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The Tourism Area Life Cycle, Vol. 1
ASPECTS OF TOURISM
Series Editors: Professor Chris Cooper, University of Queensland, Australia
Dr C. Michael Hall, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
Dr Dallen Timothy, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA

Aspects of Tourism is an innovative, multifaceted series which will comprise

authoritative reference handbooks on global tourism regions, research volumes, texts
and monographs. It is designed to provide readers with the latest thinking on tourism
world-wide and in so doing will push back the frontiers of tourism knowledge. The
series will also introduce a new generation of international tourism authors, writing
on leading edge topics. The volumes will be readable and user-friendly, providing
accessible sources for further research. The list will be underpinned by an annual
authoritative tourism research volume. Books in the series will be commissioned that
probe the relationship between tourism and cognate subject areas such as strategy,
development, retailing, sport and environmental studies. The publisher and series
editors welcome proposals from writers with projects on these topics.

Other Books in the Series

Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impact and Issues
Brent Ritchie and Daryl Adair (eds)
Tourism, Mobility and Second Homes
C. Michael Hall and Dieter Müller
Strategic Management for Tourism Communities: Bridging the Gaps
Peter E. Murphy and Ann E. Murphy
Oceania: A Tourism Handbook
Chris Cooper and C. Michael Hall (eds)
Tourism Marketing: A Collaborative Approach
Alan Fyall and Brian Garrod
Music and Tourism: On the Road Again
Chris Gibson and John Connell
Tourism Development: Issues for a Vulnerable Industry
Julio Aramberri and Richard Butler (eds)
Nature-based Tourism in Peripheral Areas: Development or Disaster?
C. Michael Hall and Stephen Boyd (eds)
Tourism, Recreation and Climate Change
C. Michael Hall and James Higham (eds)
Shopping Tourism, Retailing and Leisure
Dallen J. Timothy
Wildlife Tourism
David Newsome, Ross Dowling and Susan Moore
Film-Induced Tourism
Sue Beeton
Rural Tourism and Sustainable Business
Derek Hall, Irene Kirkpatrick and Morag Mitchell (eds)
The Tourism Area Life Cycle, Vol.2: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues
Richard W. Butler (ed.)

For more details of these or any other of our publications, please contact:
Channel View Publications, Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall,
Victoria Road, Clevedon, BS21 7HH, England
[Link]
ASPECTS OF TOURISM 28
Series Editors: Chris Cooper (University of Queensland, Australia),
C. Michael Hall (University of Otago, New Zealand)
and Dallen Timothy (Arizona State University, USA)

The Tourism Area Life Cycle,

Vol. 1
Applications and Modifications

Edited by
Richard W. Butler

CHANNEL VIEW PUBLICATIONS

Clevedon • Buffalo • Toronto
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 1-84541-026-2 (hbk)

ISBN 1-84541-025-4 (pbk)
ISBN 1-84541-027-0 (electronic)

Channel View Publications

An imprint of Multilingual Matters Ltd

UK: Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall, Victoria Road, Clevedon BS21 7HH.
USA: 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA.
Canada: 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario, Canada M3H 5T8.

Copyright © 2005 Richard W. Butler and the authors of individual chapters.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any
means without permission in writing from the publisher.

Typeset by Datapage Ltd..

Printed and bound in Great Britain by the Cromwell Press.
DEDICATION

To my wife, Margaret, and my children, Caroline, Richard

and Antonia, who have lived with ‘the cycle’ and its
demands and been there with support and encouragement
over the last three decades, and:

IN MEMORIAM

To my father, Sgt. Pilot Richard Butler, RAF (VR),

106 Squadron, whom I never had the privilege of knowing,
and the more than 55,000 men of Bomber Command, who
like him, were killed in action in the Second World War.

‘When you go home, tell them of us, and say:

For your tomorrows we gave our today’
Contents
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
The Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Introduction
C. Michael Hall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

Part 1: Foundations of the TALC. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 1

1 The Concept of a Tourism Area Cycle of Evolution:
Implications for Management of Resources
Richard W. Butler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 3
2 The Origins of the Tourism Area Life Cycle
Richard W. Butler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
3 The Application of the TALC Model: A Literature Survey
Richard M. Lagiewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
4 Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry
K. Michael Haywood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Part 2: Implementation of the TALC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

5 Lancaster County, the TALC and the Search for
Sustainable Tourism
Gary R. Hovinen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
6 An Empirical Interpretation of the TALC: Tourist Product
Life Cycles in the Eastern Townships of Quebec
Jan O. Lundgren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
7 The TALC in China’s Tourism Planning: Case Study of
Danxia Mountain, Guangdong Province, PRC
J. Bao and C. Zhang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

Part 3: The TALC in Heritage Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

8 The TALC and its Application to National Parks:
A Canadian Example
Stephen W. Boyd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
9 A Re-Foundation of the TALC for Heritage Cities
Antonio Paulo Russo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
10 The TALC and Heritage Sites
Jane Malcolm-Davies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162

vii
viii Contents

Part 4: The TALC and Local Involvement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

11 The ‘Plantation’ Variant of the TALC in the Small
Island Caribbean
D.B. Weaver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
12 Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical
Island Destinations: Kona, Hawai’i
Charles S. Johnston . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
13 Residents’ Perceptions of Tourism Development over
the Early Stages of the TALC
Jerry D. Johnson and David J. Snepenger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
14 The TALC Model and Politics
B. Martin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
15 Seeking Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand:
The Dynamics of the TALC
J. Marois and T. Hinch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250

Part 5: The TALC and Rejuvenation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

16 The Modification of the Tourism Area Life
Cycle Model for (Re)inventing a Destination:
The Case of the Opatija Riviera, Croatia
Sanda Corak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
17 The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City: The Resort
Cycle Recycles
Charles Stansfield . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
18 Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination:
The Case of the Gold Coast, Australia
Bill Faulkner and Carmen Tideswell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306

Part 6: Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

19 The King Is Dead. Long Live the Product:
Elvis, Authenticity, Sustainability and
the Product Life Cycle
Brian Wheeller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349
Acknowledgements
There are many acknowledgements that have to be made for the
publication of any book, but in the case of edited works there are
inevitably more needed than for a single authored work. In the first place
I must thank most sincerely the authors whose writings appear in this
and the accompanying volume. They have done most of the academic
work in terms of their contributions, and it is a truism to say the books
would not have appeared without their efforts. Of all the people I
approached, some old friends, some former students (and hopefully still
friends), some recent acquaintances and some known only to me by their
writings, only one did not reply, and only one was finally unable to
contribute a chapter. Some responded early (5.00 a.m. in one case), others
performed more like myself, cutting it rather fine. Virtually all wrote
exactly what was asked of them, sometimes at rather short notice, all
took my comments and suggestions in good spirit and some have even
yet to take me up on the offer of a beer. Perhaps above all, I wish to thank
them for finding the TALC of interest and using it in the first place.
Second of course, there are those involved in the publication of the
books. At the University of Surrey, my long-suffering secretary Margaret
Williamson and at various times, Malcolm Thompson, for assistance with
Word and word processing, and Paul Fuller and John Briggs for rescuing
various items from faulty laptops and illegible files on more than one
occasion. At Channel View publications, first and foremost, Mike Grover,
for his support, particularly as this project grew from one book of 80,000
words and 15 chapters to one book of about 20 chapters, and then to two
books of nearly 40 chapters and over 200,000 words in total, and to his
family team, whose efforts I appreciate greatly.
Third, there is the general support team. Conceptually in its creation
the TALC owes a great deal to Jim Brougham, the nearest person to a
Renaissance man I have ever come across in person. Many good
arguments, parties, football matches and above all, incomparable folk
singing (on his side) contributed greatly if tangentially at times, to the
final product. He was one of many former students at the University of
Western Ontario, including Brian Keogh, Peter Keller, James Strapp,
Colin Harris, Dave Weaver, Winston Husbands, Dave Telfer, Stephen
Boyd, Tom Hinch and Bryan Smale, all of whom helped develop, test and
refine the model in various ways. There are also many more graduate
and undergraduate students, unfortunately too many to list, at Western

ix
x Acknowledgements

and at the University of Surrey who have used the model and also
helped in its development. Peter Murphy (once English, then Canadian
and now Australian) should be acknowledged (or blamed) particularly
for TALC seeing the light of day in terms of publication, first by nagging
me to produce a paper for the Canadian Association of Geographers’
meeting in Vancouver, and then by persuading the Association to publish
the first ever special edition of The Canadian Geographer (24 (1) 1980)
(which he edited), one devoted to papers on tourism and recreation.
Since 1980 in particular, many colleagues have assisted greatly, either
by using the model (including all those featured in these volumes), or by
just being there to talk, and to share ideas and good times. Some
legitimately might feel their research should be included (or may be
relieved it is not!), Gareth Shaw and Allan Williams in the UK in
particular, but I do have one representative from the south west at least
included, who was influenced by their work. Klaus Meyer-Arendt, Paul
Wilkinson, Ngaire Douglas and Gerda Priestly especially are also owed
apologies for apparently being ignored, but only by noninclusion of
papers I can assure them. There are also a vast number of other writers
who have used the TALC, most, if not all, included in Lagiewski’s
bibliography, and an even larger number of students at universities
around the world who have probably driven their supervisors mad by
using the model. (Arriving at an Australian university on sabbatical in
1992 I was greeted at coffee by a staff member there, with the comment,
‘So you’re the bugger that wrote that, I’ve just had to mark 20 reports
using it!’) Finally there is the family support team, to whom these books
are dedicated, who have been hoping to heaven ‘it’ is finished soon and
doing their best to make sure it is. They have eventually won and I am
very grateful, not only for their support and encouragement, but for the
ideas, suggestions (mostly) and willingness to lose sandpits, rooms and
furniture buried under TALC-related material for far too long.
More formally and finally, I should also like to thank the Canadian
Association of Geographers, not only for publishing the article in The
Canadian Geographer in the first place, but also for giving me permission
to reproduce the original article. I trust this book will relieve some
pressure on their office at McGill University by reducing the number of
requests for copies!
Contributors
Names and E-mail addresses of Contributors to TALC Books.

Book 1

Richard Lagiewski , Rochester Institute of Technology

R_lagiewski@[Link]

Michael Haywood , retired, at time of writing University of Guelph

[Link]@[Link]

Gary Hovinen , retired at time of writing

ghovinen@[Link]

Jan Lundgren, McGill University

[Link]@[Link]

Ji-gang Bao , Sun Yat Sen University

eesbjg@[Link]

Chaozi Zhang, Sun Yat Sen University

No e-mail, use Bao (above)

Stephen Boyd, currently University of Ulster (Coleraine Campus)

[Link]@[Link]

Antonio Russo , Erasmus University

russo@[Link]

Jane Malcolm-Davies , University of Surrey

[Link]-Davies@[Link]

David Weaver, University of South Carolina (from January 2005)

dweaver@[Link]

Charles Johnston , Auckland Institute of Technology

[Link]@[Link]

xi
xii Contributors

Jerry Johnson , Montana State University

jdj@[Link]

David Snepenger, Montana State University

dsnep@[Link] also dsnepenger@[Link]

Bonnie Martin
bmartin@[Link]

Juanita Marois , University of Alberta

Juanita-marois@[Link]

Tom Hinch , University of Alberta

thinch@[Link]

Sanda Corak , Institute of Tourism, University of Zagreb

[Link]@[Link]

Charles Stansfield , retired from Rowan College, New Jersey

ruthig@[Link]

Bill Faulkner, deceased at time of writing, Griffith University

Carmen Tideswell , Auckland Institute of Technology

[Link]@[Link]

Brian Wheeller, at time of writing NHTV Breda, Netherlands

wheellerbrian@[Link]

Book 2

Tim Coles , University of Exeter

[Link]@[Link]

Andreas Papatheodorou, at time of writing University of Surrey

[Link]@[Link]

Michael Hall , University of Otago

cmhall@[Link]

Rosslyn Russell , Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology

[Link]@[Link]
Contributors xiii

Sabine Weisenegger, University of Muenchen

weizenegger@[Link]

Stephen Wanhill , at time of writing Bournemouth University

swanhill@[Link]

Sven Lundtorp, as Wanhill (above)

Neil Ravenscroft, University of Brighton

neil@[Link]

Ion Hadjihambi , Kates Peat Marwick

[Link]@[Link]

Chris Cooper, University of Queensland

[Link]@[Link]

Sheela Agarwal , University of Plymouth

[Link]@[Link]

Maran Manente, CISET, University of Venice

mtourism@[Link]

Harald Pachlaner, Catholic University of Eichstatt-Ingoldstadt, Bavaria

[Link]@[Link]

Ted Berry, Education Authority of Alaska

Tedberry_aus@[Link]
Introduction
C. MICHAEL HALL

It is an indication of the significance of a concept that it starts to attract

not only articles but entire books as to its nature. And, as the reader will
find in going through the various chapters in the two volumes of this
book, the Tourism Area Life Cycle (TALC) is one of the most cited and
contentious areas of tourism knowledge. Even as Butler (this volume),
himself notes ‘there was nothing devastatingly complicated or original in
the data or facts on which the model is based’. The TALC has gone on to
become one of the best known theories of destination growth and change
within the field of tourism studies.
As the second volume highlights, there is a substantial body of
contested theory and concepts that surround the TALC. Although ‘Butler
put into the realistic cyclical context a reality that everyone knew about,
and clearly recognised, but had never formulated into an overall theory
(Lundgren, 1984: 22), the TALC is arguably one of the most significant
contributions to studies of tourism development because of the way it
provides a focal point for discussion of what leads to destination change,
how destinations and their markets change and, even, what is a
destination. Moreover, the two volumes together highlight the manner
in which theory informs the development and generation of tourism
knowledge, the importance of understanding the intellectual history of
tourism ideas, and the disciplinary dimensions of tourism studies. These
come from a number of different areas of knowledge, are applied at
different scales, and often seek to tackle different dimensions of under-
standing destination change. Nevertheless, they highlight the importance
of the intellectual history of ideas in tourism, and of the intellectual
heritage of the TALC in particular. Some of these issues are discussed at
the outset of this volume in terms of the foundations of the TALC,
however readers seeking to gain a wider appreciation and understanding
of the TALC will need to read this section in conjunction with the
discussions of the second volume. Nevertheless, it is readily apparent
that the TALC remains one of the most oft-cited works in tourism studies
even if many people have never read the original article and have instead
only read interpretations of it in textbooks or journals.

xv
xvi The Tourism Area Life Cycle

This particular volume looks at the means by which the TALC has
been applied in particular situations and settings. It commences with a
reproduction of the original article from The Canadian Geographer and
is followed by a chapter by Butler on the origins of the TALC. Being able
to easily access the original article will be helpful to many students of
tourism but the opportunity to read Butler discussing its background will
be especially welcome. As noted in the introduction to the second
volume, being able to encounter such a variety of insights into the TALC
helps readers gain an appreciation not only of the significance of the
TALC but also its intellectual history. In the case of Butler revisiting the
origins of the TALC we see the significance of authors active in the 1960s
and 1970s rarely cited in contemporary tourism studies, such as Roy
Wolfe and Charles Stansfield, as well as even earlier authors from the
1930s and 1940s. Significantly, we also learn of the extent to which
personal travel experiences, particularly in Scotland, may have influ-
enced Butler’s understanding of tourism destinations, as well as the role
of his work with Jim Brougham, then a graduate student at the
University of Western Ontario. These reflections highlight that in tourism
research, as in other fields of knowledge, the generation of ideas rarely
occurs in isolation and instead needs to be understood in relation to its
personal and intellectual context.
The first section also includes a chapter by Lagiewski that provides an
overview of some of the writings that have utilised the TALC and a
chapter by Haywood that seeks to relate the TALC to understandings of
destination change. The Haywood chapter in particular should be read in
conjunction with the chapter by the same author in the second volume,
which notes the extent to which concepts of life cycle and change have
been poorly understood and appreciated by the tourism industry itself.
As the introduction to Volume 2 notes, such a situation reflects the need
for a broader understanding of the processes of the diffusion of tourism
knowledge that the various contributions to the two volumes partly
illustrate.
The second section of this volume deals with examples of the
implementation of the TALC. Hovinen discusses the relationship
between TALC and concepts of sustainability in Lancaster County,
Pennsylvania. The reflections by Hovinen are particularly welcome as
he was the first person to empirically apply the TALC to a specific
location (Hovinen, 1981, 1982). Indeed, there are a number of chapters in
this volume that illustrate the value of reflection on previous work and
reconsiderations of its application. Similarly, Lundgren provides an
empirical examination of TALC with respect to the eastern townships
of Quebec, locations in which he has previously undertaken substantial
research. The section is concluded with a case study of the role of TALC
in tourism planning in China by Bao and Zhang.
Introduction xvii

The third section of the volume deals with the application of specific
setting, that of cultural and natural heritage. The first chapter in the
section is by Stephen Boyd, a former graduate student of Butler, who
applies the TALC to Canadian national parks. Russo provides an
appraisal of the TALC at a different scale by examining its relationship
to heritage cities, while the final chapter of the section, by Malcolm-
Davies, shifts the scale of analysis even further by dealing with its
potential role at a site level.
One of the main points of debate that has emerged out of considera-
tion of the TALC is its implications for the social and political dynamics
that exist within a destination as it changes. Some of these issues are
discussed in the fourth section of the volume, which discusses the
TALC in relation to local involvement. Weaver and Johnston examine
some of these concerns with respect to island destinations, examining
the Caribbean and the Hawaiian islands respectively. Johnson and
Snepenger discuss residents’ perceptions of tourism development in a
longitudinal investigation of Silver valley, Idaho, with Marois and Hinch
(another former graduate student of Butler) examining the links between
TALC and sustainable tourism in Northern Thailand. The remaining
chapter in the section, that of Martin on tourism and politics, discusses
the significance of the political aspect of the growth that occurs as
tourism progresses through the different stages of the life cycle. Martin
provides a case study of Hilton Head, South Carolina to illustrate his
general arguments regarding the politics of tourism growth.
The final section of the volume examines empirical studies of the
rejuvenation stage of the TALC. Ideally, these should be read in
conjunction with the chapters on conceptualising restructuring and
rejuvenation in the second volume. Weber discusses the reinvention of
a destination in terms of the Opatija Riviera in Croatia while Stansfield
examines the rejuvenation of Atlantic City. Both locations have signifi-
cance for the development of the TALC: Opatija in that it was the first
continental destination visited by Butler; and Atlantic City, and the work
of Stansfield (1972, 1978), because of the substantial insights it provided
into the processes by which resorts rise and fall in popularity. Indeed, the
length to which some of these ideas have now been circulating is
reflected in Stansfield’s chapter in which he refers to the recycling of the
resort cycle. The final chapter in this section is by Faulkner and Tideswell
and focuses on the rejuvenation of the Gold Coast, Australia.
The conclusion to this volume is an insightful and provocative
chapter by Brian Wheeler who successfully managed to integrate issues
of authenticity, sustainability and TALC with wildlife ecology, eco-
lodges and Elvis Presley. Nevertheless, Wheeler’s chapter has a serious
message in that it seeks to bring together a number of significant
concerns in contemporary tourism studies as well as question some of
xviii The Tourism Area Life Cycle

the assumptions made with respect to ethics, morals and tastes in

tourism. The Wheeler chapter also provides a suitable springboard to
some of the more theoretical and conceptual dimensions of TALC that
are discussed in the other volume, particularly as it seeks to illustrate the
manner in which empirical observation and experience and theory are
interwoven.
This volume therefore provides a welcome overview of some of the
ways in which the TALC has been applied and some of the implications
of those applications for further theoretical and conceptual developments
in understanding destination change. The second volume goes on to
investigate some of these changes in further detail and the contested
theoretical terrain that is the TALC. However, as noted above, it is
important to realise that the contents of the two volumes are interwoven
and ideally need to be read together in order to gain a wider appreciation
of TALC, its intellectual history and its contribution to tourism studies, as
well as understanding the processes of destination change.

