UNSC - Study Guide
UNSC - Study Guide
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), in which we are honored to
address one of the most pressing yet unspoken challenges facing the global community ‘The
Invisible Conflicts Around The World’. As Presidents, we are most thrilled to work with each
of you for this committee, where your insights, perspectives, and critical thinking will
undoubtedly shape our discussion and the resolutions we build together.
The world we live in has been facing numerous conflicts regarding territorial disputes,
political tensions, and economic issues. The subject of unseen crises is particularly significant
as it challenges the traditional boundaries in both international relations and ethics, requiring
us to consider not only the direct impacts but also the broader implications for global justice
and peace.
The UNSC mainly focuses on establishing an open and constructive dialogue among
all present delegations. By fostering joint solutions to these tensions and conflicts, the UNSC
aspires to enhance the well-being of the global population through effective collaboration
among countries and international organizations.
Our primary goal for this conference is to address the invisible conflicts that often
escape the global spotlight by raising awareness and fostering a deeper understanding of these
hidden crises, examining their roots and implications. Through comprehensive discussions
and collaborative efforts among all delegations, we aim to develop effective decision-making
proposals for conflict resolution, thereby ensuring a more just and peaceful world.
This guide was designed to encourage you to dive deeply into the historical context,
facing current challenges in diverse national perspectives in terms of hidden conflicts.
We look forward to a productive and respectful discussion with each of you. Best of
luck, delegates.
Cordially,
United Nations Security Council Presidents
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important
committees of the United Nations, tasked with the vital mission of upholding international
peace and security.
Established on October 24, 1945, in the aftermath of World War II, the UNSC was
created with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of global harmony and stability,
and over the decades, the council has evolved to address a wide range of global issues,
reflecting the changing dynamics of international relations.
The Security Council has fifteen Members, and each Member has one vote - five
permanent Members who hold veto power and ten non-permanent Members elected for
two-year terms by the General Assembly.
The consul conducts the effort to identify whether there is a threat to peace or an act of
aggression. It encourages the disputing parties to resolve their issues through peaceful means
and recommends methods of adjustment or settlement terms. Yet, in certain situations, the
Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or authorize the use of force to maintain or
restore international peace and security.
“Invisible conflicts" refers to issues and tensions that do not always make headlines
but significantly contribute to instability in a region. Conflicts like these are very common in
areas that were affected by decolonization, like Africa and Latin America, and yet they only
get a fraction of the attention they deserve from the global community.
The SJONU UNSC is a Model United Nations (MUN) simulation, where students
play the role of delegates from different countries and attempt to solve real world issues from
the politics and perspectives of their assigned nations. For example, if you are assigned to
represent the United Kingdom, then you are expected to solve global topics using the policies
and viewpoints of the United Kingdom.
In this model, us three will not perform as the Chair moderating this conference.
Instead, we will represent the Council President country and actively participate in the debate
with you.
Each delegate is required to build a position paper from their country, following the
appropriate structure. Apart from that, we strongly recommend all of you read the papers
from other delegations to be aware of the contents. In the case of permanent Members, papers
must be read when the conference begins.
The simulation is divided into sections [you can find discussion topic
recommendations starting on page 8] where the delegations might craft resolutions for each
of them to be voted. The section is considered over if a resolution is approved for at least 2/3
of the Members. However, the discussion might keep on the table if the resolution is not
approved.
Along this guide, we have highlighted some case studies. While it is not mandatory to
discuss each one of them in the conference, it is still important to review them all - spoiler:
perhaps some of your crises might be about one of them.
Lastly, the debate shall happen based on some rules and instructions.
In the recent decades, the world has seen an increase of internal conflicts in different
areas of the globe. According to data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), 2023
recorded the highest number of conflicts involving states since the systematic data collection
exercise started in 1946, with 59 active disputes. Despite this troubling reality, not all of these
conflicts receive the attention they require, the so-called Invisible Conflict. Many remain in
silence, raising questions about how global media chooses which crises to highlight and
whether they write about accurate and unbiased information.
