Indian Historiography

UNIT 13 INDO-PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

IN MEDIEVAL INDIA*
Structure
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Sultanate Period
13.2.1 The Pioneers
13.2.2 The Fourteenth Century Historiography
13.2.3 Late Fourteenth Century Histories
13.2.4 The Fifteenth Century Histories
13.3 Historiography under the Mughals
13.3.1 The Early Writings
13.3.2 Akbar’s Reign: Official Histories
13.3.3 Akbar’s Reign : Non-official Histories
13.3.4 Histories during Jahangir’s Reign
13.3.5 Histories during Shahjahan’s Reign
13.3.6 Histories during Aurangzeb’s Reign
13.4 Summary
13.5 Exercises

13.1 INTRODUCTION
The Ghurian conquest of north India towards the close of the twelfth century A.D.
is an important event in Indian history. This is because an independent sultanate,
founded in its wake, opened India to foreign influences on the one hand and led
to the unification of the country under a strong centre on the other. It also attracted
emigrants from the neighbouring countries who represented different cultural traditions.
One of the traditions introduced by them was that of history writing. The historical
literature produced by them in Persian language is of vast magnitude. As a matter
of fact, the study of history was considered by the Muslim elite as the third important
source of knowledge after the religious scripture and the jurisprudence. With the
coming of the Mughals in the 16th century the tradition of history writing achieved
new heights. During the Mughal period, the state patronised writing of history and
we have a large body of historical literature in Persian spread over two centuries.
In this Unit, we will analyse the tradition of history writing during the Sultanate and
Mughal periods.

13.2 SULTANATE PERIOD

The early writings in Persian on the history of Turks who came to India are traceable
to 12th Century. As far as Delhi Sultanate is concerned we have a continuity of
available texts in Persian till the end of the Sultanate (1526). Many of the authors
were attached to the court as officials while a few were independent scholars not

144 Resource Person: Prof. I.H. Siddiqui

*
associated with any official position. In general, the available histories put forward Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
the official version of events, rather than a critical evaluation of the policies and
events.
It is rare that one comes across any critical reference to the reigning Sultan. Even
the style is also generally eulogising or flattering to the Sultan under whose reign it
is written. In most cases, the authors borrowed freely from the earlier works to
trace the earlier period. We have referred to the constraints faced by various scholars
while discussing individual works.
Apart from historical texts a number of other Persian works are available for the
period. Abdu’r Razzaq’s Matla’us Sa’dain (travelogue), Tutsi’s Siyasatnama
(administration & polity), Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adabu’l-Harb wa’as- Shuja’at
(warfare), are a few important ones. A few Arabic works are also available for
the period. Ibn Battuta (Rihla) and Shihab-al Din al-Umari (Masalik al-absar
Mamalik al-Ansar) have provided excellent travel accounts. Here we will study
the historiography for the whole Sultanate period in separate subsections.