References
Hovinen, G. (1981) A tourist cycle in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Canadian
Geographer 15(3), 283
/286.
Hovinen, G. (1982) Visitor cycles: Outlook in tourism in Lancaster County. Annals
of Tourism Research 9, 565
/583.
Lundgren, J.O. (1984) Geographic concepts and the development of tourism
research in Canada. Geojournal 9, 17
/25.
Stansfield, C. (1972) The development of modern seaside resorts. Parks and
Recreation 5 (10), 14
/46.
Stansfield, C. (1978) Atlantic City and the resort cycle. Background to the
legalization of gambling. Annals of Tourism Research 5 (2), 238
/251.
Part 1
Foundations of the TALC
RICHARD BUTLER

This first section of the volume serves to introduce the TALC and review
in general terms its origins and uses. It begins with a reproduction of the
original article. While this may be felt redundant given the frequency
with which it is still quoted, in fact it appears to be an elusive
publication. As noted below (Butler, next chapter), the journal, despite
its quality, is not commonly found in the holdings of a considerable
number of institutions focusing on tourism, unless they also have
departments of geography. This has meant over the years that a number
of potential readers have, or appear to have had, considerable difficulty
in obtaining access to a copy and have relied on summaries in other
sources. It seemed appropriate, therefore, to republish the original article
in its entirety to increase availability, as well as to enable readers of this
volume to have a copy to hand should they wish to refer to it.
The chapter that follows traces the origins of the concept, including a
fair amount of reflexive comment by the author, in order to provide a
context for the model. It was felt necessary to point out the limited nature
and scale of tourism research in the decades before 1980, as well as taking
the opportunity to acknowledge the contribution to the theoretical and
conceptual development of tourism of authors whose works are,
unfortunately, relatively unknown to many of the present day’s tourism
students and scholars. As is the case of many models, the original focus
and purpose was somewhat different to what finally emerged, and the
spatial emphasis explicit in the original model had become implicit at
best in the final version.
Legiewski’s chapter presents a review of several of the major initial
applications of the TALC, and some of the authors whose work is
reviewed have contributed chapters in this and the accompanying
volume. Of particular value is the table listing applications of the model
and the extensive bibliography resulting from it. While no bibliography
is ever likely to be complete, this one would appear to have more
references to the use of the TALC than any other single piece of work,
and is in itself a valuable reference tool for other potential users of the
model.
Finally in this first section of the book is the chapter by Haywood, who
was one of the first to write a detailed full critique of the model once it
had been published. His chapter in this volume focuses particularly on

1
2 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

aspects of the model that need addressing in order to improve its

potential value for application in areas such as destination development,
policy and strategy formulation, and destination management. His
comments are particularly valuable in identifying issues that still have
to be resolved, some of them coming from the same points that he raised
in his original review in 1986. In the section on Configuration and
Transformation he discusses in detail issues such as the unit of analysis
and unit of measurement most applicable for application of the TALC.
He concludes by linking the TALC to sustainability, a theme dealt with in
several chapters in this volume (Hovinen, Marois and Hinch, Russo, and
Wheeller in particular).
After this the book proceeds with chapters applying the TALC in a
variety of situations and locations, at different scales, and through
different approaches. Hopefully this introductory section provides
sufficient detail on the background and foundations of the TALC for
the reader to be able to place these later chapters in an appropriate
context.
Chapter 1
The Concept of A Tourist Area
Cycle of Evolution: Implications
for Management of Resources
R.W. BUTLER
University of Western Ontario

The concept of a recognizable cycle in the evolution of tourist areas is

presented, using a basic s curve to illustrate their waving and waning
popularity. Specific stages in the evolutionary sequence are described,
along with a range of possible future trends. The implications of using
this model in the planning and management of tourist resources are
discussed in the light of a continuing decline in the environmental
quality and, hence, the attractiveness of many tourist areas.
Le concept principal de cette communication est que les endroits
touristiques ont leur propre cycle d’évolution. Le concept se traduit en
modèle théorique, qui utilise une courbe s pour démontrer l’accroisse-
ment et la diminution subséquente de la popularité d’endroits touris-
tiques. La communication se concentre sur certains stages, les plus
importants, de l’évolution, et vise à établir une gamme de directions
éventuelle qui pourront être suivies par ces endroits. On examine les
implications de l’utilisation de se modèle dans l’aménagement de
resources touristiques, surtout dans I’optique des problèmes causés par
la diminution de la qualité de l’environnement et, par suite, de
l’attraction de beaucoup d’endroits touristiques.
There can be little doubt that tourist areas are dynamic, that they
evolve and change over time. This evolution is brought about by a
variety of factors including changes in the preferences and needs of
visitors, the gradual deterioration and possible replacement of physical
plant and facilities, and the change (or even disappearance) of the
original natural and cultural attractions which were responsible for the
initial popularity of the area. In some cases, while these attractions
remain, they may be utilized for different purposes or come to be
regarded as less significant in comparison with imported attractions.1
The idea of a consistent process through which tourist areas evolve has
been vividly described by Christaller:
The typical course of development has the following pattern. Painters
search out untouched and unusual places to paint. Step by step the place

3
4 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

develops as a so-called artist colony. Soon a cluster of poets follows,

kindred to the painters: then cinema people, gourmets, and the jeunesse
dorée. The place becomes fashionable and the entrepreneur takes note.
The fisherman’s cottage, the shelter-huts become converted into board-
ing houses and hotels come on the scene. Meanwhile the painters have
fled and sought out another periphery
/ periphery as related to space,
and metaphorically, as ‘forgotten’ places and landscapes. Only the
painters with a commercial inclination who like to do well in business
remain; they capitalize on the good name of this former painter’s corner
and on the gullibility of tourists. More and more townsmen choose this
place, now en vogue and advertised in the newspapers. Subsequently the
gourmets, and all those who seek real recreation, stay away. At last the
tourist agencies come with their package rate travelling parties; now, the
indulged public avoids such places. At the same time, in other places the
same cycle occurs again; more and more places come into fashion,
change their type, turn into everybody’s tourist haunt.2
While this description has most relevance to the European and,
particularly, to the Mediterranean setting, others have expressed the
same general idea. Stansfield, in discussing the development of Atlantic
City, refers specifically to the resort cycle,3 and Noronha has suggested
that ‘tourism develops in three stages: i) discovery, ii) local response and
initiative, and iii) institutionalized ‘institutionalization).’4 It is also
explicit in Christaller’s concept that types of tourists change with the
tourist areas. Research into the characteristics of visitors is widespread,
but less has been done on their motivations and desires. One example is a
typology conceived by Cohen, who characterizes tourists as ‘institutio-
nalized’ or ‘non-institutionalized,’ and further as ‘drifters’, ‘explorers,’
‘individual mass tourists,’ and ‘organized mass tourists.’5 Research
by Plog into the psychology of travel, and the characterization of
travellers as allocentrics, mid-centrics, and psychocentrics, substantiates
Christaller’s argument.6 Plog suggests that tourist areas are attractive to
different types of visitors as the areas evolve, beginning with small
numbers of adventuresome allocentrics, followed by increasing numbers
of mid-centrics as the area becomes accessible, better serviced, and well
known, and giving way to declining numbers of psychocentrics as the
area becomes older, more outdated, and less different to the areas of
origin of visitors. While the actual numbers of visitors may not decline
for a long time, the potential market will reduce in size as the area has to
compete with others that are more recently developed. Plog sums up his
argument thus: ‘We can visualize a destination moving across a
spectrum, however gradually or slowly, but far too often ineroxably
toward the potential of its own demise. Destination areas carry with
them the potential seeds of their own destruction, as they allow
The Concept of A Tourist Area Cycle of Evolution 5

themselves to become more commercialized and lose their qualities

which originally attracted tourists.’
While other writers, such as Cohen,7 have warned against the
problems of unilinear models of social change, there seems to be
overwhelming evidence that the general pattern of tourist area evolution
is consistent. The rates of growth and change may vary widely, but the
final result will be the same in almost all cases.

A Hypothetical Cycle of Area Evolution

The pattern which is put forward here is based upon the product cycle
concept, whereby sales of a product proceed slowly at first, experience a
rapid rate of growth, stabilize, and subsequently decline; in other words,
a basic asymptotic curve is followed. Visitors will come to an area in
small numbers initially, restricted by lack of access, facilities, and local
knowledge. As facilities are provided and awareness grows, visitor
numbers will increase. With marketing, information dissemination, and
further facility provision, the area’s popularity will grow rapidly.
Eventually, however, the rate of increase in visitor numbers will decline
as levels of carrying capacity are reached. These may be identified in
terms of environmental factors (e.g. land scarcity, water quality, air
quality), of physical plant (e.g. transportation, accommodation, other
services), or of social factors (e.g. crowding, resentment by the local
population). As the attractiveness of the area declines relative to other
areas, because of overuse and the impacts of visitors, the actual number
of visitors may also eventually decline.
The stages through which it is suggested that tourist areas pass are
illustrated in Figure 1.1. The exploration stage is characterized by small
numbers of tourists, Plog’s allocentrics and Cohen’s explorers making
individual travel arrangements and following irregular visitation pat-
terns. From Christaller’s model they can also be expected to be non-local
visitors who have been attracted to the area by its unique or considerably
different natural and cultural features. At this time there would be no
specific facilities provided for visitors. The use of local facilities and
contact with local residents are therefore likely to be high, which may
itself be a significant attraction to some visitors. The physical fabric and
social milieu of the area would be unchanged by tourism, and the arrival
and departure of tourists would be of relatively little significance to the
economic and social life of the permanent residents. Examples of this
stage can be seen in parts of the Canadian Arctic and Latin America, to
which tourists are attracted by natural and cultural-historical features.
As numbers of visitors increase and assume some regularity, some
local residents will enter the involvement stage and begin to provide
facilities primarly or even exclusively for visitors. Contact between
6 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 1.1 Hypothetical evolution of a tourist area. (For explanation of

A
/E see ‘Implications.’)

visitors and locals can be expected to remain high and, in fact, increase
for those locals involved in catering for visitors. As this stage progresses,
some advertising specifically to attract tourists can be anticipated, and a
basic initial market area for visitors can be defined. A tourist season can
be expected to emerge and adjustments will be made in the social pattern
of at least those local residents involved in tourism. Some level of
organization in tourist travel arrangements can be expected and the first
pressures put upon governments and public agencies to provide or
improve transport and other facilities for visitors. Some of the smaller,
less developed Pacific and Caribbean islands exhibit this pattern, as do
some less accessible areas of western Europe and North America.
The development stage reflects a well-defined tourist market area,
shaped in part by heavy advertising in tourist-generating areas. As this
stage progresses, local involvement and control of development will
decline rapidly. Some locally provided facilities will have disappeared,
being superseded by larger, more elaborate, and more up-to-date
facilities provided by external organizations, particularly for visitor
accommodation. Natural and cultural attractions will be developed
The Concept of A Tourist Area Cycle of Evolution 7

and marketed specifically, and these original attractions will be

supplemented by man-made imported facilities. Changes in the physical
appearance of the area will be noticeable, and it can be expected that not
all of them will be welcomed or approved by all of the local population.
This stage can be seen in parts of Mexico, on the more developed Pacific
islands, and on the north and west African coasts. Regional and national
involvement in the planning and provision of facilities will almost
certainly be necessary and, again, may not be completely in keeping with
local preferences. The number of tourists at peak periods will probably
equal or exceed the permanent local population. As this stage unfolds,
imported labour will be utilized and auxiliary facilities for the tourist
industry (such as laundries) will make their appearance. The type of
tourist will also have changed, as a wider market is drawn upon,
representing the mid-centrics of Plog’s classification, or Cohen’s institu-
tionalized tourist.
As the consolidation stage is entered the rate of increase in numbers of
visitors will decline, although total numbers will still increase, and total
visitor numbers exceed the number of permanent residents. A major part
of the area’s economy will be tied to tourism. Marketing and advertising
will be wide-reaching and efforts made to extend the visitor season and
market area. Major franchises and chains in the tourist industry will be
represented but few, if any, additions will be made. The large numbers of
visitors and the facilities provided for them can be expected to arouse
some opposition and discontent among permanent residents, paticularly
those not involved in the tourist industry in any way, and to result in
some deprivation and restrictions upon their activities. Such trends are
evident in areas of the Caribbean and on the northern Mediterranean
coast. The resort cities will have well-defined recreational business
districts,8 and, depending upon the length of time involved, old facilities
may now be regarded as second rate and far from desirable.
As the area enteres the stagnation stage the peak numbers of visitors
will have been reached. Capacity levels for many variables will have
been reached or exceeded, with attendant environmental, social, and
economic problems. The area will have a well-established image but it
will no longer be in fashion. There will be a heavy reliance on repeat
visitation and on conventions and similar forms of traffic. Surplus bed
capacity will be available and strenuous efforts will be needed to
maintain the level of visitation. Natural and genuine cultural attractions
will probably have been superseded by imported ‘artificial’ facilities. The
resort image becomes divorced from its geographic environment.9 New
development will be peripheral to the original tourist area and the
existing properties are likely to experience frequent changes in owner-
ship. The Costa Brava resorts of Spain and many cottage resorts in
Ontario manifest these characteristics. The type of visitor can also be
8 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

expected to change towards the organized mass tourist identified by

Cohen and the psychocentric described by Plog.
In the decline stage the area will not be able to compete with newer
attractions and so will face a declining market, both spatially and
numerically. It will no longer appeal to vacationers but will be used
increasingly for weekend or day trips, if it is accessible to large numbers
of people. Such trends can be clearly seen in older resort areas in Europe,
such as the Firth of Clyde in western Scotland. Miami Beach would also
appear to be entering this stage. Property turnover will be high and
tourist facilities often replaced by non-tourist related structures, as the
area moves out of tourism. This latter factor, of course, is cumulative.
More tourist facilities disappear as the area becomes less attractive to
tourists and the viability of other tourist facilities becomes more
questionable. Local involvement in tourism is likely to increase at this
stage, as employees and other residents are able to purchase facilities at
significantly lower prices as the market declines. The conversion of many
facilities to related activities is likely. Hotels may become condominiums,
convalescent or retirement homes, or conventional apartments, since the
attractions of many tourist areas make them equally attractive for
permanent settlement, particularly for the elderly. Ultimately, the area
may become a veritable tourist slum or lose its tourist function
completely.
On the other hand rejuvenation may occur, although it is almost certain
that this stage will never be reached without a complete change in the
attractions on which tourism is based. Two ways of accomplishing this
goal can be seen at present. One is the addition of a man-made attraction,
as in the case of Atlantic City’s gambling casinos. Obviously, though, if
neighbouring and competing areas follow suit, the effectiveness of the
measure will be reduced; a major part of Atlantic City’s anticipated
success is the element of uniqueness which it has obtained by the change.
An alternative approach to rejuvenation is to take advantage of
previously untapped natural resources. Spa towns in Europe and the
summer holiday village of Aviemore in Scotland have experienced
rejuvenation by a reorientation to the winter sports market, thus allowing
the areas to experience a year-round tourist industry. The development
of new facilities becomes economically feasible, and simultaneously
serves to revitalize the older summer holiday trade. As new forms of
recreation appear, it is not impossible that other tourist areas will find
previously unappreciated natural resources to develop.
In many cases, combined government and private efforts are neces-
sary, and the new market may be not the allocentric section of the
population (which would suggest a recommencement of the complete
cycle), but rather a specific interest or activity group. Ultimately,
however, it can be expected that even the attractions of the rejuvenated
The Concept of A Tourist Area Cycle of Evolution 9

tourist area will lose their competitiveness. Only in the case of the truly
unique area could one anticipate an almost timeless attractiveness, able
to withstand the pressures of visitation. Even in such a case, human
tastes and preferences would have to remain constant over time for
visitors to be attracted. Niagara Falls is perhaps one example. Artificial
attractions, such as the spectacularly successful Disneyland and Disney-
world, may also be able to compete effectively over long periods by
adding to their attractions to keep in tune with contemporary prefer-
ences. Many established tourist areas in Britain, the United States, and
elsewhere attract visitors who have spent their vacations in these areas
consistently for several decades, and the preferences of these repeat
visitors show little sign of changing. In the majority of cases, though, the
initial selection of the area to be visited by these people was determined
by cost and accessibility rather than specific preferences.

