Programming Game AI by Example
Programming Game AI by Example
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Acknowledgements
Leah Hadomi
Chapter I: Introduction
The aim of this work is to study the relationship between ideology and myth as they
function diversely in Fascist and Antifascist drama. The term Fascism is used here
as an overall concept which includes the German version. Fascism and Nationalso-
cialism cannot be considered identical. Nazism is not 'a mere variant' of Fascism,
the main difference being that it over-emphasizes the racial element as well as its
implementation in the machinery of state. However, as the discussion here is princi-
pally concerned with subjective attitudes towards Fascism and Nationalsocialism
and not with political distinctions between them, we remain aware of the conceptual
differences but concentrate on metaphorical expressions. It is hoped that the fol-
lowing extensive introduction, while appearing daunting, might assist the subse-
quent discussion of the dramatic text. The dramas analysed employ both mythologi-
cal and ideological elements. But the Fascist and Antifascist dramas to be examined
relate differently to the thought that: "Myth would seem to be the radicalization of a
hypothesis
1
Blanchot, M. (1986:86).
2
Foucault, M. (1972:38): "Whenever one can describe, between a number of statements,
such a system of dispersion, whenever, between objects, types of statement, concepts or
thematic choices, one can define a regularity (and order, correlations, positions and func-
tionings, transformations), we will say, for the sake of convenience, that we are dealing
with a discursive formation. " - Variations on this term like 'discursive strategy' will also
serve as operative terms.
2 Chapter I
was neither consistent nor particularly original: rather it was an eclectic conglo-
meration of völkisch concepts indistinguishable from the programs of out-and-out
nationalist organisations and parties of the imperialist period, or from the ideas
of the right-wing bourgeois parties during the Weimar period. 5
Instead of the class, it was the nation now that was going to set the course of his-
tory as the agent of progress and civilisation: and this was the change of ideas
which made the change from left to right so easy, for on every point the far left
3
Reich, W. (1975) - As to socialpsychological methods, according to which social con-
flicts are rooted in the psyche and then again shifted from the subjective to the political,
the most influential theory is that of Reich. Two of his main postulates are relevant to this
analysis: that attitudes are based on repression of sexuality and that fascism and totalita-
rianism are the expression of irrational characteristics of the Massenmenschen. See also:
Horkheimer, M. (1964); Löwenstein, R. M. (1968) and Fromm, E. (1942:74-99).
4
Horkheimer, M. (Ed.) (1936).
5
Mommsen, H. (1988:180); see also: Behrens, M. (1980).
6
Mosse, G. L. (1966).
Introduction 3
and revolutionary socialists, and the radicalists and nationalists of the new right,
had already met and agreed. 7
7
Sternhell, Ζ. (1988:335).
8
Ibid., 337: "'Total' was a word of which all Fascist writers were extremely fond, and it
was one of the key terms in their vocabulary."
9
Bausinger, Η. (1968:224-275) discusses some Nationalsocialist ideologems which derived
from German 'Volkspoesie' of the past. Originating in German Volksdrama and Volks-
lied, 'tied' to 'Stammliches' oder 'Nationales', they became important in the discourse of
the Third Reich. - For the emphasis on Fascist ideologems in literature see many exam-
ples in: Wulf, J. (1966: esp. 257). For a short comparison of propagandists aspects in
Fascist and Antifascist literature see: Kristen, M. S. (1983); Hermand, J. (1992:183), re-
lating to concepts after 1933, states that the majority of them were Utopian or pseudo-uto-
pian,a based on phrases concerning blood and race.
10
Stern, J. P. (1975:198-224): "In this image Jewish Capitalism and Jewish Marxism cease
to be contradictories, as they have been in all previous anti-Semitic doctrines, for both are
seen to possess a fundamental unity of attitude, means, and goal." - The goal was "world
domination" (200).
4 Chapter 1
Racism, as distinguished from race, is not a fact of life, but an ideology, and the
deeds it leads to are not reflex actions, but deliberate acts based on pseudo-
scientific theories. Violence in interracial struggle is always murderous, but it is
not 'irrational'; it is the logical and rational consequence of racism, by which I
do not mean some rather vague prejudices on either side, but an explicit ideolo-
gical system.12
The hallmark of Nationalsocialism was, on the one hand, its raising of racism
and its politics of power to an irrational religious faith and credo, and on the
other hand, its entirely wordly application of those beliefs to a political and
military system.13 One of the central aspects of Nationalsocialist ideology
was that the State as a constitutional authority was identified with Volk and
was conceived and exercised as a single entity.
