Ordinary Magic

Resilience Processes in Development

Ann S. Masten
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Campus

The study of resilience in development has overturned by words such as invulnerable, or invincible. One of the
many negative assumptions and deficit-focused models earliest news articles about resilience in American psychol-
about children growing up under the threat of disadvan- ogy was about "the invulnerables" in the APA Monitor
tage and adversity. The most surprising conclusion emerg- (Pines, 1975). Similarly, a headline about this new research
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

ing from studies of these children is the ordinariness of

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field in the Washington Post on March 7, 1976, read,

resilience. An examination of converging findings from "Trouble's a Bubble to Some Kids." The idea of resilient
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variable-focused and person-focused investigations of children as remarkable individuals possessing extraordi-

these phenomena suggests that resilience is common and nary strength or inner resiliency has lingered, even in
that it usually arises from the normative functions of human scholarly work. In 1995, "Superkids of the Ghetto" ap-
adaptational systems, with the greatest threats to human peared as the title for a book review on resilience in
development being those that compromise these protective inner-city children published in Contemporary Psychology
systems. The conclusion that resilience is made of ordinary (Buggie, 1995).
rather than extraordinary processes offers a more positive The great surprise of resilience research is the ordi-
outlook on human development and adaptation, as well as nariness of the phenomena. Resilience appears to be a
direction for policy and practice aimed at enhancing the common phenomenon that results in most cases from the
development of children at risk for problems and psycho-
operation of basic human adaptational systems. If those
pathology.
systems are protected and in good working order, develop-
ment is robust even in the face of severe adversity; if these
major systems are impaired, antecedent or consequent to

D uring the 1970s, a group of pioneering psycholo-

gists and psychiatrists began to draw the attention
of scientists to the phenomenon of resilience in
children at risk for psychopathology and problems in de-
velopment due to genetic or experiential circumstances.
adversity, then the risk for developmental problems is
much greater, particularly if the environmental hazards are
prolonged. In this article, I highlight recent evidence accu-
mulating from two major approaches to the study of resil-
ience, one focused on variables and one focused on people.
These pioneers argued that research on children who de- I also discuss the implications of resilience models and
veloped well in the context of risk or adversity held the findings for research, practice, and policies aimed at un-
potential to inform theories of etiology in psychopathology derstanding and changing the life course of children in
and to learn what makes a difference in the lives of children developmental jeopardy.
at risk that could guide intervention and policy (Anthony,
1974; Garmezy, 1971, 1974; Murphy, 1974; Murphy &
Moriarty, 1976; Rutter, 1979; Werner & Smith, 1982). Editor's note. Kennon M. Sheldon and Laura King developed this
Their calls to action inspired two decades of investigation Positive Psychology section.
that has yielded models, methods, and data about this
family of phenomena, as well as controversies, criticisms, Author's note. I have had the great fortune of interacting with many
and media attention (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000; resilience researchers over the years who have contributed immeasurably
to my thinking about this class of phenomena. Most particularly, I want to
Masten, 1999b; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). thank the following for our illuminating conversations: Norman Garmezy,
The recognition and study of resilient children has Suniya Luthar, Michael Rutter, Auke Tellegen, Emmy Werner, and Mar-
overturned many negative assumptions and deficit-focused garet Wright. Thanks also go to Marie-Gabrielle Reed, Jenifer Powell,
John Curtis, Art Sesma, and Robin Mathy for their comments on this
models about the development of children growing up article. The writing of this article, as well as my research on resilience, has
under the threat of disadvantage and adversity. At the same been facilitated by National Science Foundation Grant NSF/SBR-
time, the picture emerging from the systematic study of 9729111, the William T. Grant Foundation Grant 97-1845-97, and mem-
resilience suggests that some of the original assumptions bership in the Research Network on Psychopathology and Development,
funded by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.
about this class of phenomena were wrong, or at least
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ann
misleading. Early images of resilience in both scholarly S. Masten, Institute of Child Development, University of Minnesota, 51
work and mass media implied that there was something East River Road, Minneapolis, MN 55455-0345. Electronic mail may be
remarkable or special about these children, often described sent to amasten@[Link].

March 2001 • American Psychologist 227

Copyright 2001 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0003-066X/01/$5.00
Vol. 56, No. 3, 227-238 DOI: 10.1037//0003-066X.56.3.227
 risks studied in this literature presents a problem for com-
paring and interpreting results across studies (Kaufman,
Cook, Amy, Jones, & Pittinsky, 1994; Luthar, 1999; Luthar
et al., 2000). On the other hand, convergent findings in the
context of such diversity are compelling (Luthar et al.,
2000).
Investigators quickly realized that risks for specific or
genera! problems in development often co-occur and that
cumulation of these risks at one point in time or over time
is strongly related to rising risk for poor outcomes on
multiple indicators of development, including psychosocial
competence, psychopathology, and health (Masten &
Wright, 1998; Rutter, 1979, 1990; Seifer & Sameroff,
1987). Such risk gradients are pervasive, and the processes
underlying them remain elusive, as evident in recent at-
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tempts to understand SES gradients for a wide variety of