Implications
Although a consistent evolution of tourist areas can be conceptualized,
it must be emphasized again that not all areas experience the stages of
the cycle as clearly as others. The establishment of what has become
known as the ‘instant resort’ is a case in point. The process whereby areas
for development, such as Cancun in Mexico,10 are selected by computer
from a range of possibilities allowed by certain preselected parameters
has meant that the exploration and involvement phases are probably of
minimal significance, if they are present at all. Under these circumstances
the development phase becomes the real commencement of the cycle.
Even here, however, it can be argued that, at the national scale, Mexico is
experiencing the cycle illustrated in Figure 1.1. Perhaps the later stages of
the cycle are more significant, then, because of the implications which
they hold for tourism in general and for the planning and arrangement of
tourist areas in particular.
The assumption that tourist areas will always remain tourist areas and
be attractive to tourists appears to be implicit in tourism planning. Public
and private agencies alike, rarely, if ever, refer to the anticipated life span
of a tourist area or its attractions. Rather, because tourism has shown an,
as yet, unlimited potential for growth, despite economic recessions, it is
taken for granted that numbers of visitors will continue to increase. The
fallacy of this assumption can be seen in the experience of older tourist
areas, such as those of southern Ontario, over the past two decades.
The process illustrated in Figure 1.1 has two axes representing
numbers of visitors and time. An increase in either direction implies a
general reduction in overall quality and attractiveness after capacity
levels are reached. In the case of the first visitors, the area may become
unattractive long before capacity levels are reached and they will have
10 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

moved on to explore other undeveloped areas. It can be anticipated

also that reaction to the visitors by the local population will undergo
change throughout this period, a process suggested by Doxey in his
‘irridex’ (index of tourist irritation); the scale progresses from euphoria
through apathy and irritation to antagonism.11 More recent research has
shown that resident reaction to tourists is not necessarily explained by
increasing contact with visitors or increasing numbers of visitors alone. It
is a more complex function, related to the characteristics of both visitors
and visited, and the specific arrangements of the area involved.12
The direction of the curve after the period of stabilization illustrated in
Figure 1.1 is open to several interpretations. Successful redevelopment,
as for example in Atlantic City, could result in renewed growth and
expansion as shown by curve A. Minor modification and adjustment to
capacity levels, and continued protection of resources, could allow
continued growth at a much reduced rate (curve B). A readjustment to
meet all capacity levels would enable a more stable level of visitation to
be maintained after an initial readjustment downwards (curve C)
Continued overuse of resources, non-replacement of again plant, and
decreasing competitiveness with other areas would result in the marked
decline (curve D). Finally, the intervention of war, disease, or other
catastrophic events would result in an immediate decline in numbers of
visitors (for example, Northern Ireland from 1969), from which it may be
extremely difficult to return to high levels of visitation. If the decline
continues for a long time, the area and its facilities may no longer be
attractive to the majority of tourists after the problem is solved.
To date, the arguments put forward in this paper are general and are
only now being substantiated in terms of quantifiable data. A major
problem in testing the basic hypothesis and modelling the curve for
specific areas is that of obtaining data on visitors to areas over long
periods. These are rarely available, and it is particularly unlikely that
they will date back to the onset of tourist visits. However, those data
which are available for a few areas for periods in excess of thirty or forty
years substantiate the general arguments put forward in this paper.
At the same time, the shape of the curve must be expected to vary for
different areas, reflecting variations in such factors as rate of develop-
ment, numbers of visitors, accessibility, government policies, and
numbers of similar competing areas.
It has been clearly shown, for example, that each improvement in
accessibility to a recreation area results in significantly increased
visitation and an expansion of the market area.13
The development of resorts in Britain, France, the north United States
bears witness to this process.14 If development of facilities and
accessibility is delayed, for whatever reason (e.g. local opposition, lack
of capital, lack of outside interest), the exploration period may be much
The Concept of A Tourist Area Cycle of Evolution 11

longer than anticipated. In the case of new ‘instant’ resorts, where tourist
facilities are established in an area in which there has been little or no
previous settlement, the first two stages in Figure 1.1 may be of minimal
significance or absent, a situation noted by Noronha as particularly
applicable to some developing nations.15 The classic, well-established
tourist areas of the world (i.e. those which have been popular over
several decades), frequently reveal evidence of having passed through all
of the postulated stages.
The resort areas of the northern Mediterranean, Britain, the north-
eastern seaboard of the United States, and parts of Florida have moved
steadily through an evolutionary sequence. Other areas, such as Hawaii,
the Caribbean and Pacific islands, and the resort areas of north Africa, are
in earlier stages of the cycle, but the pattern of visitation strongly
approximates the curve illustrated in Figure 1.1.
These observations also suggest that a change of attitude is required
on the part of those who are responsible for planning, developing, and
managing tourist areas. Tourist attractions are not infinite and timeless
but should be viewed and treated as finite and possibly non-renewable
resources. They could then be more carefully protected and preserved.
The development of the tourist area could be kept within predetermined capacity
limits, and its potential competitiveness maintained over a longer period . While
the maximum number of people visiting an area at any one time under
such arrangements may be less than most present policies of maximum
short-term development, more visitors could be catered for in the long
term. In a few localities already, limits to the growth of tourism have been
adopted, chiefly because of severe environmental damage to attractions
(e.g. the erosion of Stonehenge in England, or the damage to prehistoric
cave paintings in Spain and France). Unless more knowledge is gained
and a greater awareness developed of the processes which shape tourist
areas, it has to be concluded, with Plog, that many ‘of the most attractive
and interesting areas in the world are doomed to become tourist relics.’16

Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the valuable discussions and contribution
of J.E. Brougham, International Centre for Research on Bilingualism,
Laval University, to the ideas expressed in this paper.

Notes
1. R.I. Wolfe, ‘Wasaga Beach-the divorce from the geographic environment,’ The
Canadian Geographer, 2 (1952), pp. 57
/66.
2. W. Christaller, ‘Some considerations of tourism location in Europe: the
peripheral regions-underdeveloped countries-recreation areas,’ Regional
Science Association Papers, 12 (1963), p. 103.
12 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

3. C. Stansfield, ‘Atlantic City and the resort cycle,’ Annals of Tourism Research, 5
(1978), p. 238.
4. R. Noronha, Review of the Sociological Literature on Tourism (New York: World
Bank, 1976).
5. E. Cohen, ‘Towards a sociology of international tourism,’ Social Research, 39
(1972), pp. 164
/82.
6. S.C. Plog, ‘Why destination areas rise and fall in popularity,’ Unpublished
paper presented to the Southern California Chapter, The Travel Research
Association, 1972.
7. E. Cohen, ‘Rethinking the sociology of tourism,’ Annals of Tourism Research, 6
(1978), pp. 18
/35.
8. C.A. Stansfield and J.E. Rickert, ‘The recreational business district,’ Journal of
Leisure Research, 4 (1970), pp. 213
/25.
9. Wolfe, op. cit.
10. F.P. Bosselman, In the Wake of the Tourist (Washington, DC: Conservation
Foundation, 1978).
11. G. Doxey, ‘Visitor-resident interaction in tourist destinations: inferences from
empirical research in Barbados, West Indies and Niagara-on-the-Lake,
Ontario,’ Unpublished paper presented to the Symposium on the Planning
and Development of the Tourist Industry in the ECC Region, Dubrovnik,
Yugoslavia, 1975.
12. R.W. Butler and J.E. Brougham, The Social and Cultural Impact of Tourism
/
A Case Study of Sleat, Isle of Skye (Edinburgh: Scottish Tourist Board, 1977);
J.E. Brougham, ‘Resident Attitudes Towards the Impact of Tourism in Sleat,’
unpublished PHD dissertation, University of Western Ontario, 1978; and
P.E. Murphy, ‘Perceptions and preferences of decision-making groups in
tourist centres: a guide to planning strategy,’ in Tourism and the Next Decade:
Issues and Problems (Washington, DC: George Washington University, 1979).
13. C.A. Stansfield, ‘The development of modern seaside resorts,’ Parks and
Recreation, 5: 10 (1972), pp. 14
/46.
14. E.W. Gilbert, ‘The growth of inland and seaside health resorts in England,’
Scottish Geographical Magazine, 55 (1939), pp. 16
/35; D.G. Pearce, ‘Form and
function in French resorts,’ Annals of Tourism Research, 5 (1978), pp. 142
/56;
R.I. Wolfe, ‘The summer resorts of Ontario in the nineteenth century,’ Ontario
History, 54 (1964), pp. 150
/60; and Stansfield, ‘Atlantic City.’
15. Noronha, op. cit., p. 24.
16. Plog, op. cit., p. 8.
Chapter 2
The Origins of the Tourism Area
Life Cycle
RICHARD BUTLER

Introduction
The origins of the Tourism Area Life Cycle model have been discussed
before in a number of academic papers, both by this author (Butler, 1990,
1998a, 2000) and others (see contributors to this and the accompanying
volume). It is felt appropriate at this point to expand further upon those
origins in order to place the model and its development in a clearer
context. This is done partly to correct what may have been mispercep-
tions of the real origins of the initial (1980) article (Hall, personal
communication, 1996), and to elaborate upon comments made by this
author in the earlier papers referred to above. As well, it is felt necessary
to re-emphasise the importance of understanding from whence the
academic literature on tourism, of which the TALC paper is a part, has
evolved. All too often, in this writer’s opinion, current students of
tourism are led to believe, or come to the conclusion themselves, that
tourism is a recent phenomenon, and that relatively little had been
written on it before the 1990s. Such misperceptions have partly
contributed to the still relatively low academic reputation which tourism
has as an academic subject, and the all too familiar occurrence of scholars
in more established subjects venturing into publication in tourism on the
faulty assumption that it is a ‘new’ area waiting to be discovered and
‘enriched’ by their often somewhat limited contributions.
The TALC model as it initially appeared in its 1980 form had a distinct
gestation period and was based on, and integrated within it, several
strands of research and conceptual development. Although it may not
appear overly so in its published form, it was inherently based in the
geographic literature, reflecting the author’s training and interests in
geography. It is not by accident that several of the contributors in these
two volumes (in particular Coles, Hall and Papatheodorou, all geogra-
phers themselves) draw attention to this linkage in their own chapters.
The ‘facts’ on which the model is based are fairly obvious to any would-
be observer of tourist resorts (as shown in the Postscript to this chapter),
just as people were generally aware that apples appeared to always fall
to the ground before one hit Newton on the head, resulting in the

13
14 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

explanation of gravity. Before any reviewer draws the erroneous

conclusion that the TALC is being compared to, or thought equal in
significance to the theory of gravity, let me dispel any such arrogance of
thought. The point that is being made is that there was nothing
devastatingly complicated or original in the data or facts on which the
model is based. Lundgren (1984: 22) summed up the situation very aptly
when he commented ‘Butler put into the realistic cyclical context a reality
that everyone knew about, and clearly recognised, but had never
formulated into an overall theory.’ As noted below, at the time of its
development, while it seemed to make good sense, the future wide
application of the model was not anticipated. The chapter proceeds first
by emphasising the reflexivity inevitably involved in the formulation of
any model or concept.

Reflexivity and the TALC

Just as ‘we are what we eat’, our knowledge and understanding of the
world around us is, to a large degree, based on what we observe first
hand. My initial interest in tourist destination development came from
personal experience with a number of British holiday resorts and
destination areas from the 1950s onwards. Living in Birmingham, the
major town in England that is furthest from the sea, meant that family
holidays were not confined to the nearest resort linked to the home
town by the railway, as was the normal pattern in that time period,
because many resorts were equally distant and thus equally inaccessible.
During my formative years holidays were spent in locations as varied
as Rhyl (North Wales), Weston-Super-Mare and Skegness on the west
and east coasts of England respectively, and Stonehaven, St Monans and
the Isle of Arran in Scotland. A good sampling of classic railway-
dominated resorts, mass tourist destinations and small fishing commu-
nities using tourism to support their traditional economic activity. Arran
was an interesting and somewhat different example, because it could
only be reached by boat, at that time by several of the fleet of steamers
(some still paddle-wheelers then) that serviced the resorts of the Firth of
Clyde. Some of my abiding favourite memories are of spending ten days
of a summer holiday on the Clyde steamers, setting out from Glasgow on
the train to railheads such as Gourock and Wemyss Bay, to catch the
steamers and visiting different resorts each day. By the time I began
doctoral studies at Glasgow University in the mid 1960s, the fleet of
steamers was rapidly diminishing and being replaced by roll-on roll-off
car ferries, catering efficiently to a new breed of tourists but about as
interesting to sail on as a modern day Ford car is to drive compared to a
pre-war convertible Jaguar.
The Origins of the TALC 15

It became apparent that the resorts of the Clyde, as well as those

elsewhere, were beginning to change significantly, in appearance, in
accessibility, in tourists, in economic health and in attractivity. Like most
Northern European resorts they were, for the first time, facing competi-
tion from Mediterranean resorts for the mass tourist market. Whereas in
earlier years they had been shielded from such competition by
continental conflict, relative inaccessibility, cost and what Plog (1973)
might call ‘pyschocentricity’, from the 1960s onwards attitudes, accessi-
bility and affluence had all changed dramatically. The old resorts were
no longer as attractive to potential tourists, nor catering to the same
market as effectively as in the past. Working alongside a colleague who
was undertaking his own doctoral research on the Clyde resorts (see
Pattison, 1968), these changes were frequently discussed. During the
course of my doctoral research the same patterns became evident in other
smaller resorts in the Scottish highlands and islands (Butler, 1973). In
particular, the changes taking place in the Spey Valley, with the
development of winter sports, meant that villages such as Aviemore
and Grantown on Spey, previously quiet Victorian summer destinations,
were now being developed or redeveloped to cater to a very different
winter market. The physical, as well as social and economic changes
were very obvious.
My first experience of continental Europe in 1966 included a visit to
Opatija (see Weber, this volume), providing further visual evidence of
changes taking place in well established resorts. A subsequent visit to
Mallorca provided first-hand experience of why Mediterranean resorts
were attracting a sizeable segment of the traditional British holiday
market from British holiday resorts. Thus by the end of the 1960s I had
witnessed very clearly the dramatic changes that were taking place in
tourism in Britain and parts of continental Europe. At that time few
people realised what might be the full extent of these changes and their
implications, and extremely little had been written on the subject. In the
1960s and earlier the tourism literature was very limited, although
publications such as those by Gilbert (1939, 1954), Ogilvie (1933), Pimlott
(1947), House (1954) and Barratt (1958) had all discussed and analysed
aspects of resort development, markets, morphology and dynamics.
Their contributions today go almost unnoticed and uncredited, although
they laid the foundations for much of the later work on resorts and
tourist destinations. Barratt’s model of resort morphology predates the
work of Stansfield and Rickert (1978) on Recreational Business Districts,
for example, but is rarely mentioned unless in the context of the citation
in Mathieson and Wall (1982). The model Barratt produced is as valid in
the 21st century as it was some five decades earlier when he first
produced it. It is against this backdrop of personal experience and
limited references that the resort cycle began to take shape.
16 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Antecedent Literature and Concepts

In an earlier review of the TALC (Butler, 2000), two major bases for the
model were identified, the Product Life Cycle and models of wildlife
populations. While these were major influences, other specific writings
predate these concepts in terms of influence on TALC establishment, in
addition to those noted above. The first of these were articles relating to
the flows of tourists and their patterns of movement, both at the micro
(destination) and the macro (global) scales. This author’s interest in
modelling these flows and accounting for their patterns owes a very
great deal to discussions with and contributions from Jim Brougham,
then a research student at the University of Western Ontario. A paper
produced jointly (Brougham & Butler, 1972) is, in reality, the first version
of the TALC. Entitled ‘The Applicability of the Asymptotic Curve to the
Forecasting of Tourism Development’, it was presented at the annual
meeting of the Travel Research Association, held in Quebec City in 1972.
To say that it did not set the audience on fire would be somewhat of an
understatement, and despite a continuing interest in the ideas contained
in the paper, neither author felt the topic practical to pursue much further
at that time, mainly because of the perceived nonavailability of the data
that would have been required.
That paper does deserve some attention, however, in the context of the
origins of the TALC, as it introduced many of the key points of the 1980
model and appears to have been the first time ‘the resort cycle’ appears
in print. (This is contrary to what I had stated in a paper and subsequent
chapter (Butler, 1998a, 2000), where I mistakenly credited the origin of
the phrase to Charles Stansfield in his 1978 article on Atlantic City.)
The 1972 paper argued that much more attention should be paid to flows
of tourists, building on the work of Williams and Zelinsky (1970) and
Yokeno (1968). We stated that ‘from the point of view of prediction of
flows of tourists, and consequent growth of tourist destination areas, the
need is greatest to explain the choice of specific locations and the process
of movement from one location to another over time’ (Brougham &
Butler, 1972: 1). The second section of the paper was headed ‘The
Resort Cycle’, and it utilised data from the resorts in the Firth of Clyde
from 1949 to 1966 to illustrate (not tremendously convincingly it must
be admitted) an asymptotic curve. It also made reference to the fact that
an article in the Nice Matin (1971) suggested other areas were at ‘this
state in their cycle’ and made reference to Christaller’s (1963) article
and the pattern of resort development described therein. We concluded
that section by suggesting ‘that a point will be reached, however, at
which the rate of increase of visitors begins to decline, and may even, as
in the case above, become a decline in numbers. Such a trend may be due
to a number of factors, such as increasing pollution, increasing land
The Origins of the TALC 17

values limiting expansion of facilities, congestion of facilities, and the

availability of alternative areas’ (Brougham & Butler, 1972: 6).
Most of the rest of that paper was taken up by attempting to model a
hypothetical pattern of development of a tourist destination. It was
suggested that the process ‘may be satisfactorily approximated by the
solution of the logistic equation:
Dv
kV(MV)
Dt

where V is the number of visitors, T is time, M is the maximum number

of visitors and K is an empirically derived parameter representative of
the telling rate, or the spread of knowledge of the resort from tourists to
potential tourists’ (Brougham & Butler, 1972: 6).
The solution was proposed as:
V  MV
O
V (MV)Mkt

where V is the number of tourists at time t. The resulting curve is shown

in Figure 2.1.
It should be emphasised that the main focus in the 1972 paper was the
prediction of where tourist development and flows would be in the
future, not the resort cycle per se . Undoubtedly reflecting the authors’
geographical roots, we referred to the ‘shifting rule’ of Garrison, as cited
in Bunge (1966: 27).
Where capacity increases require physical expansion, where the
expansion cannot be in the vertical dimension and where the new
space is made more ‘‘expensive’’ by the presence of the phenomena
itself, a shift is likely during times of capacity strain and the shift will
probably occur to a new location as near to the old location as the
area of induced expense will allow.
It was argued in our paper that when relocation to a new development
took place in the same general location or region as the original tourist
development, the pattern of development would be as illustrated in
Figure 2.2.
The paper concluded with a brief discussion on the way that such a
curve might be used for predicting the future patterns of tourism
development (see Marente & Sheclader, and Berry, other volume, for
examples of how the TALC can be used in a predictive manner). It
suggested sufficient empirical regularities might illustrate patterns,
assuming tourists would opt for nearby alternative developments,
18 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 2.1 A theoretical asymptotic curve

although this was recognised as being a dubious assumption. An

alternative approach suggested involved manipulating potential surface
maps of migrant populations of specific regions, an idea not pursued in
the context of tourism flows. A tentative pattern of tourist development
matching the ‘shifting rule’ was suggested in the Mediterranean,
beginning on the French Riviera, spreading to the Italian Riviera, then
to Spain, the Adriatic coast and to North Africa. At this point, perhaps
puzzlingly with the advantage of hindsight, Malta and Cyprus were
overlooked, and Turkey not anticipated.