'Nature', the source of the Race and Volk credo, also promoted 'Vitality'
(Vitalismus/Wille) as another central component of Fascism in its Nationalso-
cialist version. Vitalism, originating in nature and thus in man, could not be
replaced by any other characteristic.14 Vitality and dynamism, as extensions
of the nature postulate and their expression in the individual and collective
will, were considered to be most important attributes of the German Volk.
The natural laws of vigorous survival were raised above all other norms and
humanistic values. 15 The projection of morality on to nature resulted in an
evasion of moral responsibility since morality was conceived to be related to
a natural, predestined biological system. This constant element, namely ra-
cially generated vitality, was discursively embodied in the primacy of 'com-
bat' (Kampf) and of 'war' (Krieg/Schlacht). It encouraged willing submission
of the individual to the racially informed imperative of the super race. Since
11
Petersen, J. (1934:61). - Wetzeis, W. D. (Ed.) (1973:1-14) emphasises that "to revive
old or invent new Myths as the driving force behind all reality, to reinstate the old gods
and their worship into our times, so as to fashion our lives according to archaic forms,
has proved at best to be nothing more than the nostalgic triviality of escapism from the la-
bors of reason. At its worst it has led in recent German history to the barbaric messianism
which, perverting an honorable tradition of testing the limits of rationality, succeeded in
all but destroying what fragile tradition of reason and humanism there was* (12-13).
12
Arendt, H. (1973:137).
13
Sternhell, Ζ. (1988:350): "This mystical and irrational aspect of fascism, with its roman-
ticism and emotionalism, was however, only one side of the coin. The other was the fasc-
ism of 'planning' - technocratic and managerial fascism, one might call it." - See also:
Mosse, G. L. (1980:33,135).
14
Rosenberg, A. (1935:628,681-684,690).
15
Nolte, E. (1963:494).
Introduction 5
the individual originated in a vital race whose members behaved and acted
according to their inborn, natural, positive traits, any tension between him
and the 'Gemeinschaft' was eliminated.16 Everyman was a 'racially-deter-
mined type' (Rassetypus) and his uniqueness consisted in the embodiment of
'Volkstum', which entailed the expression of his individual vitality in heroic
deeds. 17 Here, as in the case of other issues, every potential contradiction or
tension was overridden by the prospect of a self-evident and self-sufficient re-
petitive pattern. To be alive as an individual and as a 'Gemeinschaft' meant
vigorous participation in life, which might entail the necessity for sacrifice
(Opfer) in death. The surrender to sacrifice was seen as a natural expression
of racial origin not to be questioned or disputed under any circumstances.
The postulates above already indicate the connection between this Natio-
nalsocialist ideology and the perception of history. All these ideologems
functioned as 'splitting' or 'binding' the glorification of nature and the predo-
minance of technology, mother-bonding and father-bonding, the trans-histori-
cal and the political/historical position. 18 History was perceived as a constant
phenomenon, unchanging with time. The rhetorical method in which this per-
ception was embodied was both a retrospective and a prospective ideology.
The constant element in this ahistoricised 'historical' outlook endorsed the
final outcome of confrontation not only between past and future, but also bet-
ween north and south: a constant combat between the Nordic race and the
'Völkerchaos' of the south. The definitive victory of the north did not depend
On historical antagonistic circumstances but was biologically determined as
the triumph of the more vital and thus superior race. 19 It was an outcome of a
predestined natural phenomenon. This constituted an ahistorical approach to
any ideological diversity, to racial origin and superiority, class differences,
past and present, as well as other varying postulates. Fascist ideology was
summarized by Sternhell as follows:
This was where, in the Fascist's own view, the originality of their movement
lay; as an alternative to the economic man of liberal and Marxist materialism,
they offered a brand of neo-idealism that put the spiritual above the material; in
place of the liberal and the pacific bourgeois and the city shopkeeper, they offe-
red the barbarian and the knight of the Middle Ages; as an alternative to the pro-
duct of European rationalism they offered the cult of feeling, emotion and vio-
lence; and in place of the degenerate man of a stay-at-home civilisation to which
16
Mosse, G. L. (1980:133-149). - The 'Neue Mensch' was rooted in the 19th century con-
cepts of nationality: "Er setzte sich aus männlicher Stärke und Schönheit, Aggressivität
und élan vital zusammen." (142)
17
Rosenberg, A. (1935:134).
