CHAPTER IV

DEHOGRAPHIC AND SOC I OECONOH I C CHARACTERISTICS

This ohapte~ is purely expository and deals with the

demographic and socioeconomic variables, also called the

background characteristics or 'properties' of the units of

analysis. The aim is to sketch a general profile of the subjects

of the study in the light of the data pertaining to their

demographic and socioeconomic background. A discussion on some

of the important background variables gives us the opportunity

to become familiar with the basic sociological characteristics

of the subjects of the study.

It may be reiterated that the bulk of the data has been

presented by breaking it across the tribal-nontribal dichotomy,

with a view to examine the ethnic group related differences in

the phenomena. Apart from the differences. in the present

study, we are also interested in identifying some of the

underlying similarities between the two major social segments.

In the present study. we have not depicted the data by

constructing an index of socioeconomic status (SES) for some

very specific reasons. First of all, the problem of 'what

exactly constitutes the SES index' ie •• the measures, indicators

or variables that should be Included or excluded ~rom the SES

scale. inevitably remains unresolved. Nagel states that,

normally, SES is measured as a composite of three closely linked

 138

attributes : income, education, and occupational prestige, but

some studies separate these components or concentrate on just

one or two of them. (1987: p 58) • Secondly, the reliability of

the SES index also poses several problems during data analysis

and interpretation. As an alternative therefore, for the

present purpose, at the risk of oversimplification, we decided

to classify the study sample into two broad categories based on

the ethnicity factor viz, tribals and nontribals. Some amount of

preliminary fieldwork and also some preliminary analysis

performed on the present data suggested to us·~hat, in the plaae

of the SES variables, if a global variable such as 'ethnicity'

or for that matter, 'cultural group'/sacial group is introduced,

this would allow us to analyze the empirical data more

fruitfully. We also found that the ethnicity factor had a

significant effect on other variables during preliminary cross-

tabulations. Broadly speaking, for the sake of convenience, and

to make a conceptual distinction, the tribal group represented

the low SES (underprivileged) group, and the nontribals, the

relative high SES (privileged) group.

Therefore, keeping in view the kind of analysis that is

proposed, we also decided to retain the ethniclty variable as

the crucial stratifying or controlling factor in cross-

tabul~tions which are tri-variate in their character.

Rosenberg has emphasized the importance of introducing

test factors in making survey data analysis more meaningful. He

observes that:
 138

'block-booking is a central fact of survey

analysis. One cannot properly understand the
relationship between an independent and
dependant variable without taking into account
the fact that other variables are associated
with them. These associated variables become the
'test' factor' (1968 : p 27>'

As will become clear, we will be introducing the ethnicity

factor, as also with other factors, as the third variable, to

make it possible for us to examine the relationshlp of the

independent and dependent variables under each condition of the

third variable, ie" the contingent relationships. (see:

Simmons: in Rosenberg: 1968; p 254). It may be recalled that

sampling for the present study was done by also taking into

consideration the tribal/nontribal population distribution

pattern in the study locality.

To begin with, we take a look at the frequency

distribution of some of the important demographic variables

depicted in a summary table. This will be followed by the

socioe"conomic variables. The emerging patterns and their

implications for our analysis will be discussed in due course.

O••olraphio Characteristio.:
Table 4.1 shows datsen few selected variables pertaining
"to" the demo"graphic background at the respondents. Part of the
data in this table have been aggregated at the level of the
household. The data on these variables are discussed one by
one.
 140

Table 4.1

D••o'l'.phlo· Ch.... ot... hUO. ·of . R•• pondefttl,· . (Per-centage

distribution of respondents, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Characteristics Tribal Non-tribal sample

A,e of· heads' In 1989

21 - 29 30" 19"

30 - 49 66 52

50 - 70 03 29

99 100
"
Number- (95) (233)

Mean age 33.9 40.7 (38.7)

Median age 32.0 39.0 (35.0)

AC- of wU. tn 1989

18 - 29 55" 40"
30 - 49 45 51

50 - 65 00 09

100
" 100

Number * (91) (228)

Mean age 32.0 35.0 (34. 1 )

Median age 28.0 31.0 (30.0)

"ar Ita I .tatUI

Mal'l'led 96" 98"
Widower 02 02

Separated 02 00

100 100
"
Number (95) (233)
 141

---------------------------------------------------------------
,Ho"..ho I'd sl z.

2 -5 60% 48"
6 - 10 37 44
11 - 15+ 03 09

100 101
"
Number (95) (233)

Mean si2e 5.4 6.3 ( 6.0)

Median s12e 5.0 6.0 ( 6.-5)

[Link] of·chlldren in f •• lly

0 13% Ill'

1 18 15

2 21 26

3 32 22

4 09 15
5 06 06
6 01 05

100 100
"
Number (95) (233)

Mean 2.3 2.6 ( 2.5)

Median 2.0 2.0 ( 2.0)
A',e 'of youn,est •••b.r
1 - 06 73% 64"
7 - 12 12 20
13 - 18 05 12
19 - 24 04 02
25 - 30 06 02

"
Number
100
(95)
100

(233)
 142

Mean age 9.5 5.8 (6.3)

Mean age 4.0 4.0 (4.0)

Ale of·oldeat ••• b.,

22 - 32 27" 12"

33 - 45 38 30

46 - 61 26 40
.'
62 - 81 08 18

99 100
'"
Number (95) (233)

Mean age 41.5 43.3 (48.1)

Median age 39.0 45.0 (47.1>

Note Percentages may not sum to 100 because of rounding.

Excluding those respondents who had no wives.
*

Data regarding the age of the respondents show that, most

of the respondents are in the 30-40 category, which is the

middle age· group, and, the mean age for the entire sample is

38.7 years. The data also indicate that there is a significant

difterence in the mean age of the tribals and nontribals while

the mean age for the tribals is 33.9, i t is 40.6 for the

nontrlbals.

What is indeed quite striking about this distribution is

the percentage of respondents found in the 50-70 age group. As

compared with the 26 per [Link] the nontribals, only about 3

per cent of the tribals are ·found in this age category. However,

this difference may be attributed to the fact that, in the case

 L4S

of five tribal respondents, it was found that they were either

hard of head ng or that they were jus t too a I d, weak and_

therefore could not comprehend the questions they were asked. In

such cases, the substituted interviewee was the eldest adult

married son, a pOint already made expli~it in the previous

chapter. Although the data pertaining to age are only indicative

and not definitive, as is often the case in survey data, the

importance of this variable none the less remains.

A.. ot Wit.:
The data in table 4.1 clearly show that a relatively

f higher per centage (55%) of tribal wives, as compared with the

nontrlbal wives (40%), are in the 18-29 age [Link].

Interestingly, while none of the tribal wives belong to the 50-

65 age group, about 9 per cent of the nontribals wives are in

this age group. The data also show that the mean age for the

entire sample is 34.1. And, while it is 32 for the tribals it

is 35 for the nontribals. This clearly suggests that the tribal

wives on an average are only slightly younger to their nontribal

counterparts. The data reflect a [Link] less similar pattern in

the age distribution as that of the husbands.

Marital Statue:
Data pertaining to the marital status have shown hardly

any variance. Almost all the respondents, except 9 of them, are

married, and they stay with their wives. In the present study

sample. 5 respondents have reported having two wives, in which

case, the data pertaining to the first wife were recorded.

 144

Househol d 'Size :

Data on the household size appear to be quite contrary to

our expectation. It had been expected that the tribal would have

a relatively larger household size, but the data have revealed

that, as compare'd with the 48 per cent of the nontribals as many

as 60 per cent of the tribals belong to the 2-5 family size.