Contemporary Literature
(In this section contemporary is used in the context of the develop-
ment of the TALC, not the present day.) Reference has already been made
to Christaller (1963) and his seminal work, although it is interesting to
note that the key comments in that article on the development process of
tourists resorts are not the main focus of the article, but like that by
Brougham and Butler (1972) were on explaining the flows and patterns of
tourists. Christaller’s contribution was significant, not least because,
coming as it did from someone who was generally regarded as one the
The Origins of the TALC 19

Figure 2.2 Modelling resort development in space and time

greatest contributors to theory in geography, it gave added gravitas to a

tentative paper in a fledgling subject by young researchers.
Of equal importance in the development of the 1980 article was the
frequently cited paper by Plog (1973) on the psychographics of tourists. It
was titled ‘Why destination areas rise and fall in popularity’, and again,
the title of this article does not really reflect the empirical work on which
the article was based. This was a survey of American travellers to
determine why some people were prepared to fly and others not.
Perhaps ironically, it had been presented first at a meeting of the Los
Angeles chapter of the Travel Research Association the preceding year,
the same time and to the same association as the Brougham and Butler
article had been presented. What made Plog’s article of particular
relevance and importance to the TALC model was that it put forward
a suggested model describing how changes in the tourist market were
related to subsequent changes in the destinations visited. It also included
Plog’s oft-quoted statement about destination areas carrying with them
the seeds of their own destruction, making it one of the few articles at
that time to even raise the topic of the decline of destinations. The points
20 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

made in Plog’s article fitted in extremely well with the ideas germinating
from the 1972 paper and with Christaller’s description of changes in
visitors to destinations over time.
Three other papers were of particular relevance also. The first
(although last in chronological order of publication) was Stansfield’s
(1978) article in the then recently established Annals of Tourism Research ,
titled ‘Atlantic City and the Resort Cycle’. In this paper Stansfield
discussed and analysed the rise and decline, and then rebirth of
Atlantic City through the legalisation of gambling there. In doing this
he supplied support in the academic literature for the concept of a
cycle and a convincing example of the process of rejuvenation of a
tourist destination. Stansfield has been one of the major contributors
to the literature on resorts, and his earlier articles (1972) on the
Recreational Business District (1970) were both highly insightful and
innovative.
A second paper of considerable importance was that by Doxey (1975),
yet another paper that was first presented at a meeting of the Travel
Research Association. His well quoted ‘Irridex’ proposed a process of
change in resident attitudes towards tourists in destinations. It sug-
gested, in line with the adage ‘familiarity breeds contempt’, that over
time residents of tourist destinations would move from a positive to a
negative attitude towards tourism. While it has been argued (Butler,
1975) that such a view is probably too simplistic, the overall proposition
of the article, that destinations and the attitudes of their residents change
as tourism development takes place, clearly complemented well the
other literature on resorts available at the time. Subsequent research on
resident impacts (see, for example, Johnson and Snepenger, this volume)
has shown how much more complicated this subject is, but such research
was not available in the 1970s.
Finally, the third paper, which helped throw additional light on the
process of change in tourist destinations, was one of several invaluable
publications by Roy Wolfe (1954). Acknowledged as the ‘Dean’ of
Canadian, and perhaps North American researchers in the 1950s and
1960s in outdoor recreation and tourism, Wolfe and his contributions
are far less cited and well known in the tourism literature than they
deserve to be. His epic study on second homes in Ontario (1948)
provided a key link between ‘old’ and ‘new’ studies of tourism, and
his works with the Ontario government on highway travel models are far
in advance of most academic work in this area being published at that
time. Wolfe’s article on Wasaga Beach (1952), the classic Canadian ‘honky
tonk’ resort, discussed its ‘Divorce from the Geographic Environment’
and traced its development from a quiet second home location to the
major tourist and recreation destination in Ontario. In this he confirmed
the importance of location, the way that development changes the role
The Origins of the TALC 21

and importance of natural features in a destination’s attractivity, and

the influence of exogenous factors on tourism patterns. It was published
in The Canadian Geographer almost three decades before the original
TALC article.
To this rather limited number of references on resort development
processes and related research should be added an even shorter list of
writings that pertain to the other ‘leg’ or foundation of the TALC, that
dealing with wildlife ecology and populations. This literature and its
influence were not, in fact, cited in the 1980 article, although they have
been referred to in subsequent discussions of the TALC (Butler 1990,
2000), and Haywood (1986) also drew attention to such an analogy with
wildlife population cycles. The comparison with wildlife populations
was key to the development of the asymptotic curve in the 1972 article
discussed earlier but the links were somewhat more tenuous and less
profoundly academic than might be imagined. Again, my personal
background intervenes. I had for a long time been a keen bird-watcher,
and thanks to an excellent school library, had become familiar with the
writings of the late Frank Fraser Darling, a naturalist and scholar. His
books Island Farm (1943) and Island Years (1941), read in lieu of assigned
school material, encouraged me to read more of his work, including A
Herd of Red Deer (1936) based on his PhD research. Some of my
apparently misspent afternoons in the school library proved useful
eventually, and Darling’s comments on the population fluctuations of
‘his’ herd of deer obviously remained in my memory. When writing the
1972 paper and looking for support and assistance in drawing the
development curve, his comments proved invaluable:
Mathematicians have helped ecology enormously by their analysis of
data of experimental animal populations. . . We know now the nature
of the asymptotic or S curve applied to animal populations, that after
a slow start of increase in a population in an ample habitat there is a
sharp rise in increase or productivity until near saturation of the
habitat, whereafter the curve flattens out, making the numbers of the
population more or less static. The animal manager gets ready for a
catastrophic fall if he has read the signs. (Darling, cited in Thompson
& Grimble, 1968: 47)
The analogy to a tourist destination, growing rapidly, without apparent
regard for the future or the preservation of its resources, of a wildlife
population increasing with a natural lack of regard for the future and the
ability of the environment to sustain the increased population was a
strong one to us, even if a little peculiar to others at the time. It has
been interesting to read of support from others for an analogy between
TALC and wildlife ecology and natural systems (Haywood, 1986;
22 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Ravenscroft, other volume), especially as this was not discussed in the

1980 model.

Final Comments
This chapter has been intended to provide more detailed background
to the development of the TALC model than had hitherto been available
in order to provide a context for the chapters in this and the other
volume. It may be pretentious to argue that the old generation have an
obligation to interpret the past for future generations, but it is surely
better for those who were working in the past (even if we occasionally
appear to still live there) to take on that task rather than to leave it to
those who were not. Admittedly we may at times be guilty of putting a
more favourable gloss on developments and processes to hide our
ignorance and embarrassment, but we are the only ones in a position to
know how and why particular ideas emerged at specific times and others
did not. What we cannot do is explain why particular ideas take hold and
remain popular when others disappear.
There remain a few items to address. One is why a tourism article
should appear in a journal such as The Canadian Geographer, which did
not have a strong record of publishing articles on tourism. Excellent
journal though it is, its relative obscurity outside the field of geography
and thus absence from libraries in institutions that do not offer
geography (the author’s current university is a case in point!), mean
that increasing numbers of students and others working in tourism do
not have easy access to the original article. It is clear from citations
appearing in the literature that some writers citing the TALC are doing so
‘second hand’, and its all-too familiar curve is taking on more variations
than Paul McCartney’s ‘Yesterday’. This inaccessibility of the original
publication was one of the reasons for reproducing it in this volume, and
I am most grateful to the Canadian Association of Geographers for giving
permission for this. The Canadian Geographer was the vehicle of publica-
tion because the original paper was presented at the annual meeting of
the Canadian Association of Geographers in Vancouver, 1980. At the
urging of Peter Murphy, for the first time in its history, the journal
produced a special issue, one devoted to tourism and recreation,
containing some of the papers presented at the annual meeting, reviewed
and edited by Murphy.
A second point that needs addressing and is much more difficult to
explain, is why the TALC has received the continued attention and
application that it has over the past two decades. It is unusual, as all
academics know, for any article to remain popular and apparently
relevant for two decades, especially in social science. One of the authors
in this volume, on being asked to contribute a chapter based on an
The Origins of the TALC 23

article he had written, commented to the effect that he was some-

what surprised to hear from someone who had actually read the article
as he never took it for granted that one’s journal articles were actually
read (Snepenger, personal communication, 2001), a feeling I imagine
most academics share. One might conclude that the TALC has remained
accepted because, as Wall (1982: 18) commented, it is ‘elegant and useful’.
But long-time friend and colleague though he is, he did go on to note
a number of difficulties and gaps, some of which have since been
addressed, but many of which are still causing researchers problems, as
noted in many of the chapters in these two volumes. The reasons
probably lie in a few simple realities including that noted by Lundgren
earlier. First, the model is simple and easy to use, and able to accept
a variety of forms of data. It is intuitively appropriate and provides a
conceptual ‘hook’ on which case studies of specific destinations can be
‘hung’, a rather valuable aid, especially to students undertaking thesis
research and to other researchers examining a specific location. Second,
it appeared at a time when concepts and models were lacking but
being eagerly sought in tourism as research in the subject moved beyond
simple description towards interpretation and analysis. Finally, it has
proved capable of modification and adaptation, as shown by the chapters
that follow, and as discussed later (Butler, other volume) still has
some relevance in the context of concepts such as sustainable tourism
and appropriate development.

Postscript
Although it may appear from the previous discussion that Brougham
and Butler (1972) coined the term ‘resort cycle’ before Stansfield (1978),
the concept of a consistent process of resort development and change,
with recognisable phases or stages, is in fact almost a century older
at least. In 1990 I received copies of several articles and letters from
Dr Bill Clark of the Graduate School of Geography at Clark University
in Massachusetts. They ranged in date from 1883 to 1914 and are rather
devastating in terms of their implications for supposed academic
originality! While too long to reproduce in their entirety, some selected
quotations are revealing. The earliest piece, and the initiator of the
correspondence which followed, was, according to Clark (personal
communication, 1990) an editorial in The Nation on July 19, 1883, entitled
‘Evolution of the Summer Boarder’ by E.L. Godkin, the editor of the
paper (Godkin, 1883: 47
/48). Godkin notes that ‘The growth of
the American watering place, indeed, now seems to be as much
regulated by law as the growth of asparagus or strawberries and is
almost as easy to foretell. The place is usually first discovered by
artists. . .or a family of small needs in search of pure air. . .’. He goes on to
24 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

describe a process of development beginning with the provision of

informal accommodation, followed by advertisement, the conversion of
farms to hotels and boarding houses (a stage lasting up to 30 or 40 years
according to Godkin), followed by visitation by ‘crowds of people’. After
this comes the ‘cottager’ (second home owner), building on land sold by
the original farmer, and the boarder moves on to find other ‘unsophis-
ticated’ farmers. Godkin talks of the ‘great summer tragedy of American
life’, referring to the loss of opportunity for the lower income boarder
because of the development of cottages by the more affluent second
home owners.
His editorial clearly hit a nerve among residents of the northeast of the
USA. The following month a reader sent a letter (C.P., 1883) arguing
that Godkin’s process was based on a fallacy and that ‘The evolution
of certain perfidious boarders into the baleful cottager is merely a phase
of the phenomenon of this annual migration. The evolution of the
summer resort is not necessarily toward cottage life. Saratoga is, quite as
logically as Newport, the outcome of this evolution’ (as Wolfe, 1952
noted). C.P. goes on to state that ‘The tragedy, the phenomenal fact, is
the influx of large numbers into all the secluded summer nooks, and
the consequent destruction of their rural picturesque aspects.’ Dislike of
the second home owner was stated again in a letter a week later by
A.R. (1883) from Bar Harbour, who wrote, on the habit of locals
selling property to cottagers, ‘each is so busy frying his own little
fish that he does not see that the fire on which all depend is already
going out.’
The discussion begun by Godkin continued for several years in the
pages of The Nation, as evidenced in a letter by A.G. Webster in 1914. He
wrote in support of Godkin’s description of the evolution of resorts,
noting that ‘The original discoverers have long since had to move on
because of the rising scale of prices and the original simplicity of
the place is lost. . .different villages on the island are now showing the
successive stages of the development of Bar Harbour.’ He discusses
the declining fortunes of such settlements, ending with ‘automobile
weekenders or extreme transients’ and concludes that ‘while Bar
Harbour is in its senescence, Northeast Harbour is in its full maturity.’
A few years earlier George Street, in a publication Mount Desert
/
A History (1905: 328) pointed out that ‘The development of popular
summer resorts on the New England coast has followed a curiously
uniform law’, supporting the description of Godkin. Finally, in 1915,
in an article in the Worcester Magazine , Conrad Hobbs (1915: 35)
began with the statement ‘Lake Quinsigamond is now passing rapidly
through a history of gradual degradation, which has been the lot of
many similar pleasure resorts owned by private individuals and subject
to no comprehensive scheme of control.’ Hobbs comments that ‘the
The Origins of the TALC 25

evolution of all the other pleasure resorts of the State confirms me in this
belief’ (p. 35).
He describes this process in this manner:
The story of each is roughly, this:
(1) Quiet enjoyment by a few.
(2) Increasing popularity and the appearance of symptoms of abuse.
(3) Rapidly increasing abuse and degradation, leading to
(4) A fuller appreciation of its latent but diminishing value and a
public demand for its conservation, which, if strong enough and
persistent enough, ends in
(5) Its final reclamation and protection under strong and efficient
control. (Hobbs, 1915: 35)
It is both encouraging and depressing to find such statements. Encoura-
ging because they provide evidence and support for the ideas expressed
in the TALC about the nature of the process of resort development, the
idea of stages, of a consistent pattern or trend, and the inevitability of this
process without the intervention of control and regulation. Depressing,
or at best, salutary, in the sense that ordinary observant individuals had
noted and recorded in print the same process that academics assumed to
be their own discovery some half to a full century later!

Postscript to Postscript
In concluding this volume I reviewed the literature cited one last time
and to my embarrassment realised that the idea of a pattern of
development of tourist resorts is even older than the postscript above
suggests. In their article A Theoretical Approach to Tourism Sustainability,
Casagrandi and Rinaldi (2002) refer to Gilbert’s (1939) article on English
holiday resorts. They note that Gilbert cites an article from The Times
dated 1860 discussing the process of resort development:
Our seaport towns have been turned inside out. So infallible and
unchanging are the attractions of the ocean that it is enough for any
place to stand on the shore. That one recommendation is sufficient.
Down comes the Excursion Train with its thousands
/ some with a
month’s range, others tethered to a six hours’ limit, but all rushing
with one impulse to the waters’ edge. Where are they to lodge? The
old ‘town’ is perhaps half a mile inland and turned as far away from
the sea as possible. . .But this does not suit visitors whose eyes are
always on the waves, and so a new town arises on the beach. Marine
Terraces, Sea Villas, ‘Prospect Lodges’, ‘Bellevues’, hotels, baths,
libraries and churches soon accumulate, till at length of the old
26 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

borough is completely hidden and perhaps to be reached by an

omnibus.
Perhaps fortunately for me the author of The Times article did not discuss
further development and relocation of resorts, and I end this introduc-
tory chapter before I discover how the Romans developed their coastal
resort settlements, no doubt following the pattern of the ancient
Greeks!
Chapter 3
The Application of the TALC Model:
A Literature Survey
RICHARD M. LAGIEWSKI

Introduction
This chapter categorizes and documents a selection of major works
relevant to Butler’s 1980 article on the TALC. The goal is to present a
simple, yet informative chapter that helps scholars find and select
appropriate works and commentary pertaining to the TALC model. It
is important to note that this chapter is not meant to be a literature
‘review’ of the original 1980 article, but rather a literature ‘survey’ that
documents the works of others who have solidified this work as an
academic classic in the field of tourism. This chapter does not take into
consideration the new contributions to the volume in which this chapter
is found, but rather looks back in order to document previous literature.
The author has made every attempt to include a bibliography for this
chapter that contains all works pertaining to the ‘application’ of Butler’s
concept of a tourism area life cycle. These works were generated between
the year 1980 and 2002. Because of the nature of the volume in which this
chapter appears, it is the author’s judgment that it would be redundant
to include a review and description of Butler’s original work and its
origins, as it can be gained from the previous chapter in this text. Again,
this chapter is meant to be a resource based on works addressing Butler’s
destination life cycle model and judgments of the usefulness and
appropriateness of such works are left for the reader to assess.
For the sake of clarity, the concept described in Butler’s 1980 work will
be referred to generically throughout this chapter as the ‘Tourism Area
Life Cycle’ (TALC). The length of coverage of any one piece of research
covered in this chapter should not necessarily be correlated with the
relative importance of either the work covered or this author’s personal
interest. Rather, the depth of coverage reflects the amount of information
deemed necessary to provide those interested in Butler’s destination life
cycle model with the right background, understanding, and direction, so
they may choose and explore these original works further as they apply
to their current interests and needs.
All of the works covered here clearly provide much more value when
read in their entirety, yet the mission here is not to tell their whole story

27
28 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

in detail, but rather to lead the reader in the direction relevant to their
current interest in the TALC. While Table 3.1 attempts to capture the
majority of major works and authors concerning the TALC, the text that
follows can only provide a glimpse into these works and authors that
have challenged, supported, and expanded Butler’s work over the last
20 plus years.

