Notes

Week 8: Tourism and the Caribbean City

(Wednesday, October 22)

Momsen, Janet, and Rebecca Torres. ‘Gringolandia: Cancun and the American Tourist’. In
Adventures into Mexico: American Tourism Beyond the Border. Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

"Cancun has constructed as a Caribbean resort offering sun, sea, and sand, in an artificial
reproduction of the Yucatan physical environment and region's Mayan heritage." (Momsen y
Torres, 2006, page 58)

"This artificial cultural is packaged expressly for the American mass, tourist gaze and (Urry 1990),
and is embedded in shopping malls dominated by food outlets and the widespread use of
Spanglish (Boxill and 2002). The result is "Gringolandia,” transnational hybrid,space incorporating
elements of Mexican, American, and Mayan culture. This landscape may be playful and
fashionable, but it is also inauthentic and unequal." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 58)

Historical precedents in the Yucatan peninsula: Merida, Cozumel, Isla Mujeres.

"The resort of Cancun itself was built as an exclusive enclave separated from the town, and efforts
to keep the worlds of the visitor and the native apart continue. Resort planners were careful to
segregate tourist space space of local residents, the intention being to avoid Acapulquización, in
which ghettoes and their waste-flows intermingle with beach-side resort hotels, resulting in a loss
of exclusivity for the resort." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 59)

“"One pronounced consequence of Cancun's transformation into a postindustrial urban tourism

Mass tourism and spring breakers’ tourism have brought environmental consequences and
devaluation of the attractions.

“"The Cancun experiment took on national importance it because it represented the cornerstone
of a new, externally oriented, state-driven economic development strategy: planned tourism
development and C. Cothran 1998; Clancy 1999, 2001)." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 61)

Tourism was by 1967 already a major source of income, although center in the Pacific coast and
central Mexico.

Why Cancun?

"This was a deliberate attempt to tap into the lucrative market for Caribbean vacations and to bring
economic growth to a depressed, peripheral region of the state. It was felt that the area had great
potential for tourism for four reasons: it had the same climatic and coastal resources as the
Caribbean island resorts; it had archeological sites; there was an abundant supply of cheap labor;
and it was closer to the southern and south-eastern United States than any other Caribbean resort
except the Bahamas (Lee" (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 61)
Why Gringolandia?

"Cancun is in Mexico, but not really Mexican. It is Caribbean, bur not really of the region. Her soul
sisters are places like Las Vegas and Orlando and Hollywood Boulevard, with perhaps a touch of
Myrtle Beach […]”

Mass tourism has only encouraged the spread of American fast-food outlets and American~style
clubs and bars." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 62)

"On the far periphery of the town live the poor, often rural immigrants who provide unskilled
workers to the tourism industry: the maids, kitchen staff. They work in the luxurious surroundings
of international hotels and restaurants but live in squalid shantytowns with few facilities of out of
sight of tourists. Local fishermen have been banished to the other side of Cancun. This spatial
separation between American tourists tourism workers within Cancun is mirrored in regional
patterns as well as American tourists and the wealth and infrastructure associated with their
presence remain concentrated in the Riviera Maya […] (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 62)

Cancun economic landscape: state and private capitals shared control, immigrants from other
Mexican states occupy the middle to high ranks, while the poor inhabitants from Quintana Roo
provide cheap labor in low-rank positions.

“Overall, the region's dependency on tourism has resulted in a landscape of uneven development
deeply marked by disparities between urban and rural spaces" (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 64)

What about racial inequality? Why is it out of the question?

Alongside, problems linked to mass tourism: excess of room capacity, heavy discounting, loss of
exclusivity, etc. More problems linked to dependency: transfer of population from rural to urban
spaces, increasing poverty, environmental degradation, shifts in local consumption habits, loss of
the Mayan language and culture. It is not a pole of attraction for alternative tourism seekers.

“"Cancun has become a transnational city of interconnected spheres. The international, or global,
sphere exerts influence through Mexican elites with strong ties to the United States, professionals
and entrepreneurs, and through expatriate tourism workers.” (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 64)

Most of the hotels are Mexican-owned, but the capital flows to the U.S. through American
management and franchise agreements, American imports, and airlines.

"The Mexican urban sphere consists of back and forth flows of immigrants from other parts of
Mexico working in tourism-industry~related employment, and in jobs ranging from the unskilled to
high-end management positions; it includes domestic tourists and Mexican elites with second
homes and businesses." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 64)

The third sphere is the Quintana Roo rural periphery that encompassed temporary immigrants and
permanent settlers. Cheap labor and service providers.

The fourth and unnamed sphere is the flow of American tourists and expatriates. They make up
the majority of tourists and exerts such an influence that the place is called Gringolandia. Almost
like short-term immigrants due to their desire to return in the future. Share-time property owners.
Why expatriates and not immigrants? Above all in the case of the American retirees who choose to
retire in Cancun. Some eventually settle on a permanent basis. They are perceived more as an
extension of tourism than permanent immigrants.

American tourists bring their patterns of consumption, moral values, and costumes, and this
increases Americanization of the region’s consumption patterns. Residents embrace the style of
this Mexican-American hybrid-space.