Added to this, the data'have shown that, whereas the, .mean

hou~ehold size for the entire sample is 6 members, it is 5.4

members for the tribals, and 6.3 for nontribals. The data

indicate that as ~ompared with the tribals, the househOld size

of the nontribals on an average is relatively larger.

A partial eXplanation for this probably lies in the recent

trend among the tribals in the study locality to adopt a nuclea~

type at family as opposed to the traditional joint family, for

some unexplored reasons. Nuclear families are normally expected

to have a relatively smaller family size. Furthermore, the fact

that a substantially higher percentage of tribal heads of the

household are younger as compared with their counterparts, seems

to have a bearing on the relatively smaller family size among

the tribals.

We may have to however treat this explanation as only

tentative; one that rests upon informed speculation and also

draws upon some ot the observations made by the researcher in

the field. In any case, 'household size' is closely related to

the age of the head of the household and socioeconomic variables

and cannot be treated in isolation. (see: Kroger; 1083 : p 148),

 1415

[Link] Chi Idr.n in F•• U y :

Chi Idren, In the present study, refer to members who are

less than 16 years of age and not necessarily the offsprings or

children who belong to the respondents alone. Therefore, as far

as the number of children in the familY Is concerned, the data

In table 4.1 show that there is hardly any difference between

the two ethnic groups, with respect to this particular variable.

The average number of children is two.

A•• of Youn ••• t .nd Old•• t F•• Uy "_.ben.:

The data In table 4.1 show that about three-fourth (731)

of the tribal famil ies, and 64 per cent of the nontribal

families have a member who is less than 6 years of age. However,

the data have also revealed that about 15 per cent of the

tamilies in both the ethnio groups do not have a family member

who is less than 16 years of age.

As tor the age of the oldest member in the family, the

data have shown that, as compared with the tribal families, a

relatively higher percentage of nontribal families have family

members who are above the age of 50. However, the data have also

clearly revealed that while in about 75 per cent of the tribal

families, the age of the oldest person is less than 45 years,

this is so in only 42 per cent of the nontribal families. This

observation seems to have important demographic connotations

such as longevity and probably a reflection of the already

mentioned trend among the tribals to prefer to live in a nuclear

type of family.
 148

Soo![Link].-:
Data pertaining to the socioeconomic variables will be

dealt with next. It may be noted that, income of the respondents

has been given considerable importance in the present study.

This variable will be discussed at some length after dealing

with other important socloecononmic variables such as

occupation, land holding size, and crop yield, essentially

because these variable have been treated as components of the

income variable.

Rel1110n :
The data have indicated that in the present sample a

majority (88~) of the nontribals are Hindus; a small number (3~)

are Muslims and about 9 per cent are neo-Buddhist. Importantly,

all the tribals (Katkaris as well as Thakurs) practice totemism,

a system of belief which involves worshiping totems

-(objects/emblems) such as stones, animals plants/trees and other

natural objects. The Katkaris however practice a religion which

i-s not Brahmanic. Their chief object of worship is the tiger

god. Some Katkaris also worship the Kunbi village god 'gavdev' .
•
The [Link] also are known to have strong beliefs in spirits and

are great worshippers ot 'Hlrva' and are otten possesed by

'Vaghya'. (see Gazzetteer : 1982 ': p 268-2741.

It may be emphasized that, over the years, due to their

proximity and close contact with the nontribals, in particular

the Hindus living in the neighbouring villages, the degrees of

their exposure to another culture has influenced the degree of

 141

their cultural identity and change - acculturation specifically.

The tribals have borrowed a number of cultural practices from

the dominant Hindu population such as the worshiping or revering
some of the popular Hindu Gods, dieties, and local spirits,

besides celebrating some of HindU festivals, thus reflecting the

process of acculturation in tribal societies.

The Muslims constitute only a small portion of the sample

and are indeed small in terms of proportion as compared with the

other religious groups. Whereas, the neo-Buddhists, who

constitute about 9-per cent of the study sample, despite haVing

embraced Buddhism, several of their cultural and religious

practices, rituals and symbolism, are similar to the Hindu

traditions.

In the study locality, the neo-Buddhists live in secluded

hutment; which border on the main Hindu villages. In the case

of two stUdy villages, the seclusion of the neo-Buddhlsts from

the main village was very striking. In the main village in which

the study PHC is located, the settlement pattern is slightly

different. Here, the neo-Buddhists live amidst the mainstream

population, but they remain nevertheless clu~tered together in a

geographical area known as 'harijanwadi'.

Ca.t. [Link]:
Data pertaining to the caste of the respondents have
clearly shown that an overwhelming majority (92%) of the Hindus
belong to the Kunbi-maratha caste. Indeed, this caste group

,
 14e

alone constitute almost 56 per cent of the study sample. The

remaining 8 per cent were Kumbhars, Kolt, Sonar, Van!, Nhavi and

Brahmins.

The Kunbls, it may be noted, are predominantly

agriculturist (peasant cultivators) and represent the dominant

peasant caste group not only in thislQcality, In terms of

numerical strength, land holding, economic and political power,

but also in the taluka as a whole where the data were collected

for the present study. In fact, in four of the larger villages

which were part of the study sample, almost all the families
were Kunbis and all of them were blood relatives, bearing the

same family name. These villages were more like extended family

clusters of the majority caste households which have

consolidated their positions over time. Their geographical

proximity with each other, and also their strong sen5e of caste

identity has also facilitated considerable social interaction

between members belonging to these Kunbi-dominated villages.

The remainder of the respondents who belong to the other

caste groups come chiefly from the main village and constitute
only a small percentage of the population in the study locality.

Type of [Link]

Contrary to our expectation, the data have also revealed

that while 47 per cent of the nontribals belong to a nuclear
type of a family, an almost equal percentage (50S) of the

tribals also belong to this type of a family. The remaining,

 141i1

almost half of them from both the groups, belong to the joint or

the extended type of a family.

From the sociological point of view, the finding that

nearly half the tribal respondents belong to the nuclear type of

a tamily is an interesting trend which reflects on the changing

patterns of family structures among the tribals. who are

traditionally known for their community living and joint family

structures. The findings suggest that the process of

disintegration of the traditional jOint family system seems to

be occurring at a rate that is much faster that what is normally

believed to be true. This apparentlY increased tendency among

the tribals in particular,to shift from their traditional joint

family pattern, and choose to live in a nuclear family, mirrors

not only the incisive influence that outside forces of

modernization and change are having on their family structure,

but also the persisting impoverishment that forces them to break

away from their traditional family pattern .

. Educa·tional Statu. and Ethnl0 Group:

The data have revaaled that, more than half (53~) the

tribals, and about a quarter (22%) of the nontribals are

illIterate, suggesting that not surprisingly, the tribals are

more heavily Illiterate than the nontribais. The data have

also revealed that, while the mean years of schooling for the

entire sample is 3.8, it Is 2.2 for the tribal group, and 4.5
for the nontribal group. loIe [Link] this data in some detal I
In the neKt table.
 150

Table 4.2

Educational Level' 'and Ethnic Group:

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

educational status, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Level of education Tribal Nontrlbal sample

High (some post-secondary) 03 13 10

(03) ( 30) ( 33)

Medium (some secondary) 14 23 20

(13) ( 54) ( 67)

Low ([Link] or IElss) 83 64 70

(79) (149) (228)

'. Number
100
(95)
100
(233)
100
(328)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies

2
x = 12.89 D.F = 2 P = < .01 C = 0.19

-----------------------------------------------------------------

Table 4.2 shows the relationship between educational

status and the ethnic group to which the respondents belong.

The data In this table reveal that, quite expectedly, a majority

(69.) of the respondents, irrespective of their ethnic status

are in the low educational status group. The table also shows

• that, a majority (83%) of the tribals and about 64 per cent of

the nontrlbals are In the low eduoational status group.