How to Categorize and Divide the Works

How to provide a useful overview of the literature pertaining to works
surrounding Butler’s original work is not an exact science. One could just
discuss each work as it appeared over time. Works could be split between
those that support the premise and those that do not. Additionally, works
could be broken down by methods employed or stages of the cycle
addressed. One could also look at simplifying access to the major works
visually. Argwal (1997) proposed that research into the TALC should
focus on either one of two aspects: assessing the applicability of the
model; and redeveloping the model to incorporate different issues. In the
end, a combination of these strategies, along with a broad division of the
work based on broad themes is used.

Literature Survey
‘The first test and the first proposed changes’
Gary Hovinen’s (1981) work on Lancaster County, Pennsylvania is
likely the first use of Butler’s model. In using Lancaster County as a ‘test
case’, Hovinen (1981, 1982) concluded that the destination departed
significantly from the TALC in the later stages, yet the model does
remain useful. Two critical conclusions arise from Hovinen’s (1981, 1982,
2002) work on Butler’s TALC (see also Hovinen, this volume). The first is
that his case site (Lancaster County) is characterized by the coexistence of
growth, stagnation, decline, and rejuvenation
/ a stage he terms
‘maturity’. The maturity stage begins when rapid growth in the number
of visitors has ended (Hovinen, 1982: 573). According to Hovinen, during
this stage a diverse destination will see a complex coexistence of the
consolidation, stagnation, decline, and rejuvenation in and among the
tourist attractions and services. At this point he noted that outside
investors invest in new ventures, while original enterprises decline. Some
attractions begin to lose their drawing power while new attractions
flourish. The issue here is that Lancaster County is deemed a diverse
destination where the tourism product is not 100% comprised of a single
tourist resource.
This leads into the second outcome of his application of Butler’s
model concerning the decline stage. While carrying capacity is Butler’s
premise for decline, Hovinen poses three ‘interrelated factors’: relative
Application: A Literature Survey 29

Table 3.1 Summary of major tourism life cycle studies following Butler’s model
(modifications and update of Table 2-1 from Berry, 2001)

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results

date special emphasis
Hovinen, Lancaster Butler’s theory in total. Substantially
1981 County, Uses visitor numbers, consistent with
PA otherwise a model. No sign of a
perceptual/historical decline in region.
approach.
Oglethorpe, Malta Uses visitor numbers, Accepts relevance of
1984 number of beds, hotels TALC and makes
and % foreign the point that
ownership. Emphasizes dependency has led to
dependency on foreign rapid decline in the
tour operators. tourism industry
Brown, 1985 Weston- Historical account, Rejuvenation
super- perceptive approach. attempted
mare
Meyer- Grand Emphasis on cultural Strong support for
Arendt, Island, processes and TALC which indicates
1985 Louisiana environmental onset of ‘decline’
degradation. Uses stage
building activity, maps
at 5 different stages
visitor-days, & capacity.
Butler, 1985 Scottish Historical account from Complies with TALC
Highlands early 1700s to early model
1800s. Emphasis on
fashion, tastes and
transportation
improvements. Uses
maps and historical
evidence.
Keys, 1985 Some Comparative, cross- The Noosa case sub-
(Masters Queens- sectional study of a stantially complies
thesis) land number of Queensland with Butler’s model
resorts resorts using TALC as with some outstand-
compared, an analysis framework ing differences. The
with and a time series study comparative study of
Noosa in of Noosa. Data used is the other resorts
depth from Australian Bureau showed that they are
of Statistics, at different stages of
Queensland Travel and development.
30 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Tourism Commission,
press reports,
interviews and
observation.
Haywood, Not region Emphasis on making Concluded the TALC
1986 specific Butler’s model useable model was not
by suggesting more sufficient on its own to
rigid criteria & a use for planning and
method involving the marketing purposes
use of standard even with the
deviation for stage proposed changes
identification.
Richardson, Galveston Emphasis on Using TALC theory,
1986 & other revitalization of historic Galveston is in
urban buildings and the use ‘decline’ stage but it
water of product life cycle may be possible to
fronts models as tools for rejuvenate using
managing resort historic buildings as
evolution. Uses tax an attraction. Work is
receipts, employment, being done in the
population and dollars area.
spent on works.
Wilkinson, Caribbean Focuses on the later Essentially a
1987 islands of stages of Butler’s comparative analysis,
Antigua, model and Lundberg’s which found a high
Aruba, St (1980) model. level of compliance
Lucia, & with both models.
US Virgin Other conclusions
Isles related to the tourism
industry rather than
the TALC model.
Keller, 1987 Canada’s Emphasis on Does not question the
NW importation of capital applicability of TALC
Territories and management and concludes that no
leading to possible further development
dependence on non- possible without large
locals. Leakage of injection of outside
tourism dollars back to capital
core regions. Uses
arrival types (business,
fishing, sightseeing,
Application: A Literature Survey 31

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
education etc) and
where from. Also uses
staff turnover in
tourism.
Strapp, 1988 Sauble Emphasis on the Proposes using
Beach, transition from a ‘average length of
Ontario tourism resort to stay’ to calculate
retirement center as ‘total-person-days’
previous holiday rather than visitor
makers buy holiday numbers to overcome
homes and then retire the change of status of
there. Uses visitor tourists who
numbers. eventually become
retirees
Cooper & Isle of Butler’s theory in total. Exemplifies the utility
Jackson, Man Visitor numbers and of Butler’s model,
1989 other tourist statistics emphasizing
going back 100 years dependence on
management
decisions and resort
quality. Also
introduces some
suggestions for
rejuvenation of region
Cooper, Isle of Uses passenger arrivals Most resorts in this
1990 Man, etc. category are in serious
European decline
‘cold
water
resorts’
Debbage, Paradise Combines the use of Concludes that
1990 Island, TALC with Markusen’s Butler’s model does
Bahamas (1985) ‘profit cycle’ and not take into account
the influence of organizational
oligopolistic tourist behavior as the cycle
suppliers. matures (i.e. mergers
and acquisitions)
32 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Martin & No Expands the concept Each stage will reveal
Uysal, 1990 specific and importance of different carrying
region carrying capacity for capacity levels and
the TALC require separate
policy responses.
France, 1991 Barbados Mainly a perceptional The Island is split into
approach but also uses different market
visitor numbers, segments, which are
number of at different stages in
establishments, TALC. One area is in
number of rooms, etc decline, another is still
in the growth stages.
Weaver, Grand All aspects of TALC but Found substantial
1988, 1990, Cayman emphasis on outside compliance with
1992 and ownership and control, Butler’s model.
Antigua particularly in Antigua. Concluded outside
Grand Cayman has ownership & control
little outside ownership affected stability of
and control. Uses cycle. Grand Cayman
arrivals, cruise ship is planned and has
statistics. Emphasis low outside
also on planning. Uses ownership and is
arrival numbers, stable but Antigua is
building, bed numbers unplanned with high
and Tourist Board degree of outside
Budget ownership and
control and is in
danger of decline.
Referred to as a new
type of plantation
economy
(dependency).
Cooper, Coastal Talks about the three Strategic planning
1992 resorts uses of TALC (as a process consists of:
conceptual framework, defining the mission
for forecasting and statement; business
strategic planning) and portfolio analysis; and
then goes into detail growth strategies.
about the strategic Also talks about types
planning process. of growth strategies.
Application: A Literature Survey 33

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Ioannides, Cyprus All aspects but TALC used to make
1992 emphasized the role of the point that govt is
government and steering towards
dependence on foreign ‘consolidation’
tour operators. Used (intentionally) and
visitor numbers, that destinations
number of beds, type of follow a predictable
accommodation, cycle through
tourism receipts, tourist identifiable stages.
type, arrivals.
Getz, 1992 Niagara Examines carrying ‘Exploration’ and
Falls capacity and planning ‘involvement’ stages
aspects. Uses historical correspond partly
data, existing statistical with Butler’s model
data, interviews, field but there are many
observations, maps and points of divergence
questionnaires. and no dating of
stages is possible.
Niagara Falls appears
to be in a long
‘maturity’ stage
similar to Lancaster
County.
Johnson & Greater Variables used are Tourism in the region
Snepenger, Yellow- visitation trends, the is more intricate than
1993 stone growth of the service the TALC theory
region economy, host suggests and the
resident’s perception of region is at no specific
current tourism stage of the cycle. The
development and TALC concept
current biological incorporates
indicators of the alternatives for future
ecosystem. directions within the
Yellowstone region.
O’Hare & Sri Lanka Considers the effect of Accepts relevance of
Barrett, 1993 the civil war on tourism TALC and concludes
using tourism that there have been
numbers. Also two distinct cycles in
discusses the effect of the country, one
cheap airfares based on before the civil war
stop-overs in Sri Lanka. and one after.
34 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Choy, 1993 Pacific All aspects of Butler’s Very little compliance
Island model, but only with with Butler’s model
destina- reference to visitor reported. ‘At best the
tions numbers. model can be used
after the fact as a
diagnostic tool’.
Williams, Minorca, All aspects but High level of external
1993 Spain emphasis on ownership and
dependency theory control. Existing
through external industries declined as
ownership and control. tourism expanded.
An ‘expanded’ model The region has yet to
of 8 stages was reach its peak.
suggested. Uses tourist
numbers, employment,
number of hotel rooms.
Wang & Lancaster, Emphasis on AIHP is in the early
Godbey, Poconos, measuring growth in stages of TALC.
1994 America’s tourism activity and Lancaster is in the
Ind. what is the ideal rate of mature stages and
Heritage growth to year 2000 Poconos is in decline.
Project using surveys and
(AIHP) expert perceptions of
future growth.
Cooper, Not Overall review of the Found Butler’s
1994 applicable TALC body of model to be a useful
knowledge to date. framework for
analysis and stated
that with every study
the body of
knowledge increases
suggesting further re-
search. He suggested
some more criteria.
Bianchi, Not Compares TALC and a TALC fails on many
1994 applicable number of other grounds and what is
theories and models. needed is a concept of
tourism development
which is integrated
into a sociological
framework.
Application: A Literature Survey 35

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Agarwal, UK Discusses the Suggests that TALC
1994 generally. usefulness of TALC for be modified to
The resort analysis and planning include a
cycle using anecdotal and ‘reorientation’ stage
revisited perceptual methods. before ‘decline/
rejuvenate’. States that
as it stands, TALC
cannot be usefully
applied.
Prosser, Not TALC in general. Finds that TALC is a
1995 applicable Progress and prospects handy framework for
as well as some analysis.
suggestions for future
research.
Opper- Not Life cycle concept used Successful application
mann, 1995 applicable to analyze the travel life of general life cycle
cycle of individuals. theory to individual’s
lifetime travel
patterns.
Harrison, Swaziland Used Butler’s TALC as The cycle in Swazi-
1995 an ‘ideal’ or ‘expected’ land consisted of
model and analyzed ‘exploration’,
the difference between ‘inactivity’,
it and the situation in ‘transition’, ‘truncated
Swaziland. development’ and
‘decline & attempted
rejuvenation’.
Braunlich, Atlantic Success of rejuvenation TALC accepted as an
1996 City program using casinos. appropriate
Statistics include framework for
amounts invested, tax analysis. Atlantic City
receipts, social services has successfully
for the elderly, urban entered the
redevelopment. ‘rejuvenation’ stage.
Russel, 1996 Coolan- All aspects of Butler’s Found substantial
gatta model, uses visitor compliance with the
numbers & a model. The region
perceptual/historical was found to be in the
approach for the period ‘decline’ stage.
of the resort’s existence.
36 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Meyer, 1996 Waikiki Emphasis on Concludes that the
rejuvenation plans. area is entering the
Uses reports etc. ‘decline’ stage and
suggests rejuvenation.
Agarwal, Torbay Tests the validity and The application of
1997 region applicability of TALC. TALC is reasonably
(Torquay, Justifies this work by consistent with
Paignton stating that the Butler’s (1980) model
and universal applicability except for the post
Brixham) of TALC is not yet ‘stagnation’ stage
proven. Among other which requires more
things, the author research. The author
stresses the importance assumes that the
of the ‘unit of analysis’. original model
specifies that ‘decline’
is inevitable (p. 72).
Prosser, Gold Uses time series Both regions are at
1997 Coast, (census) population different stages in
Coffs figures, employment TALC. Finds that
Harbour in tourism, TALC is a handy
(NSW) unemployment etc. framework for
Also relies on a analysis.
perceptual approach.
Douglas, Melanesia, Historical picture using Each country is at a
1997 (PNG, Butler’s model as a different stage. A
Solomons framework. Uses major influence is the
& largely perceptual colonial past of each
Vanuatu) methods. country.
Tooman, 3 regions Emphasis on the Concludes that TALC
1997 in the long-term, from 1900 to can be used to avoid
Greater present and the negative impacts
Smoky socioeconomic effects of tourism.
Moun- using unemployment
tains and food stamp figures
etc. Also looks at the
number of ‘Mom &
Dad’ hotels and motels
verses chain companies
as an indicator.
Application: A Literature Survey 37

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
da Algarve, Analysis using TALC Identifies stages and
Conceição Portugal with demand, supply, links them to regional
Gonçalves distribution and strategies (cause and
& Roque competitors within affect). Concludes
Águas, 1997 each stage. Fits a 3rd area should plan for a
degree polynomial to long period of
overnight data. stagnation and
stabilization.
Russell & Coolan- All aspects of Butler’s Found substantial
Faulkner, gatta model, also use of compliance with the
1998 visitor numbers & a model.
perceptual/historical
approach.
Priestley & Catalan Assumes away the All three resorts
Mundet, Coast, early stages of TALC (Lloret de Mar,
1998 Spain and concentrates on the L’Estartit & Sitges) are
(3 resort poststagnation stages in post-‘stagnation’
towns) in response to stage and have
Agarwal’s (1994) implemented
challenge that there is ‘reconstruction’
not enough work in strategies in an
this area. attempt to rejuvenate.
Uses hotel capacity as
core data.
Opper- No Main thrust is to attack Finds Butler’s model
mann, 1998 specific Agarwal’s (1997) article good but suggests
region on Torbay. Says there that there should be
has been too much more testing of other
testing of TALC. models and theories.
Agarwal, No Defends her 1997 States there is a need
1998 specific article against to apply TALC to
region Oppermann’s 1998 different tourism
attack. products in a variety
of contexts.
Baum, 1998 No Proposes the idea that Abandonment can be
specific abandoning tourism seen as an Exit Stage
region altogether can be a when tourism
theoretical extension of becomes impossible
TALC. to sustain.
38 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 3.1 (Continued )

Author, Region Aspect tested/method/ Results
date special emphasis
Knowles & European Study of second The authors generally
Curtis, 1999 mass generation find that the TALC
tourist (Mediterranean model is a good fit up
destina- but mainly Spanish) to the post
tions resorts. Ultimately, ‘stagnation’ stages
there is no avoiding after which they
decline for these postulate three new
resorts. stages.
Johnston, No Integrates ontological That ‘we have not yet
2001 specific & epistemological learned everything’
region elements into the TALC there is to know about
debate. the TALC.
Lundtorp & Data sets Uses mathematical The TALC curve can
Wanhill, from: Isle process to form the only be representative
2001 of Man & ‘ideal’ TALC. if all tourist arrivals
Danish are repeat tourists.
island of
Bornholm
Agarwal, Three Integrates the theory of Relating the two
2002 mass the TALC and the concepts provides
tourism restructuring thesis. insights into
coastal destination decline
resorts: and a more in-depth
Minehead, understanding is
Wey- needed of resort
mouth, restructuring.
Scarbor-
ough
Hovinen, Lancaster Revisits his early work TALC would be more
2002 County, and also considers useful by recognizing
PA chaos/complexity a ‘‘maturity’’ stage.
theory as a complement Also the model has
to the TALC. value by its premise
that without
appropriate planning,
management &
development,
destinations will see
decline.
Application: A Literature Survey 39

location, diversity of the tourist base, and effectiveness of planning to

alleviate problems that arise. The first two factors point to why the
decline stage may be less significant at the time of Hovinen’s first work
on Lancaster County. The first is that the destination’s close proximity to
major cities in the eastern USA give it the ability to draw from a large
population base. Additionally, the reasons for visiting the county are not
solely reliant on the Amish community, but rather are supported by other
cultural aspects and attractions, like the rural landscape itself.
In Hovinen’s (2002) article in which he ‘revisits’ the issue of the TALC
in Lancaster County, he proposed that the ‘chaos/complexity theory’
provides a useful alternative and complementary perspective to Butler’s
life cycle model. This is based on Russell and Faulkner’s (1999) idea that
changes in tourism at a destination can be ‘viewed in terms of tension
between entrepreneurs (who are agents of change) and planners (who
seek to control change)’. In this hypothesis, entrepreneurs are the chaos
makers while planners seek to establish certainty and predictability (see
Russell, other volume). It is argued that entrepreneurial instincts are
crucial, because to avoid the decline stage, innovative responses are
needed to meet the complexities that a destination faces as it reaches this
stage. Overall, his early work on Lancaster County is likely most
recognized for proposing the idea of a ‘maturity stage’ to the TALC.