Consequences of American food consumption pattern: “Tourist preferences for American fast food
may therefore obstacle to creating connections between tourist demand for food and local
agricultural production." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 67)

Overall, this complicates the state’s efforts to make of tourism a regional development factor
capable to integrate regional peripheral economies to national and transnational markets.

Migrants inevitably change their host environments. It is noteworthy that is large-scale tourism is
more influential despite the short-term character of their visits. Why? More concentrated, visitors
can exceed local population, visitors attain more economic capital and consequent uneven relation
of power.

“Tourism in Cancun, as in much in Mexico, therefore, represents a unique and powerful form of
migration, one that operates differently from typical migration but exerts, equal or greater impact
on its host~country destinations and people” (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 67)

Cancun is a transnational city.

“Trough the daily practice of tourism in the resort, the local and the global reconfigure economic,
social, and political relations." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 67)

"Cancun has evolved into a unique hybrid,space incorporating elements of U.S. and Mexican life,
along with artificial representations of Mayan culture reconstituted for mass consumption. In this
sense could be considered an example of an ‘other~directed architecture' 1970,64-65, cited in
Relph 1976, 93) constructed expressly for the gaze of spectators." (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page
68)

"other~directed architecture”:

places "suggest almost nothing of the people living and working in them, but declare themselves
unequivocally to be "Vacation land" or "Consumerland" through the use of exotic decoration,
gaudy colors, grotesque and the indiscriminate borrowing of styles and names from the most
popular places of the world" (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 68)

"Thus Cancun has been reconstructed to provide a utopian tropical paradise to the collective
tourist imagination" (Momsen y Torres, 2006, page 68)

Saunders, Gail. ‘The Changing Face of Nassau: The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society in the
1920s and 1930s’. NWIG: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, nos 1–2 (1997):
21–42.
"As Polly Pattullo (1996:7-12) also demonstrated, the development of tourism while raising the
standard of living for many in the region has also had a negative impact in some areas. The
dependency on tourism and the change from elite tourism to mass tourism has had damaging
effects on the economies, the socio-racial relations, the fragile infrastructure, cultural
development, and the environment." (Saunders, 1997, p. 21)

"This paper describes how Bahamian tourism developed in the 1920s and 1930s and analyzes the
impact on the socio-economic and political life of the colony, including race relations and its effect
on white, colored, and black entrepreneurs. It concludes by comparing Nassau then to
contemporary times there, and in the wider Caribbean." (Saunders, 1997, p. 22)

"Much of the success of the tourist industry in the 1920s and 1930s was due to the upswing in the
economy during Prohibition in the United States. Nassau, a transshipment port for smuggling
liquor into the United States, benefitted greatly from rum-running profits. Revenues increased as a
result of the dramatic rise in liquor exports (Craton 1986:250-55; Saunders 1985:241-51; Craton &
Saunders, forthcoming). Hotel facilities were expanded and improved." (Saunders, 1997, p. 23)

"The hotel re-opened for the best season ever in February 1923. Aesthetically, the new structure
was an eyesore. It was designed in the Spanish-American style, imported from South Florida,
representing the first break with the traditional colonial Georgian architectural style (Saunders &
Cartwright 1979:44)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 23)

"Like most expatriate officials Governor Sir Bede Clifford (1932-1937) was at first skeptical about
making tourism the mainstay of the Bahamian economy and attempted to improve agricultural
production. However, he realized that tourism could quickly bolster the flagging economy and
replace the revenue lost on exports boosted by Prohibition profits." (Saunders, 1997, p. 23)

"The government ensured that adequate and attractive facilities were available concentrating
developments in the capital, mainly downtown Nassau. Sporting activities such as lawn tennis
flourished by 1929." (Saunders, 1997, p. 24)

"In that year Nassau established itself firmly on the southern golfing circuit.2 Other activities were
fishing, and duck and wild pigeon shooting." (Saunders, 1997, p. 24) Another example of how
spaces are modeled to meet the tourists' expectations or consumption patterns.

"Sea-bathing on the white coral sand beach at Hog Island was also a popular pastime.4 Funds were
allocated to establish a "bathing beach" (for tourists only) on crown land opposite the New
Colonial Hotel, while Fort Charlotte was restored and its grounds cleared for sight-seeing."
(Saunders, 1997, p. 24)

"Profits from this sale and admission charge of two shillings were to be used for further restoration
of historic monuments.5 Other tourist attractions included the white dominated horse racing and
horse riding." (Saunders, 1997, p. 24)

"The infrastructure was greatly improved during the 1920s and 1930s from profits of the sale of
alcohol. Wealth was expended mainly in financing sorely needed public works, communications,
and making Nassau more attractive to tourists and investors. Water, telephone, and electricity
supplies were improved and expanded." (Saunders, 1997, p. 25)
"The once quiet streets were changing as the number of cars imported increased from six in 1918
to 297 in 1922. Thereafter, it continued to increase steadily. Ownership of a car became a status
symbol and the Sunday drive the favorite pastime of the white and colored elite." (Saunders, 1997,
p. 25)

"In order to cope with the increasing motor traffic in Nassau, the road system was extended and
tarred by 1928. This was in contrast to the Out Islands which, with the exception of Eleuthera, had
very few roads which were suitable for wheeled traffic." (Saunders, 1997, p. 25)