 161

Besides, while about 13 per cent of the nontribals have studied

beyond std VIII, only 3 per cent of the tribals have done the

same.

2
The x test shows that the difference between the two

groups in terms of their educational level is statistically

significant at the .01 level of confidence. We may therefore

• conclude that, while the overall educational status of the study

population is quite restricted, the difference between the

tribals and the nontribals in this regard is quite striking,

with the tribals conspiciously on the lower end of the

,. educational status.

Table 4.3

Wive. Eduoatlon and Ethnlo Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents' wives according to

their educational level, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Level of Education Tribal Nontribal sample

High (some post-secondary) 01 03 02

(01) ( 07) ( 08)

Medium (some secondary) 00 07 05

(00) ( 16) ( 16)

Low (primary or less) 99 90 93

(90) (205) (295)

100 100 100

"Number * (91) (228) (319)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

*. Excluding those respondents who had no wives.
 162

Table 4.3 shows the relationship between educational

status of the respondents wives and their ethnic group. The

data clearly show that except for very few of them, a majority

are very poor in terms of their educational status. In fact,

the data have revealed that 93 per cent at the tribal wives and

75 per cent of the nontribal wives are not literate; with the

difference between the two groups being only marginal. Thus,

irrespective of their ethnic group 80 per cent of the

respondents have wives who are not literate.

HI-,hast -Level of Eduoational Attaln••ntln Falltly:

With regard to the highest level of educational attainment

in the family, the data have revealed that there is

considerable difference between the two ethnic groups. About 28

per cent of the tribal families did not have even one single

literate member as compared with only 2 per cent in the caie of

the nontribal families. Besides, as compared, with 11 per cent

of the tribal families as many as 43 per cent of the nontribals

had at least one member in the family who had studied beyond
Std. I X.

The data have also revealed that, while the mean for the

entire sample is about 6 years it is 3.9 years for the tribals

and 7.5 years for the nontribals;another indicator which

highlights the extent of inequality between the two groups with

respect t6 education.
 153

Table 4.4

Ptl• .,.y Oocupation and Ethnic Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

primary occupation, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Occupation Tribal Nontribal sample

Cultivation 33 72 61
(31) (168) (199)
Wage labour
(skilled/unskilled) 32 13 18
(30) ( 30) ( 60)

Petty trade 34 12 18
(handicra- (32) ( 28) ( 60)
f ts/arti san)

Civil service 02 03 03
(02) ( 07) ( 09)

100 100
"
Number (95) (233)
100
(328)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

-------~---------------------------------------------- ----------
2
x = 47.75 D.F = 3 P = <.001 c = .35

Oooupatlonand Ethnio Group:

As for the occupational status of the respondents, (their

primary source of earning), the data in table 4.4 reveal that,

while an equal percentage (33") of tribals are engaged in

cultivation, wage labour (skilled or non-skilled), and some

petty trade (in particular - basket making) as their primary

occupation, an overwhelming majority (72") of the nontribals are

engaged in CUltivation as their primary source of income. Only

a very small percentage of respondents from both the groups are

engaged in civil service, either as clerks or school teachers.

 164

The occupations noted above are the main source of income

for the respondents. It must be emphasized that a majority of

the respondents, irrespective of their ethnic status, pursue

more than one occupation simultaneously (in various

combinations) to earn their livelihood.

Table 4.5

[Link] Oooupatlon and Ethnio Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

occupation, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Occupation(s) Triba I Nontribal sample

CuI tivation only 08 31 25

(08) ( 72) ( 80)

Wage labour only 19 04 08

(18) ( 09) ( 27>

Cultivation and labour 25 39 35

(24) ( 90) (114)

CuI tivation and trade 10 13 12

(09) ( 31> ( 40)

CuI tivation and civil

service 05 04 05
(05) ( 10) ( 15)

Wage labour, and pet-

ty trade 01 02 01
(01) C 04) ( 05)

Cultivation. labour
and trade 32 07 14
(30) ( 17) ( 47)

100 100 100

"Number (95) (233) (328)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

----------------------------------------------------------------
2
x = 65.02 D.F = 6 P = <.001 C = .40
 As indicated by the data in table 4.5 a majority (35.) of

the respondents combine cultivation (presumably on their own

land) and wage labour; a substantial number (14%) pursue

cultivation, petty trade (particularly basket-making among the

tribals and vegetable vending, running a tea shop among the

nontribals), and when the need arises, also work as agricultural

labourers. A quarter (25%) of the respondents have reported

pursuing cultivation as their only occupation, and another 8 per

cent have reported being dependent on only some wage labour.

Wit.·.·[Link]:
Typically, in most of the marginalized and agricultural

societies, women are per forced to engage in some wage earning

actvity, either to supplement the familY income, or quite often

to play the role of the main bread earner. Taking into

consideration the important economic role they play, in the

present study, information regarding the wife's occupation aside

from the routine domestic chores was also elictted from the

respondents. Data in table 4.6 suggest that most of the wives

are also in the same occupation as that of their husbands.

However. what is interesting is the difference between the two

ethnic groups in the nature of the occupations that they pursue.

For instance, 63 per cent of the nontribal wives pursue

CUltivation only, as compared with the 24 per cent of the

tribals who also do the same. On the other hand, while 44 per

cent of the tribal wives combine this with wage labour, only 25

per cent of the 'nontribal wives also do the same.

 158

Table 4.6

Wive's Occupation "and Ethnic Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents wives according to their

occupation. and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Occupation(s) Tribal Nontribal sample

Cui tivation only 24 63 52

(22) ( 144) (166)
Wage labour only 12 01 04
(11 ) ( 02) ( 13)
Cui t i vati on and labour 44 25 30
(40) ( 57) ( 97)
Cu I t I va ti on and trade 00 02 02
COO) ( 05) ( 05)
Cu rtf va ti on and ci v i I
service 00 04 03
(00) ( 09) ( 09)
Wage labour, and pet-
ty trade 18 05 08
(16) ( 11) ( 02)
Cultivation, labour
and trade 02 00 01
(00) ( 00) 02)
(
100 100 100
"Number * (91) *(228) If(319)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

* Excluding the not applicable respondents.

2
x = 65.42 D.F = 4 P = <.001 C = .41

Avallabillty of Eaploy•• nt Opportunitl •• :

With a view to approximate the extent and pattern of

unemployment In the study area, the respondents were asked

'whether opportun i t i es for wage employment (essentially

agricultural labour) were available as and when the need is

felt'. Quite contrary to our expectation, the data have

revealed that a majority (93%) of the tribals and 66 per cent of

 167

the nontrlbals have stated that employment opportunities were

available to them without much difficulty. However, it may be

pointed out that most of them were quick to add that the waies

that they get are very unsatisfactory.

The data have also revealed that, about one-fifth of the

nontribals (20%) have mentioned that they do not feel the need
to go in search of wage employment because, apparently, the

income that they are able to ienerate from their land and other

~ources/assets is sufficient for them to maintain themselves and

their family. Such a high percentage of respondents saying that

they are able to find employment opportunities as and when

necessary, is indeed an interesting finding. However, the point

that should not be missed is that the wages that they get are

meagre.

Land Holdln, [Link].:

Data pertaining to size of the land holding have been

shown in table 4.7. Land holding is obviously a very important

indicator of an individual's socioeconomic status. However.
although the amount of land owned is an important indicator.
what is perhaps more important is the quality of the land owned

whether it is cultivable/fertile or not. The local people

make a very clear distinction between land that is 'wet' from

that which is 'dry'. Dry land is referred to as 'mal' or

'padik' in the local language.

 1&8

It may be noted that, share cropping is quite common among

the tribals in the study locality. The typical arrangement of

share cropping is known as ·Vaivatachi zamin", or 'shared land'.
This practice involves a landless labourer entering into an

agreement with a landed farmer to cultivate the land, and share

a defined proportion of the produce - between the tiller and

land owner.

