Dissertation Content
Dissertation Content
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 5: Conclusion
Bibliography
Appendix (Optional)
The Exclusions of Postcolonial Theory and Mulk Raj Ariani's Untouchable" : A Case Study
ARUN P. MUKHERJEE
While the field the "postcolonial theory" defines and studies is indeed large and spread over
five continents of the globe, I have chosen to limit my investigation of its theoretical
underpinnings and the practices they generate with regard to India's textual productions.
Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858 gives us an indication of the ideology of preservation,
known as the policy of benign neglect, that was followed in India's case :
Firmly relying ourselves on the truth of Christianity and acknowl edging with gratitude the
solace of religion, we disclaim alike the right and the desire to impose our convictions on any
of our sub jects. ... We do strictly charge and enjoin all those who may be in authority under
us that they abstain from all interference with the religious belief or worship of any of our
subjects on pain of our highest displeasure, (qtd. in Moorhouse 124)
Indian historians have shown how this policy of non-interfer ence on the part of the British
government actually led to an ossification of Indian society. In the name of non-interference,
the British government refused to address demands for legislation to put an end to
untouchability, child marriage, and dowry, and to promote women's rights, property reform,
and so on. Also in the name of non-interference, a patchwork of educational systems was
deliberately maintained which, many historians suggest, exacer bated divisions along caste,
religion, and class lines.
Mulk Raj Anand's Untouchable, published in 1935, is one of the canonical texts of Indo-
Anglian literature. It has been re printed several times and has been translated into about
twenty languages.
Anand himself has suggested that his purpose in writing it was to arouse "Karuna or
compassion for one's fellow beings" ( 1979, 7 ), which, once aroused, would lead to social
change. The critics have generally concurred with this belief in the efficacy of sympathy for
the downtrodden in bringing about social change and Anand is credited with having found "a
voice for millions of inarticulate suffering human beings" (Niven 15).
However, as readers, we must examine and remain aware of the difference between "a
voice for" and "a voice of." We must take account of the fact that Untouchable represents
the untouchables as they appear to the gaze of an upper class, upper caste kshatriya Hindu,
albeit a Marxist. This caste and class distance between the writer and the people he
represents results in the erasure in the novel of the voice of the untouchable community as
a dissonant discourse in the Indian social fabric. This absence is then substi tuted by the
voices of the nationalist bourgeoisie "speaking for" the untouchables. These displacements
and substitutions in the text are "the political unconscious" of the text which we must bring
to the surface if we really wish to hear the voice of the untouchables themselves.
E. M. Forster's comment in the "Preface" of the novel is a good antidote against such unitary
constructions of the colonial subject: "Untouchable could only have been written by an
Indian and by an Indian who observed from the outside. No European, however
sympathetic, could have created the character of Bakha, because he would not have known
enough about his troubles. And no untouchable could have written the book, be cause he
would have been involved in indignation and self-pity. Mr. Anand .. ., a Kshatriya, . .. has just
the right mixture of insight and detachment." According to Forster, Anand's best
qualification to author the novel was the fact that he could "understand a tragedy which he
did not share" ( io-i i ).
Even a cursory comparison of Anand's Untouchable with texts written by the untouchable
contemporaries of Anand makes it quite apparent that "no untouchable could have written
the book" that Anand has written.
The novel does not only render Bakha mute, it even appropriates his subjectivity to suit the
dominant discourse. Thus the narrator informs us that Bakha has heard that "Gandhi was
fasting for the sake of the bhangis and chamars" ( 158-59 ). However, according to
Ambedkar, the "fast was not for the benefit of the Untouchables. It was against them and
was the worst form of coercion against a helpless people to give up the constitutional
safeguards . .. and agree to live on the mercy of the Hindus. It was a vile and wicked act"
(270-71). A reader familiar with the views of the untouchable leadership can only find a
bitter irony in the novel's presentation of the Congress party's version as the truth. Such a
reader would also wonder why the solutions provided by dissidents like Ambedkar are
written out of a text which purports to be sympathetic to the untouchables. He and his
followers at this time were dramatizing their protest by public acts of defiance such as
burning of the sacred Hindu text, Manusmriti, mass scale conver sions to Christianity, Islam,
and Sikhism, publicized drawings and drinkings of water from caste wells and tanks, and
persistent petitioning to the government for admission of their children to publicly funded
educational institutions (Ambedkar 275). One wonders why Bakha could not have heard of
these doings of his fellow caste members if he did manage to hear so much about Gandhi.