18
Kaplan, A. Y. (1986:24-25).
19
Hermand, J. (1973:103-126). - An important influential source for Notification ideolo-
gy was the book Germania by Tacitus (and De L'Allemagne 1810-1812 by Madame de
Staël) which strengthened the neo-Teutonic element in German Fascisim. See also: Nolte,
E. (1963:494).
6 Chapter I
physical effort had become repugnant, they offered the cult of the body, health,
and the outdoor life.20
20
Sternhell, Ζ. (1988:339).
21
Eykman, C. (1974:26) comments that there is a contradiction between the uplifted 'Geist'
which retreats from 'low' politics and the belief in the fusion between 'Geist' and
'Macht'. See also: Hohendahl, P. U. (1967:51-61).
22
Lukács, G. (1971:121): "die später im Fascismus münden, und seine ideologische Vorbe-
reitungsrolle ist nicht größer aber auch nicht kleiner als die mancher anderen gleichzeiti-
gen Strömung." - He views Expressionism as one of the ideological trends which influen-
ced Fascism and its role was not less influential than the role of other conventions. - See
also Samuel, R./R. H. Thomas (1939:183-186) who compare Expressionism with Natio-
nalsocialism. Common to both movements are the following aspects: communal way of
life, partial rejection of past history, belief in radical methods and a 'highly rhapsodic
style' in art, emphasised in drama. According to them, the difference between Expressio-
nism and Nationalsocialism is that the first applies mainly to the individual but National-
socialism aims at the German nation as a whole. - See also Sokel, W. (1959).
23
Muschg, W. (1961). - The prophecy of the 'Neue Mensch' was a forerunner of the cult of
the Führer. Kolinsky, E. (1970:68-79) also sees the figuration of the artist and his exten-
sion into the role of the Führer as a carrier of the 'inner' revival originating in Expressio-
nism. - See also: Lehrert, H. (1983).
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The Heart of the Pearl Shell
STUDIES IN MELANESIAN ANTHROPOLOGY
General Editors
Gilbert H. Herdt
Fitz John Porter Poole
Donald F. Tuzin
James F. Weiner
Copyright © 1988 by
T h e Regents of the University of California
Weiner, James F.
The heart of the pearl shell.
(Studies in Melanesian a n t h r o p o l o g y ; 5)
Originally presented as the a u t h o r ' s thesis
(doctoral—Australian N a t i o n a l University).
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Foi (Papua N e w Guinea people) I. Title.
II. Series.
DU740.42.W43 1988 995'.0049912 87-25531
ISBN 0 - 5 2 0 - 0 6 1 3 2 - 2 (alk. paper)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Contents
Foreword ix
Acknowledgments xiii
Orthography xvii
1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 1
2. T h e E t h n o g r a p h i c Setting 18
The People of the Above 18
History and Contact 25
Bridewealth 30
Subsistence 33
3. T h e Responsibility of M a l e s 41
Male and Female Productivity 43
Foi Spatial Orientation 47
Blood and Fat: Conception 50
Blood and Skin: Sorcery 52
Ghosts and Sickness 54
Usi 57
V
m e d i e va l e a s t e r n e u ro p e : a r e a d e r
truth how the means of changing their name came to them. When the Barselt,
Onogurs, Sabir, and other Hun nations in addition to these, saw that a section
of those who were still Var and Chunni had fed to their regions, they plunged
into extreme panic, since they suspected that the settlers were Avars. For this
reason, they honored the fugitives with splendid gifts and supposed that they
received from them security in exchange. Then, after the Var and Chunni saw
the well-omened beginning to their fight, they appropriated the ambassadors’
error and named themselves Avars: for among the Scythian nations that of the
Avars is said to be the most adept tribe. In point of fact, even up to our pres-
ent times, the Pseudo-Avars (for it is more correct to refer to them thus) are
divided in their ancestry, some bearing the time-honored name of Var, while
others are called Chunni.
Questions: What kind of barbarians were the Avars according to Theophylact Simocatta?
Why did they adopt the name Avars? How did the Turks regard the Avars? How does
their attitude compare to that of Procopius of Caesarea toward the Slavs (Doc. 1)?