"There were also frequent sailings from Miami to Nassau, but perhaps the most important
development was the introduction of a daily air service by Pan American Airways. On January 2,
1929, a seaplane carrying twenty-four passengers began a regular winter service between Miami
and Nassau (Moseley 1926:35; Hughes 1981:253)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 26)

"Nassau had gained a reputation not only as a tourist destination but also as a seasonal resort for
the wealthy, some of whom made their homes there during the winter months. It was also during
the 1930s that the Bahamas first became known internationally as a tax haven, attracting foreign
investment, not only in the capital, but also on several of the Out Islands." (Saunders, 1997, p. 26)

"The vigorous measures adopted by the Development Board to improve transportation and
communication between the United States and the Bahamas and to develop other amenities,
brought increasing numbers of tourists to Nassau." (Saunders, 1997, p. 26)

"Revenues were boosted and much wealth accrued mainly to the white Nassau mercantile elite
and foreign investors." (Saunders, 1997, p. 26)

"Economically, there were benefits but because of the nature of the Bahamian (indeed the
Caribbean) economy, tourism had only a limited impact. The orientation towards the export
market and the domination of foreign ownership inhibited the development of linkages between
all sectors of the domestic economy." (Saunders, 1997, p. 26) Why was economic growth so
limited? What was in the nature of this model of tourism development?

"There the service sectors, tourism, and financial services became the dominant activities with
negligible development of secondary production and few linkages between any of the economic
sectors (Higgins 1994:8). Additionally, the absence of direct taxation and dependence on import
duties led to an underfinanced treasury in contrast to "tremendously wealthy private empires"
(Lewis 1968:320)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 27)

"Bahamian realtors, led by Harold Christie, sold thousands of acres of land to foreigners. This was
facilitated by local conditions such as poverty and shortage of money, local ignorance of the value
of beach front properties, confused titles, and the inefficiency at the Surveyor General's
Department and Registry (Saunders 1985:257; Craton & Saunders, forthcoming)." (Saunders, 1997,
p. 27)

"More modest land developments were also taking place to accommodate blacks and coloreds,
some of whom had recently migrated from the Out Islands." (Saunders, 1997, p. 27)
"There was uneven development in the Bahamas. While Nassau experienced rapid development,
the Out Islands, where the majority of people lived, were generally neglected." (Saunders, 1997, p.
28)

"This situation, aggravated by tightened US immigration restrictions after 1924 and a series of
severe hurricanes in the late 1920s and early 1930s, accelerated migration of Out Islanders into
Nassau." (Saunders, 1997, p. 28)

"This migration to the capital created new socio-economic problems. Most of the newcomers were
unskilled and therefore unable to find steady employment.18 The tourist industry brought in more
money and should have created new jobs and training skills for Bahamian laborers, but did not
because of management's discriminatory policy. The majority of people derived only a "small share
of profit" from tourism as the hotels and foreign residents imported most of their staff." (Saunders,
1997, p. 28) As much as in Cancun. What are the commonalities between the tourism-led urban
development in the three cases?

"Managerial positions continued to be filled by foreigners. Bahamian laborers also suffered from
the high cost of living in Nassau. Jobs became scarcer towards the end of the decade and wages
were reduced but the cost of living remained high. Nassau was generally accepted as one of the
most expensive places in the world. The combination of rich American tourists, prosperous
bootleggers and real estate developers inflated the cost of living and made it difficult for British
officials and Wesleyan ministers to maintain a satisfactory standard of living in Nassau (Saunders
1985:269)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 28) What are the characteristics of this uneven development? -
High cost of living, pressures on land ownership, uneven allocation of public resources/housing,
labor exploitation, elevated food prices, etc.

"House rents for foreign residents were three times as expensive as those in Trinidad." (Saunders,
1997, p. 29)

"Laborers in the tourism industry suffered even more because of its seasonal nature." (Saunders,
1997, p. 29)

"This demoralizing situation, tightening discriminatory policies, and the transfer of other American
values resulted in increased social problems such as vagrancy and crime." (Saunders, 1997, p. 29)

"In short, despite the growing optimism brought by the development of tourism, there were great
social disparities within Bahamian society. The growing restlessness, present in the Caribbean
generally during the 1930s, culminated in riots and strikes. The Nassau riot of 1942, unlike those in
the rest of the Caribbean, did not result in any immediate change in social conditions for the
masses." (Saunders, 1997, p. 29)

"Despite the great advances in the health and material conditions in down-town Nassau, sanitary
and health conditions for the majority of the population remained dismal until the 1960s. Major
improvements of potable water and sewerage excluded Grant's Town and Bain Town in the south,
where the black majority resided." (Saunders, 1997, p. 29)

"the prevalence of tuberculosis, venereal diseases, and neonatal tetanus, and horrified by public
indifference, ignorance, and poverty which led to substandard housing and overcrowding. These
suburbs, not too far from central Nassau, suffered from congestion, flooding, uncollected garbage
in which pigs, dogs, and fowls rooted, and also open privies polluting both wells and cooking areas
(Beveridge 1927:48; Saunders 1985:262)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 30)

"Besides keeping up with the most popular American dances, the white and colored elite were
exposed to American foods and fashion. Preoccupation with materialism was growing and
American imports also influenced dress codes." (Saunders, 1997, p. 31)