13.2.1 The Pioneers

The pioneer in history-writing was Muhammad bin Mansur, also known as Fakhr-
i Mudabbir. He migrated from Ghazna to Lahore during the later Ghaznavid period.
In Lahore he compiled Shajra-i-Ansab, the book of genealogies of the Prophet
of Islam, his companions and the Muslim rulers, including the ancestors of Sultan
Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam (commonly known as Sultan Shihabuddin Muhammad
Ghuri). The compiler wanted to present it to the sultan but the latter’s assassination
on his way from the Punjab to Ghazna in 1206, led him to append a separate portion
as Muqidimma (Introduction) to it. This introduction narrates the life and military
exploits of Qutbuddin Aibak since his appointment in India as Sipahsalar of Kuhram
and Sunam in 1192 upto his accession to the throne in Lahore in 1206. This is
the first history of the Ghurian conquest and the foundation of an independent Sultanate
in India.
It opens with the description of the noble qualities of Sultan Muizuddin Muhammad
bin Sam. But the credit of the conquest made in India is given to Qutbuddin Aibak.
The Sultan is not mentioned as victor even in the details of the expeditions led by
him. However, the details furnished by Fakhr-i Mudabbir about the conciliatory
policy followed by Qutbuddin Aibak towards the Hindu chiefs even before his
accession to the throne are interesting. Aibak set an example that inspired his
successors. All the chiefs who submitted to Aibak’s authority were treated as friends.
No doubt, Fakhr-i Mudabbir composed the work in the hope of getting reward
by eulogising the reigning Sultan, nonetheless, the selection of historical material
by him demonstrates the historical sense he possessed. Along with administrative
reforms introduced by Aibak after his accession to the throne in Lahore, he also
provides details of rituals that had symbolic significance. For instance, he is the
first historian who informs us about the ceremony of public allegiance paid to the
new Sultan on his accession to the throne in Lahore. He states that on Qutbuddin
Aibak’s arrival from Delhi to Lahore in 1206, the entire population of Lahore came
out to pay allegiance to him as their new Sultan. This ceremony, indeed, implied
operational legitimacy for Sultan’s claim to authority. Equally important is the evidence
about the administrative reforms introduced by Sultan Qutbuddin Aibak. He renewed 145
Indian Historiography land-grants made to the deserving persons and fixed maintenance-allowance to
others. The collection by the officers of illegal wealth accrued through peasants
or forced labour were abolished. The compiler also informs us that the state extracted
one-fifth of the agricultural produce as land revenue. In short, it is the first history
of the Ghurian Conquest and Qutbuddin Aibak’s reign compiled in India. It was
in view of its importance that in 1927, the English scholar, E. Denison Ross separated
it from the manuscript of Shajra-i Ansab and published its critically edited text
with his introduction (in English) under the title Tarikh-i Fakhruddin Mubarak
Shah.
Another important work compiled by Mudbbir is the Adabu’l-Harb wa’as- Shuja’at,
dedicated to Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish. It is written in the episodic form of
historiography. It contains chapters on the duties of king, the functioning of state
departments, war tactics, mode of warfare, war-horses, their treatment, etc. The
compiler, in order to illustrate his point, has incorporated important events that occurred
during the period. Most of them are related to historical events of the Ghaznavid
period.
The second important history of the Ghurian conquest and the Sultanate is Tajul
Ma’asir. Its author, Hasan Nizami migrated from Nishapur to India in search of
fortune. He took abode in Delhi, sometime before Aibak’s accession to the throne.
In Delhi, he set to compile the history of Qutbuddin Aibak’s achievements after
his accession to the throne in 1206. The motive behind writing was to gain royal
patronage. Being a literary genius and a master of the conceits of Arabic and Persian
poetry, Hasan Nizami makes abundant use of metaphors, similes and rhetoric for
the sake of literary ornamentation. The work abounds in unnecessary verbiage.
Sans verbiage and unnecessary details, the historical material could be reduced to
almost half of the book’s size without any loss of the content.
As for his approach, he begins his narrative describing the vicissitude of time he
went though in his hometown of Nishapur, his journey to Ghazna where he fell ill
and then his migration to India. The preface is followed by the description of the
second battle of Tarain (1192). No mention has been made of the first battle of
Tarain in which Prithvi Raj Chauhan had defeated Sultan Muizuddin Mohammad
bin Sam. However, from the year 1192 upto 1196 all the historical events are
described in detail. Thereafter Hasan Nizami takes a long jump leaving off all the
battles fought and conquests made by Qutbuddin Aibak till 1202 A.D. Probably
the disturbances that broke out as a result of Aibak’s accidental death in 1210
disappointed the author who seems to have stopped writing. Later on, when Iltutmish
succeeded in consolidating his rule, he again decided to resume his work. This
time he commenced his narrative from the year 1203 because Iltutmish, whom the
work was to be presented, had become an important general and was taking part
in all the campaigns led by Qutbuddin Aibak. No mentions has been made by the
Compiler of Aibak’s conquest of Badaun in 1197 and the occupation of Kanauj
and Chandwar in 1198. It is, however, to be admitted that, in spite of all hyperbolic
used in praise of Iltutmish, it is to the credit of the compiler that he was able to
collect authentic information about every event that he describes in his work. Besides
the gap, Hasan Nizami also fails to describe the friendly treatment meted out by
Aibak to the local chiefs who submitted to his authority. His description is often
very brief and at times merely symbolic. For example, when he refers to the Hindu
146 Chiefs attending the Sultan’s court, he simply states, “the carpet of the auspicious
court became the Kissing place of Rais of India”. It contains no biographical details Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
of the nobles, though many of them were the architects of the Sultanate. All the
manuscript copies of Tajul Ma’asir available in India and abroad come to a close
with the capture to Lahore by Iltutmish in 1217.
The compilation by Minhaj Siraj Juzjani of his Tabaqat-i Nasiri was epoch making
in the history of history-writing. Minhaj Siraj Juzjani (hereafter mentioned as Minhaj)
was also an emigrant scholar from Khorasan. His approach to the history of Islam
and Muslim rulers from the early Islamic period upto his own time, the year 1259
A.D., seems to have been influenced by his professional training as a jurist and
association with the rulers of central Asia and India. He belonged to a family of
scholars who were associated with the courts of the Ghurid Sultans of Firozkuh
and Ghazna. He himself served under different Ghurid Princes and nobles before
his migration to India. In 1227, he came to India and joined the court of Nasiruddin
Qubacha. He was appointed the head of the Firuzi Madrassa (government college)
in Ucch, the Capital of Sultan Nasiruddin Qubacha. In 1228, he joined the service
of Sultan Iltutmish after Qubacha’s power had been destroyed and his territories
of Sind and Multan were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate. He served as Qazi (Judicial
officer) of Gwalior under Iltutmish. Sultan Razia (1236-40) summoned him to Delhi
and appointed him the head of Madrassa-i Nasiri in Delhi. Later on, he rose to
the position of the Chief Qazi of the Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud.
It was during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud that he decided to write the
history of Islam upto his own time. In an attempt to distinguish his work from
those of Fakhr-i Mudabbir and Hasan Nizami, Minhaj adopted the Tabaqat System
of history-writing. The first two writers had produced their works in unitary form,
in which each reign was treated as a unit. In the Tabaqat form, each dynasty of
rulers is presented in a separate tabaqa (i.e. section) and was brought to completion
in 1259.
The last five sections are very important from the point of view of history. In these
we find valuable information about the rise and fall of the ruling dynasties of central
Asia, Persia, India and the Mongol irruption under Chingis Khan. Undoubtedly,
Minhaj is our earliest and best authority on the ruling house of Ghur. His account
of the rulers of Ghur is characterised by objectivity in approach. Likewise, the
section devoted to the history of the Khwarizm shahi dynasty and rise of Mongol
power under Chingis Khan and his immediate successors supply information, not
available in the works of Ata Malik Juvaini and Rahiduddin Fazlullah who wrote
under the patronage of the Mongol princes. Minhaj’s purpose was to supply the
curious readers of the Delhi Sultanate with authentic information about the victory
of the Mongols over the Muslim rulers and the destruction of Muslim cities and
towns. He drew on a number of sources, including the immigrants and merchants
who had trade relations with the Mongol rulers. Moreover, before his migration
to India, he had first hand experience of fighting against the Mongols in Khurasan.
Therefore, the last tabaqa of the work is considered by modern scholars invaluable
for its treatments of the rise of Mongol power and the dissolution of the Mongol
Empire in 1259 after the death of Emperor Monge Qaan.
The sections (tabaqat) twentieth and twenty-first devoted to India, describe the
history of the Sultans from Aibak to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah and careers
of the leading nobles of Iltutmish respectively. In both the sections he displays his 147
Indian Historiography ability to convey critical information on issues. Conscious of his duty as a historian,
he invented the method of ‘conveying intimation’ on camouflaging the critics of the
reigning Sultan or his father either by giving hints in a subtle way or writing between
the lines. As Sultan Iltutmish could not be criticised directly because his son,
Nasiruddin Mahmud happened to be the reigning Sultan, Minhaj builds Iltutmish’s
criticism through highlighting the noble qualities of Iltumish’s rivals Sultan Ghayasuddin
Iwaz Khalji of Bihar and Bengal or Sultan Nasirudin Qubacha of Sind and Multan.
Likewise, he also hints at policy of getting rid of certain nobles. Praising Malik
Saifuddin Aibak, he says that being a God-fearing Musalman, the noble detested
the work of seizing the assets from the children of the nobles killed or assassinated
by the order of the Sultan. It is really Minhaj’s sense of history that led Ziauddin
Barani to pay him homage. Barani thought it presumptions to writing on the period
covered in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri. He rather preferred to begin his account from
the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban.