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child and adult criteria of health (broadly defined) and

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well-being (Keating & Hertzman, 1999). Singular and ag-

gregated risk indices often predict many kinds of undesir-
able outcomes. The lack of specificity observed in studies
Ann S. of risk (Coie et al., 1993) may reflect in part the tendency
Masten for measured and unmeasured risks to co-occur.
Furthermore, most risk gradients can be inverted to
create an "asset" or "resource" gradient showing that high
levels of assets are associated with better outcomes (Ben-
Defining Resilience son, Scales, Leffert, & Roehlkepartain, 1999; Sameroff,
Seifer, & Bartko, 1997). This is because most risk indica-
Resilience refers to a class of phenomena characterized by lors are arbitrarily labeled this way (Kraemer et al., 1997;
good outcomes in spile of serious threats to adaptation or
Masten, 1994; Rutter, 1990; Sameroff et al., 1997;
development. Research on resilience aims to understand the
processes that account for these good outcomes. Resilience Stomhamer-Loeber el al., 1993). Pure risk factors undoubt-
is an inferential and contextual construct that requires two edly exist (predicting negative outcomes when they occur),
major kinds of judgments (Masten, 1999b; Masten & Coats- such as a car accident, and purely positive assets are
worth, 1998). The first judgment addresses the threat side conceivable, such as a (alent or friend (or a fairy godmother).
of the inference, individuals are noi considered resilient if However, most risk factors actually index continuous,
there has never been a significant threat to their develop- bipolar dimensions that have a positive end associated with
ment; there must be current or past hazards judged to have positive outcomes (e.g., good parenting vs. poor parenting,
the potentiai to derail normative development. In other high education vs. low education), as well as a negative end
words, there must be demonstrable risk. In many cases, associated with negative outcomes. Thus, low risk on a risk
risks are actuarially based predictors of undesirable out- gradient indicates high assets in many cases, because of the
comes drawn from evidence that this status or condition is arbitrary naming of bipolar predictors. However, it is also
statistically associated with higher probability of a "bad" possible for risks and assets to be inversely related for other
outcome in the future (Kraemer et at, 1997; Masten & reasons, such as a third causal factor, even when they are
Garmezy, 1985). Many risk factors, ranging from status not opposite ends of the same dimensions (Jessor, Van Den
variables such as biological child of a parent with schizo- Bos, Vanderryn, Costa, & Turbin, 1995). Competent par-
phrenia or low socioeconomic status to direct measures of ents (causal factor), for example, may produce fewer stress-
exposure to maltreatment or violence, are well-established ful family life events (risks), choose to live in neighbor-
statistical predictors of subsequent developmental prob- hoods with low crime rates (risks) and good community
lems, either specific problems or a broad spectrum of resources (assets), and be more likely to hire tutors for their
difficulties (Masten & Garmezy, 1985; Masten & Wright, children (assets).
1998).
The second judgment involved in an inference about
In studies of resilience, the risk side of the definition resilience is the criteria by which the quality of adaptation
has been operationally defined in diverse ways, including or developmental outcome is assessed or evaluated as
socioeconomic status (SES) measures, tabulations of the "good" or "OK." There is little debate aboui whether such
number of life events that have occurred in recent months criteria exist, but much controversy remains about who
or a lifetime, massive community trauma, low birth weight, should define resilience by what standards {Luthar et al.,
divorce, and cumulative risk calculations that combine 2000; Masten, 1999b). This is a highly complex issue ihat
these different kinds of risk factors. The diversity of the is only beginning to be addressed empirically.

228 March 2001 • American Psychologist

 Many developmental investigators have denned resil- focused approaches can obscure specific linkages that pro-
ience on the basis of an observable track record of meeting vide valuable clues to explanatory processes (Shiner, Tel-
the major expectations of a given society or culture in legen, & Masten, in press).
historical context for the behavior of children of that age
and situation. These expectations are termed salient devel- Variable-Focused Studies of Resilience
opmental tasks, competence criteria, or cultural age expec- Main effects in variable-oriented models theoretically re-
tations in developmental and life-span theory (Elder, 1998; flect the independent contribution of risks or assets or
Masten & Coatsworth, 1995, 1998; Waters & Sroufe, bipolar attributes to the course of the outcome criterion
1983). However, other investigators, particularly in fields variable, although causality cannot be determined in these
concerned with prevention of substance abuse and psycho- kind of correlational studies (Masten, 1999b). Figure 1
pathology, have focused on the absence of psychopathol- shows two common ways to illustrate a main effect found
ogy or a low level of symptoms and impairment as the in multivariate, correlational analyses. In Figure 1A, re-
criterion for resilience, rather than the presence of aca- gression lines are plotted for two values of an asset variable
demic or social achievements (Conrad & Hammen, 1993; (representing high vs. low levels of a continuous asset or
Tiet et al., 1998). Still others include both kinds of criteria "present" vs. "absent" conditions for a dichotomous asset).
(Dubow, Edwards, & Ippolito, 1997; Felner et al., 1995; The lines are parallel because the relation of this asset to
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Greenberg, Lengua, Coie, & Pinderhughes, 1999). A re-