Unveiling Caste Oppression: An Analysis of Mulk Raj Anand's 'Untouchable' and the Quest
for Social Justice
Rajendra Prasad Roy
Anand admired Gandhi's principles of self-help and opposition to Western consumerism. He
was inspired by a story in "Young India" about a sweeper boy named Uka. This led Anand to
seek out Gandhi and eventually live with him at the Sabarmati Ashram. During his time
there, Anand closely observed Gandhi's compassion for the Harijans, the lowest caste in
society. He was particularly moved by Gandhi's genuine care for them. Anand's novel
"Untouchable" was influenced by this experience, with Gandhi.
They are all deprived of the basic human rights and condemned to live in polluted and
contaminated surroundings. The Untouchables are the victim of the orthodox and fanatic
belief existing in our society set by the caste Hindu to govern their lives.
In the morning, Sohini, Bakha's sister, goes to the well with a pitcher to get water. She waits
for someone from the higher caste to fill her pitcher since she's not allowed to use the well
directly due to her outcast status. When Pandit Kalinath chooses Sohini over Gulabo, the
washerman's wife, to fill the pitcher, Gulabo becomes angry and insults Sohini, calling her
names like "bitch" and "prostitute." Gulabo is skilled in manipulating the higher castes, while
Sohini remains humble and modest, enduring the hardships with a smile despite her
exceptional beauty, which leads to jealousy among other untouchable women.
Pandit Kalinath is depicted as morally weak, indulging in excessive eating and showing a
lustful nature. He blames his overeating for stomach issues, oblivious to the starvation faced
by many untouchables. His life revolves around reciting sacred verses, but he's also driven by
sexual desires. Sohini's beauty captivates him while she waits in line at the well, stirring his
lustful desires, despite his outward appearance of piety.
Human dignity is the inherent value that every individual possesses equally by virtue of being
a human being, independent of one’s abilities, characteristics, or actions.
Respect for human dignity is acknowledgement of that inherent value by individuals,
institutions, and society.
Views of Mahatma Gandhi on Caste, Untouchability and Hinduism: Their validation and criticism
It is quite clear that Mahatma Gandhi was more vocal against the practice of untouchability
than against caste.
He was not ready to accept that the inhumane practice of untouchability could have its
sanction in Hinduism.
[Mahatma Gandhi on Caste and Untouchability ] Mahatma Gandhi used the term ‘Harijan’
(man of God) to address the untouchables since he felt that the terms used to refer to them
were derogatory.8 He was quite vocal against the practice of untouchability and denounced
it in unequivocal terms. He felt that the presence of untouchability in Hinduism was harmful
to its survival, as can be gathered from his own words Untouchability is the greatest blot on
Hinduism. Mahatma Gandhi was more active in his quest for political freedom, but that
doesn’t mean he was not concerned with untouchability. In fact, for him, ‘swaraj’ did not
mean only political freedom from the British yoke but also freedom of all kinds, and that
included better treatment of untouchables. He believed “So long as the Hindus willfully regard
untouchability as part of their religion, so long as the mass of Hindus consider it a sin to touch
a section of their brethren, swaraj is impossible of attainment”. Mahatma Gandhi felt that
swaraj is impossible as long as we ill treat the weak and meek persons with impunity.11 He
was of the opinion that we are taken aback at the plight of Indians in South Africa at the hands
of the British, but we are doing the same to the untouchables in our own home country. We
have no right to ask for swaraj from British on grounds of inequality when we are doing the
same to our own brethren.12 Even though Mahatma Gandhi opposed untouchability, he did
not fully oppose the caste system. He adopted quite different stand on the caste system and
measures to improve the lot of untouchables compared to B.R Ambedkar.
Caste reform from within and change in the mindset of Savarna (caste) Hindus
“Untouchability is not the product of caste system but of the distinction of high and low that
has crept into Hinduism and is corroding it”.13 Since Gandhi did not consider untouchability
as part of the caste system, he openly supported the four-fold divisions of society into four
varnas (any of the four Hindu castes). For him, caste system was a division of labour, but
presently Varna dharma (duty according to ones caste) was not in its original essence. Hence
he felt that if we cannot revive the original caste system, it is a calamity.14 While castes were
many, varnas have always been four in number. He viewed the caste system or Varna dharma
as the division of society into different occupational groups to maintain order. Each varna had
a duty to perform, not superior rights and status to belittle others. The task of a scavenger
was no less than that of a Brahmin. Both are doing certain things for their livelihood. 15 To
him, varnas were not a vertical section but a horizontal plane on which all stand equally. There
should be no question of superiority and inferiority attached to one’s varna.16Gandhi stood
for the dignity of labour and the removal of the stigma attached to a particular work.17 For
him, there was no high or low work, but everyone was doing their work mainly for livelihood.