Importantly, land is a central issue in most disputes.

Violent disputes over the apportIonment of the produce are

nevertheless commonplace. More recently, the tribals in the

study locality, with the support of the local activist
organization have been fIghting for permanent rights (land

ownership rights) over the In-forest cultivation plots In

reserved forests. These forest plots, it may be mentioned where

granted to them in the year 1972 during the Congress (I)

government's rule, under the 'Grow More Food Campaign' launched

allover the country when the country was faced with a severe
draught situation.

Initially, these forest plots were given to the tribals by

the government on lease, and they were encouraged to cultivate

these plots and grow food at least for self consumption.
However, over the years, the tribals have been claiming
tenancy rights over these forest plots given to them on lease.

They argue that these plots rightfully belong to them since they
have been cultivating them for SO many years. Some of them even
claim that these plots are Indeed their ancestoral property.
 169

Table 4.7

Land Hotdtnl Size and Ethnic Group

(Percentage distrIbution of respondents according to land
holding size, and ethnic group)
--------------------------------------~---------------~----------
Ethnic group I
Land holding size in Total
acres Tribal Nontribal sample

. Cultivable land (wet land)

o 37" 17%
1 38 22
2 07 21
3 12 16
4 02 09
5 02 05
6+ 02 10

100 100
"
Number (95) (233)

Mean 1.2 2.5 (2.1)

Median 1.0 2.0 (2.0)

Unoultlvable land (dry land)

o 76" 48%
1 13 13
2 02 12
3 03 11
4 04 06
5 01 03
6+ 01 07

"
Number
100
(95)
100
(233)

Mean 0.57 1.8 (1. 4)

Median 0.0 1.0 (0.0)

Total . land holdlnl (both wet and dry)

2 35" 16li>
3 54 47
4 08 21
5 03 08
6+ 00 08

% 100 100
Number (95) (233)

Mean 2.0 3.1 (2.86)

Median 2.0 3.0 (2.0 )
-----------------------------------------------------------------
 180

A majority of the trlbals in the study locality continue

to cultivate forest land (land that legally belongs to the

Forest D~partment), and grow cereals and pulses in small amounts
for self-consumption mainly on small in-forest plots. Many

tribals narrated to the researcher, how they are routinely

harassed by the forest guards who often demand bribes to allow

them to illegally use the forest plots for cultivation purposes.

Quite a few ot them asserted that they resist the pressure

tactics resorted to by the forest guards, and this often results

in physical violence. They also pOinted out to the researcher

that forest contractors have played a major role In the

detorestation of their forest land and this has resulted in the

erosion of their forest based economy.

The tribals have received considerable support from an

activist organization to restore their rights over their

ancestora I I and. More recent I y, as a resu I t of a Supreme Cour t

ruling over the restoration of the rights of the trlbals over

the forest plots--allottedto them during the 'Grow More Food

Campaign' , their organized resistance has received an added

impetus.

In addition, with the support of the activists, some of

the ttibals have also filed court cases against a tew nontribals

who have allegedly usurped their ancestora! land; urging the

court that their rights over the land usurped from them be
restored.
 161

One activist informant underlined this problem during an

informal discussion with the researcher by remarking that:

'it is only recently that we have started

fighting for our rights. Over the years we have
silently suffered exploitation and usurpation of
our land by the nontribals. We have started
taking the support of the activist organization,
and the court of law to protect our land rights'.

The researcher sought to verify these allegations with

some of the nontribals. However, this brought in strong denials

from them rejecting the allegation that they engage in

exploitation of the tribals. Some of them even added that, they

have lived amicably with the tribals for years and accused the
activists of instigating the tribals, giving way to disharmony,

and also unwarrantedly maligning the nontribals.

However, on further verification, the researcher found

that over 150 cases have been filed in the Bombay High Court by
the local activist organization, on behalf of some of the

tribals, against few of the nontribals for allegedly usurping

the land that rightfully belongs to the tribals.

Coming back to the data on land holding size, the data

have revealed that a majority (80%) of the tribals have less

than 2 acres of land (cultivable land) as compared with the

nontrlbals at whom 60 per cent are also In the less than 2 acres

of cultivable land category. This of course includes the

landless. The data have revealed that, while the mean

cultivable land holding for the entire sample is 2.1 acres, it

•
is 1.2 for the tribals and 2.5 for the nontribals. And, as far
 182

as the uncultivable or dry land holding Is concerned, the data

have shown that, a majority (91~) of the tribals and a majority
(73~) of the nontribals own upto or less than 2 acres of

uncultivable land. While the mean uncultivable/dry land holding

for the entire sample 1s about 1.4 acres, it is .57 acres for

the tribals and 1.8 acres for the nontribals.

Data pertaining to the total land holding have revealed

that, a majority (54~) of the tribals own land that is three

acres or less, and about 35 per cent of the others own land that

is two acres or less (This category also includes the landless).

The nontrlbals on the other hand are expectedly bettero!!

when compared with the tribals. A majority (47%) have land

which is 3 acres, and another 16 per cent have less than 2

acres. (This group also included those who are landless).

The data clearly show that, as compared with the tribals,

of whom only 11 per cent own land which 1s more than or equal to
4 acres, about 37 per cent of the nontribals also own land which
is equal to 4 acres. And of course, some of them have land
which is more than 5 acres.

The mean land holding for the entire sample is about 2.86

acres and it is 2 acres for the tribals and 3.1 acres for the
nontribals. The inequality and the extent of polarization in
t
the land holding pattern between the two groups is indeed quite
striking.
 les

There are two points regarding the reliability of the

landholding data that must be emphasized at this stage.

Firstly, under-reporting (not revealing the actual figure) of

land owned, and conversely, over-reporting (inflating the actual

true figure) of land owned, presumably to enhance prestige,

cannot be ruled out in the pres~nt case, although such cases may

be only few. Secondly, especially in the case of a few tribals,

non-reporting of land owned or actually not owning any land does

not indicate that they do not cultivate any land. Aside from

the tact that some of them are engaged in 'share cropping',

quite a substantial number of tribals do cultivate forest plots,

sometimes upto ~ acres (land which they actually do not own, at

least on record), and have refrained from giving information or

reporting on this to the researcher presumably because they

feared trouble.

However, since the researcher was well aware of the forest

plots being used for cultivation purpose by the tribals, and had

made his support for the issue quite clear during the interview

session, eliciting some interesting information on this aspect

was made possible. The point 1s that, th~ absolutely landless,

are presumably fewer In their number than those suggested by the

data in the present study.

It must also be emphasized at this stage that, the data on

land holding pertain to the land owned by the head of the

household. Since data on divided property (land) in joint

families would have been difficult to obtain and verify with

 1.84

respect to each land owning member in the family, ie land owned

the name of each of the eligible family member, it was decided

to record the land owned by the head of the household as an
indicator ot land holding, and not held by the household as an

unit of reference.

Clearly, for these reasons, the data pertaining to land

holding in the present study will have to be handled with some

caution, lest they should have a distorting effect on our

understanding of the land holding pattern among the study

population. In any case, the data have certainly revealed the

magnitude of inequality in land holding among and between the

two ethnic groups.

Cropp1n. Pattern. and Yield:

Data regarding crop yielding pat"tern among the study

population have indicated that, rice ('bhat') is the main

crop/staple crop, and is cultivated by almost all those who own

or till some land which is cultivable, although the amount of

land brought under cultivation may be very small. Others, in

particular the tribals who cultivate some forest land grow

cereals (ragi, nagli, or 'nachani'), millets and pulses, black

gram ('udid') especially and oil seeds ('teel' or 'khurasnl')

although In very small quantities, quite often for self

consumption. Most of them take only a single crop every year

and depend heavily on the monsoons. Quite a few however, have

recently, with the assistance from cooperative bankS/SOCieties

and some support from the Department of Agriculture have started

 l6S

taking at least two crops, and also started growing some

vegetab I e s. Only a few are able to grow some surplus, and they

either sell it against cash in the local market or barter it

against some commodity.