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lated issue is whether to define resilience on the basis of

All rights, including for text and data mining, AI training, and similar technologies, are reserved.

external adaptation criteria (such as academic achievement

or the absence of delinquency) or internal criteria (psycho-
logical well-being or low levels of distress) or both (Luthar, Figure 1
1999; Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 1999b). Clearly, the Examples of Main Effect Models Based on
choices made about the adaptation criteria defining resil- Multivariate Analyses in Resilience Research
ience will influence who is included in studies and will
reflect cultural norms, whether or not these are articulated A
High
in the study. Questions raised by efforts to define "good" High on asset
development in resilience research warrant their own in- £ Low on asset
vestigation, which has been rare to date (see Durbrow, O
1999; Durbrow, Pefia, Masten, Sesma, & Williamson, in
O
press).
3
Models of Resilience
Two major approaches have characterized the designs of
resilience studies aimed at explaining the variation in out- Low
comes among high-risk children. Variable-focused ap- Low High
proaches use multivariate statistics to test for linkages
among measures of the degree of risk or adversity, out- Adversity
come, and potential qualities of the individual or environ-
ment that may function to compensate for or protect the B
individual from the negative consequences of risk or ad-
versity. Person-focused approaches compare people who
have different profiles within or across time on sets of
criteria to ascertain what differentiates resilient children
from other groups of children. Each approach has advan-
tages and disadvantages, leading some investigators to in-
clude both. The variable focus often maximizes statistical
power and is well suited to searching for specific and
differential links between predictors and outcomes that
have implications for intervention. Yet this approach can
fail to capture striking patterns in the lives of real people,
losing a sense of the whole and overlooking distinctive
regularities across dimensions that can indicate who is at
greatest risk or needs a particular intervention. The person Note. In A, regression lines are plotted for two values on an asset with a main
focus keeps variables assembled in naturally occurring effect on the criterion; the lines are parallel because this asset is an advantage
configurations and is well suited to searching for common regardless of adversity or risk level. Adversity also has a main effect in this
example, so that the criterion falls as adversity increases. B shows a path
and uncommon patterns in lives through time that result diagram with the same main effects for an asset variable and an adversity-risk
from multiple processes and constraints on development variable, plus an additional bipolar predictor with a main effect on this criterion.
(Bergman & Magnusson, 1997). On the other hand, person-

March 2001 • American Psychologist 229

 the criterion of interest does not vary across risk-adversity 1998) appear to fit this model, in that economic hardship
levels. One is always better off with this asset, although the effects on children appear to be at least partially mediated
risk-adversity variable in this picture also has a main through parenting. This model has been tested by Conger,
effect; scores on the criterion are falling as a function of Elder, and their colleagues in their studies of the farm crisis
rising risk. Figure IB uses a path diagram to illustrate the in the Midwest (Conger, Conger, & Elder, 1997; Conger et
same kind of main effects for an asset variable and a al., 1992). Their findings support an indirect pathway
risk-adversity variable, along with the main effect of a whereby the effects of the economic crisis on adolescents
bipolar predictor. The path model is more precise in show- are mediated by effects on the mood and interaction of
ing the distinction between three kinds of predictors. Such parents that undermine the effectiveness of parenting
main effect models can be extended through time by pre- behavior.
dicting positive and negative change in the criterion of Similar indirect effects suggested by the study of
interest over time. These prospective, longitudinal models divorce (Hetherington, Bridges, & Glendessa, 1998) led to
control for the start point on the criterion variable and test a randomized experimental prevention study by Forgatch
for changes (residuals) over time that can be predicted by and DeGarmo (1999). Their study was designed to test the
the asset or risk variables of interest. hypothesized protective effect of improving or buffering
parenting from the effects of divorce, using an intervention
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Intervention strategies based explicitly or implicitly

based on coercion theory (Patterson, Reid, & Dishion,
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on such main effect models could focus on adding more

