SURVEY OF OROMO LITERATURE

1. Introduction: Some Facts about the beginnings of Oromo Language

Writing or Studies
Recent sources are reveal the neglected history of Afaan Oromo under its past
consecutive Ethiopian rulers. The attempts of the rulers to lock up Afaan
Oromo’s outlets where they had been are now being wearied away by
discovering of the sources which were masked by the scholars of Ethiopian
history under the influences of her rulers. Jackson who made anthropological
and historical studies of the civilizations of the Middle East and Northeast
African states that Afaan Oromo is the purest living specimen of primitive
Babylonian languages. He asserts that when the other languages have since
been mixed up with other languages, Afaan Oromo in Ethiopia and Mahra in
South Arabia have been able to maintain their purity without significant
changes. As he put it:
In regard to the language of the primitive Babylonians, the vocabulary is
undoubtedly Cushite (Cush Ethiopia), belong to that of tongue which in
the sequel were everywhere more or less mixed up with the Semetic
languages, but of which we have probably the purest modern specimens
is the Mahra of South Arabia and the [Oromo] of Ethiopia (John G.
Jackson, 1974)
Šihãb ad Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qãder, Chronicler of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahm
al-Gahz and an Arab writer, indicates that the Yejjuu Oromo had been well
established in Walloo before the war of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahim alGahz.
According to Šihãb ad Din, the Imam ordered his soldiers to speak only Yejjuu
(Oromo) language as the area was populated by the Yejjuu Oromo. Even, the
Imam recruited more than three thousand Yejjuu Oromo into his soldiers
(Lester Stenhouse, 2003). This indicates that Afaan Oromo was a popular
language in northern Ethiopia before the alleged Oromo expansion of the
sixteenth century began.
Similarly, Abbaa Bahrey (1993) who is said to have been the author of “Zenaw
Lahula (Oromo)” written in 1593 employed many Oromo names and
terminologies like gadaa, malbaa, muudana, Tuulama, Maccaa, Galaan,
walaabuu and many cultural concepts. Moreover, the book leads us to raise an
argument that there was at least one person who knew both Geez and Oromo
languages to have produced the book. Otherwise, as Jan Vansina (1995) states
it is difficult for someone to collect oral tradition of the society whose language
he/ she did not know. At the very least, it would have been impossible to get
oral information embodied in the book without Abbaa Bahrey’s using the
services of Oromo with good knowledge of the Geez language. Whether Abbaa
Bahrey knew Oromo or used the services of others, the literature of the book
written by him is another instance of an indirect entrance of Oromo into
written literature.
1.1. Early Printed Sources of Written Oromo Language
In the middle of seventeen century, Hiob Ludolf, in his linguistic production,
wrote a few Oromo words with its parallel translation in Geez and Latin.
According to Ludolf (1682), the Oromo words were told to him by Abbaa Gregory
between 1652 and 1658 which again gives clue that Abbaa Gregory was well
versed in Oromo language. This book in which Oromo words were written
appeared in 1682. It is the first written words of the Oromo language we
have at our disposal. James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia, did some work
related to Afaan Oromo. (Jumce Bruce, No year of publication) In his journey to
discover the Source of Blue Nile, Bruce had the opportunity to be among the
Oromo of Walloo. Bruce was the first traveler and second European writer next
to Hiob Ludolf to record the Oromo language in his account as one of the major
languages he had come across. According to his report, he had wished to get
ready made written literature for the languages; but he points out that he
could not get even one because of the traditional law that forbade the
translation of any religious documents into any language other than Geez
(Ibid.). The act was religiously condemned and became immoral. As he puts it:
…there is an old law in this country (Ethiopia), handed down by
tradition only, that whoever should attempt to translate the holy
scripture into Amharic, or any other language, his throat should be cut
after the manner in which they kill sheep, his family sold to slavery,
 and his house razed to ground…it was great obstacle to me in getting
those translations of the song of Solomon made which I intended for
specimens of different language of those distinct relations (Ibid.).

