Vol. 1. No.

1 (2024)
10.31947/gs.v1i1.36266
Copyright ã 2024 by Glocal Society.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Investigating Conflict-Sensitive Journalism:

Aljazeera News Report on the 2017 Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

Wahyu Arif Raharjo

Department of International Relations, Universitas Wahid Hasyim, Indonesia
Correspondence: [Link]@[Link]

Abstract: The Rohingya Crisis in 2017 has called for widespread condemnation of Myanmar. However,
reports on this event have only escalated tensions. This paper explores the practice of peace/war
journalism by an international media, Aljazeera, in reporting such a crisis. To do so, this research utilizes
Lynch’s peace journalism framework as a standard of conflict-sensitive media. This paper argues that
evidence of peace journalism does exist, but other factors imply that war journalism is still strong. Such
practice of war journalism has (1) disregarded the crisis' global ramifications; (2) put a narrow context that
ignores Myanmar's democratic struggle; (3) portrays conflicting parties' religious relationships as victim-
perpetrators; (4) dehumanized Buddhists, monks, and the Myanmar people in general; (5) lacked accounts
from grassroots peacemakers; and (6) created an excessive emphasis on elite-level negotiation, particularly
in light of pressure from world leaders.

Keywords: Peace Journalism; News Reporting; Rohingya Crisis; Myanmar; Aljazeera.

1. INTRODUCTION
Overcoming the issue of stateless Rohingya people remains a massive homework for the
global community nowadays. Securitization of their existence occurred in four countries where
they exist: Myanmar as their home country, Bangladesh hosts most Rohingya refugees fleeing
across the borders, and Malaysia and Indonesia, which have received a significant number of
boat-carried refugees and asylum seekers(Alunaza and Juani, n.d.; Chambers et al. 2018;
Paramitaningrum and Fredinata, 2022; Rana and Riaz 2023). This means that regardless of
international support for their plight, it doesn’t seem that people in many countries are willing to
accept them as well.
In Myanmar, the Rohingya people have endured decades of discrimination on the basis of
their ethnicity and religion. Numerous nations in Southeast Asia, including as Malaysia, Indonesia,
and the Philippines, have seen hundreds of thousands of refugees flee. Most of them have left
for Bangladesh. Since the 1970s, illegal immigrants from Myanmar, known as Rohingya refugees,
have been arriving in Bangladesh. Over 250,000 people lived in camps for refugees in Bangladesh
throughout the 1990s. Fewer than 20,000 were returned to Myanmar in the early 2000s.
Bangladesh has seen a sharp increase in the number of refugees as the recent war in Myanmar
has gotten worse. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that
since August 25, 2017, about 723,000 Rohingya refugees have fled to Bangladesh.
Recently, Indonesia has been experiencing a blowback after receiving Rohingya refugees in
2017. Massive social media condemnation emerged as a response to their arrival onshore in Aceh
province by the end of 2023, which was also welcomed with rejection by the local population
(Nuthihar et al. 2024; Raharema 2024). This rejection and condemnation resulted from rampant
misinformation and hoaxes in social media that coincided with Indonesia’s national election in
early 2024 (Aditya, 2024). This was surprising because back in 2017, the Acehnese were accepting
Rohingya refugees with an open hand and were proud of such actions (Raharema 2024). It is even
more surprising to compare such rejection to locals’ and netizens’ support of Palestine’s plight
on social media.