1992). Results supported the effectiveness of the interven-
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assets; theoretically, if enough assets or resources were

added to a child's life, the outcome variable of interest tion on parenting, which appeared to result in better out-
could be maintained at normative levels, counterbalancing comes among their children. Such intervention trials rep-
the negative effects of high adversity. The concept of resent a powerful test of hypothesized protective processes
compensatory effects (Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, emerging from the resilience literature (Cicchetti & Toth,
1984; Masten et al., 1988) refers to the idea that enough 1992; Coie et al., 1993; Kellam & Rebok, 1992; Masten &
positive assets could offset the burden in a child's life from Coatsworth, 1998).
one or many risk influences. Asset-building interventions It is also possible to prevent risk factors from occur-
are based on this assumption. ring altogether, as when universal prenatal care is offered
Interventions could also focus on altering the level of to a population as a preventive intervention for premature
a particular asset or risk in a child's life or in a population. birth, a known risk factor for child development. Effective
Such strategies reflect models with mediated influence. The parents probably avert numerous risk factors for their off-
focus of intervention could be a mediating attribute within spring; thus, it is not surprising to find that children with
the child, such as when a tutoring program aims to teach a competent parents are exposed to fewer adverse life events
child new academic skills in order to improve the outcome (Dubow et al., 1997; Gest, Neemann, Hubbard, Masten, &
of academic achievement. It is also possible to target asset- Tellegen, 1993; Masten et al., 1999). Total prevention of
risk variables in the child's life, such as parenting. Figure this kind (the risk factor is averted) could be difficult to
2 illustrates a mediation model of how adversity or a detect in studies of naturally occurring resilience, given
positive asset in parents' lives could undermine or enhance that one seeks to show something has not occurred. Thus,
the adaptation of a child through their effects on the func- it is all the more important to develop and test risk-focused
tioning of the parents. The effects of poverty (McLoyd, models of preventive intervention in randomized experi-
mental designs.
Much also remains to be done to address the transac-
tional dynamics of individual and environmental variables
Figure 2 that may contribute to adaptation. Many of these variable-
Example of an Indirect Model of Risk and Resilience focused models do not accommodate the bidirectional na-
ture of influence in living systems (Masten, 1999b). There
is good reason to believe, for example, that children's
behavior influences the quality of parenting they receive
(Patterson et al., 1992), and that parents influence the
development of behavior in children that may be involved
in moderating the impact of stress (Gunnar, 2001; Kochan-
ska, 1993). Moreover, some personality characteristics in
children and adolescents are associated with more risky
behavior that could result in highly damaging life experi-
ences (e.g., Caspi et al., 1997). Rarely examined as yet in
resilience research is how the assets, risks, and protective
Note. Example of an indirect model of risk and resilience where a threat or factors in these resilience models may influence each other
asset for development works through its effects on a major adaptive system, in
this case parenting. Effect of the asset or risk variable in this case is mediated over time. One study that found parenting to predict child
by the parenting variable. competence, resilience, and change in child competence
over time, also found that child competence predicted

230 March 2001 • American Psychologist

 changes in parenting quality over time (Masten et al.,
1999). Figure 3
Results from variable-focused studies of resilience Examples of Interaction Models From Resilience
suggest that parenting qualities, intellectual functioning, Research
SES, and positive self-perceptions have broad and perva-
sive correlations with multiple domains of adaptive behav-
ior. Substantial main effects are often found for these
variables for outcome criteria such as academic achieve-
ment, prosocial and antisocial behavior, psychopathology s
u
Low on asset

ratings, and peer acceptance (e.g., Cicchetti & Rogosch, 3o

1997; Cicchetti, Rogosch, Lynch, & Holt, 1993; Conrad &
Hammen, 1993; Dubow et al., 1997; Felner et al., 1995; o
Luthar, 1991; Masten et al., 1988, 1999; Tiet et al., 1998).
Main effects for negative life experiences are also found in _>«
01
'•'•••-..._

many of the same studies (e.g., Dubow et al., 1997; Felner Q

et al., 1995; Luthar, 1991; Tiet et al., 1998). However, the
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Low
explanatory power of negative life experiences is often
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relatively modest or negligible compared with parenting