‘Major criticism or major advancement?’

Haywood’s (1986) work, ‘Can the Tourist-Area Life cycle be made
operational?’ is often cited as being critical of Butler’s tourist-area life
cycle model, yet it has likely done the most to make the tourist-area life
cycle model an operational research concept. Haywood’s (1986) ‘test of
importance’ for Butler’s TALC is, ‘its possible use as a tool for planning
& management of tourist areas’. Six issues or questions are raised as
requirements to make Butler’s model a useful tool in destination
planning. Many of the answers to these issues have gone on to provide
a framework for researchers as they applied Butler’s model (see also
Haywood, this volume and the other volume). The following are
considered operationally important for the usefulness of Butler’s model
(Haywood, 1986: 155):
. unit of analysis;
. relevant market;
. pattern and stages of the TALC;
. identification of the area’s shape in the life cycle;
. determination of the unit of measurement;
. determination of the relevant time unit.
40 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The first issue revolves around defining the tourist area under question.
For example, is the tourist ‘area’ a town, a hotel, an attraction? Haywood
(1986) states that defining the unit of analysis for the ‘tourist area’ is the
crucial first step in using Butler’s life cycle model. The next point
addresses the issue of the number of tourists used as the ‘Y’ variable in
the life cycle curve. The concern presented is that the total number of
tourists over time may represent different markets, and it may be more
helpful to consider them by different market segments. The reason is that
a different market type, say ‘domestic versus international tourist’, may
interact differently with the tourist area.
In the third operational requirement, Haywood (1986) questions
whether the pattern of the s-shaped logistic curve is the only useful
curve and suggests looking at other evolutionary curves. The fourth
operational requirement is determining the stage of a tourist area and
when an area has moved from one stage to another. He then questions
whether using the change in the number of tourists to determine these
changes will provide appropriate answers. Haywood (1986) provides
one possible approach based on the total number of tourists occurring at
the tourist area on a year-to-year basis and then plotting these changes as
a normal distribution with a zero mean.
Based on the premise that as the number of tourists grow they
negatively impact the carrying capacity, Haywood (1986) suggests the
need for a clear unit of measurement. This is due to the fact that not all
tourists have the same impact on the carrying capacity of the tourist area
they are visiting; not all tourists are created equal. Some stay longer,
some visit in different seasons, and some are more and some are less
conscious of the local cultural and natural traditions. Therefore, the use
of pure arrivals as a determinant of a tourist area carrying capacity is
questioned along with whether there exists one variable that represents
carrying capacity for the whole tourist area.
The last operational question is whether the traditional use of annual
data to track tourists over time is necessarily the best relevant time unit.
Here Haywood (1986) notes that if there is a ‘major shortcoming’ in the
use of the tourist area cycle of evolution it is the ‘lack of empirical data’
available about the tourist area in question. Haywood (1986) also
concludes that a ‘natural use’ of the tourist area is as a forecasting tool
(see Butler, this volume; Marente and Schelader and Berry, other
volume).

‘Changes to later stages and the vertical axis’

As Hovinen’s (1981) work first suggested, changes and discussion of
the TALC’s later stages has been a common theme in the literature.
Application: A Literature Survey 41

Additionally, Butler’s use of the ‘number of tourists’ on the vertical axis

has also received great attention.
Strapp’s (1988) study of Sauble Beach, Ontario, Canada contributes to
the TALC through its recognition of second homeowners as tourists. The
claim is that this type of tourism had been neglected by researchers in
generating tourism models while Butler’s model premises that without
adequate planning, destinations are likely doomed to decline. In Strapp’s
(1988) work, ‘conventional’ tourism is showing a decline while ‘residen-
tial development’ and ‘cottage conversions’ are experiencing a revival.
He suggests that this refinement to Butler’s decline stage be termed a
‘stabilization reaction’. Therefore, after stagnation, tourist areas may
experience growth in a nontraditional tourism market, thus stabilizing an
otherwise anticipated decline in the number of visitors. Strapp also
provides two interesting ‘discrepancies’ or proposed departures to
Butler’s original model. These are that population and community
changes are just as crucial as a tourist change in the resort cycle, no
matter how dominant tourism may be as a segment in the local economy.
Here it is proposed that instead of measuring pure numbers of visitors
over time, the use of a ‘person-day’ concept be used. The idea is that the
person-day concept takes into consideration visitors and residents and
their length of stay. This leads to the proposal that the most ‘appropriate
way’ to ‘graphically portray’ Butler’s tourist area curve is to use the
average length of stay instead of the number of tourists. (See Figure 3.1)
Using this model, Strapp (1986) proposes an illustration where in the
early stage of Butler’s TALC the length of stay is at its greatest and
declines toward the stagnation stage over time. This argument, based on
Sauble Beach, is that early in the life cycle of a tourist area it is difficult to
access the destination, therefore it ‘necessitates a long stay’. Strapp (1986)
states that, ‘as development increases, improvements in access makes
shorter trips possible and overall length of visits decline’. Within his case,
the ease of potential day trips increases near the stagnation stage.
Three options are presented at this point. The first is the length of stay
declines to the point where the tourist area basically ‘becomes more of a
recreational area or rest stop’. The next option relates to rejuvenation. By
exploiting or developing the area’s resources, ‘visit time regains its
length’. The last option pertains to the evolution of a year-round
community based on his case in Sauble Beach. Here a tourist becomes
more like a resident. As tourists transition to homeowners, the tourist
season increases beyond its traditional confines.
In Foster and Murphy’s (1991) work on the connection between the
TALC and retirement, they construct a case study of Parksville and
Qualicum Beaches located on the east coast of Vancouver Island, Canada.
Their goal was to determine if these destinations follow Butler’s premise
and whether retirement is a ‘successor or parallel activity with regards to
42 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

EXPLORATION
AVERAGE LENGTH OF STAY

INVOLVEMENT

STABILIZATION
DEVELOPMENT

CONSOLIDATION

STAGNATION REJUVENATION

DECLINE

TIME

Figure 3.1 Associated changes in length of stay (Strapp, 1988)

tourism’. They conclude that their research supports Hovinen’s (1982)

suggestion that Butler’s stages of consolidation and stagnation be
replaced with an extensive maturity stage. In terms of retirement, Foster
and Murphy (1991) provided a mixed review of its connection with
Butler’s later stages. They also point to the bias that the TALC has toward
the supply-side characteristics of the market. Specifically, this pertains to
the use of data of the supply of accommodations versus the use of actual
visitation numbers (demand). This issue supports the critical challenge of
applying the TALC; the lack of actual long-term visitor data over the life
of a destination.
Douglas’ (1997) application of Butler’s life cycle model addresses its
ability to explain tourism development in colonial and postcolonial
societies. Specifically, she uses the model to develop a comparative study
of tourism in three island nations: Papua New Guinea, the Solomon
Islands, and Vanuatu. These tourist destinations are collectively known
as Melanesia. Through this case study, the rate of tourism development is
said to be significantly influenced by the pre- and postindependent
government of the three island nations. Another contribution to the
destination life cycle model concerns the use of the term ‘locals’ and
Application: A Literature Survey 43

Butler’s premise that in the involvement stage, contact between visitors

and locals will remain high. The assumption is that while Butler didn’t
specifically define locals in his concept, the implication is that he was
referring to persons indigenous to the tourist area. In the historic
development of tourism, these former colonies’ expatriates have often
played the role of ‘locals’. Specifically, Europeans visiting these tourist
destinations preferred to interact with the European expatriates and not
necessarily with the Melanesians.
Douglas (1997) also addresses three types of visitors who have
influenced tourism development in the colonial period of these islands:
‘excursionists’, ‘pilgrims’, and ‘planners’. Excursionists refer to the early
cruise passengers and later air travelers who arrived seeking sun, sand,
and sea. The ‘pilgrims’ were the Allied and Japanese soldiers who
established the foundations of both the tourist attractions and later on the
attractions in the form of military cemeteries and battlefields. The last
group, the ‘planners’, refers to the organizations that attempted to
establish the institutional foundations to manage the tourism system.
These included all of the various tourism marketing and promotional
boards, along with the chambers of commerce.
In the article, The Resort Lifecycle Theory Generating Processes and
Estimation, Lundtorp and Wanhill (2001) examine the theory behind
use of the number of tourists as the ‘measure of the time path’ of the
destination. The authors formulate a demand model of the resort cycle
that considers the segments of various tourist markets and their levels
over time, related to Butler’s tourist area life cycle. Specifically, two
general types of tourist are considered: ‘repeat’ and ‘non-repeat’. Using
the logistic curve to model the relative demand at each stage, the authors
conclude that the life cycle curve can only be representative of the
destination if all visitors to that destination are ‘repeaters’. By adding
data concerning nonrepeaters (those who only visit a destination once
but never visit again), the life cycle model becomes only an ‘approxima-
tion or caricature’ of reality. According to the authors, as more and more
market segmentation occurs in the tourist data, the observed effect will
result in a scatter diagram, ‘from which it might be impossible to discern
anything’.
Lundtorp and Wanhill (2001) present a mathematical process and
formula to formulate the ‘ideal’ expected tourist volumes over the stages
of Butler’s model (see also Wanhill & Lundtorp, other volume). They test
this concept on a data series for the Isle of Man in Britain and for the
Danish Island of Bornholm. They find that Butler’s concept fits the
destinations ‘tolerably well’ during periods when domestic tourists
dominate the market and return year-after-year. Therefore, for the data
to support Butler’s model it must be made up of repeat visitors. In later
years, in the tourist area evolution they point to ‘too many shift factors’.
44 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

That is to say new markets are drawn to visit the area while old tourists
are drawn elsewhere. Demand or decline in demand to visit the
destination may not be so much a function of exceeding a ‘carrying
capacity’, but rather because ‘the market is exhausted, as all tourists
wishing to visit the resort ‘‘have been’’’.
Getz’s (1992) case study of Niagara Falls, Canada
/US is considered
unique in that this destination ‘has evolved into a permanent state of
maturity in which aspects of consolidation, stagnation, decline, and
rejuvenation are interwoven and constant’. It is acknowledged that
Hovinen’s (1982) conclusions about Butler’s later stages is a more
appropriate way to view a destination’s later life. The author states
that for old destinations like Niagara Falls, the maturity stage will likely
be a permanent condition. The rationale is that those in charge of resort
areas will never allow tourism to disappear and will use every attraction
they can to maintain it. Getz (1992) concludes that the destination life
cycle does not fit Niagara Falls and therefore has very little usefulness for
local tourism planning. Another departure from Butler’s original model
pertains to carrying capacity. Instead of carrying capacity being linked to
a destination’s ability to sustain change without environmental decline
and loss of attractiveness, Getz sees it as a planning and management
concept. This idea of capacity in a ‘mature’ destination is based on a
tourist area’s constant practice of mitigating the adverse effects of
tourism while also pursuing destination enhancements. Agarwal
(1994), like Getz (1992) and Hovinen (1982), suggests that the later stages
of the TALC need modification. Her issue pertains to poststagnation,
specifically ‘decline’. She argues that dramatic and total decline of
tourism is likely unacceptable both economically and politically. There-
fore she proposes a ‘reorientation stage’ (see Agarwal, other volume). In
this stage one would observe the constant efforts a destination makes to
adjust to changes before decline occurs.

‘New contexts and variances’

Much of the literature over the last 20 years has attempted to apply the
TALC to new destinations to test its relevance. Additionally, many works
point to particular departures from Butler’s original TALC. Weaver
(1990) states that his empirical research on Grand Cayman Island ‘largely
conforms to the stages’ of Butler’s TALC. He discerns one ‘significant
deviation’ from Butler’s original work. In Butler’s TALC, it is stated that
over time local control and ownership will shift to nonlocals. However, in
viewing Grand Cayman, ‘a non-plantation culture’, and Antigua, ‘a
plantation culture’, Weaver (1990) concludes control has been maintained
by locals in the development of Grand Cayman’s tourist sector (see
Weaver, this volume). However, Antigua’s tourist sector suffers from a
Application: A Literature Survey 45

high degree of external control associated with its former plantation

economy.
Tooman (1996) uses Butler’s model as a framework to explore the
economic impact of tourism in the Smokey Mountain region of Tennessee
and North Carolina. Specifically, he looks at first-, second-, and third-
order economic effects. This discussion is based on tourism’s roll as an
economic development tool. From this perspective, Tooman (1996)
discusses the theoretical economic outcomes that would be expected
throughout Butler’s life cycle stages. The author concludes that tourism
is likely to be most beneficial from the economic perspective if it is not
the dominant sector of the economy. Tooman (1996) points out that
according to Butler’s TALC, tourism should not dominate until the
consolidation stage. However, in his case study, one local economy was
dominated by tourism in the development stage and another in the
involvement stage.
According to Tooman (1996), ‘under conditions where tourism
becomes the dominant economic sector (regardless of the particular
stage), social welfare indicators failed to show significant improvement’.
From the context of tourism and the economy, the involvement stage
(where tourism does not dominate the economy) can produce desirable
effects. These benefits have the potential for greater local economic
linkages, economic diversity, and more time to establish the utility to
manage the growth of the tourism sector.
Wilkinson (1996) supports Cooper’s (1994) conclusion that while the
life cycle concept has weaknesses, it does provide a useful tool for
comparing tourism development among different destinations and
provides one with an organizing framework to do so. Wilkinson selects
six destinations in the Caribbean (Anguilla, Bahamas, Barbados, Cayman
Islands, Dominica, and St. Lucia), to compare using the life cycle model
proposed not by Butler, but de Albuquerque and McElroy (1992). This
version of Butler’s model proposes three general stages of tourism
growth: (1) emergence or initial discovery, (2) transition to rapid
expansion, and (3) maturity.
Another unique context for the application of Butler’s TALC is by
Johnson and Snepenger’s (1993) to a ‘federally managed resource’. In
examining the Greater Yellowstone Region, the authors concluded ‘that
development is a not a specific stage in the cycle’. This work is based
on the use of four factors to track the tourist destination over Butler’s
TALC: visitation trends, growth of the service economy, resident
perceptions (see also Johnson & Snepenger, this volume), and ecosystem
indicators. This work is based on the reconceptualization of the life cycle
carrying concept by Martin and Uysal (1990). Their concept is based on
the notion that there are many components that make up the resources in
a tourist area. Within these different components, differing destinations
46 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

will likely have different carrying capacities. For example, the physical
infrastructure of a tourist area may have one carrying capacity while the
environmental resources may have another. Martin and Uysal (1990)
contend that this will require ‘distinct policy responses’ for each resource
capacity. This being the case, Johnson and Snepenger concluded that, in
fact, different resources in the Greater Yellowstone Region exhibit
characteristics of different stages concurrently, depending on which
resource is being measured.

‘Destination drivers’
In Butler’s original work, changes within a destination were attributed
to ‘preferences and needs of visitors’ and the ‘gradual deterioration’ of
manmade and natural attractions and services. Many authors applying
the TALC as a framework for analyzing a destination have identified
other issues that drive change within a destination and thus influence the
‘evolution’ of the resort.
In Klaus J. Meyer-Arendt’s (1985) work, The Grand Isle, Louisiana resort
cycle , he explores the issues pertaining to the factors causing the barrier
island of Grand Island, Louisiana to move through all of the stages,
ending in the stagnation stage. These issues relate to settlement patterns,
changes in environmental perceptions, and efforts to fix a dynamic
shoreline. Special emphasis is placed on the settlement patterns of
residents over time to this coastline and the natural and manmade
impacts on the shoreline. Here, the model is considered from the
perspective of resident population growth over time versus Butler’s
growth in number of tourists (see also Martin, this volume). Therefore,
Meyer-Arendt (1985) concluded that the settlement of Grand Isle and the
manmade battle to secure the natural resource against storms and
erosion help demonstrate the evolution of this resort through the stages
of Butler’s TALC.
Cooper and Jackson (1989) emphasize that the TALC provides, ‘a
useful descriptive tool for analyzing the development of destinations and
the evolutions of their markets’. In their use of a case study on the Isle of
Man, UK, they conclude that the TALC is, ‘dependent upon the actions of
managers and the settings of the destination’. The authors address
Butler’s model from its utility as both a prescriptive and descriptive tool.
They conclude from the prescriptive point of view that the model
encounters many problems, and that, ‘Butler’s original conceptualization
of the tourist cycle did not envisage its use as a prescriptive tool’.
However, as a descriptive tool, the life cycle is very useful in, ‘under-
standing how destinations and their markets fall’. Their case study on the
Isle of Man proposes that the unique setting of the island and the reliance
on the UK market has presented challenges that have driven the
Application: A Literature Survey 47

destination along the life cycle curve. Additionally, the leadership

decisions of private and public institutions, both directly and indirectly
involved in tourism, have had substantial impact on the island’s move
through the tourist area life cycle.
Debbage (1990) provides an alternative to Butler’s decline paradigm.
Instead of decline being the outcome of a tourist destination exceeding its
carrying capacity, thus resulting in the degradation of the resources in
which the area relies on, he argued that outside influences destroy
competitiveness. Specifically, stagnation and decline are influenced by
oligopoly. This results in decline, because in this case, tourism suppliers
are ‘gaining market share’ and maintaining ‘competitive stability’. This is
achieved at the expense of innovation and diversification. Debbage’s
(1990) argument, based on Paradise Island, Bahamas, is that declining
visitor numbers were traditionally viewed as changes in tourism trends,
and declining destination attractiveness may be better viewed as a result
of the control and influence transnational corporations have at the
destination level. Here, Debbage (1990) argues that Butler did not give
appropriate emphasis to the role of imperfect competition and oligopoly,
but put more weight on a detailed discussion of the internal dynamic of
resort areas. This case is based primarily on the role of Resorts
International in influencing both the tourist distribution chain and the
composition of tourist products on Paradise Island.
Ioannides’ (1992) case study of the island of Cyprus provides insights
into the role the tourist area’s government and external transnational
firms have in destination change over the life cycle of a destination.
Historical data for Cyprus demonstrated that the island’s tourism area
followed Butler’s exploration, involvement, and development stages.
During these earlier stages, the government played an important role in
the growth of tourism. First there was the recognition that tourism
should be used to increase foreign exchange earnings and to diversify the
economy. That was followed by the government’s efforts to stimulate
tourism sector growth through economic incentives and loan programs.
Additionally, the Cyprus Tourism Organization was formed to supervise
tourism development. At this time, modern airport tourism facilities
were also built.
During the development stage on Cyprus, the government helped the
island recover from the 1974 War through Emergency Action Plans that
gave a high priority to tourism (p. 721). The government also sponsored
action plans in the late 1970s that provided financial incentives (low
interest loans and free government land) to the private sector with the
goal of making Cyprus an international tourist destination.
Besides identifying the influence of government on the TALC, the role
of tour operators was also addressed. This influence of foreign tour
operators from Cyprus’s primary inbound markets (Britain, Germany,
48 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

and Sweden) are acknowledged as supporting Debbage’s (1990) point

that dominant suppliers have a significant role in the TALC. In the case
of Cyprus, this was shown specifically through the impact and influence
of charter flights and preference for ‘cheaper self-catering’ accommoda-
tions, and inclusive tour packages targeting lower income mass tourism.
These are seen as negatively impacting the environmental and cultural
resources of the island. Additionally, the dependence on a few large tour
operators has left Cyprus marketed as a ‘could be anywhere’ destination
with little competitive market power. While Ioannides (1992) acknowl-
edged that the growing power of foreign tour operators supports Butler’s
premise that external influences would increase over the life of a tourist
area, he believes that the tourist area is not an actorless development
path. The State was not only shown to have been a catalyst to developing
tourism on Cyprus, but also to have reacted to its negative impacts.
Specifically, the government enacted efforts to reduce the tourist growth
rate and balance the geographic distribution of lodging development.
Ioannides (1992: 731) concluded that ‘Cypriot government has intention-
ally steered the island’s resort cycle towards Butler’s ‘‘consolidation’’
stage’.