"Drinking by both men and women had become an acceptable custom and an integral part of
Bahamian society during the 1930s." (Saunders, 1997, p. 31)

"Prostitution, which was prevalent in Nassau since the early twentieth century, worsened as
"dance halls" and the sale of liquor increased. Prostitutes also frequented the wharves (Dean-
Patterson 1978:37).3" (Saunders, 1997, p. 31)

"Prohibition and the development of the tourist industry had a profound effect on race and class
relations. The white mercantile elite profited most from the tourist industry." (Saunders, 1997, p.
31)

"Prohibition had brought quick money and provided the "financial foundation of their status as the
social and political ruling class of the island" (Lewis 1968:31 1)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 31)

"Money whitened. Roland Symonette, for example, a poor, light-skinned seaman from Current
settlement, Eleuthera, actually participated in bootlegging and rose to a position of wealth and
power in the mid- 1920s." (Saunders, 1997, p. 32)

"Wealth attracted power and authority, and racial differences were linked to economic
relationships. Now race became even more important in determining social status" (Saunders,
1997, p. 32)

"The white mercantile elite controlled not only the strategic business enterprises but also the
political machinery. The growing strength of nouveau riche politicians, united with the influential
older elite, benefitting from corrupt election practices, made it increasingly difficult for coloreds
and blacks to win seats." (Saunders, 1997, p. 32)

"The gap between rich and poor and white and black widened in Nassau." (Saunders, 1997, p. 32)

"Some Bahamians were critical of the ruling elite's concentration on tourists and money-making to
the detriment of locals." (Saunders, 1997, p. 32)

"A small white middle class including teachers, civil servants and shop assistants, which was
emerging after Prohibition, emulated the white nouveau riche . Not many young and ambitious
white Bahamians wished to pursue further education and qualify professionally, except in the legal
field. Commercial prosperity lured them into shopkeeping and other commercial enterprises.
While wealth created a division among the Nassau whites, their color and small numbers united
them as a social group. Although they did not usually socialize, they assisted each other by finding
positions or Civil Service jobs for white youngsters" (Saunders, 1997, p. 33) Thinking on the
Cancun's four spheres and how tourism impacted social relations in Nassau, lets think about the
kind of urban society that tourism shapes.
"Colored and black businessmen on or near Bay Street, many of whom had also benefitted from
Prohibition, pitted against wealthy white competition were pushed off of Bay Street in the 1930s."
(Saunders, 1997, p. 33)

"The majority of coloreds and upwardly mobile blacks, barred from holding jobs on Bay Street,
turned to education for salvation." (Saunders, 1997, p. 33)

"As in the Caribbean generally, the tourist industry made the racial situation worse. In the
Bahamas, however, racial discrimination was more severe than in the other Caribbean colonies.
The substantial white population (representing at least 10 percent of the population) and long
historical ties with the southern United States led to antagonistic race relations. With the advent of
Americans such as Frank Munson - who Dupuch described as a "visciously prejudiced man"33 -
came the Jim Crow attitudes. Discrimination was practised in public places and whites segregated
themselves socially from blacks and coloreds, seeking to educate their children separately. The
color bar at Queen's College was rigorously upheld until the 1950s. Similarly, whites segregated
themselves in seating patterns in church and in some cases kept separate Sunday" (Saunders,
1997, p. 33)

"The development of and growing dependency on tourism and American investment during the
1920s and 1930s hardened the already existing color line in the Bahamas. Like Jamaica and
Barbados, the Bahamas suffered from discrimination in most tourist related facilities, "a mere
reflection of practices current within the society as a whole." The flow of American visitors, money,
and ideas in the 1920s and 1930s reinforced and extended racial segregation. American and British
investors and land developers bought large tracts of land in the western area including Westward
Villas and the Grove Estate, also known as Vista Marina. Sales of properties were aimed at wealthy
Americans and the Nassau elite. Even if coloreds or blacks could afford to purchase lots, they were
specifically banned by restrictive covenants (Saunders 1985:258).3" (Saunders, 1997, p. 34) How
was racial segregation enforced in Nassau?

"The system of segregation was supported not only by the local elite but also by the Governor at
the time. Etienne Dupuch (1967:76-77) wrote later that Sir Bede Clifford "felt that the tourist
industry called for an 'all white' policy."" (Saunders, 1997, p. 34)

"If colored and black musicians wished to hear a foreign orchestra, they had to seek special
permission to enter the outside premises and listen at the windows." (Saunders, 1997, p. 34)

"ws.37 Bootlegging, followed by the development of tourism, changed social values and widened
the gap not only between races, but also classes. The new wealth created a cleavage not only
between whites but also between non-whites. It exacerbated the already ingrained self-hatred and
inferiority complex held by non-whites." (Saunders, 1997, p. 34)

"Some colored businesses also practised discrimination. Black's Candy Kitchen, for example,
catered to all races but only whites or fair-skinned coloreds were allowed into its sit-down section
(Saunders 1987:457)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 35)

"Association with whites and marriage to someone of European origin eventually led to
acceptance by the white elite (Saunders 1985:358)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 35)
"Indigenous culture was also "packaged" for tourists." (Saunders, 1997, p. 35)