13.2.2 The Fourteenth Century Historiography

Many scholars seem to have written the 14th century histories of the Khalji and
the Tughlaq Sultans. Ziauddin Barani mentions the official history of Sultan Alauddian
Khalji’s reign by Kabiruddin, son of Tajuddin Iraqi but it is now extant. Amir Khusrau
also compiled the Khazainul Futuh, devoted to the achievements of Alauddin Khalji.
Khusrau also composed five historical masnavis (poems) in each of which historical
events are described (in verse). It may, however, be recalled that neither Ziauddin
Barani nor modern scholar, Peter Hardy regards Khusrau as a historian. They
consider Khusrau’s works as literary pieces rather than a historical work. Of the
surviving 14th century works, Isami’s Futuh us Salatin(1350), Ziauddin Barani’s
Tarikh-i Firuzshahi(1357), anonymous Sirat-i Firuzshahi (1370-71) and Shams
Siraj Afif’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi (c.1400) are important historical works. A few
of these 14th century historical works need to be analysed separately.
Isami’s Narrative
The Futuh-us Salatin of Isami is a versified history of the Muslim rulers of India.
It begins with the account of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna’s reign (999-1030 A.D.)
and comes to a close with that of the foundation of the Bahmani Sultanate in the
Deccan by Alauddin Bahaman Shah, a rebel against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq,
in 1350. Though much is not known about the author, yet it may be added that
his ancestors served the Delhi court since the time of Sultan Iltutmish. Ziauddin
Barani includes one of the Isami family in the list of the leading nobles of Sultan
Balban. Isami, himself was brought up by his grandfather, Izuddin Isami, a retired
noble. He was still in his teens when his family was forcibly shifted to Daulatabad
in 1327. His grandfather died on the way and the young Isami was filled with
hatred against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. The hostility towards Sultan Mohammad
Tughluq is quite evident in his account and needs to be treated with caution.
The early part of Isami’s narrative is based on popular legends and oral traditions
which had reached to him through the time. His account of the early Sultans of
India is also based on popular tales with historical facts available to him through
earlier works. But the details of historical events from the reign of Sultan Alauddin
Khalji are much more authentic and can be of corroborative and supplementary
importance. In this part Isami supplements the information contained in Barani’s
148 Tarikh-i Firuzshahi about the siege operations conducted by the military
commanders of the Delhi Sultanate in different regions during the Khalji and the Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
Tughluq period. Isami’s description of the foundation of Daulatabad by Muhammad
bin Tughluq as the second most important city and his account of socio-economic
growth of Delhi under Alauddin Khalji and other cities is graphic and insightful.
Barani has precedence on Isami only in his analysis of cause and effect, connected
with historical events.
Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi
Barani is, no doubt, the doyen of the Indo-Persian historians of medieval India.
Born in an aristocratic family and associated with the royal court of Delhi for
generations, he was obviously concerned with the fate of the Delhi Sultanate. He
seems to have believed that it was his duty to present through his Tarikh-i Furuzshahi
an intellectual composition for the enlightenment of the ruling elite of his times.
Barani’s Tarikh begins with the accession of Sultan Balban to the throne of Delhi
in 1266 and comes to a close with the account of first six years of Sultan Firuzshah
Tughluq’s reign, i.e. the year 1356. Barani’s Tarikh is unique to the Persian history
writing tradition prevalent till his times. It is for the first time that he tries to analyse
the cause and effect of the events and developments taking place in polity and
economy. In his account of the economic policies and measures of Alauddin Khalji
he provides an analysis with causes and formulation of the policies and their impacts.
Barani also elaborates the purpose of writing history in explicit terms :
‘The mean, the ignoble, the rude, the uncouth, the lowly, the base, the obscure,
the vile, the destitute, the wretched, the low-born and the men of the market-
place, can have no connection or business with History ; nor can its pursuit
be their profession. The above-mentioned classes can derive no profit at all
by learning the science of History, and it can be of no use to them at any time;
for the science of History consists of (the account of) greatness and the
description of merits and virtues and glories of the great men of the Faith and
State… The (Pursuit of the) science of History is (indeed) the special preserve
of the nobles and the distinguished, the great men and the sons of great men.’
Barani also declares that the job of the historian is not only to eulogise the deeds
and good works of the rulers but also to present to readers a critical account of
the shortcomings and drawbacks of policies. Moreover, the scope of history is
considerably widened by Barani with the inclusion of details about the cultural role
performed by intellectuals, scholars, poets, and saints. Barani’s style of history
writing inspired the historians of the subsequent period, many of whom tried to
follow his ideas.