In order to elicit data on crop yield, the respondents

were asked to state the amount of crop <each crop) yield taken

during the most immediate ie the current harvest. The data on

crop yield have revealed that, about 30 per cent of the tribals

and i6 per cent of the nontribals had also not grown any rice

during the current season. A substantial number (39%) of the

tribals who had grown some rice had taken a crop yield of less

than 500 kgs. (or 5 quintles), although about 2S per cent had

taken between 501-1000 kgs. of rice as crop yield during the

current season. On the other hand, while 25 per cent of the

nontribals had taken less than 500 kgs. of rice; 30 per cent

had taken anything between 501-1000 kgs. or upto 10 quintles,

during the current season. About 28 per cent of the others had

nevertheless taken more than 1001 kgs. of rice, with quite a few

others taking more than 2001 kgs. as orop yield during the

our rent season.

The mean rioe yield for the entire sample is about 758.2

kgs. and it 15 about 407.8 for the tribals and 901.1 kga. for

the nontrlbals. The data also indicate that only a small number

of respondents have reported growing other cereals, pulses, or

oil seeds - a bulk 0' which is grown by the tribals, especially

on forest plots, and used mainly for self consumption. Growing

 lee
of cash crops such as sugercane or groundnuts has not been

reported by any of the respondents.

Clearly, crop yield is normally related to the amount of

land (cultivable) brought under cultIvation, and the quality of

soil, ~ater supply, use of fertilizers etc. The data show that,

the amount of crop especially rice/paddy yield reported is far

less than what would normally be expected vis-a-vis the

landholding size reported by the respondents. While under-

reporting may be one of the factors (with hardly any scope to

verify the authenticity of the reported crop yield), the other

factors, such as poor quality of land, lack of proper irrigation

tacilities, and pests appear to be contributing more in this

case.

It may be noted at this point that, in the year 1974-1975,

the state of Maharashtra was hit by a seyere drought, which not

only affected the quality of the soil, but also reportedly

brought in a host of pests/insects which devoured the crop

during the subsequent years, a situation that continues today.

A majority of the land owning respondents reported of the

better days in the pre-1974 years, and the worsening situation

during the years that followed, in particular, the current

situation. According to one of the researchers' host (a

panchayat member) in one of the villages:

 187

'an average farmer in this area is an unhappy

man. And over the years, things have ione from
bad to worse. Infact, the worst is sti II to
come. There was a time when a farmer who
cultivated 3 acres of land was able to grow
enough not only to feed the entire family, but
also to sell half of it in the open market or
even barter it against some other commodity.
But today. he is left with hardly any surplus to
se II . •
This was also echoed by another informant - a small farmer

owning about 6 acres of land (the researcher's host in another

village). Narrating his own story aB a case in point, he pointed

out that :
'until the drought hit this area in 1974, the
crop yield was so good that there was not enough
place in the house to store the grains/harvested
crop. However, the situation today is different.
The crop that is grown is just enough for the
family to survive.'
According to another respondent

'as a result of poor harvest over the years,

indebtedness has inoreased. Whereas in the
earlier days it used to make a difference,
today, whether we cultivate 3 acres or 5 acres
of cultivable land, does not make much of a
difference. Infact, it hardly matters because,
the crop yield is so poor. And added to this,
hiring agricultural labourers has become so
expensive these days that it become uneconomical
to even cultivate the land that we own. A
farmer cultivates his land only because he
cannot bear to see it lying barren, however
uneconomical it may become.'
Another tribal informant owning about 3 acres of land

narrated his version of the consequences of the 1974-1973

drought. According to this informant:

'the drought brought co~siderable misery to the
people in this area, and probably allover the
state. It brought a host of pests which
destroyed the crop, reducing it to n-othing, and
for over eight years now the situation has not
improved.'
 leB

The Department of Agriculture has none the less made some

attempts to eradicate these pests. Common among these pests are

the paddy stem-borer (khod-kida) (Tryporyza incertulas);army
worms (Lashkarialya)(Criphis unipuncta); paddy blue beetle (Nile

bhungere) (Leptispa); and leaf-roller (pane gundalnarya alya)

(Pnaphato Crocis Medlnalis). It has also distributed

fertilizers, and improved strains of paddy to the farmers.

However, little seems to have improved after having taken these

measures. The soil quality has also deteriorated over the years.
However, as compared with the previous years, the crop yield

during the current season has been much better at least

sufficient to feed the family and see the year through.

It may be mentioned that the researcher was exploring the

field during the entire cropping season, and was therefore able
to gain first hand experience of the destruction caused by the

pests.

Land Irrigatlon:
As regards irrigation, a majority of the farmers in and
around the study locality depend heavily on the monsoons.
However, with the construction of two dams in this taiuka, a
substantial percentage of the agricultural land has been brought
under irrigation, but then, a bulk of the irrigated land belongs
to the relatively large land owners. A number of small farmers,
drew the attention of the researcher to the fact that they have
not been able to accrue any benefit from the irrigation dams.
 SSQ

Some of the farmQrs draw water from the nearby river to

irrigate their lands. A few enterprising farmers in the study

locality have installed pumps to draw water from the nearby

river and feed it into small canals, which supply the water to

their land. Host of them have been able to do so after having

got lnto a cooperatIve venture, which has allowed them to obtain

credit from the local bank to install the pump sets. This has
facilitated the taking at at least two crops, and also growing

of vegetables during the winter season.

Table 4.a
Ownership of [Link] and Ethnio Group
(Percentage distributIon of respondents according to the
livestock owned (cows, buffaloes and bullocks), and ethnic group)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Livestock Ethnic group Total
(cows, buffalo~s & Tribal Nontribal Sample
bullocks)
------------------------_.----.----------------------------------
Ni I 47 36 39
(44) ( 63) (121 )

1 16 08 10
( 15) ( 19) ( 34)

2 09 21 18
(09) ( 49) ( 58)

·3 13 12 12
(12) ( 28) ( 40)

4 07 08 08
(07) ( 19) ( 26)

5 08 15 13
(Oa) ( 35) ( 43)

'I 100 100 100

Number (95) (233) (328)
--------------------------------~-----~--------------- ----------
Note Figures in parentheses are raw frequenCies.
2
x = 13.20 D.F = 5 p = < .05 C = .19
 170

~lv •• tock

Data pertaining to livestock have shown that, only about

33 per cent of the tribals and about 34 per cent of the
nontribals own at least one cow. The situation is not very

different with respect to owning buffaloes; with only about 16

per cent at the tribals and about 29 per cent at the nontribals

owning 1 or 2 of them. However, the data have indicated that

with respect to ownership of bullocks, the situation is slightly

different. About 30 per cent of the tribals and 38 per cent of

the nontrlbals own at least 1 or 2 of them. Computing the total

number of cattle heads owned by the respondents, the data have

revealed that, the majority (47$) of the tribals and about 36

2
per cent of the nontriba!s do not own any cattle. The x test

shows that the difference between two groups is significant at

.
the .05 level of confidence •

rearing is not very common among the study

population. The majority (75%) of the tribals and almost 98 per

cent at the nontri~als did not own any sheep. Contrary to our

expectation. the data have revealed that, with respect to

ownership of birds, few tribals (37%) and also only a few

nontribals (16%) owned 1 or 2 birds/chicken.

