asking questions in school, but students can learn both ways without deciding that
either way is superior. And you can expand ways of doing it in school to include more
possibilities.

Summary
Education Is Cultural (pp. 37–38) What are the differences among prejudice, discrimination, and
stereotype threat? Prejudice is a rigid and unfair ­generalization—a
What is culture, and how does cultural diversity affect ­learning
prejudgment or attitude—about an entire category of people.
and teaching? There are many conceptions of ­ culture,
Prejudice might target people in particular racial, ethnic, reli-
but most include the knowledge, skills, rules, ­traditions,
gious, political, geographic, or language groups, or it might be
beliefs, and values that guide behavior in a ­ particular
directed toward the gender or sexual orientation of an individ-
group of people: Culture is a program for living. The
ual. Discrimination is unequal treatment of or actions toward
differences between cultures might be very obvious,
particular categories of people. Stereotype threat is the extra
tip-of-the-iceberg characteristics, or they might be very
­
emotional and cognitive burden that your performance in an
subtle, below-the-surface differences. When subtle c­ ultural
academic situation might confirm a stereotype that others hold
differences meet, misunderstandings and conflicts are
about you. It is not necessary that the individual even believe
­common. These conflicts can happen when the values and
the stereotype. All that matters is that the individual is aware
competencies of the dominant, mainstream culture are used
of the stereotype and cares about performing well enough to
to determine what is considered “normal” or appropriate
disprove its unflattering implications. In the short run, the fear
behavior in schools. In these cases, children who have been
that you might confirm a negative stereotype can induce test
socialized in different cultures might be perceived as acting
anxiety and undermine performance. Over time, experiencing
inappropriately, not following the rules, or being rude and
stereotype threat might lead to disidentification with schooling
disrespectful.
and academic achievement.

Your Cultural and Educational History ­ conomic and Social Class Differences
E
(pp. 39–46) (pp. 46–54)
Why is it important to understand your own cultural back-
What is SES, and how does it differ from social class? Social
ground? Everyone is a member of many cultural groups,
class reflects a group’s prestige and power in a society. Most
defined in terms of geographic region, nationality, ethnic-
people are aware of the social class that they share with similar
ity, race, gender, social class, and religion. Membership in
a particular group does not determine behavior or values
but makes certain values and kinds of behaviors more
likely. Wide variations exist within each group. You met
two individuals, Ternice and Jessie, who embody that
diversity.
What terms should I use when describing my own and
others’ cultures? Examining the different social groups to
which we belong can serve to guide the terms we use. However,
labels that show a prejudicial evaluation for or against a
group should be avoided. When in doubt, use the terms
that ­i ndividuals in the group would prefer you to use when
describing their group and its practices. Remember that
intersectionality refers to the overlapping cultural identi-
ties that people have. These might shape individuals in
unique ways that no single group would have done.
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 81

peers. Sociologists use the term SES for variations in wealth, larger social environment influence children’s understandings
power, control over resources, and prestige. Socioeconomic of their gender roles. Through their interactions with family,
status is determined by several factors—not just income—and peers, teachers, and the environment in general, children begin
often overpowers other cultural differences. No single vari- to form gender schemas, or organized networks of knowledge
able is an effective measure of SES, but most researchers iden- about what it means to belong to a particular gender group.
tify four general levels of SES: upper, middle, working, and How are gender biases communicated? In children’s books,
lower classes. The main characteristics of these different SES there are more males in the titles and the illustrations, and the
levels are summarized in Table 2.2. characters (especially the boys) continue to behave in stereo-
What is the relationship between SES and school achieve- typical ways. Girl characters sometimes cross gender roles to
ment? Socioeconomic status and academic achievement are be more active, but boy characters seldom show “feminine,”
moderately correlated. Students of all ethnic groups with expressive traits. Some over-representation of gender exists in
high SES show higher average levels of achievement on test television commercials and online media, too. Teachers inter-
scores and stay in school longer than students with low SES. act more with boys in both positive and negative ways. Lately
The longer the child is in poverty, the stronger the impact is some educators have claimed that schools are not supportive of
on achievement. Why is there a correlation between SES and boys, and single-gender classrooms have been suggested as an
school achievement? Students with low SES might experi- answer. The research on the value of these classrooms is mixed.
ence inadequate health care, teachers’ lowered expectations What are the stages of developing one’s sexual orientation?
of them, low self-esteem, learned helplessness, ­participation Stages of developing a sexual orientation can also follow a
in resistance cultures, school tracking, understimulating pattern from discomfort to confusion to acceptance, particu-
home environments, and summer setbacks. This last, striking larly for sexual minority (e.g., gay, lesbian, bisexual, and trans-
finding is that children with low SES lose academic ground gender) students. Some researchers contend that one’s sexual
outside school over the summer, whereas children with higher orientation is not always permanent and can change over the
SES continue to advance. years.