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The media itself plays a significant role in shaping the international public’s impression of
Rohingya in general. At times of conflict, public perception is highly affected by information and
news circulating among the population, both among outsiders and, more importantly, for those
within the conflict (Mazepus et al. 2023). Especially with the existence of social media, news, and
information distribution are accelerated and become more extensive, which attracts quick
responses by the population both virtually and in real life (Hu 2023). The existence of journalism
should have been able to cover news wisely to prevent escalation and violence from erupting.
Such conflict-sensitive media and journalism practice is not particularly evident in the
Rohingya crisis. Recent articles on such topics have demonstrated that peace journalism is
generally ignored and that the media failed to provide a peaceful resolution for Rohingya refugees
fleeing persecution in Chittagong province, Bangladesh. Newspapers like Bangladesh Pratidin,
New Age, Daily Star, and Daily Prothom Alo have set frames in their reporting that affect the
sociopolitical perception of the general Bangladesh population. As such, war journalism persists,
and it has driven opinions into rejecting Rohingya (Masud-Un-Nabi 2021). Furthermore, media
within Myanmar are designed as propaganda tools for the authoritarian state regime, as
journalists encountered severe restrictions by the Myanmar military government, especially in
reporting conflict in the area, limited information from the government as well as public
persecution, especially by the Rakhine population, thus preventing them from accessing Rohingya
(Lynn 2020).
This study aims to explore how international media have affected the Rohingya crisis within
Myanmar through its practice in journalism. One article proposed otherwise, that international
media such as the New York Times and The Guardian have minimal influence on pressing national
government due to pervasive military culture in Myanmar; however, it lacks the detail in perusing
how reports in the abovementioned media were instrumentalized instead as propaganda tools
(Lee 2021). As an extension, this study will discuss how international media provided sources of
provocation by practicing war journalism in its report on the Rohingya crisis. It complements
existing literature as it explores the practice of peace/war journalism and how it has affected the
direction of conflict in the Rohingya crisis.
2. METHODS
This paper evaluates the practice of Peace/War Journalism by Aljazeera as one of the most
prominent sources of news especially considering its popularity in the Middle East. Aljazeera is
popular among the world's Muslim population because of its Arabic and English news coverage.
Meanwhile, news about Rohingya Muslims will most likely relate to the idea of ukhuwah
islamiyyah (Muslim solidarity) among Muslims across the world. Therefore, this paper focuses on
the use of peace/war journalism because Aljazeera will affect the opinion of international Muslim
audiences across the world.
One article entitled “Buddhist protesters block aid to Rohingya” because the potential of its
impact is profound. Such a title is highly clickbait, which serves well for news media nowadays to
increase viewership. However, the author observes the potential danger that it carries to the
direction of the Rohingya conflict and public perception in Myanmar, as well as its potential to be
instrumentalized as a tool for propaganda by the Myanmar military junta. This article was
released on 21 September 2017, when the crisis was still ongoing.
This research uses Galtung’s peace journalism protocol as a theoretical framework to evaluate
the practice. Johan Galtung presented the idea of "peace journalism" as a framework to question
the news ideals he had previously established in his groundbreaking work (Galtung and Ruge
1965). According to Galtung, peaceful narratives are frequently marginalized in the media
because of their excessive obsession with conflict and violence (Galtung, n.d.). As a result, he
suggested two different approaches to conflict coverage: peace journalism and war journalism
(Galtung, n.d.) According to Galtung, the former type of journalism enables academics and

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journalists to view conflict from two perspectives: the "high road" and the "low road." The "low
road" refers to the attention on the conflict situation itself, whereas the "high road" refers to the
possibilities of peace surrounding a particular conflict situation (Galtung, 2002).
According to Galtung, peace journalism emphasizes the promotion of peace initiatives and
downplays disagreements between parties in order to resolve issues amicably. However, war
journalism encourages the use of violence to end the conflict by highlighting the disparities
between the opposing sides. According to Galtung, peace journalism places an emphasis on
nonviolent activities, humanitarian concerns, and the prevention of violence and war (Galtung,
n.d.) On the other hand, war journalism emphasizes the theatre of conflict, fosters a diversionist
mindset, and dehumanizes the other side in the hope that a ceasefire and victory will bring about
peace (Galtung, 2002)
Galtung proposed that peace journalism may have been a major factor in the war's resolution
in Northern Ireland, claiming that if this strategy had been used earlier, the conflict would have
moved into a more peaceful phase.(Galtung, Johan 1998) He specifically claims that peace
journalism is more likely to aid in the establishment of peace by emphasizing non-violent
outcomes, encouraging empathy for all parties involved, and encouraging innovation in reporting.
This viewpoint emphasizes how peace journalism has the potential to be an effective instrument
in resolving disputes and advancing peace. Clarke examined print media in South Africa that was
written in English and confirmed Galtung's claim (Hyde-Clarke, 2022).