This also highlights the disparity in terms of news coverage by the Russian-Ukrainian
war and the conflicts in Africa and Latin America, which are not covered at all. Even with
Africa becoming the epicenter of state conflicts and Latin America the stage for most
non-state disputes, these regions often remain absent from global headlines. Various factors
contribute to this selective coverage: lobbying by powerful actors, geographic and cultural
proximity to major global powers, restrictions imposed on journalists and NGOs in conflict
zones, and familiarity or lack of it among news consumers with such regions.
The invisibility of these crises has dire consequences. One of the most immediate is
the delayed or insufficient delivery of humanitarian aid, including food, water, and medical
supplies, to affected populations. Also, as specified by Paul B. Stares, Director of the Center
for Preventive Action from Council of Foreign Relations, "The parties involved in the
conflict, including external powers, may also feel that they can act with impunity when they
are not under the spotlight of the media, exacerbating the problem, as the international
community has, in a sense, signaled that 'it does not care.' As a result, the fighting and
atrocities will persist." Without media analysis, these conflicts are often prolonged, as
international pressure to resolve them is minimal or non-existent. Local populations bear the
brunt of these prolonged crises, face displacement, poverty, and a collapse of essential
services such as healthcare and education.
In many areas of Africa and Latin America, crises often emerge by the influence of
poor governance and corruption. Gael Raballand, practice manager from the Governance
Global Practice in West Africa, and Francesca Recanatini, lead economist in the World Bank,
state that “Corruption is a driver of fragility that undermines sustainable peace and stability”.
From this perspective, discussing the impact of this weakness is essential, as it corrodes the
trust and confidence that citizens have for their governments, fostering social friction and, in
some contexts, increasing the risk of fragility, conflicts, and violence. To address these issues,
this discussion will highlight key cases from Africa and Latin America, providing context for
debates on how the international community can effectively respond to these serious issues.
Somalia, located in the Horn of Africa, has experienced several years of instability
following the collapse of its central government in 1991. At this time, a very long civil war
began, based on clan-based conflicts and the rise of extremist groups, like al-Shabbab. The
nonexistence of an appropriate authority left a loophole that allowed corruption to increase at
all levels of society. According to the Corruption Perception Index of 2023, Somalia is the
most corrupt country out of the 180 analyzed.
The country has a Provisional Constitution that criminalizes various forms of
corruption, such as bribery and embezzlement. However, there is no effort to implement this
document effectively. This lack of liability has ruined public trust in governmental institutions
and has significant implications for national security.
Despite some progress in setting up anti-corruptions frameworks, such as the African
Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), implementation remains weak. Foreign efforts to
intervene in the country are often hampered by the deeply entrenched corruption within local
governance structures.
Venezuela is a country in South America that has been going through an agitated
period, since July 28, 2024, when the nation held presidential elections. After that, the
government-controlled National Electoral Council (CNE) declared incumbent President
Nicolás Maduro the winner, while a large number of the available tally copies from polling
centers documented an estimated 67% of votes for the leading opposition candidate,
Edmundo González Urrutia. This discrepancy has led to widespread protests. Some
international observers, including the United Nations, expressed serious concerns about the
lack of transparency and credibility in the results announced by the CNE. Conversely,
important analysts view the foreign recognition of González's victory, such as by the United
States, as indicative of a desire to intervene in Venezuela.
However, it is important to note that the population of the country demonstrated a
strong demand for electoral authorities to publish the election tally sheets. From the
announcement of Maduro's victory on 28 July until 23 August 2024, the Armed Conflict
Location & Event Data (ACLED) recorded 280 anti-government demonstration events. The
government’s response was marked by brutal counter-mobilization and repression,
spearheaded by pro-government militias. Furthermore, the state is heavily influenced by
pro-government military forces, leading to the military’s deep entrenchment in both political
and economic spheres. Consequently, this influence extends far beyond traditional defence
roles, impacting governance decision-making processes.