Menander wrote a now lost History during the reign of Emperor Maurice (582–602).
Only fragments survive, which were incorporated into De Legationibus and De
Sententiis, two collections compiled under Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogeni-
tus in the mid-tenth century. Menander, though trained toward a legal career, never
practiced as a lawyer. Instead, as he himself confesses, he became a loafer and a fop.
His life took a turn at Emperor Maurice’s ascension to the throne. The nickname “the
Guardsman” used by modern historians to refer to Menander is the English translation
of the title “protector,” which in the sixth century referred not to a bodyguard, but to
a diplomat. Menander’s History may have in fact been commissioned by Emperor
Maurice through a powerful minister, for it seems that Menander enjoyed ready access
to imperial archives. The work probably had ten books covering the period 558–82.
The core of the work was built around the careers of the two men who are at the center
of the narrative, Tiberius and Maurice. The outlook is Constantinopolitan, and the
city’s concerns are paramount. Menander relied heavily, if not exclusively, on written
sources, especially on material from the archives (minutes of proceedings, supporting
documents and correspondence, reports from envoys of embassies and meetings). His
views were traditional and his main interest was in Roman relations with foreign
peoples, in particular the Persians and the Avars. The Slavs appear therefore only in
the context of relations with the Avars. Despite Menander’s considerable additions to
speeches, which served both to characterize the speakers and to explore the issues at
stake, it is likely that they were fairly close to the available records. It is not diffcult
to visualize the possible source for the speech attributed to Dauritas in the passage
6
o n e : f ro m l at e a n t i q u i t y t o t h e e a r ly m i d d l e a g e s
below. The whole episode may have been based on a report by John,“the governor
of the isles.”
Source: trans. R.C. Blockley, The History of Menander the Guardsman: Introductory Essay, Text, Translation
and Historiographical Notes (Liverpool: Cairns, 1985; rpt. 2006), pp. 193 and 195.
Greece was being plundered by the Slavs, and a succession of dangers was threat-
ening there on all sides. Since Tiberius [II, emperor between 578 and 582] did
not have a force strong enough to resist even a part of the invaders (and certainly
not the whole horde of them) and since he was unable to face them in battle
because the Roman armies were occupied with the wars in the east [against Sas-
sanian Persia], he sent an embassy to Baian, the chief of the Avars. At the time
he was not hostile toward the Romans, and, indeed, from the very beginning
of Tiberius’s reign had wished to be friendly with our state. Tiberius, therefore,
persuaded him to make war on the Slavs, so that all those who were laying waste
Roman territory would be drawn back by the troubles at home, choosing rather
to defend their own lands. Thus, they would cease to plunder Roman territory,
preferring to fght for their own.
The caesar [emperor], then, sent this embassy to him, and Baian agreed to his
request. John, who at this time was governor of the isles [quaestor exercitus] and in
charge of the cities of Illyricum, was sent to assist him. He came to the land of
Pannonia and transported Baian himself and the Avar forces to Roman territory,
ferrying the multitude of barbarians in the so-called “large transports” [special
barges]. It is said that about sixty thousand armored horsemen were brought
across to Roman territory. From there Baian crossed Illyricum, reached Scythia
[Minor, now Dobrudja in southeastern Romania] and prepared to recross the
Danube in the so-called “double-sterned” ships. When he gained the far bank,
he immediately fred the villages of the Slavs and laid waste their felds, driving
and carrying off everything, since none of the barbarians there dared to face
him, but took refuge in the thick undergrowth of the woods.
The Avar attack on the Slavs arose not only out of the embassy from the cae-
sar and the desire of Baian to return a favor to the Romans in exchange for the
great generosity which the caesar had shown to him, but also because Baian was
hostile to them out of a personal grievance. For the leader of the Avars had sent
to Dauritas and the chiefs of his people ordering them to obey the commands of
the Avars and to be numbered among their tributaries. Dauritas and his fellow
chiefs replied, “What man has been born, what man is warmed by the rays of
the sun who shall make our might his subject? Others do not conquer our land,
we conquer theirs. And so it shall always be for us, as long as there are wars and
weapons.” Thus boasted the Slavs, and the Avars replied with a like arrogance.