13.2.3 Late Fourteenth Century Histories

Other major works of history from the second half of the 14 th century are the
anonymous Sirat-i Firuzshahi, Futuhat-i Firuzshahi, composed by the Sultan
Firuz Tughluq himself and Shams Siraf Aifif’s Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi.. The rare
manuscript copy of the Sirat-i Firuzshahi, available in the Khuda Bakhsh library,
Patna, does not contain the name of its author. It reads as an official history of
Firuz Shah’s reign up to the years 1370-71. It contains, besides the details of
military and hunting expeditions led by Sultan Firuzshah, interesting information about
religious sects, sufis, ulema, socio-ethical matters, science and technology such as
astronomy, medicines, pharmacology, etc. It is really a compendium of many-sided 149
Indian Historiography activities, accomplishments and contribution made by the Sultan to the works of
public utility. The construction of canals and water reservoirs, the foundation of
the new cities with forts and repair of old monuments are described in detail.
The Futuhat-i Firuzshahi was originally an inscription fixed on the wall of the
Jama Mosque of Firuzshah’s capital. Later on, it was copied and preserved in
the form of a book. Through this, the Sultan wanted to disseminate to general
public about reforms and projects he undertook for public welfare.
Shams Siraj Afif, another historian of the period seems to have served the Sultan
during the last years of Firuzshah’s reign. He tells us that his great grand father,
Malik Shihab Afif worked as revenue officer in the province of Dipalpur under
Ghazi Malik during the reign of Ala-Uddin Khalji. His father and uncle supervised
the management of Firuzshah’s karkhanas. As Chaos and anarchy began to prevail
after the death of Firuzshah (1388), he seems to have retired and devoted himself
to writing the history of the Sultanate from the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
Shah (1320-1324). He refers to many volumes of his works, each devoted to
the reigns of the individual Sultans. Of these only one, devoted to the reign of
Firuzshah has survived the ravages of time. It seems to have been completed after
the sack of Delhi by Timur in 1398. This work of his is full of nostalgia and portrays
Firuzshah as a saintly ruler whose presence on the throne saved Delhi from every
calamity. Because of this reason, he has written this volume in the form of manaquib
(collection of virtues) like that of the spiritual biography of a saint. The name Tarikh-
i Firuzshahi has been given to it by the editors of the Text.
The book is divided into five qism (parts) each containing eighteen muqaddimas
(chapters) of unequal length. The last (fifth) qism of the printed text comes to an
end with the fifteenth chapter. The last three chapters seem to have been destroyed
by the Mughal Emperors probably because they contained vivid details of the sack
of Delhi by Timur, the ancestor of Babur. This volume of Afif is important for the
information about socio-economic life and prosperity that resulted from the state-
policies followed by Firuzshah. The details about the foundation of new urban
centres, construction of canals, water reservoirs and the administrative reforms are
invaluable. Similarily, mention made by him of the agrarian reforms introduced by
Firuzshah casts light on his interest in revenue matters. It may also be pointed out
that Afif does not fail to mention the abuses and corruption that had crept in the
administration; and says that officials in every ministry became corrupt. In the diwan-
i arz (military department) the officials took one tanka per horse as bribe from
the horseman at the time of annual muster. He also provides us with hints about
the degeneration of the central army that was considered the best fighting force
which could successfully defend the frontier against the Mongol invaders. On the
whole it is, an important source of information about the life and culture in the Sultanate
of Delhi during the later half of the fourteenth century.
After the dissolution of the Delhi Sultanate, a number of regional Sultanates and
principalities arose. The capitals of these regional Sultanates replaced Delhi as
the main centre of learning and culture. Delhi, which was reduced to the size of a
town, was seized by Khizr Khan (Saiyid) the founder of a new dynasty. Khizr
Khan (ruled from 1414 to 1421) and his son and successor, Sultan Mubarkshah
(1421-1434) tried to rebuild the power of the Delhi Sultan but could not succeed.
The latter was assassinated by his own nobles in the prime of his life. One of his
150 officials Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi, composed the history of the Sultanate and named
it after the Sultan as Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi in 1434. It begins with an account Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
of Sultan Muizuddin Mohammed bin Sam, who led the Ghurian conquest of India
and the account closes with the accession of Mohammad Shah in 1434. The compiler
seems to have drawn information from a number of histories written in India at
different times. Some of the sources utilised by Yahya are now extant but bits of
information on them survived through information collected and incorporated in the
Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi. It enhances its importance. The historian of Akbar’s
reign utilised the Tarikh in the preparation of their volumes devoted to the history
of the Delhi Sultanate.