War Journalism Peace Journalism

Visible effects of war: Casualties, dead and Reports on invisible effects of conflict:
wounded Emotional trauma, damage to society, damage
to property and culture
Elite-oriented: Focuses on leaders and elites as People-oriented: Focuses on common people
actors and sources of information as actors and sources of information
Differences-oriented: Reports leads to the Solution-oriented: Reports leads to solution to
conflict the conflict
Here and now: Reporting on the war arena Causes and consequences of the conflict:
Reporting on the causes and future effects of
the conflict.
Dichotomy: Good and bad people or viction Avoid good vs. bad tagging: Not labelling
and villain anyone
Two party orientation: One party wins and one Multi-party orientation: Gives voice to many
party loses parties involved in conflict
Partisan-oriented: Biased for one party of the Nonpartisan: Neutral, not taking any side
conflict
Zero-sum orientation: One goal: to win Win-win oriented: Many goals and issues.
Solution oriented
Uses of demonizing language: Use of language Avoids demonizing language: Report on more
such as barbaric, brutal, inhuman, extremist, precise descriptions, name, and titles that the
terrorist. people give themselves.
Table 1. Protocol of Peace Journalism (Galtung, n.d.)

3. RESULT AND DISCUSSION

To analyze existing media coverage regarding the Rohingya crisis in relation to war
journalism (WJ) and peace journalism (PJ), there are two different types of news in relation to the
Rohingya crisis: one that circulates in Myanmar with government propaganda dominates the
narrative. At the same time, the other is international news that attracts condemnation toward

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Myanmar (Hanitzsch 2004). This writing will comment on the second type, which eventually
influences the direction of the Rohingya crisis.
Based on the content analysis of articles about the blockade on aid shipment in Sittee from
various sources, evidence of PJ exists, but many elements suggest that WJ remains strong.
Elements of WJ found in articles include (1) the lack of attention to international impact and its
blowback to this crisis; (2) limited context that neglects Myanmar’s struggle toward democracy;
(3) depiction of religious relation of conflicting parties into victim-perpetrators dichotomy; (4)
dehumanization of Buddhists, monks and Myanmar people in general; (5) absence of grassroots
peacemakers’ account; and (6) too much focused-on elite-level negotiation especially pressures
from world leaders (Lynch 2013).
The way that reporters illustrate the conflict tends to create a negative image of Buddhist
followers in Myanmar, especially monks, as the culprits of this conflict, suggesting
operationalization of what Lynch called the ‘us-them’ perspective that indicates WJ (Lynch 2013).
In an article covering this event, an Al Jazeera reporter repeatedly mentions the words ‘Buddhist’
and ‘mob’, as evident in Illustration 1, to refer to protesters in the event, suggesting a negative
image of this side of the conflict (Aljazeera 2017). The Merriam-Webster online dictionary refers
to ‘mob’ as a large and disorderly crowd of people with a side note ‘especially one bent on riotous
or destructive action.’ Mob is also understood as the frantic crowd, moved by emotions,
especially anger. It comprises people who lower or throw away their personal standards to join a
ruthless and often irresponsible crowd for a cause (Bogardus, 1924; Martin, 2014). Such words
deepened international readers’ impression of Buddhists, especially after the release of Time
magazine’s “Face of Buddhist Terror,” which highlights the role of Wirathu, a radical but highly
influential monk in Myanmar, in inciting hatred toward the Muslim population in the Mandalay
Riot 2014 (Oppenheim, 2017).

Illustration 1. The use of words ‘Buddhist’ and ‘mob’ side-by-side with negative connotations
(Brisel, 2017)

In this case, despite being correct in depicting Rohingya as victims, many other victims,
especially among Rakhine people, are left unreported. It implies that most reporters, and thus
suggesting the international community, side with the plight of Rohingya. Abroad, not only has
this news attracted empathy, which reporters intentionally do, but condemnation and strong
hatred toward Buddhists also arose. Citing an example from an article by Robert Brisel from the
Independent, not only that readers likely to feel sad that Rohingya are ‘hiding in fear of being
caught up, without food and other supplies’, but also angry or resentful knowing that even
Buddhists/Rakhine people even have no mercy by violently trying to stop the aid for Rohingya