Daringly breaking that traditional law, he translated Solomon’s alleged praise

for the Queen of Sheba into Afaan Oromo by using Geez characters on a page
of his work. This is the second early tangible evidence of the beginning of
writing in Afaan Oromo.
Afaan Oromo was a palace language during the reign of Iyoas who was
monolingual in Afaan Oromo (Richard Greenfield, 1965). The employment of
3,000 soldiers as palace guards (Tesfaye Zergaw, 2001; Trimngham, John,
1965) helped to make Afaan Oromo virtually the official language of the palace
(Martial De Slavic, 2008). The occupation of the position of Ras Bitwedid by the
Yejjuu lords from the middle of 1770 onwards (Ibid.). Further exalted the use of
Oromo language in the state system. On the other hand, many Oromos who
were sold into slavery attempted to make Afaan Oromo popular under the
opportunities got to be Christian preachers (Ibid.). Although the origin of Alaqa
Zannab, Chronicler of emperor Tewodros, there were many freed Oromo slaves
participated in the translation of the scripture before the popular Abba
Gammachis (Onesmos Nasib), Zannab , Ruufoo, Waaree, Jagaa, Soolaan and
Liba (Wolbert Smidt, 2002) are few among many.
Therefore, from all the above ideas and efforts made by different individuals can
enabled us to take down the origin of written Oromo literature down to 17th
century.
2. Historical development of Oromo literature
2.1. Oromo Studies in Europe: France and German
The translation of the Scriptures into Oromo language continued. On June 30,
1877, Menilek ordered Alaqa Zannab to translate the books of Jeshewa, Judge
Ruth, and Samuel to use the translation for himself for revision after Hebrew.
However, the works did not see light of the day due to the death of Krapf, who
used to publish Alaqa Zannab’s works, in 1881 and the unstable political
situation between the interior and the coast. Nevertheless, R. Pankhurst, who
has written about these materials, does not explain why Menilek II preferred
Afaan Oromo to Amharic for the revision of the Hebrew Bible (Pankhurst,
1976). But the reason is clearly stated by Hudeson “It is a curious fact that,
although so many of the great Abyssinian officers are pure [Oromo], and
although nearly every Abyssinian know[s] [Oromo] as well as Amharic, yet they
do not care to speak [Oromo] in public. This can only be ascribed to a kind of
false pride, as in private they will talk it readily” (Hudeson and Walker, 1922).
To have indigenous religious scholars who could study Oromo language
scientifically and translate the religious scripture into the language, the
Catholic missionaries invested lots of their efforts on Afaan Oromo. Abbaa
Massaja intensively continued to request the opening of (Oromo) College in
France. It was great for Massaja to get land for the construction of (Oromo)
College on 18 January 1866 in Marseille. On 15th April, 1866, St. Michael
Oromo College was officially inaugurated by Massaja Marseille, France. By
February 1869, the college was reported to have enrolled about twenty-nine
Oromo students collected especially from ransom slaves (Abba Antonios
Alberto, 1998).
For the first three years, the Oromo College was functional to teach theology
and linguistics with the focus on Oromo language under the direction of Fr.
Emanuel and Louis de Gonzangue Lassere. However, it was unfortunate that
the Oromo students of the College could not acclimatize well with the weather
and many of them died (Ibid.). This forced Massaja to try to establish another
College in the homeland of the students in order to fulfill the pastoral missions
of the vicariate. Following his requests, the Capuchin of propaganda Fide
allowed Massaja to build another (Oromo) College in the Oromo country in
1868. As soon as he received the letter of permission, Massaja left for Shawaa
accompanied by his four Marseille Oromo students and instructors. After forty-
eight days of tiresome journey, they reached Liche, the king’s court at the time
on March 11, 1868 (Ibid.). Based on Menilek’s advice Massaja sent Fr. Tuarin,
the vice-perfect of the mission to Finfinnee with some of the Oromo students on
11 September 1868. Immediately they began constructing Catholic Church of
St. Marry at Birbirsaa with the assistance of some Oromo people (Ibid.).
Birbirsaa (Oromo) College was officially inaugurated on 25 July 1869. The
former instructor of the Marseille Oromo College, Fr. Emanuel and Fr. Louis de’
Gonzague were sent to teach at the college but Fr. Emanuel died on the way to
Shawa. Louis de’ Gonzague became the director of (Oromo) college of Birbirsaa
in 1873 (Ibid.). At this College, Fr. Tuarin prepared religious texts in Oromo
language for church and academic services. Attempts were made to produce
religious and academic literature both in Oromo language (Ibid.). At the college,
many recruits and some freed Oromo slaves, enrolled and became literate. The
trained Oromo also participated in productions and translations of Oromo
language literature as both writers and assistants to the foreigners.
Nonetheless, the progress of Catholic Missionaries’ expansion and its roles in
the development of written Oromo literature were impeded by Emperor
Yohannes’s suspicious policy of king Menilek’s secrete contact with the
Europeans. Yohannes feared that Menilek might have earned ample firearms
through the contact.