13.2.4 The Fifteenth Century Histories

In the fifteenth century a number of historical accounts were compiled about individual
kingdoms and were dedicated to the regional rulers. Shihab Hakim compiled the
history of Malwa and named if after Sultan Mohammed Khalji as Maasir-i
Mahmudshah. Abdul Husain Tuni, emigrant scholar from Iran who had settled
in Ahmadabad (Gujarat) wrote Maasir-i Mahmudshahi during the reign of Sultan
Mahmud Shah Begara. Both the works are extant. Another worth-mentioning
history is the Tarikh-i Muhammadi, compiled by Muhammad Bihamad Khani,
resident of Kalpi. It is written in the Tabaqat form beginning with the rise of Islam
in Arabia. It is a summary of the Tabaqat-i Nasiri, Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi
and similar other works to cover history of Firuzshah and his successors. But his
account of the rise of Kalpi as a centre of culture and learning under the fostering
care of its Sultans is original. He narrates the circumstances in which Mahmud
Khan Turk founded the principality of Kalpi and assumed the title of Sultan after
the return of Timur in 1398. The information about the nature of relationship between
the Sultans of Kalpi, Jaunpur and Malwa is also of historical interest.

13.3 HISTORIOGRAPY UNDER THE MUGHALS

The most dominant feature of the historiography of the Mughal period is the tradition
of history writing by official chroniclers appointed by almost all Mughal emperors
till the reign of Aurengzeb. These chroniclers were appointed by the emperors
and all official records were provided to them for the purpose. Another salient feature
of the period is the autobiographical accounts written by emperors themselves. Tuzuk-
i Baburi (in Turkish and not Persian) by Babur and Tuzuk-i Jahangiri (in Persian)
by Jahangir are important works in this genre. Apart from the official works, which
had obvious constrains, a number of independent works were written by independent
scholars which provide a critical appraisal of the policies and events of the period.
In this section, we have discussed the historiography of the period during the reigns
of individual emperors.

13.3.1 The Early Writings

Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur who invaded India and supplanted the Lodi rule by
his own in 1526, was a prolific writer. He wrote both in his mother tongue Turkish
and in Persian. His autobiography Tuzuk-i Baburi, written in Turkish is a literary
masterpiece, containing the history of the decline and fall of the Timurid power in
central Asia, his own biography, the description of life and culture in India and the
diary of events that took place in the course of campaigns he led against his rivals
in eastern India. Babur’s account of central Asia and Khurasan is marked by 151
Indian Historiography objectivity. However, his account on his dealings with the ruling elite in India lacks
objectivity. This is obvious because of the hostility towards those against whom
he was waging war. Babur wrote in anger against the Indian ruling elite. He calls
the Indian nobles untrustworthy, although he himself had deceived them. The Afghans
had invited him to help them in their struggle against their own Sultan, Ibrahim Lodi
thinking that he would go back after taking treasure. Babur is full of praise of
India’s resources and the availability of skilled craftsmen and artisans in the towns
and cities. ‘For any work or any employment’, says he, ‘there is always a set
ready, to whom the same employment and trade have descended from father to
son for ages’. Babur also mentions the list of sarkars (territorial units) with the
annual revenue yields. Further, the description of towns and cities with their respective
topography is interesting. The geographical details in his biography further enrich
its importance. Moreover, the Tuzuk-i Baburi is not merely a political narration
but is also considered as a naturalist’s journal. His description of fauna and flora
of the region he visited is graphic and insightful.
Babur’s son and successor, Humayun (1530-1555) was also interested in history.
He commissioned a renowned scholar, Khawandmir, to compose the history of
his reign. In compliance with the royal order, Khwandmir prepared a brief account
of Humayun’s reign from his accession upto the year 1535 and named it Qanun-i
Humayuni. It sheds interesting light on Humayun’s state policy, particularly towards
the Indian nobles and landed aristocracy. He refers to Humayun’s efforts to win
over Indian chiefs to his side.