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(Brisel, 2017). Unsurprisingly, many enraged Muslims reacted by preparing for jihad – which
means ‘fight’ in Arabic – to fight for their fellow Muslims in Myanmar (Hodge and Rayda, 2017).
This strong reaction from Muslims in Indonesia, coupled with provocative social media content
that incites hatred toward Buddhists, in turn, draws a defensive backlash from Myanmar.
Creating an image of the entire Myanmar population as violent Buddhists and distributing
such an image internationally did invite recalcitrant reaction from within Myanmar society, as
Burmese people believe that what has been spread globally is ‘fake news’ (McPherson, 2017).
Myanmar readers at home would tend to be furious as their name and their leader are being
named and shamed in international fora. Further, what they believe to be religious leader, those
who lead them in their faith, which is oftentimes very personal, are considered violent abroad.
Consequently, as these people have been fed with claims made by their own government, the
reaction tends to be defensive, saying that the circulated news is made-believe and manipulated
(McPherson, 2017). Even worse, Al Jazeera and several news media put the word “Buddhist” in
their titles about the blockade on aid shipments, bringing every Buddhist in Myanmar into the
perpetrator side of the story (Aljazeera 2017). Counter-claims by Suu Kyi, supported by Burmese,
further dehumanize them in the eyes of the international community, portraying Myanmar
society as people who cold-bloodedly let Rohingya suffer and even cause them agony (Lynch
2013). Growing mistrust among Myanmar society toward international actors will only eschew
them away from peace negotiations instead of bringing them to the negotiation table.
Furthermore, most stories are from elite sides, especially world leaders commenting on Suu
Kyi’s stance. Among those whose comments appeared in the news are Henry Van Thio as
Myanmar’s second vice president, US President Donald Trump, France’s President Emmanuel
Macron, Bangladeshi PM Sheikh Hasina, and ICRC’s Myanmar spokesperson Cecilia Goin, as
apparent in The Australian’s article covering this event (Hodge and Rayda, 2017). Stories from
Rohingya refugees and the Rakhine populace exist, but comments from those directly involved in
the protest, either as protesters, ordinary Rohingya, or Rakhine, are mostly absent. Consequently,
there’s a lack of representation, especially regarding peacemaking efforts in the grassroots that
might become solutions for the ongoing conflict.
To apply PJ to this news, several aspects are considered in the making of the above article
that distinguish it from another similar report: religious dichotomy must be omitted, focus on
peacemakers from every side will have to be highlighted, and a different framing must be used.
What needs to be understood in looking at this case is that Myanmar people have fears toward
militarized Rohingya, that these so-called illegal immigrants will put their society in jeopardy as
Myanmar people’s memory about Islam has been distorted by the existence of (and
misrepresentation of Islam by) terrorist network (McPherson, 2017). This growing fear was
utilized so much that they viewed themselves almost as victims of terrorist threats, accusing ARSA
of having links with al-Qaeda and ISIL (Edroos 2017). Therefore, in reporting the development of
the Rohingya crisis, it’s important to put Myanmar’s position not only as perpetrator but also as
victim to bring ‘Buddhists’ back into the human realm. To operate this, the first step would be to
replace the term Buddhist with more neutral terms based on contexts, like protesters or simply
the Rakhine people.
In addition, stories about Buddhist peacemakers’ stories would need to be raised. Pre-
existing news have seen vast condemnation of Buddhists and monks, and it has obviously
attracted hatred toward them. Although they are indeed Buddhists, to bring that identity in an
article that tells their violent actions would tend to make people generalize that all Buddhists are
violent. To break that judgment, there must be balancing information that portrays them as
peaceful beings. Thus, stories about Buddhists who fight for the plight of Rohingya people would
neutralize any extreme view about Buddhists (McPherson, 2017). In this case, the word
‘Buddhists’ needs to be mentioned to emphasize their involvement in peacemaking efforts.