‘Theoretical foundations and integrations’

Agarwal (2002) relates Butler’s TALC to the ‘restructuring thesis’. Her
motivation to ‘inter-relate’ these two works is based on the insights this
would provide into the causes and consequences of destination decline.
The ‘restructuring thesis’ referred to in this work pertains to the process
of change in capitalist economies and societies, along with significant
shifts in the strategy by which capital seeks expanded accumulation.
Agarwal (2002) includes a discussion into the way in which industries
have responded to competitive and consumption challenges. These are
categorized into three main forms and strategies: product reorganization,
labor reorganization, and spatial relocation and product transformation.
These strategies are then defined as they relate to the ‘structural process
of change’ in the context of tourism. Therefore, the key elements in the
relation between the restructuring thesis and Butler’s model are the
application and insights into responses to decline. Agarwal (2002)
acknowledges that a number of problems are associated with and
encountered when using both Butler’s model and the restructuring
thesis to provide understanding into how destinations can respond to
decline (see also Agarwal, other volume). However, it is concluded that
that they do provide two useful theoretical links; both concepts may be
related to the causes and consequences of resort decline, and to the
responses of resorts to decline.
Application: A Literature Survey 49

The premise is then discussed in the context of three English seaside

resorts of Minehead, Weymouth, and Scarborough, all of which have
been categorized as currently in the poststagnation stage. Here it is
concluded that the integration of the restructuring thesis helps overcome
the failure of the destination life cycle model to consider the role of
external factors in the changes that occur at a tourist destination. The
point being that decline in a destination is the outcome of interactions
between internal and external forces. Thus, the responses to decline
likely are responses to external changes.
While much of the literature has focused on the ‘concept’ of Butler’s
TALC model, Johnston (2001) has attempted to ‘shore up the model’s
theoretical foundations’. His paper focuses on the ontological and
epistemological aspect issues surrounding the model (see also Johnston,
other volume). The methods used in this work were a modified form of
‘grounded theory’. From this ontological and epistemological perspective
of Butler’s model, the author presents a redrawn version of the life cycle
curve with two notable differences from the original (Figure 3.2). First,
the original model is divided horizontally over time, by three eras. These
are the ‘Pre-tourism’, ‘Tourism-era’, and ‘Post-tourism era’.
Based on this discussion of ontological considerations, Johnston
concludes that it would be reasonable to claim that Butler’s model is
based on a basic geographic process. He identifies a set of epistemological
elements through a variation of the constant comparative method applied
to four other types of process research. These elements are: human life
cycle, product life cycle, port development, and ecosuccession. Following

TOURISM ERA TOURISM ERA CONTINUES

PRE – TOURISM
ACCOMODATION UNITS

ERA REJUVENATION
MATURITY

STABILITY

CONSOLIDATION POST STAGNATION

STAGNATION

INTERNATIONAL FORM

DEVELOPMENT

DECLINE
DOMESTIC FORM
INVOLVEMENT

POST TOURISM
ERA BEGINS
EXPLORATION
LOCAL FORM

Figure 3.2 A revised version of Butler’s (1980) ‘classical’ sequence of

stages (Johnston, 2001)
50 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

extensive discussion of the ontological and epistemological discussions,

Johnston then revised the TALC, incorporating three eras. These are a
pretourism era, from before the exploration phase extending into the
involvement phase; a tourism era, which could carry through the
maturity stage and may include a poststagnation phase; and a post-
tourism era when a new institution dominates at the local level. Johnston
also replaces growth in visitor numbers with growth in number of
accommodation units. He applies this model (see Johnston, this volume)
to the case of Kona, Hawaii (Johnston, 2002).

Final Comments
While not all the works cited below have been discussed in detail,
every attempt has been made to include all relevant works pertaining to
Butler’s (1980) article in the bibliography. As mentioned in the introduc-
tion, works that pertained to the creation of Butler’s original work have
been listed, as they were important to the generation of Butler’s concept,
but only published works specifically using Butler’s model have been
discussed in detail. Works relating to the general theory of a product life
cycle have been omitted (some are discussed at length in Coles, other
volume, editor’s note). Apologies go out to any authors whose works
were not recognized in this chapter. This was not intentional; however,
the literature survey was heavily biased toward both published works
and works printed in English. Any and all errors pertaining to the
representation of works covered here are completely unintentional and
the fault of this author.
(Editor’s note: Since the completion of this chapter yet another article
using the TALC has been published (Moss et al ., 2003), and is included in
the Table and Bibliography.)
Chapter 4
Evolution of Tourism Areas and
the Tourism Industry
K. MICHAEL HAYWOOD

Introduction
This chapter reviews some of the conditions and concerns necessary to
make TALC studies and research of greater value to those individuals
whose tasks and responsibilities necessitate the following: creating
legitimisation for, and direction of, tourism development in specific
areas or destinations; crafting and implementing industry policies and
strategies; leading the development process; and managing destination
management organisations or other types of tourism and hospitality
enterprises.
As an industry paradigm, TALC has proven valuable in articulating
the evolution of tourism region, and in confirming the mimicking of the
predictable pattern of lifecycle stages
/ introduction, expansion, con-
solidation and contraction
/ associated with all forms of organisation
/
genetic, biological, cognitive, ecological, cultural and economic. As Butler
(1980) and other tourism researchers seem to urge, a particular
characteristic of a destination’s evolution is that it is influenced and yet
confounded by the nature, politics, demands, use and experience of
place. Place gives substance and meaning to the tourism product being
offered. Tourism is place-sensitive; not only are regional landscapes and
cultures fragile and rarefied, but visitors and tourism developers are
attracted to certain locales simply because of their attractiveness and
appeal (a major and complex factor determining the growth and
sustainable competitiveness of destinations). Tourism is also place-
demanding and place-exhausting; that is, the development process and
the usage of a locale (natural and cultural resources) by a typical,
seasonal insurgence of users, mainly visitors, has a tendency to under-
mine attractiveness of an area if activities are not managed or if capacity
limits become stretched or exceeded. Even citizens are susceptible. They
grow weary of the stress, as characterised initially by Doxey (1975); and
their behaviour may compromise a destination’s hospitable character-
istics if they are denied or do not realise promised benefits. If tourism’s
impacts are ignored and not acted upon, the movement into stages of
maturity, and eventually decline, is exacerbated.

51
52 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Identification of stages in life cycles of destinations with particular

reference to the ‘place’ concept is concomitant with tourism develop-
ment; that is, destinations are repositories of organisations in service to
the needs of visitors. Because the speed, process and extent of tourism
developments differ from one locale to the next, no two tourism life
cycles are alike. The range and diversity of tourism developments
(Bianchi, 1994), variations in growth patterns (Choy, 1992) and the scale
of tourism developments (Gosling, 2000) have to be taken into account
when determining the impacts of tourism development. The magnitude
of tourism’s impacts, however, has to be put into context. Consider the
name
/ ‘tourism area life cycle’. What actually constitutes a tourism
area? A review of the literature suggests that it is any place that attracts
visitors or represents a primary tourist gathering spot. It could be as large
as a country and as small as a development site. Included are cities, rural
areas, world heritage areas, parks, historic and cultural sites, fairs, theme
parks, resort towns, and the like, as discussed in other chapters in this
volume. Once an area is defined, then it is necessary to determine what
constitutes a capacity limit for development, and/or for the number of
users (not necessarily tourists) at one time or a prolonged period? This is
a topic that has stirred considerable debate (Martin & Uysal, 1990;
Prosser & Cullen, 1987), and determination of capacity limits for many
tourism areas and the existing infrastructure remains a challenging and
imposing task. Indeed tourism may be only one of many activities
responsible for various impacts. It is inappropriate for the tourism
industry to shoulder blame when other local industries, and normal
commercial and resident behaviours, contribute significantly to the
unattractiveness and demise of an area.
Fortunately an appreciation of the dynamic and diverse set of changes
wrought by tourism on ‘sense of place’ (Hiss, 1990; Hough, 1990; Wilson,
1991) is beginning to awaken a sense of responsibility within the
industry. As tourism destinations and organisations become ‘place
conscious’, sustainable environmental practices
/ environmental codes
of ethics, environmental impact studies and ecoefficiency programmes
/
are being considered and implemented. The determination and use of
appropriate metrics and perceptual measures for measuring impacts is
also moving forward. But should society be comforted by the current
responsiveness and ways in which nature- and cultural-based resource
issues are being addressed? There is doubt in some quarters as to
whether transformational activities, and the ways in which they are
currently conceived and implemented, are sufficient and appropriate.
Hawkin et al . (1999) argue that conventional wisdom is mistaken when
priorities in economic, environmental and social policies compete. They
challenge industries, such as tourism, to find solutions based not on
trade-offs or ‘balance’ between competing objectives, but on design
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 53

integration, achieving all of them together at every level of the industry.

Obviously, this challenge suggests that most destinations would have to
alter the ways in which they think about and manage tourism. At the
very least, more broadly based results-based objectives and strategies
would have to be factored into the equations, while taking into account
relations among the organisations responsible for tourism, the quality of
tourism products and the dynamics of regional economies (Russo, 2002
and this volume).
Visualising the big picture or contemplating a different future for
tourism is easily forestalled when destinations and tourism organisations
operate on a demanding economic treadmill. Whether they are at the
starting gate, capitalising on growth opportunities, or witnessing erosion
of their success by successive tides of technological, demographic and
regulatory change, the industry is in a constant state of anxiety, and
sometimes flux. Hotels and attractions are examples of organisations
with high breakeven points, and an inability to place products into
inventory for sale at some future period. Fixed capacities have to be filled
daily; hence preoccupation with marketing and the delivery of high-
quality services. Furthermore, competitiveness problems are inescapable
as increasing numbers of places hitch to the tourism bandwagon. In fact
stagnant growth, declining margins and falling market share are not
characteristic simply of the mature phase of the cycle, but of too much
supply chasing demand or the not-too-uncommon disruptive phases of
business cycles (Haywood, 1998). Factor in seasonality, climatic irregula-
rities, market orientations, integration of global economies and the
dynamic organisational interlinkages within the industry, and the
complexities intensify. Regardless of which stage of the life cycle a
destination might be in, the challenge is ever-present. Every destination
and tourism organisation is being challenged to improve their under-
standing and anticipation of the underlying dynamics of change, not
only within the industry, but particularly within the destination (Bianchi,
1994; Haywood, 1986, 1992).
While the study of life cycles in many destinations continues to
provide interesting historical representations of cyclic activity (based on
available, though often unreliable, statistical data), it is as if these studies
examine tourism from the wrong end of the telescope: what is nearby
seems far away, and so the details melt into amorphous blobs.
Destinations viewed from afar can’t help but succumb to the character-
istic life/death pattern; yet when viewed closely the tourism organisa-
tions and the people could be observed making choices continuously. To
be truly effective as a pragmatic paradigm, TALC studies must consider,
not simply the existence of choice in reaction to change, but the
conditions that both underlie change, and enlarge or restrict choice.
Destinations and the tourism industry operate within a rich and nuanced
54 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

world, full of surprises, a world that favours imaginative action. Tourism

researchers must get closer to, and understand, the details.
Fortunately the life cycle can be employed in such a way as to explain
some of the details associated with the emergence and development of
tourism within a region; but serious gaps exist. For example, glimpses
into the development of local entrepreneurship (Din, 1992) and small
businesses (Beverland, 2001), and preconditions for urban destinations in
determining investment and industry growth (van de Borg, 2000)
provide useful information about the start-up phase, yet little is known
about the activities and behaviours associated with the conceiving,
incubator or predevelopment phase. This omission might not have
occurred if methodological approaches for studying teleological (strate-
gic) and dialectical (power) actions associated with developing a new
industry had been employed. With literature on how to go about
developing a tourism industry, particularly the importance of taking a
community approach to development intensifying (Haywood, 1988),
tourism leaders and decision makers need to know which processes
work, or not, when, where and why. Wisdom and knowledge needs to be
shared about the influencing factors inherent in the preformative years,
and the ways in which tourism development needs to be legitimised
/
not only in this stage, but during every stage of the life cycle.
Early stages of development represent periods in which industry
champions come forward (Weaver, this volume). Commitment from a
community is sought. The enthusiasm of developers and their initial
supporters and beneficiaries is infectious; promises are made; vision and
goals are articulated; tourism master plans may be prepared; negotia-
tions are entered into; feasibility and environmental studies conducted;
sites selected; and projects designed. Gradually fantasies are translated
into realities, and the inherent risks quickly translate into day-to-day
responsibilities. Getting an infant industry and/or organisations started
is an exhausting and emotional endeavour, so there is a tremendous need
to understand the characteristics and behavioural patterns of young and
emerging destinations. For example, what are the repercussions when
destinations and tourism organisations are undercapitalised, and basic
infrastructure lacking? Is inadequate planning, and development of
appropriate systems and procedures problematic? Can the possibilities of
premature death be avoided (the bankruptcy rate for many indepen-
dently owned businesses is extremely high during the first few years of
operation). What occurs, or doesn’t, shapes the industry and affects the
transition to subsequent stages in the life cycle for years to come.
Similarly, the factors that make the emergent and early growth phases
of tourism development into a virtual honeymoon have not been
explored in the TALC literature. Because the tourism development
process is primarily supply-led, developers are courted and romanced,
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 55

and investment incentives provided. Job creation is a high priority. As

demand materialises, money pours in; everyone appears happy and
content. But, misperceptions as to the benefits and beneficiaries abound.
For example, profits and return on investment take considerable time to
be realised. Sunk investment costs may not be recouped for decades (at
which time, considerable reinvestment may be required), and demand
may not be sufficient to exceed breakeven points. Attention, obviously, is
focused on marketing and branding to build demand (fill capacities) and
attract further investment. Yet, it is ironic that TALC researchers feel the
urge to be extremely critical of developers and investors, and the focal
relationship-building pursuit necessary to make the industry viable.
Increasing numbers of visitors, tourist activity and large-scale tourism
development projects are said to set the stage for decline. The ideal
scenario is tourism without visitors and development! Given the
improbability of this occurring, the notion that tourism activity may be
merely symptomatic of problems, rather than being the underlying
cause, needs further investigation.
Whether an organisation fulfilling its mission through capacity
maximisation, or a tourism area protecting itself from reaching limits
to capacity (see Boyd, this volume), there exist diverse views and
interests in capacity research. The extent to which differing concerns
about capacity utilisation are seen as overlapping, however, depends on
the degree to which the dominating forces (natural, organisational,
political, economic, etc.) can be unified and/or are seen as affecting each
other’s concerns, mandates or goals. Unfortunately, the impact that these
forces have on each other, and on tourism within a destination as a
whole, may not be readily apparent, to even the most knowledgeable of
people. A primary reason is that insufficient time has been spent learning
how destinations or tourist areas function from a structural point of view.
TALC research needs to become better attuned to discovering the
interplay of the dominant forces that cause a destination to advance or
decline, particularly in respect to capacity management. Study of
structural dynamics might reveal interesting information as to appro-
priate mixes or diversity of tourism segments, activities and pro-
grammes. Relationships among the various players could be better
understood. The delicacy of managing the development and growth of
the industry through the emergent and subsequent phases needs to be
highlighted. The key questions are: how are destinations or tourism
organisations being managed throughout the lifecycle, and what are
some of the dominant characteristics of successful and unsuccessful
tourism areas?
Some TALC studies characterise some destinations as being rudder-
less. Sucked in by the dogma of growth, and fuelled by a booster spirit
and visions of ‘bigger and better’, tourism development is portrayed
56 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