After this came abuse and insults, and because they were barbarians with their
7
m e d i e va l e a s t e r n e u ro p e : a r e a d e r
haughty and stubborn spirits, a shouting match developed. The Slavs were so
unable to restrain their rage that they slew the envoys who had come to them,
and Baian received a report of these doings from others. As a result, he nursed
his grievance for a long time and kept his hatred concealed, angered that they
had not become his subjects not to mention that he had suffered an irreparable
wrong at their hands. Moreover, thinking both to win favor with the caesar
and that he would fnd the land full of gold, since the Roman empire had long
been plundered by the Slavs, whose own land had never been raided by any
other people at all, [he gladly obliged].
Questions: What can the confrontation between Avars and Slavs tell us about the bal-
ance of power on the northern frontier of the Roman empire in the 570s? What was the
attitude of the Slavs of Dauritas toward the Avars, and how did Baian regard the Slavs?
What was the purpose of Emperor Tiberius II in entering an alliance with the Avars
against the Slavs?
The Chronicle of Fredegar is the frst source to shed light on Slavs in (east) central
Europe. To be sure, Fredegar, a sixteenth-century name for an unknown author writing c.
660 for an Austrasian audience, employed juridical and administrative formulaic language
for his account of the Wends, which suggests that he was close to or even involved in the
activity of the Frankish chancery. A number of elements in this narrative betray his goals
and the identity of his audience. From a Frankish point of view, to say that the “Huns”
slept with the wives of the Slavs is to place the Slavs in a position of inferiority, also
signaled in the text by their role as befulci and the many burdens they had to endure.
The explanation that Fredegar gives to that word (cannon fodder for the Avars) suggests
a (re)interpretation of a “native,” presumably Wendish account, possibly an ethnogenetic
myth of sorts. For him, the Slavs had no valor as warriors, and no value other than
that of tribute-paying subjects. Being of mixed blood, the sons born from those unions of
Avar men and Slavic women were therefore not truly Slavs, but could not suffer the Avar
oppression of their mothers and sisters any longer. They, and not the Slavic weaklings,
rose in rebellion and under the leadership of Samo—a Frank—managed to defeat the
Avars. To mark the difference, Fredegar decided to apply the name “Wends” to those
who followed Samo. In doing so, he may have drawn inspiration from Jonas of Bobbio’s
Life of Saint Columbanus, written sometime between 639 and 643. According to Jonas,
Columbanus had once thought to go preaching to the Wends, who are also called Slavs,
but gave up his mission of evangelization because those people’s eyes were not yet open
to the light of the scriptures. Where was Samo’s “state” located? According to traditional
views, the Wends over whom Samo ruled must have lived somewhere in Bohemia, given
that after their revolt against the Avars, they are said to have repeatedly raided Thuringia,
8
o n e : f ro m l at e a n t i q u i t y t o t h e e a r ly m i d d l e a g e s
until Dervan, the duke of the Surbi, decided to leave his Merovingian overlords and join
Samo’s rebels. Nonetheless, the Slavs among whom the “Huns” wintered every year
and with whose wives and daughters they slept lived within the territory under Avar
control, if not also within the Avar khaganate (that is, the territory under the direct rule
of the khagan). In order for Samo’s polity to become independent from the Avars, it
must therefore have been effectively separated from the Avar khaganate. Moreover, when
deciding to wage war upon Samo, King Dagobert was helped by Lombards who most
likely came from the Duchy of Friuli. The territory of the present-day Czech Republic
cannot possibly have been the original area from which Samo’s state began to develop, and
which must therefore be sought farther to the east and southeast, in Lower Austria or in
the region of the present-day border between the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Austria.
Source: trans. F. Curta from Quellen zur Geschichte des 7. und 8. Jahrhunders. Die vier Bücher der Chroni-
ken des sogenannten Fredegar, ed. H. Wolfram, A. Kusternig, and H. Haupt (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftli-
che Buchgesellschaft, 1982), pp. 206, 208, 210, 234, 236, and 238.