The purpose behind eliciting data on livestock was mainly

to approximate the value of the assets owned by the

respondents~ and also the various income sources available to

them. We now turn to examining the data on the income of our

respondents.
 171

Honthly F•• tly lnco •• :

Betore we start to examine the dala pertaining to the

income distribution among the study sample, it would be

important to mention at this point, how exactly we have

calculated this somewhat difficult variable viz. income to

measure In cash terms, especially tor a rural population. The

problem of ambiguity of the income component in survey data has

been underscored by several researchers. (see: Verba: 1978).

Since it is very likely that the respondents in villages may

either under-state of even over-state (which is less likely) to

enhance prestige etc., their income, one has to be very

cautious, least this should lead to deceptive conclusions.

In the present study, in order to check or at least to

reduce this risk, part of the respondent's monthly income was

ascertained directly by asking them to state in cash terms,

their average monthly income atter taking into account all

sources of income (such as labour, sale of milk etc.) except

that which i9 derived from sale of their crops. The respondents

were also asked to state their current crop yield with respect

to each of the major crops. Having obtained this information,

the price of the produce was calculated in cash terms at current

rates in the local wholesale market. The total monthly family

income was finally determined in cash terms by adding the sum

from all the income sources, and averaging it for each month.

Yet it may be mentioned that the figures are only approximate.

 &72

Preliminary analysis of the data has revealed that while

the mean monthly income for the entire sample is Rs. 861.8, it

is Rs.572.2 for the tribals and Rs. 979.9 for the nontribals.

The data show that a substantial number of the households are

below the poverty line, as per the seventh five year plan (1985-

90) (1980-81 CPI) which is Rs.533 per month for a family of

five. The difference in the income of the two ethnic groups is

also quite obvious. Table 4.9 depicts this inequality more

clearly.

Table 4.9

"onthly Falllly 1nco•• and Ethnic Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

monthly family income, and ethnic group)

------------------------------------------------------ -------~---

Monthly family income Ethnic group Total

Tribal Nontribal Sample

------------------------------------------------------ --~--------

High (1501 +) 04 16 13
(04) ( 38) ( 42)

Middle ~501 - 1500) 35 53 48

(33) (123) (156)

Low (100 - 500) 61 31 40

(58) ( 72) (130)

100 100 101

"
Number (95) (233) (328)

Note : Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

----------------------------------------------------------------
2
x = 27.81 D.F = 2 P = < .001 c = .27

-----------------------------------------~------------ ----------
 173

Table 4.9 shows the relationship between the monthly

family income and the ethnic group to which the respondents

belong. The data clearly show that these two variables are

significantly related, and that the difference between the two

ethinic groups with respect to the level of family income is

quite striking, with about 61 per cent of the tribals belonging

to the low income group. as compared with the 31 per cent of the

nontribals who also belong to this group. The data also indicate

that a majority (53~) of the nontribals are in the middle

income group. The fact however remains that within these two

ethnic groups also, there is considerable inequality in income

2
levels. The x shows that the difference between two groups is

significant at the .001 level of confidence. While the sample

does vary with respect to income and ethnicity, it must be noted

that ethnicity is a global variable composed of a number of sub-

variable or component variables. This means that there are also

other factors, other that the ehtnic group factor that determine

income levels, such as, education, land holding and occupation.

We shall examine the strength of the relationship of some of

them below.

Monthly Inoomeb" Eduoatlonal StatUI:

Income and educational status are also two variables that

are known to be closely related to each other. Normally, we

would expect that with an increase in the persons level of

education, his income also should increase. We examine the data

on these two variable in the table 4.10 pTesented below.

 174

Table 4.10
•
Monthly F.. lly Inoa•• and Eduoational StatuI of [Link] H,ad
(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

monthly family income, and educaitonal status)

---------------------------------------------------------------
income Level of education Total
High Hiddle Low Sample
9-13 6-8 0-5
---------------------------------------------------------------
High (1501) 33 19 08 13
( 11) (13) ( 18) ( 42)

Middle (501-1500) 58 54 44 47
(19) (36 ) ( lOt) (156)

Low (100-500) 09 27 48 40
(03) (18) (109) (130)

100 100 100

"
Number
100
(33) (67) (228) (328)

Note Figures in parentheses -are raw frequencies.

----------------------------------------------------------------
2
x = 33.53 D.F = 4 P = <.001 Gamma = .51

Table 4.10 shows the relationship between the respondents

monthly family income and educational status .. The data show that

about 47 per cent of the respondents irrespective of their

educational status are in the 501-1500 monthly family income

group. The data also show that about 48 per cent of the

respondents with low educational status have low monthly family

income. An almost equal percentage also have middle income. A

majority (54%) of the middle education respondents are in the

middle income group, while about 33 per cent of those with

realatively high educational status, also have a high income.

The high education category respondents have an income which is

in the Rs. 501-1500 range.·

 175

The data in the above table suggest that educational

status does have an influence on the monthlr family income of

the ~espondent. Howeve~, the extent of influence is not verr

clear if we takes into consideration the fact that anout 44 per

cent of the low educational status respondents and about 58 per

cent of those in the relatively high educational status are also

found in the middle income group. These data prompt us to cast

some doubt on whether educational status is really an important

income determining variable for the study population. It may be

mentioned that, those 33 per cent from the high educational

status g~oup who are found in the high income group, are those
who are in civil service with 1501 plus monthly income, and
perhaps, in a way distorting the trend by showing that the
relationship between education and family income is
2
significantly related. An application of x test shows that the
difference in the income levels of the different educational
groups, is stat! sti ca II y significant at the .001 level of

confidence. Furthermore, the Gamma coefficient a I so shows

association between these two variables is quite strong.

Monthly Inco •• by Oooupation:

The occupation pursued and the income derived are two
other variable that are also known to be closely related. We
would normally expect that those engaged 1n agricultural labour

will have a lower income as compared with those engaged in

cultivation or to~ that matter oivil servioe. The data in table
4.11 depict the relationship between these two variables.
 Table 4.11

"onthly ··Inoo.. and· Oooupation ([Link] SoUto.. of Earnina)

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their
monthly family income, and occupation (primary source of
earning)
------------------------------------~----------------- -----------
Occupation (primary source of earning)

Income Agr 1. Cui ti Petty Clv! I Total

labour vation Trade service Sample

-----------------------------------------------------------------
High (1501 +) 00 13 16 88 13
(00) ( 25) (10) (07) ( 42)

Middle (501-1500) 15 58 51 12 47
(09) ( 115) (3ll (01) (156)

low (100-500) 85 29 33 00 40
(52) ( 58) (20) (00) (130)

100 100 100 99 100

"
Number (61) (198) ( 61) (08) (328)

Note: F1gures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

2
x = 105.15 D.F. =6 P = <.001 C = .49

Table 4.11 shows the relationship between the family's

monthly income and the primary occupation of the head of the

household. The data show that an overwhelming majority (85~) of
the respondents whose primary occupation 15 wage labour, are 1n
the low income group; a majority (58%) of those whose primary
occupation is agriculture/cultivation, are 1n the middle income
group and an almost equal number (51%) of those engaged in some
petty trade, are also in the middle income range.
 &77

Expectedly, an overwhelming majority (87~) of the

respondents whose primary occupation is civil service, are in

2
the Rs.1501 plus monthly family income group. The x test shows
that the difference between the occupational categories in

regard to income is statistically significant at .001 level of

confidence. However, although the data suggest that the nature

of the occupation pursued by the respondents does have an

influence on their income levels, the direction of influence is

slightly unclear because the occupational categories are

strictly speaking, not placed in any hierarchical order.

"onthly IncolIlI and Land Holdlnl:

As noted earlier, the size of the land holding, owned by a

person or Q family is normally expected to reflect the overall

socioeconomic position, prestige, as well as income. However,

the quality of the land owned, the type of crops grown and

several other factors go to into determining the actual Inoome

derived from the land.