"Additionally, tourists and winter residents, with stereotyped ideas about the "docility, ... manners,
superstitious, idiosyncracies, and modes of thought" about the "natives" visited black settlements
where they watched indigenous African-inspired dances" (Saunders, 1997, p. 35)

"Similarly young black boys dived for coins on the docks, much to the amusement of tourists
(Malone & Roberts 1991:42; Dahl 1995:64-65)." (Saunders, 1997, p. 35)

"Downtown Nassau, in contrast to the black suburbs and Out Islands, changed significantly during
the 1920s and 1930s. In order to please visitors, the infrastructure of the city was vastly improved
and touristic and business facilities were constructed in the "quaint and bustling" Bay Street area."
(Saunders, 1997, p. 36)

"The growth of tourism during this period boosted revenues and generated jobs and wage labor
for the New Providence workers. However, the greater wealth was domiciled in Nassau and more
specifically in the hands of a small mercantile elite which controlled the socio-economic and
political life. The black majority lived in poverty in a society in which social problems such as crime
and vagrancy were increasing." (Saunders, 1997, p. 36)

"Tourism has also had a profound impact on indigenous culture in the Caribbean - its lifestyle,
food, music, dress, architecture, and celebrations. The people of the Caribbean have imitated
Americans and their ways and have subtly been Americanized." (Saunders, 1997, p. 37)

"Lingering poverty and the inequities in Caribbean societies along with tourism have led to an
increase in crime and drug-addiction." (Saunders, 1997, p. 37)

"Some local tourists leaders, who believe that unabated crime will destroy the tourist industry,
have responded by creating all-inclusive resorts which are cordoned off from the society and have
tight security." (Saunders, 1997, p. 37)

"Blacks in the Bahamas, as in the Caribbean generally, continue to occupy mainly servile positions
in the tourism industry, catering mostly to a white clientele in an "intrinsically ... neo-plantation
enterprise."" (Saunders, 1997, p. 38)

Colantino, Andrea, and Robert Potter. Urban Tourism and Development in the Socialist State:
Havana during the “Special Period”. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2009.

"The aims of this chapter are twofold. Firstly, to describe how tourism has historically been a
powerful force in shaping Havana's urban expansion, with the exception of the revolutionary
period from 1959 to 1990. Secondly, to outline how tourism and specific urban policies have
contributed to the uneven spatial development of Havana." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 87)

"The first section introduces Havana's main physical features and summarizes the city's urban
development in the colonial period. The second section provides an overview of the increasing
importance of tourism in Havana's urban development in the first half of the twentieth century.
The third examines the anti-urban policy embraced by the revolutionary government after 1959 to
curb Havana's growth and its development of tourism. Lastly, the fourth section looks at the re-
establishment and redevelopment of tourism in Havana since the introduction of the Special
Period." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 87)

"The period between 1902 and 1959 is often referred to as the 'pseudo-republican era', in light of
the strong cultural, social and economic influence that the USA exerted on Cuba (Schwartz, 1997).
It is to these years that the origin of modem tourism in Cuba can be traced. Thus, Montiel (2001)
and Salinas Chavez (1998) argue that the establishment of the National Commission for Tourism
Promotion {Comision Nacionalpara el Fomento del Turismo)in 1919 was a tuming point in the
history of Cuban tourism." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 91)

"The setting up of the Commission represented the first step toward the institutionalization of the
tourism sector in Cuba. These efforts indicated that tourism was begiiming to be perceived by
government authorities as a valid tool for national and local development." (Colantino y Potter,
2009, p. 91)

"The tourism promotion efforts by the Cuban government were also encouraged by external
events such as the enforcement of the Volstead Law or Prohibition Act in the USA, which
contributed to triggering a rapid expansion of tourism in Cuba." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 91)

"As a result, tourist arrivals to Cuba grewsteadily throughout the1920s and 1930s until they came
to a halt due to two main events: the 1929 world economic recession and the abolition of the
Volstead Law in 1935." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 92)

"It was not imtil the end of the war that arrivals rocketed again, reaching over 140,000 in 1948."
(Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 92)

"In the 1930s, interest in tourism continued to mount within Cuba as thiseconomic sector had
become the third largest source of foreign currency after sugar and cigar (Figueras, 2003). Thus, in
1934 the National Tourism Corporation {Corporacion Nacional de Turismo, CNT) was set up with
the aim of coordinating the plethora of industries operating in the tourism arena." (Colantino y
Potter, 2009, p. 93)

"Despite poor economic and political coordination between national and local politicians on the
one side and the tourism industries on the other, tourism in Cuba continued to increase until 1959,
the year of the Revolution." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 93)

"At a regional level, however, Cuba's share of total tourist arrivals in the Caribbean nearly halved
between 1952 and 1958, plummeting from 30 per cent to 16 per cent. This decrease is associated
with the development of other Caribbean tourist destinations that absorbed the US market in the
1950s, such as the Bahamas, Puerto Rico and Barbados." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 93)

"Tourist flows to Cuba throughout the 1950s, however, were closely associated with gambling and
other illicit activities such as prostitution and drug trafficking." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 94)

"Several hotels were built in Havana between 1900 and 1940, many of which became significant
city landmarks and key elements of its landscape." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 95)