48. In the fortieth year of the reign of Chlothar [II, king of Neustria between
584 and 613, and king of the Franks between 613 and 629], a Frankish man
named Samo from the part [of the kingdom of the Franks known as] Senonacus
[unknown location] joined some merchants and went to the Slavs called Wends,
to trade with them. The Slavs had already begun to rise in rebellion against the
Avars called Huns and their king, the khagan. For the Huns, the Wends had
been from time immemorial befulci: whenever the Huns attacked another army
with their troops, whichever army it happened to be, they gathered their troops
in front of their [own] camp, and waited there, while only the Wends were
fghting. If the Wends managed to have the upper hand, then the Huns would
advance to grab the booty; by contrast, if they were beaten, the Huns would
provide them with reinforcements. That is why they were called befulci by the
Huns, because they would advance twice in battle with their military standards
and marched ahead of the Huns. The Huns came every year to spend the winter
among the Slavs and they took the wives and daughters of the Slavs to their beds
[to sleep with them]. In addition to other burdens, the Slavs paid tribute to the
Huns. Eventually, the sons of the Huns, born from the wives and daughters of
the Slavs, could not tolerate such injustice and exactions anymore. Refusing to
obey the Huns, as I said [before], they started to revolt [against them]. As they
had attacked the Huns with their army, Samo, who was trading with them, as I
have mentioned before, joined them. He distinguished himself by such bravery
against the Huns, that they were amazed, and a great number [of Huns] per-
ished by the sword of the Wends. Becoming aware of Samo’s valor, the Wends
chose him to be their king. He ruled them well for thirty-fve years. Under his
rule, the Wends engaged in many battles with the Huns and, on the basis of his
9
m e d i e va l e a s t e r n e u ro p e : a r e a d e r
advice and valor, they always won against the Huns. Samo had twelve wives
from among the Wends, twenty-two sons, and ffteen daughters. . . .
68. In that year, a great multitude of Slavs called Wends killed [a number
of] Frankish merchants in the kingdom of Samo and robbed their goods. This
was the beginning of a quarrel between Dagobert and Samo, the king of the
Sclavenes. Dagobert dispatched to Samo his envoy [named] Sicharius and asked
him [Samo] to bring [the perpetrators to] justice and to offer compensation for
the merchants whom his people had killed and for the goods which they have
illegally taken. As Samo refused to see Sicharius and did not allow him to fnd
[and talk to] him, Sicharius, dressed up like the Sclavenes, managed to appear,
together with his people, in front of Samo. He told Samo everything that he had
been ordered to say. However, for that is the pagan character and arrogance of
bad people, Samo did not offer any compensation for what his people had done
but insisted that a placitum [public trial] be organized to adjudicate over those
and other differences that had [meanwhile] appeared between them [that is,
between the Franks and the Wends], so that justice would be done to both sides.
Sicharius, like a stupid envoy, uttered inappropriate words [in reply], for which
he had no [royal] authority, and began to threaten Samo, saying that he [Samo]
and the people of his kingdom were in the service of Dagobert. Taking offense,
Samo answered: “The land in which we live is Dagobert’s, and the same is true
for us. We are his [subjects] as long as he is willing to preserve our friendship.”
“It is not possible,” Sicharius replied, “for Christians and servants of God to be
friends with dogs.” “If you are the servants of God and we the dogs of God,”
retorted Samo, “then when you continuously act against him [God], we believe
we are permitted to tear you to pieces.” Sicharius was therefore thrown out of
Samo’s presence. After he told Dagobert what happened, the king, moved by
pride, summoned an army from the entire kingdom of the Austrasians [to move]
against Samo and the Wends. An army of three corps moved against the Wends.
In addition, the Lombards [coming from Italy] came to Dagobert’s assistance and
attacked the Wends. The Slavs, in turn, prepared themselves [to resist] on those
and other fronts, when an army of Alamans, led by Duke Chrodobert, won a
victory where they had entered [the land of the Wends]. The Lombards were
also successful and both Alamans and Lombards took a great number of prison-
ers from among the Slavs. As for the Austrasians, they surrounded the fort at
Wogatisburc [unknown location], where a very large number of valiant Wends
had withdrawn. They fought for three days and many men of Dagobert’s army
died by the [Wendish] sword. Fleeing [the battlefeld], they abandoned their
tents and the goods that they had, in order to return home [as soon as possible].
Several times after that, the Wends attacked Thuringia and other parts [of the
Frankish kingdom], for plunder. Dervan, who was the duke of the Surbi [either
Sorbs or Serbs], who were of the nation of the Slavs and had for a long time
10
stretched my tired muscles. As I turned, I noticed a brown satchel hanging on one of the branches of
the tree next to me. I pulled it off and opened the flap. Inside was a small bag of assorted nuts, jerky,
two bottles of water and Kade’s blue flask.
What the heck was going on? Someone knew I was here, and also knew I was hungry and thirsty.