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Low High
variables, IQ scores, or SES indicators, particularly when
measures of life events exclude events that could be related Adversity
to the child's behavior and the covariance associated with
parenting or SES is controlled (e.g., Cicchetti et al., 1993;
Masten et al., 1999).
The possibility that the effects of adversity can be B
moderated by qualities of the individual or environment is
represented and tested by interaction models in variable-
focused analyses (Garmezy et al., 1984; Luthar et al., 2000;
Masten et al., 1988). Figure 3A illustrates an interaction as
often portrayed in regression analyses to illustrate the di-
rection of effects after a statistically significant interaction
has been found. Regression lines are plotted for two values
of a presumed moderator. In this illustrative case, the
contrasting slopes of the two lines suggest that the moder-
ating variable is more important at high levels of adversity;
either the individuals high on the variable are protected
under high adversity conditions or those disadvantaged on
this variable are more vulnerable, or both. It is not clear
where the action is in such analyses of covariance.
Path diagram 3B illustrates two kinds of interaction Note. The graph in A illustrates an interaction as typically portrayed in regres-
with different implications for intervention. One is an en- sion analyses in the case where adversity or risk appears to have differential
predictive effects on the criterion depending on the level or presence of a
during attribute unrelated to the risk factor or stressor that protective or vulnerability factor. Path diagram B shows two kinds of moderator
alters the impact of risk exposure (e.g., individuals may effects. One represents an attribute of child or environment that moderates the
impact of a risk factor or stressor on the outcome of interest but has no relation
vary in stress reactivity). The second example is a risk- to the risk-stressor itself. The other is a risk-activated moderator analogous to an
activated moderator that alters the impact of a hazard, akin automobile airbag or immune system response.
to an airbag released in an automobile during a collision
that serves to protect the driver (e.g., an adult comforts a
child during a hurricane or a 911 call summons crisis
intervention).
Interventions based on interaction models could at- and results generally have not been consistent, perhaps
tempt to add risk-activated protections, such as new crisis because of the methodological variability across studies or
services. They could also focus on changing the quality of the general difficulty of detecting interactions or both (Jes-
already present moderators, such as efforts to improve sor et al., 1995; Luthar et al., 2000). The best evidence for
emergency social services or parental responses to the interaction effects in the variable-focused resilience data
needs of children in crisis. Interventions aiming to change has accrued for the hypothesis that intellectual functioning
the coping behavior of individuals also could be based on moderates the effects of adversity on the development of
such models (Compas, 1998). rule-governed behavior, as indicated by good conduct ver-
Significant interaction effects have not been found sus antisocial behavior. Better intellectual skills are gener-
very often across the variable-focused resilience literature ally associated with competence, particularly in school-

March 2001 • American Psychologist 231

 based domains; however, these capabilities appear to be toms into patterns that have been observed to occur to-
particularly important protective factors against the devel- gether. Single case studies of resilience (e.g., Masten &
opment of conduct problems for children growing up in O'Connor, 1989), which are person focused and can be
highly disadvantaged circumstances or with high exposure compelling for heuristic purposes, have numerous short-
to adverse life events (Kolvin, Miller, Fleeting, & Kolvin, comings, particularly in terms of generalizability. Most
1988; Masten et al., 1999; White, Moffitt, & Silva, 1989). person-focused approaches seek to identify groups of indi-
It is not yet clear what exactly it is about intellectual viduals with patterns of good versus poor adaptive func-
aptitude variables that accounts for this effect. Tests of tioning (judged on multiple criteria simultaneously) in a
intellectual functioning are inherently complex and could life context of high versus low risk or threat, in order to
be markers of motivation as well as a variety of cognitive examine what might account for the differences in
abilities related to attention, memory, reasoning, and exec- outcome.
utive functioning. The classic person-focused approach to resilience has
Effective parenting (e.g., authoritative parenting, been the comparison of two groups drawn from the same
monitoring, support) also appears to be protective with high-risk sample who have adaptive and maladaptive out-
respect to antisocial behavior (Dubow et al., 1997; Masten comes. The Kauai study by Werner and Smith (1982,1992)
et al., 1999). Again, it is not clear what processes might be has this design, as do the Rochester resilience studies of
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involved, including genetic covariance. However, experi- Cowen, Wyman, and colleagues (Cowen, Lotyczewski, &
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mental intervention designs that demonstrate a change in Weissberg, 1984; Cowen et al., 1997; Cowen, Wyman,
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child behavior as a function of changes in parenting be- Work, & Parker, 1990; Wyman et al., 1999). In the Kauai
havior (e.g., Forgatch & DeGarmo, 1999, described above) study, a high-risk group was identified from a birth cohort:
support the conclusion of resilience investigators that par- the risk group had four or more cumulative risk factors by
enting quality has protective power, particularly against age two (e.g., perinatal problems, low maternal education,
antisocial behavior in risky environments. poverty). Then a resilient subgroup was identified on the
These findings hint at the possibility of some speci- basis of good competence and few behavior problems at
ficity for cognitive abilities and parenting as moderators of ages 10 and 18. Attributes of these children and their lives
risk for antisocial or disruptive-aggressive behavior when were then compared with peers in the high-risk subgroup
rearing conditions are adverse, although each of these who developed significant adjustment problems by ages 10
predictors also has extensive links to many other aspects of and 18. Many differences were found that favored the
good and poor developmental outcome, as well as to each resilient group. Resilient individuals had better parenting
other. One might speculate that the development of effec- resources and were more appealing infants. As they grew
tive self-regulation skills are involved in both cases. older, they had better cognitive test scores, more positive
Clearly, there is empirical and theoretical work to be done self-perceptions, and greater conscientiousness than their
before specific protective (or vulnerability) processes are maladaptive peers. The competence of the resilient group
likely to be delineated and adequately tested. continued into adulthood, but it is also noteworthy that the
To date, results from variable-focused studies of re- investigators have reported a good deal of improvement for
silience underscore the importance of well-established in- the majority of the maladaptive group in the adult years
dividual and family differences for the course of good (Werner & Smith, 1992).
development. Under conditions of severe adversity, poor Other studies of the classic form base the group cat-
cognitive skills and parenting appear to increase the risk of egories on a variety of adverse life experiences or condi-
bad outcomes, particularly in the form of antisocial behav- tions. The Rochester investigators formed "stress-affected"
ior; normative cognition and parenting appear to protect the and "stress-resilient" groups on the basis of major life
development of competence under adverse conditions. Par- stressors (e.g., family violence, death, illness, divorce, pov-
enting appears to play a key mediating role linking major erty) and the pattern of scores on adjustment screening
life stressors to child behavior. In low-threat environments, measures indexing behavioral competence and problems
outcomes generally are good, unless the individual has (Cowen et al., 1997; Wyman et al., 1999). Richters and
significant handicaps. Very little evidence has emerged Martinez (1993) studied children living in dangerous
from these studies to indicate that severe adversity has neighborhoods of Washington, DC, who were classified as
major or lasting effects on adaptive behaviors in the envi- adaptive successes or not on the basis of cutoff scores on
ronment unless important adaptive systems, such as cog- the Child Behavior Checklist (total problems fell in the
nition and parenting, are compromised prior to or as a normal range) and teacher ratings of academic progress as
result of the adversity. average or better. Both of these studies found that parental
competence and parenting quality were strongly associated
Person-Focused Studies of Resilience with resilience, although their measures of risk, parenting,
Resilience studies focused on whole individuals rather than and outcome differed. Fergusson and Lynskey (1996) used
variables corroborate these conclusions. Person-focused a cutoff score on a family adversity index based on 39
approaches attempt to capture the configural patterns of family risk factors and classified adolescents as resilient on
adaptation that naturally occur, in much the same ways that the basis of the absence of externalizing behavior prob-
classification systems for mental disorder organize symp- lems, such as drug use, conduct disorders, delinquency, and