Hence he did not find any problems with the caste system. He only desired to reform this caste
system by removing the untouchability and changing the attitude of caste or savarna Hindus
towards untouchables and their work. He wanted to make the caste Hindus realize that even
though the untouchables may be involved in cleaning work, which renders them dirty for the
time being, they cease to be untouchables after a bath and cleansing.18 Just as we revere our
mother when she does sanitary service when we are infants, so are bhangis (scavengers) who
do sanitary service to us.19 Considering them untouchable was a sin, according to Gandhi.
Though Gandhi wanted to abolish untouchability, he did not want the immediate result by
forcing a change through legislation, fast or Satyagraha. He believed that religious reform
should be that of persuasion and not of legislation.25 Even when some untouchables expected
him to start a fast for his campaign against untouchability he rejected the idea saying he would
not do fast to appeal to anyone, but that should come in accordance with truth alone.
Gute khini lom
Jyotiba Phule: The Radical Reformer and the Crusader against Caste, Untouchability and Gender
Discrimination
Jyotiba Phule who is also known as the Martin Luther King of India, revolted against the
prevalent caste restrictions in India and strongly criticised the domination of the Brahmins
over the lower castes and fought for the rights of peasants and backward communities. In
1888 Marathi social activist Vithalrao Krishnaji Vandekar bestowed him with the honourary
title ‘Mahatma’ and since then he is also known as ‘Mahatma JyotibaPhule’. In order to secure
equal rights for the people belonging to the exploited classes of India, he and his followers
established the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers). The membership of the Samaj
was open to all irrespective of caste, class, religion and gender. Even Muslims and Jews were
its members at the initial stage. The Samaj was dedicated towards the removal of socio-
economic backwardness of Dalits and the upliftment of the oppressed classes. Chhatrapati
Shahu, the Maratha ruler of Kolhapur state was a strong supporter of the Samaj (Chakraborty
& Pandey, 2014, p.16).
Phule’s great contribution and social activism included many fields like agriculture, eradication
of untouchability and the caste system, women and widow upliftment, education of women
and Dalits, and the welfare of the downtrodden people. He is believed to be the first Hindu to
start an orphanage for the unfortunate poor and orphan children (Mehta, 1996, p.105).
Satya Shodhak Samaj The humiliation meted to him at the occasion of a Brahmin friend’s
wedding was the turning point of his life. His participation in the marriage procession was not
liked by his friend’s parents and he was rebuked for this due to his lower caste background.
They reminded him of his lower caste status and accordingly insulted him for not having the
sense to keep away from that ceremony which was banned for lower castes to attend. Phule
was profoundly hurt by this ‘injustice of the caste system’. Deeply impacted by this incident,
he started working for the emancipation of the lower castes. In 1873, JyotibaPhule formed
the Satya ShodhakSamaj (Society of Seekers of Truth or Truth-Seeking Society). It must be
mentioned here that Phule’s three Brahmin friends, Vinayak Bapuji Bhandarkar, Vinayak
Bapuji Dengle and Sitaram Sakharam Datar helped Jyotirao and his colleagues to establish the
Satya Shodhak Samaj. The Satya Shodhak Samaj worked for the emancipation of down-
trodden people with an aim to protect them from superstition, exploitation, and atrocities of
the priestly classes and other orthodox practitioners of the Indian Society (Keer, 2005, p.89).
Mahatma JyotibaPhule was the champion of women’s emancipation and education in India
and battled for education of girls throughout his life. Mahatma JyotibaPhule was the
champion of women’s emancipation and education in India and battled for education of girls
throughout his life. His great contribution was prominent in the field of education, agriculture,
caste system, women and widow upliftment and removal of untouchability. He was very
popular for his efforts to educate women and people belonging to the poor and backward
classes. The couple dedicated their entire life for the upliftment of down-trodden,
untouchables and for the equal rights for all men and women.
Through Thomas Paine’s book, Rights of Man, Jyotirao developed a sense of social justice.