13.3.2 Akbar’s Reign: Official Histories

With the accession of Akbar (1556-1605) to the throne, important change took
place in the concept of history writing and the class of history writers. Since the
history of a dynasty served as a memorial to the dynasty, Akbar proposed to have
a written history of the Muslim rulers from the death of the prophet upto his own
time on the completion of the first millennium of Islam, i.e., a history of one thousand
years, called Tarikh-i Alfi. For providing information about the lives and times of
Babar and Humayun, all the officials, the nobles and relatives were asked to write
their reminiscences in book form. At Akbar’s instance, Gulbadan Begum, the daughter
of Babur, Bayazid Biyat (an official of Humayun) and Jauhar Aftabchi (a personal
attendant of Humayun) put down their reminiscences in book form. Gulbadan Begum’s
memoirs entitled Humayunnama is an important source as it sheds light on the
lives and culture of the royal harem. It is considered unique as it reflects a woman’s
perception of the events of the period. After Humayun’s death, Bayazid Biyat served
under Munim Khan Khan-i Khanan in Jaunpur and Bengal and was asked by
Emperor Akbar to keep a watch on the governor and secretly inform the king about
all developments. He has narrated the event of Humayun’s life in Iran, Kabul and
Later in India. Most of these he himself had witnessed. His work is entitled Tazkirat-
i Humayun wa Akbar. Jauhar Aftabchi who had served Humayun also furnishes
useful information about Humayun’s life and times in his Tazkirat-ul Waqiat. Like
collections of reminiscences of Gulbadan Begum and Bayazid Biyat, his work also
does not distinguish between trivia and the historical facts. Nevertheless, all these
works served as sources of information for the compilers of Tarikh-i Alfi and other
histories of Akbar’s reign including Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama.
Akbar constituted a board of seven scholars to compile Taikh-i Alfi. Each member
152 of the board was assigned a period to write its history in chronological order. As
per this scheme the events are described year by year. However, the accounts Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
of certain Indian rulers have been compiled separately in different sections. This
pattern has been followed in providing the history of Muhammad Tughluq, the
Lodis, fifteenth century regional kingdoms emerging after the decline of Sultanate,
Sher Shah Sur, Islam Shah and Adil Shah Sur. Its concluding part is devoted to
the reign of Akbar upto 1585. Not satisfied with the account of his reign in the
Tarikh-i Alfi, in 1589-1590, Akbar ordered Abul Fazl to compile the history of
his reign, beginning with an account of Babur and Humayun. A bureau was
established in which competent people were employed to assist Abul Fazl. The
entire archival material was placed at the compiler’s disposal. It may be stressed
that Abul Fazl was selected for this task because he had identified himself with
Akbar’s views and religious inclination. He portrays Akbar’s own view about
his status and role in history as conceived by emperor himself. Akbar was led
by his courtiers to think of himself as the perfect representation of the spiritual
profile of his age. He wanted to be remembered in history as the Insan-i Kamil
(perfect man), gifted by God with full knowledge of Divine Unity. Therefore, in
compiling the Akbarnama, Abul Fazl was able to come up to his royal patron’s
expectations. He presents Akbar as cosmic man, entrusted by God with sway
over outward form and inner meaning, the exoteric and esoteric. His mission is
said to liberate people from taqlid (tradition), lead them to truth and create an
atmosphere of concord, so that people following different sects could live in peace
and harmony. He was shown as “a light emanating from God.”
Despite flattery, Abul Fazl was able to produce a history of Akbar’s reign that is
considered an important contribution to Indo-Persian historiography. It was
brought to completion after five revisions that involved strenuous labour of seven
years, the completion of the work was indeed epoch making. Abul Fazl did not
believe that Indian history should concern itself only with the achievements of the
Muslim rulers in India, nor did he try to establish any relation with the past of Islam.
In his treatment of Akbar’s military expeditions against the Rajputs, he emphasises
on the point that there was no justification for any chief, Hindu or Muslim not to
join the imperial confederation in view of the reconciliatory policy of Akbar. He
feels that Akbar’s state policy was calculated to bring unity, stability and economic
prosperity to the country. In fact, Abul Fazl’s secular interpretation of history gained
ground during the subsequent century.
The Akbarnama and the Ain-i Akbari provide exhaustive details of the events
and policies introduced by Akbar till the year 1602. However, Abul Fazl fails to
mention or raise any issue which cast any aspersion on Akbar. It is true that the
Ain-i Akbari abounds in economic details, but these details do not tell us anything
about the life and conditions of the mass of peasantry or working class. The Ain-
i Akbari contains statistical details which are valuable source for the study of economic
history with no parallel with any historical accounts prior to it or till the 18th century.
But artisans or peasants are completely absent. The Ain-i Akbari, the third part
of the Akbarnama is a unique compilation of the system of administration and
control through the departments of government. It also contains an account of the
religious and philosophical systems of the Hindus. However, Abul Fazal’s identification
with Akbar’s views and religious beliefs prevented him from presenting a picture
in different hues, reflecting the currents and cross currents in society. Abul Fazl
does not mention Shah Mansur or his successor Todarmal’s contribution while
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Indian Historiography dealing with revenue reforms and portrays Akbar as the genius who evolved key
reforms including Ain-i Dahsala (ten years settlement) and revenue dasturs. The
reader does not find the spirit of Akbar’s age in Akbarnama that was successfully
depicted by Abdul Qadir Badauni or even Nizamuddin Ahmad.

13.3.3 Akbar’s Reign : Non-official Histories

Nizamuddin Ahmad and Abdul Qadir Badauni are two important historians of the
period. Motivated by the popularity of the discipline of history, both the scholars
have written history of the Muslim rule in India and have also recorded achievements
of men of learning in different fields. Their works run into several volumes. Let us
deal with each one separately.
Nizamuddin was the son of Khwaja Muqim Harawi, a noble of Babur and Humayun.
A well-educated man, he was interested in the study of history and literature. When
he look up the project of writing history of India in three volumes, he employed
men like Masum Bhakkari to assist him and provide information about different
regions of the empire.
A man who had gained experience in the government after having served on important
positions in the provinces and at court as well, he was able to make substantial
contribution through his scholarly work. His first-volume deals with the history of
the Muslim rulers of India upto the fall of the Lodi dynasty in 1526. The second
volume contains the account of the Mughal rulers of India upto 1593. The third
volume deals with the rise and fall of the regional kingdoms in India. It is to the
credit of Nizamuddin Ahmad that he mentions all the important events that took
place during Akbar’s reign including the controversial Mahzar which is omitted
by Abul Fazl. However, being the mirbakshi (the incharge of the department of
army) of the empire, he does not provide any critical evaluation. Still, it helps us in
filling the gap left by Abul Fazl not only on this issue but in several other areas.
His work Tabaqat-i Akbari was regarded by all the later writers as an authentic
work and they borrowed from it.
Abdul Qadir Badauni was also a keen student of history and literature. He tells us
that from his student life, he spent hours in reading or writing history. He also learnt
Sanskrit and classical Indian music along with Islamic theology. Akbar employed
him to translate Muhabharat from Sanskrit into Persian. The first volume of his
history entitled Muntakhabut Tawarikh is related to the history of the Sultanate
of Delhi. The second covers Akbar’s reign while in the third volume we find the
biographical notes on the scholars, poets and Sufi saints of Akbar’s reign. His account
is very readable bringing out the important facts of the period. Brevity is the beauty
of Badauni’s style. The first volume contains information culled from miscellaneous
sources, many of which are not extant today. Moreover, Badauni possessed an
analytical independent mind with different views than the official line. In fact Badauni’s
objective was to present a frank account of his times. It is Badauni’s second volume
that needs to be studied along with Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama to have a proper
understanding of Akbar’s reign. Badauni does not gloss over any uncomfortable
question on Akbar’s ability as an administrator. For example, Badauni records
the failure of the karori experience and the disaster it caused. Badauni is corroborated
in essentials by Nizamuddin Ahmad also. Unlike Abul Fazl and even Nizamuddin
Ahmad, Badauni’s account of the religious discussions held in Akbar’s Ibadat Khana,
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the origin of Akbar’s differences with the Muslim orthodoxy that led to religious Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
controversies is vivid depicting the currents and cross currents of thought. It certainly
has precedence on Akbarnama, in a number of areas especially the controversial
issues. It gives an impression to the readers that it is free from the official constraints,
catches the realities of the time and reflect the magnitude and intensity of conflicts
of the period.