Ethnicity and Race in Teaching and Learning ­ reating Culturally Welcoming Classrooms
C
(pp. 55–62) (pp. 72–80)
Distinguish between ethnicity and race. Ethnicity (cultur- What is multicultural education? Multicultural education is
ally transmitted behavior) and race (a socially constructed a field of study designed to increase educational equity for
categorization based on physical traits) are significant all students. According to the multicultural ideal, America
categories people use to describe themselves and others.
­ should be transformed into a society that values diversity.
Ethnic or racial minority groups (either numerically or histori- James Banks suggests that multicultural education has five
cally marginalized) are rapidly increasing in population. dimensions: integrating content, helping students understand
How can differences in the ethnicity of teachers and students how knowledge is influenced by beliefs, reducing prejudice,
affect school performance? Conflicts can arise from differ- creating social structures in schools that support learning and
ences between teachers and students in culture-based beliefs, development for all students, and using teaching methods that
values, and expectations. Cultural conflicts are usually about reach all students.
below-the-surface differences because when subtle cultural What is culturally relevant pedagogy? Gloria Ladson Billings
differences meet, misunderstandings are common. Students (1995, 2004) describes culturally relevant teaching that rests
in some cultures learn attitudes and behaviors that are more on three propositions: Students must experience academic
consistent with school expectations. Differences in cogni- success, develop/maintain their cultural competence, and
tive and academic abilities among ethnic groups are largely develop a critical consciousness to challenge the status quo.
the legacy of racial segregation and continuing prejudice and This includes recognizing power structures and racism and
discrimination. the ways they have perpetuated inequalities.
What are some aspects of diversity in learning? Teachers
Gender and Sexual Orientation in Teaching should pay attention to the social organization and participa-
and Learning (pp. 63–72) tion structures in their classrooms and teach students directly
What are gender identity and gender roles, and how do they how to be successful in these structures, strategically use
develop? Gender identity is a personal view of oneself along information about students’ cultural values and learning
the female-to-male continuum or in a nonbinary way. Gender preferences, avoid cultural discontinuities in class, and
roles refer to a set of stereotypically masculine or feminine embrace themselves and their students as individuals with
characteristics and behaviors. The differential behavior of complex identities. These accomplishments can lead to
­parents and teachers toward male and female children and the respecting every student and teaching more effectively.
82 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

Key Terms
Bias Gender roles Race
Culturally relevant pedagogy Gender schemas Resistance culture
Culture Intersectionality Sexual orientation
Discrimination Multicultural education Socioeconomic status (SES)
Ethnic-racial identity Nigresence Sociolinguistics
Ethnicity Participation structures Stereotype
Gender biases Pragmatics Stereotype threat
Gender identity Prejudice