"in 1901 by General Wood encouraged the westward expansion of new elite neighbourhoods
along the coast. The development of such neighbourhoods was linked to sugar production wealth,
which stemmed from Cuba's insertion in the world economy as a producer of tropical goods in the
second half of the nineteenth century." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 95)

"Hotels and recreational facilities in these residential areas were normally built in two main
fashions. In some instances Cuban construction companies would build and then sell the property
to a Cuban or foreign tourist company (for example the Hotel Sevilla). In others, foreign tourist
chains agreed the construction of facilities directly with govemment authorities. This second
business practice is epitomized by the construction of the National Hotel (Figure 6.4) which was
agreed in 1925 between the Machado govemment and the National Hotel of Cuba Corporation."
(Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 95)

"It has been noted that such agreements, not uncommon in Havana, cast light on the extent of the
collusion between the Cuban government and United States firms and the vertical integration of
the Cuban tourist industry of the 'pseudo-republic' (De La Cueva, 2001)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009,
p. 96)

"The development of these exclusive clubs and recreational facilities in wealthy coastal areas of
Havana generated a number of problems which encompassed foreign dependency, socio-economic
and spatial polarisation and the loss of social identity amongst Havana's dwellers." (Colantino y
Potter, 2009, p. 96)

"According to Roberts' (1953) description, 'Old' Havana was characterized by less desirablequalities
mainlylinked toenvironmental healthconcerns. These ranged from flooding and industrial pollution
to the stenchof theBay. Bycontrast, 'New'and 'Suburban' Havana were served by better urban
utilities and services and displayed healthier socio-environmental conditions. 'New' Havana
showed a regular layout and wider streets than the historic city centre. It was mainly populated by
affluent white Spaniards working in trade or agricultural production. Lastly, 'Suburban' Havana
would spread farther westward of Vedado, welcoming exclusively wealthy Americans." (Colantino y
Potter, 2009, p. 97)

"Although tourism played a significant role in crystallizing differences among Havana's areas, it
would be naively over-simplistic to ascribe the city's polarized and fiugmented growth exclusively
to the development of tourism." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 97)

"Central government authorities set out to build a hierarchy of classical monuments and landmarks
that symbolized middle-class power. Such efforts resulted in the construction of several national
icons and urban landmarks. These include the Lonja de Comercio (1906-1909) the Cuban stock
market building, and the National Capitol {Capitolio Nacional, 1925-1930)." (Colantino y Potter,
2009, p. 97)

"In the first years of the republic, the urban planning of Havana remained confined in the
theoretical realm of debates between a small cadre of urbanists and did not translate into tangible
results. Nonetheless, two development plans for Havana were devised in 1925 and 1926 by
Martinez Inclan (Figure 6.5) and Forestier (Figure 6.6) respectively. The 1925 Master Plan envisaged
the formation of a Big Civic Centre as an expansion of the existing one in the area immediately
contingent to Old Havana. Furthermore, it proposed the creation of a road system composed of
streets that resemble Parisian boulevards and a system of green areas that form today's
Metropolitan Park along the Almendares River." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 97)
"The 1926 Master Planwas devised by Jean-Claude Nicolas Forestier,the chief of parks andstreets
of Paris,and imderlinedtwo key aspectsof Havana: the politicaland administrative role played by
the Cuban capital, and the city's increasingly important tourist function (Gonzalez, 1995). This plan
forecast a majestic development of Havana which was cut short by the depression of 1929, the
popular uprising of 1933, which toppled Machado, and the subsequent coup d'etat led by Batista
in 1935." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 99)

"hus, in the 1950s, Havana consolidated its traditional centre as the city'smain commercialdistrict
andbegan itsexpansion eastwardof theBay along a West-East coastal urban development axis (see
Figure 6.7)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 99)

"It is no secret that Batista, who first came to power in 1940 and then again in 1952 through a coup
d'etat, bought vast amount of land in East Havana with the aim of urbanizing the area (Interview II,
23)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 99)

"New industries, especially in the textile, food and building materials sector were located in
Havana because: • the Cuban capital had become an important centre of consumption • cheap
labour was widely available • there was an active port that allowed the easy supply of imports of
raw material • the city offered a good infrastructural network encompassing roads, electricity and
water." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 100)

"At theend ofthe 1950s,Havana exhibited a mix of old and new eentralities. Figure 6.7 shows how
at least four nodes or centres can be identified in Havanaof 1958" (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 100)

"The development of Havana in the 1950s was eased by a combination of laissez-faire policy on the
part of municipal authorities and the enforcement of pro-urbanization laws sueh as the 1952 'Law
of Horizontal Property' and the 1953 'Law of Hotel Construction Exemption' (Fernandez, 1987). The
former allowed the construction of buildings and flats in the city's central area. Similarly, the Law
of Hotel Construction facilitated permissions for the construction of hotels in Havana's urban area.
As a consequence, a string of hotels and supporting tourist infrastructures was built in central parts
of Havana." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 100)

"These developments indicated that in the 1950s Vedado acquired a new central role in Havana's
urban structure. La Rampa, in particular, boasted a mixture of functions and land use that included
cinemas, theatres, art galleries, restaurants, cafeterias, offices, bars and parks." (Colantino y Potter,
2009, p. 100)