It wasn’t Ethon. Yes, he was out there, but I didn’t get the feeling I usually had when he was near. This
was someone else; there was a different scent in the air. It was someone I hadn’t met yet. But how did
they get Kade’s flask? Did he send this person to me? My head spun like a whirlwind with even more
unanswered questions.
I climbed back into the space and opened the satchel, taking out a piece of jerky and a few nuts.
After I ate them, I began to feel a little better. The water was ice cold, and in no time I emptied a
whole bottle. Next, I lifted the blue flask and placed it to my nose. A faint scent of Kade remained,
warming my insides. I unscrewed the cap and placed it to my lips, taking a small sip. The magical
liquid immediately worked its way through my cells, taking my aches, pains, and tiredness away. This
was just what I needed to get moving.
After placing everything back in the satchel, I climbed out from the space, and slung it over my
back. I had more than what I needed for this journey.
It would be another full day of walking, but at least the light made it much easier to travel. With a
renewed vigor, I followed the light of the dagger. If I kept up a quick pace, I’d be at my destination in
no time. I figured that I had traveled more than half the distance last night. The rest of the way should
be easy.
No sooner than the thought left my mind, I felt heat on my chest. I glanced down at the bloodstone
amulet, which was glowing bright red. I ducked behind a fallen tree and listened.
Nothing.
Just as I was about to peek from my hiding spot, a loud shriek sounded, shortly followed by the
clanging of swords. I ran, not caring which direction I was heading.
As I looked toward the sky above, I gasped. At least a dozen pairs of black wings soared,
darkening the sky above me. They knew I was here. They could smell me. With so many of them out
there, I knew it was just a matter of time before they caught me. Even Ethon couldn’t take on all of
them by himself.
A battle was waging above me, and I wasn’t sure who was fighting.
After a few more seconds, I felt Ethon arrive. Then, hearing Samuel’s voice made my heart sink.
They were fighting for me. Fighting because I was out here. What had I done? They’d better not get
hurt because of me.
“Emma!”
I turned and thought I was dreaming. I blinked my eyes a few times, but the vision didn’t
disappear. Kade was standing in the distance, looking directly at me.
“Kade?” I called out, but still questioning.
He ran over and wrapped his arms around me. “Thank God you’re okay,” he breathed. “Dammit,
Emma. I’ve never been more terrified in all my life.”
“How did you find me?”
“Ethon told me where you were. He and the others are dealing with the Fallen, and they wanted
me to come and get you.” He steadied my face in his hands. “Why did you leave?”
“I had to, and I’m not going back.”
o n e : f ro m l at e a n t i q u i t y t o t h e e a r ly m i d d l e a g e s
belonged to the kingdom of the Franks, willingly joined the kingdom of Samo
together with his people. This victory that the Wends obtained over the Franks
was not as much because of Slavic valor as it was the result of the demoralization
of the Austrasians, who realized that they were the target of Dagobert’s hatred
and that they were incessantly despoiled [by him].
Questions: What were the personal qualities responsible for Samo’s success? What trig-
gered the revolt of the Slavs (“Wends”) against the Avars (“Huns”)? What attitudes
toward the Slavs and Avars emerge from this text? What is the role of religion in the
confict between Dagobert and Samo?
11
m e d i e va l e a s t e r n e u ro p e : a r e a d e r
to contemporary events, known from other sources. This is clear from the story of the
Sermesians in the ffth homily of Book 2.
Source: trans. F. Curta from Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de Saint Démétrius et la pénétration des
Slaves dans les Balkans, ed. P. Lemerle (Paris: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifque,
1979), vol. 1, pp. 227–30.
If one summoned all forms of art and expression, it would still not be enough to
praise Saint Demetrius. For humans cannot comprehend the things that concern
God, and the miracles of Saint Demetrius, which are produced by God, are
beyond the [descriptive] skills of poets and writers. Nonetheless, leaving aside
the sophisticated compositions of logographers [chroniclers] and philosophers,
which are outside our competence, we will describe with small words the big
things. For in all truth, one must do that, even if one has forsaken the memory
of most instances of assistance in wars and of healings, one must celebrate this
miracle of the savior of our city, for it [certainly] was a great miracle.