13.3.4 Histories During Jahangir’s Reign

Akbar’s son and successor Jahangir decided to write autobiographical history of
his own reign in the traditions set by Babur. Besides, he persuaded other scholars
also to write the history of his reign. He requested Shaikh Abdul Haque to add in
his Tarikh the account of his reign also. But the Shaikh was too old to take up the
work, yet his son Qazi Nurul Haque compiled the history, Zubdatu’t Tawarikh
and closed it with the account of Jahangir’s reign. Like the Tarikh compiled by
his father, Shaikh Abdul Haque, the Zubdatu’t Tawarikh also narrates the history
of the Muslim rulers of India. Another writer, who compiled the voluminous History
of the Afghan tribes and the Afghan rulers, the Lodis and the Surs also incorporated
a chapter on early ten years of Jahangir’s reign. This Tarikh-i Khan-i Jahani was
compiled by Nemat Allah Harawi under the patronage of Khan-i Jahan Lodi, the
noble of Jahangir. As regards Jahangir’s own memoirs Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, it is a
major source for his reign.
The emperor wrote the Tuzuk himself upto the 17th regnal year till his health permitted
him. Later, he dictated it to his trusted officer, Mutamad Khan. It presents to a
great extent the picture of Jahangir’s reign. The principal events connected with
rebellions, the role of the imperial officers, their promotions and punishments as
well as diplomatic relations between India and the foreign powers are described
in a lucid style. It contains a year-by-year narrative. Further, we find insights into
the culture of the Mughal empire as well as Jahangir’s aesthetic taste, learning and
his interest in nature.

13.3.5 Histories During Shahjahan’s Reign

Mutamad Khan set to write the history Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri after Shahjahan’s
accession to the throne. His aim was to Justify Shahjahan’s rebellion against his
father because Nur Jahan Begum wanted to harm him and clear the way for
Shaharyar’s accession to the throne. It is divided into three parts: the first part
covers the history of Babur and Humayun, the second part contains the account
of Akbar’s reign while the third is devoted to Jahangir’s reign. In the last part the
first nineteen years are merely an abridgement of the Tuzuk-i Jahangiri. The account
of the last years of Jahangir’s reign is almost an eye witness account.
Like Mutamad Khan, Khwaja Kamgar Husaini also came from a family associated
with the Mughal court. He served under Jahangir and Shahjahan both. In the
preparation of his Maasir-i Jahangiri, he also drew on Tuzuk-i Jahangiri. His
account from the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign is his original work and is an important
source for the events that took place during the last years of the reign. He started
compiling his work in 1630. It may be pointed out that the compiler also
supplemented information about certain events that took place before Jahangir’s
accession to the throne. For example, he furnishes details about the role played
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Indian Historiography by prince Khusrau’s supporters to secure the throne for him leaving Jahangir aside.
No other historian supplies this information. He also portrays Jahangir as a naturalist,
describing Jahangir’s interest in fauna and flora, animal breeding, etc. In short,
Maasir-i Jahangiri is one of the major histories on Jahangir’s reign.
Impressed with Abul Fazl’s style of prose writing and the richness of details in
the Akbarnama, Shahjahan desired to have the history of his reign compiled by
a master of Persian prose. First he tried Mohammed Amin Qazvini and suggested
him to write Badshahnama, i.e. the history of his reign on the lines of Abul Fazl’s
Akbarnama. Like Abul Fazl, Amin Qazvini was provided with assistants and
given permission to have access to the royal library and the state archives for
the collection of material. In nine years Qazvini was able to complete the first
volume covering the first ten years of Shah Jahan’s reign. It seems that he had
planned to compile a separate volume on every decade but he was stopped from
working on the project. Although the volume was rich in details, his style was
not liked by the emperor. According to Mohammed Saleh Kamboh, the author
of the Amal-i Saleh (or Shahjahannama), Qazvini was transferred to the
intelligence bureau. Abdul Hamid Lahori, another Scholar was appointed as the
official historian in his place. Abdul Hamid was found competent enough to emulate
Abdul Fazl’s Persian prose-style. Saleh Kamboh says that Abdul Hamid was
celebrated for the beauty of his style. Like Akbarnama, the Badshahnama is
also full of outbursts of laboured rhetoric.
Abdul Hamid’s Badshahnama contains an account of twenty years of history of
Shahjahan’s reign. It is divided into two parts, each covering ten years of the reign.
The events have been arranged chronologically year-wise. It also contains separate
sections on the Princes, Princesses and the nobles of the empire. The latter have
been listed in accordance with the descending order of their mansabs from 9000
to 500 horses. Lastly the author devotes a section on the leading Sufi saints, scholars,
physicians and poets of the reign of Shahjahan.
Owing to old age, Abdul Hamid Lahori was retired and his pupil Mohammad Waris
was ordered by the emperor to continue the work. Waris’s volume contains ten
years account from the beginning of the twentieth year to the thirtieth year when
Shahjahan had to abdicate the throne. Waris’s Badshahnama bears resemblance
to his teacher’s Badshahnama both in style and details.
Two other writers who produced histories of Shahjahan during the early years of
Aurangzeb’s reign were Sadiq Khan and Muhammad Saleh Kamboh. The former’s
work is known as Badshahnama, while the latter history is popularly called Amal-
i Saleh (or Shahjahanama). Both these works furnish important details about the
war of succession between Shahjahan’s sons and the last years of Shahjahan’s life.