232 March 2001 • American Psychologist

 school problems. The resilient group had significantly maladaptive, and competent groups that were highly com-
lower adversity exposure and higher IQ scores in child- parable with groups defined by cutoff scores, both in terms
hood, as well as less association with deviant peers and less of who fell into the group and how they compared with
novelty seeking. each other on other variables.
What is missing from the classic design are low-risk The most complex person-oriented models of resil-
groups, which could address the question of whether resil- ience discussed in the literature focus on healthy versus
ient children differ from children who are doing equally maladaptive pathways of development in lives through
well but do not have high-risk profiles. Full classification time and give special attention to turning points in people's
models of resilience include low-risk groups. Investigators lives (e.g., Bergman & Magnussen, 1997; Cairns & Cairns,
in two of the studies discussed previously with variable- 1994; Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1997; Egeland, Carlson, &
focused analyses also analyzed their data from the person- Sroufe, 1993; Masten, 1994; Rutter, 1990; Sameroff, 1982;
focused perspective, using cutoff criteria to define four Werner & Smith, 1982). The concept of developmental
corner groups for analysis (Luthar, 1991; Masten et al., pathways derives from developmental systems theory
1999), reflecting cutoff criteria for good versus poor com- (Ford & Lerner, 1992), organizational theory (Cicchetti,
petence as well as high-versus low-adversity-exposure or 1984, 1990; Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1986; Sroufe,
risk. Once the diagnostic groups were formed, resilient 1979, 1997), and life-course theory (Elder, 1998), all of
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youth (high competence, high adversity) were then com- which assume that patterns of development arise from
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pared with both similarly competent peers with low adver- many interactions of organisms embedded in larger sys-
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sity and a group of maladaptive peers who shared a history tems and require longitudinal study. Bergman and Mag-
of high adversity. In both studies, the fourth corner, repre- nussen (1997) described this strategy as longitudinal clas-
senting low risk, maladaptive children (who might be con- sification analysis.
sidered highly vulnerable, as in theory they do not fare well Most of the resilience investigators of the past decade
even with little adversity) were too few in number for have assumed that resilience arises from many dynamic
analysis, an empty-cell phenomenon in these school-based interactions within and between organism and environ-
samples (see Masten et al., 1999, discussion of the empty ment, but the systematic study of such patterns and path-
cell). Results reported by Masten et al. (1999) revealed that ways is in the nascent stage. To date, much of the discus-
competent-low-adversity and resilient youth, who shared a sion of resilient pathways has drawn upon case examples of
profile of average or better competence across three salient individuals, often within longitudinal studies (e.g., Cairns
domains (academic, conduct, social), had very similar psy- & Cairns, 1994; Werner & Smith, 1982). These anecdotes
chosocial resources, including better intellectual function- suggest that opportunities and choices at crucial junctures
ing and parenting quality, and more positive self-concepts. play an important role in the life course of resilient indi-
Both competent groups differed markedly from their mal- viduals who find mentors, enter the military, find a new or
adaptive peers on these attributes and resources, even deeper faith, marry healthy partners, leave deviant peer
though the resilient and maladaptive groups had similar groups, or in other ways take action that has positive
lifetime histories of severe to catastrophic negative life consequences for their life course. Resilient youth appear
experiences. Luthar's analysis was designed to assess the to place themselves in healthier contexts, generating op-
possibility that resilient youth suffer internal distress, in portunities for success or raising the odds of connecting
contrast to their external competence. Luthar's (1991) re- with prosocial mentors in a manner consistent with the
sults supported this view, although this finding was not concept of niche seeking (Scarr & McCartney, 1983). Such
replicated by Masten et al. (1999), who found generally behavior is quite difficult to study in the aggregate because
positive well-being among the resilient group. of the variability in timing and situations.
It is possible to invert the classification in these per- The best recent evidence of resilience in the sense of
son-focused studies and group individuals on the basis of recovery-to-normal trajectories of development can be
adversity and resources, rather than competence. In such found in the follow-up studies of children adopted away
cases, children high on a combination of resources repre- from institutional rearing characterized by extreme depri-
sented by scores on variables such as parenting quality, vation. Studies of Romanian adoptees provide dramatic
SES, and IQ appear to be well adjusted or competent, even documentation of developmental catch-up in many of the
with high-adversity exposure (Cowen et al., 1984; Masten children, both physically and cognitively (Ames, 1997;
et al., 1999); maladaptive profiles emerge when adversity is Rutter & ERA Study Team, 1998): in the words of Rutter
high and protective resources are weak. et al., "the degree of cognitive catch-up by the age of 4
Discriminant function analysis and cluster analysis years was spectacular" (p. 474). As observed in many other
also have been used to study resilient persons. Both of situations of extraordinary adversity, the capacity for de-
these strategies were used by Masten et al. (1999) to velopmental recovery when normative rearing conditions
corroborate their findings. Maladaptive youth could be are restored is amazing (Garmezy, 1985; Masten, Best, &
readily discriminated from the two competence groups by Garmezy, 1990; Wright, Masten, Northwood, & Hubbard,
resources and well-being indicators, whereas the resilient 1997). However, the impressive recovery trajectories of
and low-adversity competent groups could not be discrim- many children following dramatic improvements in rearing
inated from each other. Cluster analysis yielded resilient, conditions do not mean that all children recover well.