Letter to people of US by Theodore Parker also made an influential imprint on his mind. His
realisation was that women and lower castes were the disadvantaged and excluded groups in
the Indian society and he also felt that education was the most fundamental tool for their
emancipation this led him to agitate for free and compulsory education for all and thereby he
is today remembered as a pioneer of Right to Education in India. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the first
Law Minister of Indian Republic and the undisputed architect of Constitution of India was
deeply inspired by the work, approach and life of Jyotirao Phule (Chaudhary, 2020, p.5).
Although India’s national constitution of 1950 sought to abolish caste discrimination and the
practice of untouchability, the caste system remains deeply entrenched in Hindu culture and
is still widespread throughout India, especially in rural India. Article 17 of the Indian
Constitution clearly mentions that ‘Untouchability’ is abolished and its practice in any form is
forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of ‘Untouchability’ shall be an offence
punishable in accordance with law. However there is a huge difference between theory and
practice. In what has been called India’s ‘hidden apartheid’, entire villages in many Indian
states remain completely segregated by caste.
Whereas the world has been progressing towards accomplishing the goals of liberty, equality
and fraternity, India has however failed to eradicate untouchability and caste, gender and
descent-based discrimination. The caste problem is not the problem of Dalits only but also the
problem of the entire nation and without the annihilation of caste and the elimination of other
primordial identities, India will not truly progress. Today Dalits have positive identity. Some
Dalits are reaching higher levels in professions, business and politics, some are economically
well off. But some Dalits still suffer from social stigma and reactionary political discrimination.
Discriminations against Dalits typically manifest itself in the private sector with respect to
employments and social mobility. Perhaps the biggest legacy of Mahatma JyotiraoPhule is the
thought behind his perpetual fight against social stigma that are still enormously relevant. In
the nineteenth century, people were used to accepting these discriminatory practices as a
social norm that needed to be enforced without question but Jyotiba sought to change this
discrimination based on caste, class and colour. He was the harbinger of unheard ideas for
social reforms. He started awareness campaigns that ultimately inspired the lives of Mahatma
Gandhi, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, MahadevGovindRanade and Gopal Ganesh Agarkar. These
stalwarts being influenced by Phule’s philosophy undertook major initiatives against caste
discrimination later on.
The most relevant lesson from his life to be understood today is that he was a misfit in the
slave kingdom – a radical, a rebel. He could bring about revolutionary social change because
he refused to be a slave to the Brahminical mind; he could see through the Brahminical lies,
he could seek out the truth, he could reason and thus could shake the very foundation of the
Brahminical social order. Today with the rise of the Hindu brand of nationalism, the right wing
Hindu groups of India are working towards placing a ban on the intellectual ability of people,
their rationality and their thinking. Progressive Universities are criminalised, funds and seats
are cut, nonsensical rituals are introduced, reservation policies are diluted, marginalised
bodies are brutalised, media trials and hate-mongering have resulted in making technocratic
citizens at a mass level. At this very juncture, Mahatma Phule’s legacy demands us to pledge
to teach generations not to submit to the slave system, graded inequalities, but rather
question it, and keep the revolutionary potential alive (Chaudhary, 2020, p.129).
From Phule to the Present: Historicizing Caste Oppression across Economic, Social, and Political
Realms (ssrn)
1. In compared to others, Phule did not receive much recognition from mainstream social
and academic intelligence. Although his value and depth of ideas are recognized in the
present flow time, he still remains less discovered and less discussed than pan-Indian
thinkers such as Gandhi. He was the first pioneer, even prior to Babasaheb Ambedkar, to
call into question the Brahmanical social arrangement on the basis of immense inequality,
irrationality, and particular caste interests.
2. He was impressed by Christian missionaries' nondiscriminatory behavior and open
teachings, which laid the foundation for supporting the British government. In 1848, he
came to be familiar with the work of Thomas Paine titled 'Rights of Man' (1791) and the
American Civil War in 1860, teachings of Mahatma Buddha and Saint Kabir, which helped
him understand the disadvantageous position of lower castes and women in Indian
society and how education is important to meet salvation.
3. Phule wrote several texts (most notables are Tritiya Ratna in 1855, Gulamgiri in 1873,
Shetkarayacha Aasud in 1881, Ishara in 1885 and Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak in 1889
and 1891) in the vernacular Marathi language to reach out to ordinary people.
4.