13.3.6 Histories During Aurangzeb’s Reign

The emperor Aurangzeb also followed the tradition of Akbar and Shahjahan. He
appointed Muhammad Kazim the son of Muhammad Amin Qazvini to write the
history of his reign. An order was also issued to the officers incharge of the royal
records to make over to the official historian all such state papers as were received
from the news writers and other high functionaries pertaining to important events.
On the completion of the account of first ten years of the reign, its writing was
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stopped. The volume produced was called Alamgir Nama (1568). This volume Indo-Persian Historiography
in Medieval India
reads as a panegyric in prose, portraying the emperor as a special recipient of
divine grace and endowed with super-natural powers. Disgusted with flattery and
exaggeration, Aurangzeb banned history writing, saying that ‘the cultivation of inward
piety was preferable to the ostentatious display of his achievements’. The curtailment
of state expenditure seems another reason for stopping the writing of chronicle.
Later on, Inayatullah Khan Kashmiri, a trusted noble of Aurangzeb’s son and
successor, Bahadur Shah persuaded Saqi Mustaid Khan to compile the history of
Aurangzeb’s reign. Hence the compilation of the Maasir-i Alamgiri was brought
to completion in 1711. This fills a wide gap in the official history of Aurangzeb’s
reign.
Like Akbarnama of Abul Fazl and Badshahnama of Abdul Hamid Lahori, Maasir-
i Alamgiri has been composed in the form of annals, each year has been marked
off. Its style is free from literary conceits, but the work reads like a dry list of
official postings, promotions, armies deputed for the conquest of forts, etc. However,
the interesting bits of information are found at places where the compiler makes
observation and reflection on events and particularly biographical sketches. It may
be pointed out that the account of first ten years of Aurangzeb’s reign in the Maasir-
i Alamgiri is a concise summary of Kazim’s Alamgirnama but the account from
the eleventh year onwards is based on his personal knowledge and the state archives.
it is however, almost devoid of details about the social life and the deteriorating
economic conditions in the Empire. This was the last official history of the Mughal
empire. Thereafter, Khafi Khan and other historians of the 18th century composed
histories but their approach was partisan, each historian wrote according to his
allegiance to certain group of nobles at court.
Apart from these historical works a number of other works like Maasir-ul Umara,
by Shahnawaz Khana collection of biographies of nobles, treatise on Administration
like Diwan-i Pasand of Rai Chhatar Mal; Amamullah Hussain’s work Ganj-I
Badawurd (on Agriculture) Baharistan-i Ghaybi of Mirzanathan (1623) are a few
other important works of history for the Mughal period.

13.4 SUMMARY
Among the Muslim elite, history was considered as the third important source of
knowledge after the religious scripture and jurisprudence. Therefore, the study and
writing of history were accorded great importance after the establishment of the
Delhi Sultanate in the closing years of 12th century. The pioneers of history-writing
in the Indo-Persian tradition was Muhammad bin Mansur, popularly known as Fakhr-
i Mudabbir. His writings included a book of genealogies of the Prophet of Islam
and the Muslim rulers, including Qutbuddin Aibak. Minhaj Siraj Juzjani was another
important historian of the 13th century. However, the most important figure in the
Indo-Persian historiography was Ziauddin Barani in the 14th century. His Tarikh-i
Firuzshahi is a milestone in the tradition of history-writing in medieval India. It
was written for the enlightenment of the rulers of his times. Under the Mughals
this tradition of history-writing continued and reached new heights. Abul Fazl,
Nizamuddin Ahmad, Abdul Qadir Badauni, Khwaja Kamgar Husaini and Abdul
Hamid Lahori were some important historians of the Mughal period.
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Indian Historiography
13.4 EXERCISES
1) Give a brief account of Minhaj’s style of history-writing.
2) Discuss the important works of history written during the 14th century.
3) Why is Ziauddin Barani considered as the most important historian of the
Sultanate period?
4) Compare the writings of Abul Fazl and Badauni on Akbar’s reign.
5) Write a brief note on the historical works during Jahangir’s reign.

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