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Moreover, news about the existence of peacemaker Buddhists would also inflict hope among
readers that there’s a possibility of making peace through these hands.
On the other side of the conflict, introducing ARSA’s perspective and actions toward peace,
including the humanitarian crisis, would raise their position among readers. ARSA indeed engaged
in the battle, but their attention to the Rohingya people’s suffering means that they’re not being
blindly violent, which might indicate that they’re not terrorizing people (Naqvi 2017). Aside from
balancing information about peacemaker Buddhists, raising this issue would re-humanize ARSA.
Those who read the article would feel that there is hope from both sides to bring peace back into
Rakhine.
More importantly, the context that Myanmar is going toward democracy must not be
ignored. Many articles tend to cut the story off from Myanmar’s as well as Suu Kyi’s decades-long
struggle for freedom, as many have been disappointed in her due to her silence toward the
Rohingya issue. Bringing democratization into conversation means that the current political
system is a work in progress that requires continuous revision. It means that changes might still
occur. The picture brought to the public is that Suu Kyi is still struggling for that; with peace talks
with insurgents and with her current position in the Myanmar government, she would have to
maintain public support so that her struggle would not end in vain. Understanding her struggle is
difficult, and her position obliged her to act carefully; readers would endure accusing her of
turning her back on democracy.
Although this article does not target local Myanmar, those who read it would sympathize
with the last part about their struggle toward democracy and the existence of pacifier monks
among them. Monks have had leverage in Myanmar. Therefore, the exposure of peacemaker
monks to the public would encourage the silent moderate majority of Myanmar people who want
to fight for full democracy that embraces people regardless of ethnicity (Walton 2015). As civil
society rises, it will bring them to associate and disseminate alternative perspectives among
ordinary Myanmar people.
To summarize, existing media coverage that attracts hatred toward Myanmar people needs
to be replaced by carefully crafted news that brings peacemakers, Buddhists, and monks to the
front. Negative images of Buddhists have incited hatred from Muslims worldwide, and their
reaction has even worsened the situation in Myanmar. To tackle this problem, the news served
for the international community must provide them with the context that Myanmar is undergoing
a long-time struggle toward democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi. That way, support will come not
only for Rohingya but also for the entire Myanmar nation.

4. CONCLUSION
An analysis of media coverage of the Rohingya crisis reveals two contrasting narratives: one
driven by Myanmar's government propaganda and the other by international condemnation. The
focus here is on the latter, which influences the direction of the crisis. Content analysis of news
about aid blockades in Sittwe shows elements of both war journalism (WJ) and peace journalism
(PJ). While some articles exhibit PJ characteristics, WJ aspects are predominant. WJ features
include limited context, victim-perpetrator framing, and emphasis on elite negotiations,
neglecting grassroots peacemakers. The portrayal of Buddhist followers in Myanmar, particularly
monks, as instigators of conflict, reinforces an 'us-them' perspective, characteristic of WJ.
Negative depictions of Buddhists in international media fuel anger and resentment, escalating
tensions.
The global response to the crisis has been emotionally charged, with empathy for Rohingya
and animosity towards Buddhist/Rakhine people. This has sparked preparations for jihad among
Muslims and defensive reactions from Myanmar, who dismiss global coverage as 'fake news'. The
demonization of Buddhists and Myanmar society exacerbates mistrust, hindering peace

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negotiations. Coverage skewed toward elite perspectives overlooks grassroots efforts toward
peace, perpetuating one-sided narratives. To promote peace journalism, the focus should shift
towards peacemakers on all sides while avoiding religious dichotomies and reframing terminology
to humanize all parties.
In addition, stories of Buddhist peace activists and efforts, alongside insights into ARSA's
humanitarian concerns, can balance perspectives and foster hope for reconciliation.
Acknowledging Myanmar's democratic transition and Suu Kyi's ongoing struggles can offer insight
into the situation's complexities and promote understanding.
By showcasing the diversity of perspectives within Myanmar society, including peacemaking
monks, and highlighting ongoing democratic progress, media coverage can foster empathy and
support for a peaceful resolution. This nuanced approach can challenge negative stereotypes,
promote dialogue, and encourage engagement with diverse voices in the conflict. Ultimately, a
shift toward peace journalism can help reshape perceptions, inspire reconciliation efforts, and
build a more inclusive narrative for Myanmar's future.

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