We have already talked earlier about the Sclavenes, that is of Chatzon [chief-
tain of the Slavs who besieged Thessalonica in 615], and about the Avars, how
they devastated Illyricum almost entirely, namely the provinces of the two
Pannonias [Pannonia Prima and Pannonia Secunda], the two Dacias [Dacia
Mediterranea and Dacia Ripensis], Dardania, Moesia, Praevalitana, Rhodope, as
well as Thrace and the region of the Long Wall next to Byzantium. The khagan
[leader of the Avars] ordered the entire population to be moved forcefully to
the country next to Pannonia, on the Danube, where the old capital was once
Sirmium, and they were all settled there as his subjects. They began to mingle
with the Bulgars, the Avars, and others, had children with them, and turned into
a numerous people. However, each child received from the father the traditions
of his fatherland and the zeal of his nation, according to the Roman customs.
And just like the Hebrews have grown in number in Egypt under the pharaoh,
this time, again, by the orthodox faith and the holy baptism, the Christian people
grew stronger. And each one of them talked to the other about the land of their
ancestors, and thus stirred in each other’s heart the desire to return. Sixty years
or so had passed since the barbarians had taken their parents captive, and now
another, new people appeared in those parts. In time, most of them had become
free. The khagan of the Avars, who regarded them as a particular ethnic group,
followed their custom and appointed a chief for them, named Kuver. Learning
through his men that the people wanted to return to the cities of their parents,
Kuver gathered and raised all Romans, as well as pagans (as is recorded in the
Mosaic book about the exodus of the Jews, that is the proselytes [in the Greek
version of Exodus 12:47, the word “proselytes” refers to strangers dwelling
among the Hebrews, who wanted “to keep the Lord’s Pascha”]), with weapons
12
o n e : f ro m l at e a n t i q u i t y t o t h e e a r ly m i d d l e a g e s
and luggage. They were all now rebels revolting against the khagan, who pur-
sued them, but was defeated in fve or six battles, so that he had to fee with the
rest of his army and withdrew to the northern parts. Kuver, having obtained
the victory, crossed the Danube with all his people, came to our parts, and
occupied the Keramesian plain [probably the region around Bitola, in southern
Macedonia]. Once settled there, those who were Orthodox [that is, Christian]
demanded that they return to the cities of their parents, some to Thessalonica,
others to Constantinople and to the other cities of Thrace.
With his people thus disposed, a number of wicked advisers [of Kuver] had
the bad idea of him not letting anyone go to the places to which they wanted to
return. Instead, Kuver had to keep them all together, as they were at the begin-
ning of their trek, with him as their chief and khagan. For if he had attempted
to look for the emperor, he would have taken those people and dispersed them,
thus removing them from Kuver’s power. So he sent an embassy to the emperor
asking that he be allowed to stay where he was, together with his people. He
also asked that the neighboring people of the Drugubites [a neighboring Slavic
tribe] be ordered to supply them with everything necessary. That is what was
done. So, to get what they needed, the people of Kuver went to the tents of the
Slavs, asking about our city, and learning that it was not too far [from them].
So, taking their women and children with them, the Romans began to pour into
our parts. Once there, the prefect sent them by sea to Constantinople.
Their chief Kuver, learning about all this, secretly concocted with his advisers
a plan to use one of his leaders who was particularly smart, and who knew very
well our language, as well as those of the Romans, the Slavs, and the Bulgars.
He would pretend to distance himself from Kuver, get into our city together
with others, and would proclaim himself a subject of the emperor. He would
bring with him to our side as many accomplices as possible, then he would cause
a civil war, and in the process take over the city. At that point, Kuver would
come [to Thessalonica], establish himself here together with the other chiefs.
He would reorganize his people and [from Thessalonica] he would attack all the
neighboring peoples, whom he would conquer, then the islands [in the Aegean
Sea], Asia [Minor], and fnally the emperor himself.
Once the plan was concocted, they sealed it by [taking] oaths. Then one of
them, named Mauros, came to Thessalonica supposedly as a refugee and began
to persuade the [city] authorities to send to the emperor a favorable report about
him. The emperor was convinced [of Mauros’s good credentials], and sent a
written order bestowing upon Mauros the title of hypatos [honorary title of
prefect] and a standard [symbol of imperial authority]. He also ordered that all
the Sermesian refugees [the people who had lived around Sirmium under Avar
rule], who were coming from Kuver, be placed under his [Mauros’s] orders.
As soon as this imperial ordinance was published and registered in the rolls,
13
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