According to a 2021 report by Transparencia Venezuela, the Bolivarian National
Armed Forces (FANB) hold significant positions in key sectors of the nation, with a growing
number of military personnel on public company boards from 2020 to 2021. This increased
presence has not led to improved transparency or accountability, though. Many military-run
enterprises operate with little public oversight, raising serious concerns about corruption and
mismanagement.
The phenomenon of non-state actors is a complex and growing reality in the global
landscape. These groups, such as criminal factions, militias, terrorist organizations, and drug
cartels, have been playing increasingly significant roles in matters that go beyond organized
crime, reaching areas like commerce, arms dealing, and even political influence. Their actions
often occur covertly, making it difficult to identify their operational networks and strategies.
Globally, there is a wave of insurgency by these actors against legitimate governments, driven
by state vulnerabilities uncovered through internal operations. They become illegal
representatives of these nations, acting in ways that, even when dismantled by international
agents, they quickly reorganize with new alliances and leadership.
In 1952, in Geneva, the first committee of the United Nations (UN) was established,
named the Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC). It was created in
response to the tensions arising from World War II, with the objective of jointly combating
Nazi and fascist groups and, later, being utilized for maintaining peace and containing the rise
of criminal organizations. DISEC currently works in cooperation with the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC), Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC) and
United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) to resolve conflicts, operating and legislating
based on Rule 58 (a) of the Rules of Procedure of the General Assembly.
The responsibility for combating non-state actors primarily lies with the UNSC, which
holds the final authority over international interference actions against such groups, as this
committee has a mandatory character.
The group is based in the state of São Paulo and is active throughout Brazil, South
America, West Africa and Europe. An international expansion fueled by the cocaine trade
made the PCC establish a profitable partnership with the Italian 'Ndrangheta and, as of 2023,
run over 50% of Brazil's drug exports to Europe. Through the cocaine trade routes to Europe,
the PCC also established itself as a central player in the West African cocaine trade, with its
members being able to exert control over neighbourhoods in cities such as Lagos and Abuja.
According to a leaked Portuguese intelligence report, the group also has around 1,000
associates in Lisbon.
Historically, the PCC has been responsible for several criminal activities such as
murders, prison riots, drug trafficking, bank and highway robberies, protection rackets,
pimping, kidnappings-for-ransom, money laundering, bribery, loan sharking, and obstruction
of justice, with an expansion focused on drug trafficking since the 2010s. As of 2023, the
PCC is currently transitioning into a global mafia, being able to influence politics and
penetrate the legal economy. According to São Paulo state authorities, the group has had a
yearly revenue of at least US$ 1 billion since 2020.
The PCC is often mentioned to have a different doctrine to other Brazilian cartels,
with a business model that favors the quiet expansion of markets over violent and expensive
turf wars and confrontations with the state that would draw unwanted attention. The Global
Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime noted that the PCC's ability to negotiate
with rivals rather than expelling them has permitted the group to make use of pre established
criminal networks and preexisting logistics know-how along the cocaine value chain,
encouraging peaceful cooperation between different groups and producing greater economic
efficiency by reducing operating costs. However, the group has been responsible for waves of
extreme violence, including targeted political violence and terrorism, upon having their
interests threatened.
The group was founded in 2004, following the defeat of the Union of Islamic Courts
(UIC) by the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and its allies, particularly Ethiopian
armed forces, during the Somali War (2006–2009). It is estimated that over 3,000 UIC
members went underground to form an insurgency, establishing armed cells in Mogadishu
and across the country to conduct attacks against the government and Ethiopian forces. The
term Shabaab ("youth") is common among various groups in the Islamic world, and this
movement should not be confused with other organizations bearing similar names.
Since 2015, Al-Shabaab has retreated from all major Somali cities due to offensives
by the Somali government and neighboring African nations, supported by Western allies.