233
March 2001 • American Psychologist
 Significant numbers of children from Romanian orphan- clude connections to competent and caring adults in the
ages, as well as from other situations of extreme and family and community, cognitive and self-regulation skills,
long-term adversity, have serious and chronic problems positive views of self, and motivation to be effective in the
that appear to be the residual of their experiences (Ames, environment (Garmezy, 1985; Luthar et al., 2000; Masten
1997; Gunnar, 2001). Nonetheless, the frequency and de- et al., 1990; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Masten & Reed,
gree of recovery of these children is compelling evidence in press; Wyman, Sandier, Wolchik, & Nelson, 2000).
of normative restorative processes at work, in response to Across different situations and research strategies, the con-
the provision of good psychological and physical care by sistent support for these resources suggests that basic hu-
an adoptive family. man adaptational systems are at work, many of which have
Pathway models of resilience also offer a conceptual been studied in some depth under the rubric of constructs
framework for intervention. Several of the most compre- such as attachment, authoritative parenting, intelligence,
hensive efforts to change the life course are conceptualized self-regulation, self-efficacy, pleasure-in-mastery, or intrin-
this way, including Head Start, Fast Track, and the Abece- sic motivation.
darian Project (Conduct Problems Prevention Research
Group, 1992, 1999; Ramey & Ramey, 1998; Zigler, Taus- Reconceptualizing Intervention: Goals,
sig, & Black, 1992). Theoretically, such interventions have Strategies, Assessment, and Classification
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

a developmental systems perspective and they target mul-

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Research on resilience phenomena has changed the nature

tiple systems in their intervention. Practical considerations of the frameworks, goals, assessments, strategies, and eval-
All rights, including for text and data mining, AI training, and similar technologies, are reserved.