­Connect and Extend to Licensure

Multiple-Choice Questions B. She might have made the test too difficult for her
African American students, so she should make an
1. Socioeconomic status and school achievement are often easier test next time.
correlated. Which one of the following statements is NOT
C. Damon might be exhibiting performance-avoidance
true regarding the relationship between SES and levels of
goals because he doesn’t want to look dumb.
achievement?
D. Damon’s high self-efficacy makes him think that test-
A. The longer a child lives in poverty, the greater the
ing is a waste of his time.
impact on achievement.
B. Children who are poor are no more likely to be kept 4. To prevent gender bias in his fourth-grade classroom,
back in school than children who are not. Mr. Bonner used gender-free language, provided posi-
tive role models, and ensured that all his students had
C. Students of all ethnic groups with high SES gen-
opportunities to engage in various activities by rotating
erally show higher levels of achievement on test
classroom jobs and activities. His school was also
scores and stay in school longer than students
experi­menting with single-sex classrooms. Next year,
with low SES.
Mr. Bonner thought he might opt to teach in one of those
D. Children who are poor are more likely to live in sub- classrooms. Which of the following statements concern-
urban and rural areas than to live in central cities. ing single-sex classrooms is NOT true?
2. Educators often assume that students are not bright A. Single-sex classrooms have positive effects on learn-
because they have inadequate resources at home. This ing, motivation, and engagement when certain con-
inadequacy manifests itself as a lack of familiarity with ditions are met.
school-related activities. When this occurs, what is the B. Teaching is not easier in a single-sex classroom than it
likely outcome? is in a mixed-sex classroom.
A. These students work harder to prove themselves to C. Teachers must use teaching strategies that are geared
their teachers. specifically for students of a particular sex.
B. Teachers might have low expectations that have neg-
D. Students in single-sex classrooms are often less
ative impacts on future academic success.
concerned about making positive impressions on
C. The students will perform poorly because they will peers.
never catch up with their peers.
D. Teachers understand that not all students will be able
Constructed-Response Questions
to achieve academically. Case
3. Damon, an African American student in Diane Collins’s Paulo Nzambi moved from his home in Angola to the United
math class, pushed his math test away after a few min- States in the fifth grade. Although Paulo’s English and school-
utes and proclaimed, “This is stupid. I don’t know why ing were adequate in Angola, his teacher, Katie Wyant, wor-
we even have to do this.” What is Ms. Collins most likely ried about his social adjustment. His quiet demeanor and soft
to think? voice were, in many ways, the opposite of those of his male
A. She should send Damon to the principal’s office for peers. Paulo appeared hesitant when interacting with her,
insubordination. as though he was unsure about how to behave. As the year
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 83

progressed, Katie noticed that he had not made any progress of relationships would assist Paulo as well as Miss
in adjusting to the classroom. She decided she needed to be Wyant?
proactive in finding a solution. 6. What aspects of culturally relevant teaching might Katie
5. To acquire a better understanding of Paulo and make Wyant employ to assist Paulo Nzambi in his transition to
school a more positive experience, what three types an American classroom?

What Would They Do?