In tIle present study. the crop yield has been an important

indicator of the respondents income and this is of COurse

determined largely by the size of the cultivable land owned and

the land aotually brought under cultivation. Those respondents

whose land holding size is large, are normally expected to have

a higher inoome level. We examine the relationship between these

two variables in the table 4.12 below.

 118

Table 4.12

"ont-hly Inca •• and [Link] Holdtn, Siz. :

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

monthly family income, and land holding)

---------------------------------~-------------------- -----------

Land holding size

Income More than Upto 2 Less than Nil Total
2 acres acres 2 acres Sample

-----------------------------------------------------------------
High (1500+ ) 28 08 06 07 13
(26) (05) ( 06) (05) ( 42)

Middle(501-1500) 58 60 44 30 47
(53) (36) ( 46) (21) (156)

Low (100-500) 14 32 50 63 40
(13) (19) ( 53) (45) (130)

j(, 100 100 100 100 100

Numbel' (92) (60) (lOS) (71) (328)

Note Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

2
x = 62.38 D.F. =6 P = <.001 C = .39 Gamma = -.52

Table 4.12 shows the relationship between the monthly

fami Iy income and the total land holding. The data show that,

63 per cent with no land and 50 per cent of those with less than

2 acres of land are in the low income group, as compared with 60

•
per cent of those with land holding upto 4 acres, who are In the

middle income group. An almost equal number (58%) of those with

more than 4 acres of land, are also in the same income group.

What is to be noted however is that, compared with the small

 17;

percentages of respondents from other categories in the hl~h

income group, a quarter (28~) of the respondents with more than

4 acres of land are in the high income group. This obviously

reflects "the value of crop yield obtained from relatively large

land holdings.

The data indicates a positive Influence of land holding on

2
the monthly family income. An application of x test shows that
the difference between the land holding groups, with respect to

monthly family income is statistically significant at the .001

level of confidence. The Gamma coefficient also shows that the

association between these two variable is quite strong.

Per Capita Incc.e:

In the present study we have also computed the per capita

income of our respondents in the usual manner of dividing the

"total monthly family income by the total number of members In

the family. Per capita income is generally regaided as a more

useful measure of the economic position of a given population

group, as compared with the total in"come as suoh. In the

preceding pages we have been able to gain some idea of the total

family income of our respondents. The next few pages will deal

with the data on per capita income which will augment our

understanding of the eoonomic position of our study sample, and

also the extent of inequality between the two ethnic groups.

Preliminary analysis uf the data have revealed that, while

the monthly mean per capita income for the entire sample is Rs.
 178

142, it is Rs. 111 for the tribalsand Rs. 154 for the

nontribals. According to the seventh five year plan (1965-90)

the poverty line cut off poi~t for rural areas is around Rs. 100
per capita monthly income, for a family of five. This suggests

that a sUbstantial number ot the study households are well below

the official poverty line. The table below portrays the picture

more clearly.
Table 4.13

Per Capita Inco•• and Ethnic Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their per

capita income, and ethnic group)

Ethnic group Total

Per capita income Tribal Nontrlbal sample

High (151+ 07 23 16
(07) ( 87) ( 61>

Middle (101-150) 34 40 36
(32) ( 92) d.24 )

Low ( ( 100) 59 37 44
(56) ( 87) (143)

100 100 100

" (95) (233) (328)
Number

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

---------------------------------------------------------------.
2
K = 29.44 D.F = 2 P = <'001 c = .27

Table 4.13 shows the relationship between per capita

income and ethnic group. The data in this table show that, a
 180

substantial number, (44%) of the respondents, irrespective of

their ethnic status, are In the low per capita Income group.

although a substantial number (38~) of them are also found in

the middle per capita income group, and the remaining small

percentage (18%) are in the relatively high per capita income

group.

The data also show that there are some clear-cut

differences in the per capita income levels between the tribals

and nonlribals. The majority (59%) of the tribals are found in

the low per capita income group as compared with about 37 per

cent of the nontribals who are also in this income category.

However, while 7 per cent of the tribals are in the high per

capita income group. a relatively bigger proportion (23%) of the

2
nontribals have a higher per capita income. The x test shows

that the difference between the two ethnic groups in terms of

their per capita monthly income is statistically significant at

the .001 level of confidence.

The fact however remains that. within the ethnic groups

itself, there is considerable inequality in terms of per capita

monthly income.

P.r Capita Inoo•• and Oocupatlon:

As in the case of the overall monthly family income, the

per capita income of the respondents is also expected to vary

with their primary occupation. Table 4.14 below depicts the

data on this.
 lal

Table 4.14

tIonthly PerCapi ta Inoo •• 'and Oooupation (-P1'[Link]), Souroe of

Earn!n,)
(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

monthly per capita income. and occupation)

Ocoupation (primary source of earning)

Per capita Agri. Cultiv- Trade Civil Total
income labour ation service sample

High(15H ) 00 17 31 100 13
(00) ( 34) (19) (08) (61)

Middle<101-150) 15 49 29 00 38
(09) ( 97) (18) (00) (24)

Low ( <100) 85 34 39 00 44
(52) ( 67) (24) COO) (143)

100 100 99 100 100

"
Number
(61) (198) (61) (08) (328)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

2
x = 96.82 D.F =6 p '" < •001 C = .47

Table 4.14 shows the relationship between per capita

income of the household and primary occupation of the head of

household. The data show that a big majority (85") of the

agricultural labourers are in the low per capita income group. A

majority (49") of those whose primary occupation is cultivation

are in the middle per capita income group. and about 39 per oent
 182

of those engaged in some trade are in the low income group. All

those engaged in civil servioe, are eKpectedly in the high per

capita income group. If we compare the data in table 4.14 with

table 4.11, we find that the data with respect to the three

categories, viz. , agricultural labour, cui tivation and civil

service are more or less comparable with the monthly income data

when seen against the occupational status. However, the data

pertaining to the 'trade' category is strikingly different when

compared with the data for the same category, with respect to

monthly income. We note that, whereas 33 per cent of those

pursuing some trade have a low monthly family income, about 39

per cent have a low per capita income. However, while 51 per

cent are in the middle income, only 29 per cent have a middle

level of per capita income. And, interestingly, while only 16

per cent from this occupational category are in the high income

group, as many as 31 per cent from this category are in the high
2
per capita income group. The x test shows that the difference

between these occupational categories is significant at the .001

level of confidence. This Is an interesting observation, which

reflects the different picture that we get if we take per capita

income as one of the indicators to eKamine the economic status

of the respondents, as compared with their monthly income.

·Eoonoal0 Dependenh:
The number of economic dependents certainly influences the

family's per capita income. Data pertaining to the number of

economic dependents in the household have shown there is not

much difference between the two ethnic groups. The data have
 ass

revealed that while the mean number of economic dependents for

the entire sample is about 4.7, it Is 4.2 for the tribal

households and 4.9 for the nontribal households.

Extent of Indebtedness:
Rural indebtedness in India has, over the years reached

enormous proportions, causing considerable difficulties to the

country's planners and the government in particular, in tackling

rura I poverty. I t has been observed that we II over 72 per cent

of the rural population are perpetually in debt, and most of the

b
debt Is of the non-developmental nature. Rural indetedness, as
•
at March 1981 was estimated at around 4,792 crores. (Ray: 1987

pp 184-185), We examine below the nature and the extent of

this phenomenon in the study area.

Table 4.15

Extent of Indebhdne .. and Ethnlo Group

(Percentage distribution of respondents according to their

extent of indebtedness, and ethnic group)

Extent of Ethnic group Total

indebtedness Tribal Nontrlbal sample

High (3001-9000) 21 39 34
(09) ( 46) ( 55)
Middle (1001-3000) 46 19 26
( 19) ( 22) ( 41>
Low ( 100-1000) 33 42 40
(14) ( 50) ( 64)
100 100 100
"Number (42) ( 118) (160)

Note . Figures in parantheses are raw frequencies.