have necessitated simplification of their theoretical models uations in fields of prevention and treatment (Cicchetti,
for implementation and evaluation, but in each case, inter- Rappaport, Sandier, & Weissberg, 2000; Cowen, 2000;
vention results have been consistent with their models. Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 1999a; Masten & Coatsworth,
These models differ, yet they all focus in developmentally 1998; Masten & Reed, in press; Wyman et al., 2000). Goals
sensitive ways on building competence and fostering now incorporate the promotion of competence as well as
healthy adaptive systems. the prevention or amelioration of symptoms and problems.
Strategies include the enhancement of assets as well as the
Conclusions From Research on^ reduction of risks or stressors, and the facilitation of pro-
Resilience Phenomena in the Lives tective processes as well as treatment of illness or reduction
of Children of harmful processes. Assessments include assets and po-
The accumulating data on resilience in development sug- tential resources as well as problems and risks, competence
gest that this class of phenomena is more ordinary than one as well as symptoms and disorder. These changes together
was led to expect by the extraordinary case histories that reflect a major transformation in the conceptualization of
often inspired its study. Resilience appears to be a common prevention and intervention. This change is evident in
phenomenon arising from ordinary human adaptive pro- reports on interventions, such as one by Hawkins, Cata-
cesses. The great threats to human development are those lano, Kosterman, Abbot, and Hill (1999), titled "Preventing
that jeopardize the systems underlying these adaptive pro- Adolescent Health-Risk Behaviors by Strengthening Pro-
cesses, including brain development and cognition, car- tection During Childhood." These investigators concluded:
egiver-child relationships, regulation of emotion and be-
havior, and the motivation for learning and engaging in the One explanation for the durability of these effects in contrast to
environment. This does not mean that in specific instances, those observed by others is that this intervention focused on
increasing school bonding and achievement rather than on devel-
extraordinary talents or parenting or good fortune may not oping norms or skills specifically related to avoiding health-risk
play a key role for an individual's positive development or behaviors, (p. 233)
recovery; rather, the data suggest that normative processes
account for much of the resilience observed across a wide Similarly, Wyman et al. (2000), proposed the term cumu-
variety of situations. Ironically, expectations that special lative competence promotion and stress protection to de-
qualities were required to overcome adversity may have scribe how interventions can be conceptualized in terms of
been influenced by prevailing deficit models of psychopa- resilience. It has also become evident that the classification
thology that the early resilience investigators set out to systems for psychopathology need an overhaul to address
overturn. In other words, expecting extraordinary qualities more effectively the salient role of competence and adap-
in resilient individuals implied that ordinary adaptive re- tive functioning in defining and treating disorder (Masten
sources and systems were not enough. & Curtis, 2000).
Evidence from variable-oriented and person-oriented
studies of resilience converge on a short list of attributes of Advancing Research on Adaptive Systems
child and environment that turn out to be well-established The roads taken to understand resilience have led investi-
general correlates of competence and psychopathology. gators toward more integrative studies of adaptive systems
Despite all the flaws in the early studies of resilience in human development, how they work and how these
pointed out by early and later reviewers, recent studies systems develop and respond to variations in the environ-
continue to corroborate the importance of a relatively small ment. The new frontier for resilience research is under-
set of global factors associated with resilience. These in- standing these processes at multiple levels, from genes to

234
March 2001 • American Psychologist
 relationships, and investigating how the individual as a in individuals and society. Even the most basic of human
complex living system interacts effectively and ineffec- adaptational systems are not invulnerable and require nur-
tively over time with the systems in which it is embedded. turance. All too often, children who contend with the
Exciting new work on the linkages among adversity, brain greatest adversities do not have the protections afforded by
development, and the quality of adaptation in terms of both basic resources nor the opportunities and experiences that
competence and psychopathology, exemplify this frontier nurture the development of adaptive systems. If major
(Cicchetti & Cannon, 1999; Maier & Watkins, 1998; Nel- threats to children are those adversities that undermine
son, 1999, 2000). basic protective systems for development, it follows that
Research on resilience has underscored the impor- efforts to promote competence and resilience in children at
tance of integrating studies of competence and psychopa- risk should focus on strategies that protect or restore the
thology, of individual differences and normative patterns in efficacy of these basic systems. Resilience models and
development, and of how developmental processes unfold findings also suggest that programs will be most effective
in normative compared with extremely deviant conditions. when they tap into these basic but powerful systems.
These goals are fundamental to the integrative science of The conclusion that resilience emerges from ordinary
developmental psychopathology, which rose to prominence processes offers a far more optimistic outlook for action
during the same period as resilience (Cicchetti, 1984; Mas- than the idea that rare and extraordinary processes are
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

ten & Braswell, 1991; Sroufe & Rutter, 1984). Thus, it is

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

involved. The task before us now is to delineate how

not surprising to find that developmental psychopatholo- adaptive systems develop, how they operate under diverse
All rights, including for text and data mining, AI training, and similar technologies, are reserved.

gists often have a keen interest in resilience. We are mov- conditions, how they work for or against success for a
ing toward an integrated science of human adaptation and given child in his or her environmental and developmental
development (Masten & Curtis, 2000). context, and how they can be protected, restored, facili-
tated, and nurtured in the lives of children. Fortunately, we
Resilience and Positive Psychology know more than we realized about resilience processes
because a substantial knowledge base already exists about
The message from three decades of research on resilience adaptive processes in human development. Our current
underscores central themes of the positive psychology knowledge justifies a more positive view of normative
movement (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; Snyder & human capabilities, ordinary parents, and the self-righting
Lopez, in press). Psychology has neglected important phe- power of development than either the gloom-and-doom or
nomena in human adaptation and development during pe- the rosy-resiliency perspectives could provide.
riods of focus on risk, problems, pathology, and treatment.
Attention to human capabilities and adaptive systems that
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