"The liberalization of the tourism sector in the 1950s resulted in mushrooming construction
activities in Havana." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 100)

"he development of accommodation was coupled with the construction of tourist-oriented

"The economic expansion of Havana attracted migration from less developed areas of the interior
as well as other Caribbean islands (Segre, 1981). According to various censuses the population of
Havana increased from 823,558 (20 per cent of Cuba) in 1931 to 1,361,600 (24 per cent of Cuba) in
1958 (DPPF, 1984)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 101)
"Thus, during his dictatorship Batista commissioned a new plan for Havana. This new scheme
should have served him as a guide to buy land that would have acquired value for future
urbanization (Gonzalez, 1995)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 101)

"in 1958, a new Master Plan was designed by Sert, Wiener, Schulz and Romanaeh, a team of North
American and European [Link] new plan was based on the implementation of three main
guiding principles: • to avoid rigid structures that could halt Havana's physical transformation • to
maximise the city's tourist and recreational function • to establish five maincentres: (i) The
civicsquare (today'sRevolution Square); (ii) The University of Havana; (iii) The main waterfront; (iv)
The economic centre, and (v) The Presidential Centre." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 102)

"The Master Plan by Sert et al envisaged scenic settings for tourist activities in Havana. The city's
transformation was to be centred around a re-design of the waterfront with high rise buildingsand
hotels and the replacement of the old colonial block of Old Havana with high rise offices and retail
and hotel complexes." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 103)

"There can be little doubt that Serfs plan would have radically and irreversibly altered Havana's
profile had the revolution not succeeded in 1959." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 103)

"The victory of the revolution in 1959 meant a radical change and a re-organization of the tourism
sector in [Link] new revolutionary govenunent set out to eradicate the prostitution and drug
trafficking that had flourished alongside tourism for over three decades. Thus, among the first
measures adopted by the new government were 104 Urban Tourism and Development in the
Socialist State the closing down of all gambling rooms and casinos, and the creation in Febmary
1959 of the Department of Beaches forthe People {Departamiento de Playas parael Pueblo). This
Department's main objective was to warrant every Cuban citizen free access to any beach and
private clubs and leisure resorts which formerly belonged to the affluent sectors of Cuban society."
(Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 103)

"isits from US citizens, which in 1958 had constituted 85 per cent of tourist arrivals, deereased by
over 80 per cent in 1959 and a further 40 per cent in 1960 (Villalba, 1993). Tourist arrivals from
Western countries also dropped drastically." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 104)

"Cuba received fewer than 1,000 tourists per year from capitalist countries. Indeed, Cuba now
entered a phase of isolation from the international tourist market that lasted for over a decade."
(Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 104)

"New institutions were set up to implement an inward-oriented tourism development policy which
mirrored the leadership's pursuit of social justice and equal opportunities for everyone. As a result,
in 1959, the National Institute of the Tourism Industry (Instituto Nacional de la Industria Turlstica,
INIT) was established inorder toencourage thedevelopment ofdomestic tourismat the expense of
international tourism." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 105)

"he development of domestic tourism entailed the broad division of Cuba into three main tourist
areas: The Western Zone {Zona Occidental), the Central Zone {Zona Central) and the Eastern Zone
{Zona Oriental).In each area a major city was designated to receive incoming tourists/workers and
to provide logistical support for excursions to surrounding areas." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 105)
"The promotion of national tourism continued until mid-1970s when two main events forced the
Cuba leadership to re-think intemational tourism as a viable tool for nationaldevelopment.
Firstly,in 1970and 1973poor sugar caneharvests revealed the vulnerability of the agricultural
sector, hindering significantly Cuba's centralised planning. Secondly, the first Oil crisis generated
more liquidity worldwide. This allowed Cuba better access to intemational credit and financial
resources, which could be used for infrastmctural upgrading. As a result of the renewed interestin
intemational tourism, the number of tourists to Cuba began to rise after 1973." (Colantino y Potter,
2009, p. 105)

"The new tourism promotion strategy involved the institutional re-organization of the Cuban
tourism sector. Thus, in 1976 the National Tourism Institute {Instituto Nacional de Turismo, INTUR)
replaced INIT. The new institute was invested with reinforced planning and administrative powers
and was flanked by new state firms sueh as Publieitur and Cubatur. These aimed to publicize
tourism abroad and to organise trips to Cuba from sixteen European eountries and Canada."
(Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 106)

"Aeosta and Hardoy (1973: 53) describe how the Revolutionaiy Government inherited a city that:
(a) accounted for 52.8 per cent of the national industrial production by value; (b) handled 90 per
cent of national port activity in its harbour; (c) contained the most shipyards and was the major
fishing terminal; (d) was thesole centre for university education on the island and its unchallenged
cultural centre; (e) had the bulk of government offices and the most important hospitals; (f) could
boast the best shops and stores; (g) served as the principal centre of origin and destination for
national traveland asthe exclusive centrefor international travel; and (h)attracted the largest
percentage of housing investments." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 106)

"From the outset, the newly established revolutionary govemment set out to reduce urban-rural
imbalances that were hindering the economic and cultural development of Cuba's interior areas. In
this context. Potter (2000; 73) notes that the Cuban government's policy aim was to raralize the
towns and to urbanize the countryside." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 107)