----------------------------------------------------------------
2
x = 12.79 D.F = P = <.001
2 C = .26
----------------------------------------------------------------
 184

Indebtedne.. and Ethnic Group:

As far as the issue of indebtedness is concerned, the data

in table 4.15 show that 56 per cent of the tribals and 49 per
cent of the nontribals have also not reported any debt.

Presumably, the 'no debt' group of respondents is so larger,

because of either non-reporting of some debt, or because the

amount involved may be so small that the respondents have

regarded it as too petty to be reported. Nonetheless with almost

half the respondents reporting indebtedness of varying amounts,

the data reflect the magnitude of indebtedness among the study

population. The difference in the amount of debt between the two

groups is quite striking. While the mean for the entire sample

is abcut Rs. 3901.5, it is about Rs. 1715.4 for the tribals and

Rs. 4464.6 tor the nontribals. What is interesting to note 1s

that, with N = 42, the data show that about 21 per cent of the

tribals are In the 3001-9000+ debt bracket, as compared with the

39 per cent of the nontribals who are also in this bracket. The
2
extent of indebtedness is evident in the data above. The x test

shows that the difference is statistically significant at the

~01 level of confidence.

The important question is, what are the sources of credit

for those who have borrowed or taken some loan? BeSides, what is

the purpose for which loans are taken, or money borrowed? The

data have revealed that, a bulk of the respondents who have

reported indebtedness have obtained loans from the local

cooperative credit society. Importantly, hardly any of the

respondents have reported having borrowed money from local

 185

money-lenders or other informal sources. Mast of them have

reportedly utilized these funds to either buy same raw materials

(capital) for· basketmaking, or to buy a pair of buffaloes

or bullocks. or to purchase some agricultural equipment. A small

number have also borrowed some money to be utilized toward house

repairs and social events. And, contrary to expectations, none

at them have reported having utilized the money to deal with

some health problem (medical care) in the family.

lnfrastructural· Fa·cU Uie.,

Data pertaining to whether some of the important

infrastructural facilities especially potable water and

electricity are available to the study population were elicited

with a view to ascertain whether at least the basic amenities

are available to these population groups.

The data pertaining to sources of water supply show

that, a majority (59%) of the households staying on hamlets,

have to depend on a well water. Whereas, some of them (21%)

have the facility of a well and also a borewell to take water.

On the contrary, a majority (71%) of those who stay 1n villages

have the facility of a well and also a borewell.

The data indicate that, about 73 per cent of the those

staying on the hamlets have to depend only on one source, while
about 83 per cent of those residing 1n villages have at least
two sources, thus depicting the extent of inequality between the

two types of settlement in regard to water supply.

 lee

Table 4.16

Infr •• tructul'al Faoll i U •• Avallab I. to Co••un! U .. ,

(Percentage distribution of households, and tribal
hamlets/villages)

Amenities Tribal Hamlets Villages

Potable water
We II 59 02
Tap 08 00
Sorewell 00 14
River 06 00
Well and tap 06 12
Well and borewell 21 71
Well, tap and borewell 00 01

100 100
(8S) (242)
Number (Households)
Number of sources of potable water
only one source 73 17
At least two sources 27 83

100 100
(8S) (242)
Number (Households)
Walking distance (in minutes)
5 minutes or 50 94 27
10 minutes or so 04 72
25 minutes or so 02 01

100
" (86 )
100
(242)
Number (Households)
Electricity supply
Yes 31 55
No 69 45

100 100
(86 ) (242)
Number (Households)
House construction material used
Pukka (tiled roof) 08 29
Kuccha (thatched roof) 92 71

100 100
(86) (242)
Number (Households)

Note: Figures in parentheses are raw frequencies.

Data are aggregated above the level of household.
 187

Interestingly, the data also show that, for the majority

<94%) of those living on hamlets, the time taken to reach the

source of water is about 5 minutes or so, and, for about 72 per

cent of those living in villages, it is about 10 minutes or so.

Aa the data have Indicated, only a small number have to travel

for more than 25 minutes to reach the source of water.

The data have also indicated that with the exception of

a small number of respondents, for a majority of them, the same

source of water supply holds goods even during the summer

season. A few of them <about 5-10%), have to look out for

alternative sources during the summer when their wells go dry.

The data have also shown that despite the claims made by

the Government of Maharashtra regarding 100 per cent of the

villages in the state covered by electricity, only about 31 per

cent at the households on the tribal hamlets and about 55 per

cent In the villages had electricity supply. Alternatively,

about 51 per cent of the households from the study sample did

not have electricity supply in the house. Clearly, In some

cases, although the infrastructure is available for the domestic

supply of electricity, the supply has been discontinued,

apparently because of non-payment of the electricity charges by

the tenents.

As regards the type of construction material used to

build the houses, the data have shown that, as expected, 92 per

cent of the households on tribal hamlets have a thatched roof.

 .lSS

However, although a big majority (71%) of the houses in the

vi Ilages, have brick wall s, their roofs are thatched.

Su•• lna up I

To recapitulate, this chapter has dealt with some of the

important demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the

respondents. While part of the data were analyzed at the

individual level, in other places, the data were dealt with at a

higher level after having aggregated some of them and treating

the household as the unit of analysis.

The data revealed that, by and large, most of the

'respondents in the present study wefe around 40 years of age and

had studied upto std IV only. Almost all of them were married

and were staying along with their wives. Around half of the

respondents belonged to a nuclear type of a family and the mean

size of an average household was about 6 members. A majority of

the nontribals were Hindus and belonged to the Kunbi-maratha

caste. Only a few were neo-Buddhists and Muslims. And about

three-fourth of the respondents from the tribals group were

Thankurs and the remaining small percentage were Katkaris.

Most of the respondents regardless of their ethnic

background came from agricultural families, although a

substantial proportion of the tribals pursued basket-making

either as a primary occupation or as an avocation to supplement

their family income. A substantial number of the respondents

were landless, and the average land holding size was about two
 lee
acres. Crop yield per acre in general was found to be rather

poor. Slightly more than one third of them did not own any

livestock. The monthly average family income was around Rs. 572

for the lribals and Rs. 979 for the nontribals.

The monthly average per capita income for the total sample

was around Rs.142. About half the respondents were in some

debt, but most of the borrowing was from the local credit

cooperative society. The differences between the tribals and

the nontribals with respect to income, land holding size, and

education, were found to be statistically significant.

Data pertaining to the infrastructural facilities

available to the study population revealed that, while slightly

over halt at those staying in villages had electricity supply in

their houses, less than one-third of those staying on the

hamlets had this facility in their houses. Furthermore, while

about three-fourth of those staying on the tribal hamlets had to

depend only on one source of water,on the other hand, four-

fifth of those residing in the villages had at least two sources

of water.

The overall impression that this chapter gave us was that,

some very significant socia-demographic changes are taking place

in the rural areas especially which regard to the family

structure. Besides we also got a strong feeling that the process

of deepening impoverishment of the underprivileged seems to

have hardened all the more over the years. More important
 190

perhaps, as the data showed, since the tribals are endowed with
considerably fewer socioeconomic resources, there exists an

overall socioeconomic advantage of the nontribals over the

trlbals. It appears that the tribals represent a reserve of.

cheap labour to the local agricultural community. Yet it also

became apparent to us that apart from the inequalities between

the two major ethnic groups, there were significant inequalities

within the social groups themselves. From the point of view of
the PHC strategy these are results that need to be examined more
closely and their implications taken more seriously.