Teachers’ Casebook: Conversations About Race Amy Pochodylo • High School ScienceTeacher
Buckeye Valley High School, Delaware, OH
At the beginning of this chapter, we asked you to think criti-
This situation is not an unusual one, so thinking about
cally about students who were disputing an incident involv-
it beforehand is key to avoiding a knee-jerk, emotional
ing an unarmed Black teenager and the police. As you now
­response. As a teacher, I have spent time considering my
consider these teachers’ responses to that question, we again
own identities and the privileges that come along with
suggest that you think critically. Do the following responses
those identity groups, to help me understand my own
reflect (or contradict) any of the concepts discussed in this
biases and blind spots. Other important pre-work that
­
chapter? Do the suggestions and solutions described here
I do with my classes is to establish norms. Ideally, these
make sense in light of what you have learned about best
norms make the classroom a safe space for every learner,
practices in this or other classes? How do these ideas align
and ­address how to have conversations that respectfully
with or challenge your personal philosophy of teaching?
consider a range of viewpoints. As a science teacher, I try
to ground everything in data. Black Lives Matter should
Dr. Mari Ann Banks • System Equity Coordinator not be a political or controversial statement, and there is
City Schools of Decatur, Decatur, GA so much data to support that. I would present data on the
The U.S. is a country scarred by its history of racism, so if we ­racial differences in the use of deadly force or stops by police
wish to be great teachers, it is essential that we either have officers to demonstrate why policing is often at the center
or develop the ability to examine race with students and in of the conversation around Black Lives Matter. I would
our own praxis. Many of us have been indoctrinated with the also use data around environmental justice movements
belief that conversations about race are injurious and impo- and race-based differences in healthcare outcomes. After
lite. Nevertheless, the current racial climate shows us that the spending time as a class analyzing these sets of data, I
time for polite conversation that circumnavigates race is over. would have the class work together (or in small groups) to
Black people are being murdered. We do much more harm in write a claim, evidence, [and] reasoning using the data to
bypassing such subject matter than we will ever do by engag- back up the claim that Black Lives Matter. My hope would
ing students in thoughtful conversation about how we make be that, by approaching this topic through the scientific
it stop. In the U.S., race has always been the paisley elephant practices used every day in the classroom, students could
in the room, but it’s an elephant that only White people have better understand the statement “Black Lives Matter” and
had the privilege to ignore while the rest of us are crushed in that it isn’t explicitly political. My fear as a teacher around
its wake. It’s time for White people to shoulder their share discussing group-based identities, including race, is that I
of the weight. This requires active engagement. However, have my own set of biases and identities that will certainly
teachers need to be thoughtful and careful when having such lead to blind spots in my own thinking and imperfect ways
conversations. That’s why it’s so important for us to develop of leading conversations in my classroom. While I fear say-
our understanding of race and use appropriate discussion ing the wrong thing and marginalizing other identities, I
protocols with our students. For example, I might directly also believe in the importance of having these conversa-
ask the Blue Lives Matter students, “What would it mean to tions in the classroom, being open about my own short-
‘Blue’ lives if Black lives mattered?” Or, I might provide the comings, and supporting my students as they learn.
following journal prompt: “Police have chosen to serve and
to risk their lives. Black people have no choice in being Black
and do not want their lives to be at risk. Explore what these
Demetrick Tensley • 9th–12th grade Business
two statements mean together.” After students have had time
Education & Computer Science Teacher
to think privately, I would facilitate discussion of these ­topics Seneca High School, Seneca, SC
using one or more protocols such as “Critical Friends” or The topics of race and policing are ubiquitous in our
“Courageous Conversations” to help guide discussions in a society. As individuals of all ages are becoming more
healthy manner. aware of intersectionality, these conversations will spill
84 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity

into our classrooms. For teachers, this can feel daunt- comments, I would host a forum with a panel discussion
ing. Some might hedge and think, “This is not a part of with stakeholders from various backgrounds. Students,
my curriculum,” and work to hide from these topics in teachers, and parents would have the opportunity to
hopes of escaping possible discomfort. That being said, ask questions that would be addressed by the panel. To
the world is diversifying. The workforce will need our ­a cknowledge the differences and the realities of marginal-
future graduates to be prepared to thrive in diverse teams. ized populations would be imperative, as would coming
To establish a foundation for this end, we must c­ ultivate up with a solution that can take our differences and meld
an environment in our classrooms for discussing difficult them into a beautifully blended school community. I’m
topics. This situation provides an authentic opportunity not fearful of having conversations about race because I
to guide students in a discussion of these topics. This believe things resonate with people when they’re uncom-
type of ­d iscussion will also help students to hone the fortable, and this forces them to act and make a mental
essential skill of civil discourse. Teachers attempting to shift. Race talks are uncomfortable, but extremely impor-
lead students through this type of discussion will need to tant to change mentalities.
take an unbiased stance, lay ground rules, and preserve
healthy discussion. If teachers are uncomfortable or feel
Lucy Ordaz Sanchez • 7th and 8th grade Family and
ill-prepared, school guidance counselors are an excellent
Consumer Science Teacher
resource. The prospect of a potentially contentious situa-
Dixon Middle School, Provo, UT
tion can cause fear. During preparation for a controver-
sial discussion, I work to be both unbiased and ­p repared I would take this opportunity in a heartbeat! I would first
with facts/historical background. When dealing with play the line game—have students stand on both sides of a
issues at the intersection of race and policing, students can line of tape and ask random questions such as “who has a
voice provocative opinions. This can make it difficult to dog?” Students who have a dog step on the line. Questions
maintain impartiality. I’ve found that in these situations, could be comical at first for students [to] understand how
it is best to be prepared, listen, and look for commonalities. the game works and also get them to relax a little. Then
To continue daily toward the goal of students thriving in I would get more serious with the questions. Students
diverse group ­s ettings, I also try to have students complete would be able to see that they do have things in com-
components of the curriculum in diverse teams. Facilitating mon with other students they might think are too differ-
group work ­ a llows me to talk to students about the ent, as both might step onto the line after being asked, for
­importance of understanding peers’ beliefs, differences, example, “Are your parents . . . divorced?” After a couple
and the need for mutual respect. of rounds of this game I would set up the classroom for
all of us to be sitting in a circle (circle has no sides and
­s ymbolizes unity). I would start a discussion about the
India Chambers • Kindergarten through 8th grade game to help them see that although they might look dif-
Director of Academics ferent, some of them have similar situations in their lives
Northside Preparatory Academy, Cincinnati, OH that they can relate to. In order for this activity to work
The teacher must set an expectation that the classroom I would have already spent time ­c reating a safe environ-
is a safe environment to express one’s self respectfully ment in my classroom where students know that they are
and to value others’ opinions. If this expectation is not being heard, respected, valued, and seen for who they
in place, these difficult, uncomfortable learning conversa- are. It is likely that some comments would ­trigger emo-
tions cannot take place. Once this expectation has been tions and perhaps the desire to be hurtful or offensive, but
established, I would give students background stories of before the discussion we would have set up some rules as
people around the world and have them write a journal a class to minimize those negative comments. My only fear
entry as that person. This will allow them to explore other in talking about race would be the reactions of the parents.
lives from a different perspective. For instance, one day I know students go home and sometimes discuss what
we will read an excerpt from Anne Frank and note the their day was like at school. I believe that the students
realities of her world and experiences. Students would reflect and/or believe what is being discussed at home
write a journal as Anne. Another day, they would write and sometimes as adults we forget how our words, our
a journal entry as Trayvon Martin. Another day they thoughts and actions will impact the children/youth who
would write it as a police officer who is trying their best are watching us.
to defend the community they serve while facing a dif-
ficult situation that could possibly cost someone their
Melissa Roy • 10th grade Reading and English Teacher
lives. We would do these exercises throughout the year
Lake Brantley High School, Altamonte Springs, FL
to extend students’ perspectives and allow for them to
develop empathy and respect for all persons. If I knew The majority of students in my high school remedial reading
students of color were upset about White students’ classes belong to racial and ethnic minority groups. It would
 Chapter 2 Who Are You? Who Are Your Students? Culture and Diversity 85

be more comfortable for me as a White teacher to ignore this for them until they learn. I offer them daily opportunities
issue and stick with academics, for I sometimes fear saying to read about the world and develop their own evidence-
the wrong thing and offending my students of color. Given based opinions of different topics of interest. We engage
the current social climate in the United States, however, that in Socratic seminars, Harkness discussions, and other ac-
would be the wrong decision. Though I may not understand tivities designed to spark conversation about topics that
what it feels like to be a minority, as the adult in the room, impact their lives. Perhaps most importantly, I encour-
it is my responsibility to facilitate opportunities for students age students to share their stories so they can get to know
to develop understanding for and empathy toward one each other on a deeper personal level. My hope is that this
another. This issue is far bigger than my classroom and will help them understand those who look, live, and be-
could have lasting repercussions for students who are mem- lieve differently than they do. I believe the most significant
bers of marginalized groups. From day one I create a space lessons I can teach my students are to care for others, no-
in which respectful discourse among students is not only tice when injustice happens, and stand up for those who
allowed but also expected, and I model what that looks like