"Thefunctional integration between town and country aimed at redistributing social surplus
product to raral areas by the provision of health and education facilities. On the one hand this anti-
urban focus meant the reduction of Havana's urban primacy, although Acosta and Hardoy (1973)
argue that, despite the development of other zones which had been promoted and achieved,
Havana remained the indisputable centre of Cuba. On the other, it resulted in a significant
decrease of funding for the further urbanization and infrastructural upgrading of Havana, with
overall negative environmental impacts." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 107)

"The anti-urban policy of the leadership was translated into two Master Plans for Havana that were
devised in 1964 and 1971 respectively. Both plans recommended a reduction in population density
in the central areas of Havana and the implementation of production-oriented, as opposed to
consumption-oriented, infrastractural projects. Thus, throughout the 1960s and 1970s industrial
zones and warehouses were developed in Berroa (East Havana) and La Lisa (West Havana) while
the port and airport underwent major modernization works" (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 107)
"During these years, tourism disappeared from the agenda and Master Plans of the Havana-based
planners. By the mid 1960s, all Havana's main tourist infrastructures including hotels and private
clubs were nationalized" (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 107)

"Parallel to the anti-urban policyenvisaged bythe Cuban leadership,the promotion of domestic

"In 1981, tourism was formally established as a prineipal development focus in Havana as stated in
the Second Five Year Plan (1981-85), the basis of Cuban centralized planning. Indeed, a new
Master Plan was devised in 1984 proposing an urban structure scheme for Havana where tourism
and leisure had to play a significant [Link] new planenvisaged the establishmentof three east-
west parallel strips running from the shoreline toward the south. The first strip would he devoted
to recreation and tourism, the second to housing and the third to light industry, the Old City being
the centre of this expansion (see Figure 6.11)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 109)

"The promotion of intemational tourism was initially seen mainly as a temporary solution to the
economic crises generated by the interruption of Soviet subsides in 1991 (Font, 1997; Foreign &
CommonwealthOffice, 1995). Nonetheless, by 1994 it became clear that tourism had acquired a
driving role in Cuba's long-term development strategy." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 110)

"Between 1990 and 1995, a National Plan for the Development of International Tourism was
devised by the National Institute of Physical Planning. The 1990-1995 study identified 67 'tourist
poles' to be developed throughout the Cuban national territory. These were subsequently
increased to 85 in 1997 and then to 93 in 2000 (Mena, 2001)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 111)

"As outlined in chapter 3, in light of the new tourism promotion strategy, tourist flows to Cuba
grew consistently throughout the Special Period. Cuba became the most dynamic tourist market in
the Caribbean. Table 6.8 shows how intemational arrivals in the Caribbean grew by nearly four per
cent armually between 1990 and 2003. However, in the same period Cuba's share of tourist
arrivals in the region grew from three per cent to 1990, eleven per cent." (Colantino y Potter, 2009,
p. 111)

"The 1990-1995 National Plan for the Development of International Tourism had forecast a key role
to be played by Havana within the national tourism promotion strategy. Even so, in 1988, theDPPF-
CH, Havana's office of theInstitute of Physical Planning had already identified the areas of the city
which offered great potential for tourism development. By 1996, these areas were formalized as
Havana's 'tourist poles' (see chapter 4)" (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 112)

"Thus, in 1990 a new Master Plan was devised to acknowledge the change of international and
economic settings brought about by the Special Period. The new Master Plan thoroughlyrevised
the previousone, drawingon itssuccesses and failures over the previous seven years. The scheme
sought a densification of Havana and suggested a 'filling in' of open spaces within the city's limits
rather than extending its urban area. Unlike the previous plan, the scheme placed greater
attention onsmaller service centres and abandoned the theoreticaldivision ofHavana into east-west
strips. Nonetheless, these small sub-centres failed to materialise due to the scarcity of financial
resources brought about by the crisis and the lack of political will on the part of the central
government (Gonzalez, 1995). The 1990 Master Plan was updated in 1992 in light of the
unforeseen harshness of the economic crisis and the new institutional reforms that formally
established the Popular Councils as municipal government entities (see chapter 10)." (Colantino y
Potter, 2009, p. 112)

"The scarcity of financial resources and restricted access to international funding meant that urban
development projects were concentrated in sectors that were able to generate hard currency and
allow the economy to keep going. These were international sports events; scientific research; and
real estate for foreigners and tourism." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 112)

"The concentration of urban development plans and infrastructural upgrading projects in dollar-
oriented activities has generated some discontent among Havana's architects and planners alike.
Several practitioners have unofficially raised concerns that, for example, too many financial
resources are being used to build new hotels while the housing needs of local residents remain
neglected. In this context, Coyula (2002) estimates that around 80 per cent of recent construction
activity in Cuba is in some way connected to tourism." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 112)

"Although no similar official figures or estimates exist for Havana, there can be little doubt that the
real estate market for foreigners and tourism accounts for almost the totality of the city's
construction activities in the Special Period." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 112)

"Cuban government's urban housing programme has slowed down significantly. For example, in
2002 alone Havana's housing stock decreased by 172 units with more than two houses collapsing
per day (UNAIC, 2003)." (Colantino y Potter, 2009, p. 113)