However, the group still controls significant portions of Somalia's rural areas. Despite recent
losses, Al-Shabaab remains a potent force in the Horn of Africa, increasing the scale and
lethality of its attacks, often using truck bombs that result in hundreds of casualties
The Sahel region has a long history of vulnerability resulting in different conflicts
among the populations situated there, with roots tracing back to colonization. During this
period, European powers arbitrarily divided the continent between them, leading to an
absence of established borders, high levels of irregular movement of people and a general
weakness in state institutions after becoming independent nations. These instabilities have
been exacerbated by the lack of resources caused by the increasing of desertification and the
consequences of climate change.
In this unstable and fragile context, violent extremist organizations have extended
their influence. The principal groups operating in the Sahel are Al-Qaeda, Al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and Boko Haram. These organizations not only impact local
security but also significantly contribute to humanitarian crises, forcing entire populations to
relocate and intensifying economic and social struggles.
Picture 6: Labourers work at an open shaft of coltan mine at the eastern DRC
Able in[Link]
- Accessed on 05/12/2024.
Crude and refined oil are among the most globally coveted commodities, serving as
key regulators of international markets, currency values, and the cost of living. Oil is
abundantly found in regions such as the Middle East, South America, and Africa. Due to its
immense importance, numerous conflicts have arisen over the years, with the aim of seizing
territories and regions rich in crude oil to secure resources for refining and economic gain.
Wars in Africa and the Middle East related to oil reflect the strategic importance of
this resource in the global landscape. In the Middle East, conflicts such as the Gulf War
(1990-1991) and international interventions in countries like Iraq were largely driven by the
control of vast oil reserves, crucial to the global economy. These regions often become targets
for foreign powers seeking to secure access to energy resources and maintain stability in
international markets.
In Africa, countries like Sudan and Nigeria have faced internal conflicts and external
interventions tied to disputes over oil-rich areas. Moreover, exploitation by foreign
corporations often fuels corruption and political instability, while local communities suffer
from displacement and environmental impacts.
These conflicts highlight how oil can be both a source of wealth and instability,
perpetuating inequalities and regional tensions.
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Iverson, Noah, “The world’s unseen conflicts”. Tribal Tribune, March 26, 2024. Able in:
[Link] Accessed in: December 05, 2024.
[Link]
“Scroll and share: The role of social media and conflicts”. ReliefWeb, March 09, 2022. Able
in: [Link]
Accessed in: December 01, 2024.
Raballand, Gael & Recanatini, Francesca, “Corruption in Fragile, Conflict and Violet
Settings: False dilemmas and inadequate toolbox?”. World Bank Blogs, July 11, 2023. Able
in:
[Link]
se-dilemmas-and-inadequate-toolbox. Accessed in: December 02, 2024.
Somalia:
“Somalia risk report”. GAN Integrity, September 30, 2020. Able in:
[Link] Accessed in: December 05, 2024.
Venezuela:
“Ongoing state-led repression in Venezuela may amount to crimes against humanity”. Global
Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, December 01, 2024. Able in:
[Link] Accessed in: December 06, 2024.
Breda, Tiziano, “2024 Venezuela election protests: harsher repression at home and more
global reach than in 2019”. Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, August 29, 2024. Able
in:
[Link]
-more-global-reach-than-in-2019/. Accessed in: December 06, 2024.
Leo´n, Lucas, “Venezuela não é ditadura nem democracia liberal, diz pesquisadora”. Agência
Brasil, August 03, 2024. Able in:
[Link]
democracia-liberal-diz-pesquisadora. Accessed in: December 06, 2024.
Ryan, Devon, “Stanford-led study investigates how much climate change affects the risk of
armed conflict”. Stanford Report, June 12, 2019. Able in:
%20change%2Ddriven%20extreme%20weather,may%20increase%20risks%20of%20violenc
e.. Accessed in: December 05, 2024
“Conflict and Climate”. United Nations Climate Change Conference, July 12, 2022. Able
in: [Link] Accessed in: December 05, 2024
“Five ways the climate crisis impacts human security”. United Nations Climate Action.
Able in: [Link]
Accessed in: December 05, 2024
Tesfaye, Beza, “Climate Change and Conflict in the Sahel”. Council on Foreign Relations,
November, 2022. Able in: [Link]
Accessed in: December 06, 2024