as (greedy?) economic salvation writ large. Multinational lodging

organisations and tour operators become sought-after partners. Their
brand power is considered catalytic in propelling growth. But what may
not be appreciated is that many of these large, more mature organisations
may be quite focused on linking their brand integrity with sustainable
development. If, as corporations mature, they become more socially
responsible (Swanson, 1999), then concern over growth-fuelled develop-
ment may be ill founded. Inevitably, more knowledge is required as to
how tourism organisations alter their values and behaviour over time.
Certainly failure to meet a community’s noneconomic needs is cause for
considerable concern, but appreciation for the cause and effect relation-
ships in relation to the evolution of the industry needs to be contextua-
lised and improved.
Worrisome side effects and outcomes during phases of tourism
growth suggest other concerns that need to be addressed. For example,
there is misdirection lurking in commonly accepted measures of growth.
Impact studies have revealed that growth is a complex, multidimen-
sional process; therefore, visitation rates, visitor expenditures and market
share may be inadequate measures in determining a destination’s stage
in a life cycle. Researchers might want to learn how astute corporations
are building ‘balanced scorecards’ in order to align individual, organisa-
tional and community initiatives; achieve healthy growth; and broaden
their base of leading indicators (Kaplan & Norton, 1996, 2001). Then there
are the perils associated with forcing growth (for example, through tax
incentives), and exacerbating the imbalance of supply in comparison to
demand. Tourism areas, by focusing on a singular industry, are
inherently vulnerable when they tie their fortunes to a cyclical industry.
Moreover, ill-conceived development and improper management of the
growth process can result in places becoming ‘displaced’
/ out of favour
commodities in an industry of sameness.
Achieving tourism growth has been characterised as a difficult, if not
perilous, journey. For example, industry development can be either
fostered or curtailed by numerous factors and influences
/ historical
influences on development (Douglas, 1997); external events (di Benedetto
& Bojanic, 1993); influence of business, investment and real estate cycles
(Haywood, 1998); prevalence of market or state-managed capitalism
(Bacon, 1998); relationships between travel personalities and destinations
(Plog, 2001); the ability to satisfy visitors and build demand on repeat
visitation (Oppermann, 1998); difficulties in branding and building
awareness (Beverland, 2001); recognition that no local industry operates
in isolation and that national institutions and transnational firms can
foster or undermine development (Ionnides, 1992); involvement of both
informal and formal sectors of local economies (Kermath & Thomas,
1992); proactive planning initiatives (Knowles & Curtis, 2000); the
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 57

influence of corporate strategies (Debbage, 1990, 1992; Tse & Elwood,

1990); and the increasing complexity of decision making and investment
at various life-cycle stages (Keller, 1987).
The importance of innovation and diffusion cannot be ignored, as they
are instrumental in reinvigorating growth and diversity (Getz, 2000). The
evolution of tourism’s structural and dynamic properties over a lifetime
cannot be ignored. For example, Schumpeter (1939) observed that after
the introduction of a major product innovation, a strong ‘band-wagon’
effect often appears, followed by the entry of many new firms into the
rapidly expanding sectors, attracted by the high profits associated with
innovations (see Stansfield, this volume). However, the entry of new
firms leads to an erosion of profit rates, and as the industry matures and
its product becomes standardised, a shift to cost-saving (process)
innovations then occurs. The exploitation of scale economies becomes
important, and correspondingly this leads to a reduction in the number
of firms in the industry. On the basis of these observations one might
anticipate that future TALC studies could capture issues on the
innovative efforts of destinations and tourism organisations, the im-
portance of scale economies, and the shift from product innovations to
process innovations. Klepper (1996) provides an appropriate general,
dynamic model, and has explained why these and other parameters
change over the life cycle of an industry.
While innovative behaviour is presupposed to occur during latter
stages of growth, and during mature or stagnant states, in actual fact it
can be prevalent during all stages of the life cycle. Most visitor-focused
enterprises need to be rejuvenated every decade or less (Malcolm-Davies,
this volume). During these times there can be major reinvestment in
facilities and equipment. Similar changes also occur as hotel properties,
for example, change brands or flags. Buildings that are poorly main-
tained decline in value and move ‘down-market’. These might be
replaced with new facilities, many incorporating environmentally
friendly systems. While addition to the stock of tourism facilities may
stem from corporate decisions, prudent or otherwise, they can also be
spurred or denied through competing political priorities (Voase, 2002).
So, there are multiple reasons and numerous actors involved in
reconfiguring and restarting the cycle (Baum, 1998). Indeed, due to the
fact that there are numerous types of tourism activities taking place
within a tourism area, as well as variations or differentiation within a
given activity or sector of the industry, it is possible to discover the
coexistence of various stages of the life cycle within a destination
(Hovinen, 2002). While this reinforces the notion that there can be
numerous variations in the dominant design or states of tourism
development (Weaver, 2000 and this volume; de Albuquerque &
58 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

McElroy, 1992), it challenges the ease in which stages can be identified

and measured.
The possibility of dominant designs of destinations and/or organisa-
tions in accordance with various life-cycle stages is also worthy of
investigation (Weaver, 2000). In the business world Abernathy and
Utterback (1975, 1978) have made important contributions in studying
relationships among firms. In a similar vein, Miles and Snow (1978)
classified corporate behaviours into four broad categories, which they
labelled defenders , prospectors , analysers and reactors, each with their own
unique strategies for relating to their chosen markets. Another example
of dominant design research is represented by the work of Mintzberg
and Waters (1982). They identified five stages in the development of a
firm’s strategies
/ development, stability, adaptation, struggle and
revolution
/ and suggested that stages were sequenced in accordance
with four main patterns
/ periodic bumps, oscillating shifts, life cycles
and regular progress
/ and probed into the periods of major change in
organisations. In moving this research forward, Miller and Friessen
(1984) went on to identify archetypes of organisations, that is, states of
strategy, structure situation and process, and transitions between
archetypes, and thereby noted that strategic and structural change are
quantum rather than incremental. In other words, there are benefits in
tracking the behaviours (actions and outcomes), as well as thought
processes (intentions and perceptions), associated with the leaders and
managers of destinations and the tourism organisations. Our under-
standing of how they learn and drive strategic change is strengthened;
and our ability to recognise stages or states of change is sharpened. If
tourism areas go into decline then it becomes vital to understand why
destructive strategies and structures emanate from constructive ones. In
his book, The Icarus Paradox, Miller (1990) suggests that all positive
trajectories suffer from built-in faults. So cycles of success and failure,
growth and decline, seem to be an inevitable part of the natural, human
and organisational condition.
The inevitability of stagnation and decline is a common occurrence for
homogeneous products and services, and among organisations that fail
to adapt. This inevitability of tourism area decline is also being manifest
by a widening chasm between expectations for growth and its realisa-
tion. Economic and geopolitical problems always have the industry on
edge. Add to this list recognition that some markets are increasingly
mismatched with demand; that not all growth is healthy; that social
disintegration, cultural degradation and exhaustion of resources are
possible outcomes; and the obvious signs of decay become worrisome. In
any event there is a need to appreciate the options when growth
prematurely halts or when nongrowth occurs. What does rejuvenation
entail; is it possible; how can it be accomplished (see Cooper, other
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 59

volume, editor’s comment)? Life-cycle research has made some inroads,

but the greater attention has to be focused on belief and behavioural
change.
During the so-called saturation or mature stage, tourism areas cannot
help but face an age of triage (Rubenstein, 1983). Successful tourism areas
will be those that can deal with the threats (internal as well as external),
and sift out genuine opportunities from the illusory. Important questions
concerning management in nongrowth situations will have to be
answered. Indeed, survival and sustainability for all tourism areas and
organisations may hinge less on the possibilities of rejuvenation, and
more on learning to recognise and avoid the traps waiting to ruin
destinations and organisations that make desperate grabs for growth that
should never happen in the first place (Knowles & Curtis, 1999).

Configuration and Transformation of Changing

Tourism Areas
Sustaining the economic, environmental and cultural vibrancy of
tourism areas are primary goals of every industry stakeholder. If the life-
cycle concept is to gain validity and relevance as an evaluative frame-
work, with mutually dependent goals in mind, it must become a more
effective learning model capable of (1) discovering and representing the
dynamic and inter-related qualities of the industry, those that are both
self-reinforcing (for example, reinforcing development) and self-correct-
ing (for example, limiting development due to imbalance with carrying
capacity), and (2) facilitating evaluation of the consequences of new
policies, strategies and structures that might be proposed. Legitimisation
of the life cycle cannot occur, however, until a stop is put to attributing
the demise of the industry solely to individuals and organisations, rather
than recognising that systems structure is the prime shaper of behaviour.
By discovering the leverage points brought about by system structure
redesign, particularly if each stage of the life cycle has its own structural
and dynamic qualities, researchers will become capable of identifying the
actions and behaviours that lead to significant, sustained and beneficial
improvements to industry and organisational performance.
Most attempts to identify the imminent change as reflected in the
TALC have been based on sequential, open-loop views of change. As
such suggestions as to how to make the lifecycle model useful and
operational required addressing major conceptual and measurement
concerns such as unit of analysis, relevant market, pattern and stages of
the tourist area lifecycle, identification of the area’s shape in the life cycle,
determination of the unit of measurement and determination of the
relevant time unit (Haywood, 1986). Tourism systems, however, react to
development and to the interventions of all players. The resulting
60 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

feedback defines the situations to be faced in the future, given the

inadvertent time delays, the accumulation, usage and dispersal of
tangible and intangible resources, attribution errors and false learning.
In overcoming the limitations of the lifecycle in accounting for change,
and based on the assumption that the lifecycle could become an
appropriate nest for alternate theories of change resulting in the
configuration and constant transformation of tourism areas, it is now
recognised that a broader set of issues need to be resolved. Each of these
is introduced under a label, by a question, and as a dilemma.

Unit of analysis
What is the appropriate unit of analysis
/ the tourism area, or change
itself? If it is the ‘tourism area’, how is it defined? Tourist area life cycle
research focuses on regions in which tourism is considered to be the
prime activity or industry. But what constitutes ‘prime’ if tourism
represents only, let’s say, 25% of a region’s gross product? Because life
cycles of regions are influenced by a multitude of commercial, govern-
ment, human and other activities, attributing cause and effect just to
tourism seems foolhardy and misleading.
Just as confusing is: What constitutes tourism activity? As a modern
phenomenon, tourism is in a constant state of evolution through the
‘convergence of industries’, and the growth of varied leisure activities
pursued away from home. New relationships between tourism, recrea-
tion, cultural, educational, leisure and even work activities are develop-
ing constantly. Not only is there a merging of industries, but a merging of
consumer groups or markets in search of ‘experiences’ (Pine & Gilmore,
1999). Many businesses find it virtually impossible to differentiate
between local residents and visitors. Despite the prevalence of defini-
tional distinctions, the current state of tourism market research and
visitation and activity data in many locales may make the distinction
moot.
Determining the unit of analysis is also confounded by the fact that
life-cycle theories are only considered relevant to single, rather than
multiple entities. If a defined geographic area is considered as a singular
entity (a cluster or network of organisations in a defined space), then it
seems appropriate to suggest that its development and growth (the
function of potentials that are likely to occur within a given territory) is
beyond the control of a single entity. That is, development decisions are
made by a multitude of different organisations, each responsive for and
to their own lifecycles. For example, if tourism is largely based on
convention activity, the rejuvenation of conference and meeting facilities
may not occur unless hotels participate in the process. A supply-side
appreciation of those organisations that comprise and affect the industry,
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 61

and their relationships with each other, is crucial in determining the

industry’s health and wellbeing. Indeed, a community-based approach
may be totally ineffective in determining life-cycle changes if so-called
destination management organisations are concerned only with market-
ing. Even government organisations that provide necessary infrastruc-
ture, or control over the development process, may be ineffective in
managing the life cycle if they have limited appreciation for the
dynamics and intricacies of tourism.
The fact that the TALC concept has been strongly based on product
life-cycle research is quite evident as market performance measures
dominate. Usage of visitation rates and the associated expenditure levels
suggest that researchers consider the industry life cycle as being market-
driven, rather than organisationally driven (Simon, 1991). As tourism
areas are ‘place-based’, it seems reasonable to require that performance
during the life-cycle periods be determined on the basis of sustainability
measures. If the essence of a tourism area is its attractiveness, scenic
beauty, natural and cultural heritage, then these attributes should be
taken into consideration. There are a wide variety of industry stake-
holders interested in place-based performance, but they need the
requisite information to detect problems and progress, as well as institute
preventative measures. Indeed, it can be argued that the creation of
tourism’s economic value is a process that involves the best or most
appropriate, combinational use of all resources.
Being precise as to delineation of what constitutes a tourism area or
geographic region also presents a conundrum. Tourism areas tend not to
conform to jurisdictional boundaries; sometimes they are better deter-
mined through typical patterns of visitor or tourist activity. Even when
the subject area is proscribed
/ a national park, for example
/
consideration should be given to visitation and development activity in
peripheral areas (see Boyd & Weizenegger, this volume). The ‘park gate
syndrome’ represents distinctive and dense forms of development that
may have profound impacts on tourism areas even though they may not
be precisely located in the region under consideration. Another concern
is the possible expansion and contraction of tourism areas over time;
when this occurs it confounds and destabilises the notion of carrying
capacity.
Particular attention also has to be given to those regions that are on the
verge of becoming tourism areas. Sometimes tourism is introduced as a
benign industry capable of overcoming place-related damage caused by
other industries (usually in decline), or as a preferential form of
industrial development. Then there exist those resource-rich tourism/
recreation areas recognised for their potential, but which have yet to be
developed in accordance with their potential. In each case the challenges
associated with tourism development and growth need to be better
62 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

understood. The obstacles to overcome are decidedly different if

development and growth are to succeed.
As discussed in detail elsewhere (see Haywood, other volume,
editor’s comment), there is considerable merit in moving beyond discrete
tourism areas as units of change, to the unit of analysis becoming change
itself. If, as suggested, there are different explanations for stability and
change then it becomes important to determine the degree to which these
explanations are nested in each other. Research is required to determine
the relationships among these explanations, the macro
/micro links, their
timing, temporal shifts and degree to which they complement each other.

Unit and mode of change

Is tourism development a linear or cyclical activity
/ a biological
progression of life-cycle events? The tendency has been to treat
seemingly random patterns as stochastic processes. Observed change
and development processes within tourism areas, however, are more
complex than the life cycle suggests. As such, conditions may exist to
trigger interplay among several instigators of change and produce
interdependent cycles of change. For example, change and development
goes on at multiple and hierarchical levels
/ a geographic level (place
and space), an industry level (groups of organisations), organisational
levels, stakeholder group levels and individual levels. This classification
suggests that there are two different angles for studying development
and change
/ the internal processes of change, adaptation and replica-
tion of individual entities, and the interactive processes of competition,
co-operation and conflict among entities (Baum & Singh, 1994).
Application of life-cycle theory to explain change and development
has made occasional reference to teleological theories, either in attribut-
ing blame to tourism organisations or in proposing positive or amelior-
ating mechanisms (policy making or tourism planning) through
government or nongovernmental organisations. Because the dynamics
of tourism systems arise from the interactions of all these organisations,
the impact of their relationships needs to be better understood. With
evolutionary and dialectical theories operating at the level of multiple
entities, their application in this regard should be invaluable.
Different approaches for examining and explaining development and
change in tourism areas also require that recognition be given to
variations in the sequence of change events. For example, sequencing
could be either prescribed a priori by either deterministic or probabilistic
laws, or could progress and emerge in a constructive manner as the
change process unfolds. Lifecycle and evolutionary theories of tourism
area development rely on the prescriptive in that the imminent form is
realised through steps or stages that provide an underlying continuity of
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 63

form. Appearance of radical or sudden change is extremely rare, and in

reality tends to be explained as a statistical accumulation of small
individual events that gradually change the nature of the tourism area or
industry. Radical change or breaks with the past, however, are identifi-
able within the industry and in tourism areas. The accompanying change
based on new goals (teleological) and resolution of conflict (dialectical)
tends to be described as constructive as it produces unprecedented,
novel forms that, in retrospect, are discontinuous and unpredictable
departures from the past.
With tourism areas developing and changing over space and time, it is
likely that more than one of the theories will come into play on any
occasion. The development process is influenced by different organisa-
tions and individuals. The spatial dispersion of organisations and
individuals also means that different influences may be at work
simultaneously, each imparting their own particular momentum to the
development process. Development and change also take time to occur,
and may not exert any influence until noticed. In other words the
patterns and impacts of tourism development and change processes is
multilayered and complex.

Unit of measurement
If the health and wellbeing of tourism areas are of fundamental
concern in TALC studies, why are visitation and expenditure data pre-
eminent in determining the progression of cyclical stages? Under-
standably destinations or tourism areas are dependent on visitors, but
should the inherent stages of the life cycle be determined and based
solely on growth trends associated with the number of visitors and their
expenditures? Furthermore, if these are measures of growth, are they not
rubber yardsticks
/ uncertain indicators of that which is being
measured? As TALC studies point to growth as a highly complex social,
economic and environmental process, why is growth not considered
more often from a multidimensional perspective?
In industry circles the growth drumbeat is so pervasive that it is hard
to imagine tourism development without growth. But not every kind of
growth leads to development, let alone progress. Not only has the
management guru Peter Drucker (1973) admonished growth as an
objective, but the ambiguities of growth prevent various definitions
and measures of growth from serving as valid indicators of achievement.
In fact most constituencies within tourism areas have their own
preferences as to which measures of growth (development) should be
emphasised. Arbitrarily imposed growth targets and rates, however, are
likely to favour the interests of some constituencies in the short term at
the expense of other constituencies over the long term. And here is an
64 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

intriguing paradox. Of all the stakeholders, visitors not only have the
least interest in any form of growth, but may avoid places where growth
is rampant and destroying the essence of place. As such, some tourism
areas and industry partners are learning that performance can be
enhanced by actually catering to fewer visitors.
Because tourism areas pursue tourism development to accomplish
societal purposes, not solely economic ones, progress and performance
need to be measured in aesthetic, environmental, social, cultural, as well
as economic and monetary terms. To date, measurement has been
narrowly focused on traditional performance areas, which tend to look
at visitation and expenditure data. These measures are quantitative,
relatively abundant and precise, though historical or lagging in nature.
Present and future requirements, however, require non traditional, less
well defined and emerging measures. These measures need to be more
predictive in nature and sufficiently robust to deal with today’s changing
marketplace and resource environment. However, if researchers are to
answer sophisticated measurement questions as . . .

/ How can measures be identified that are linked to critical success
factors, to industry/business risks, and to policy and strategic
objectives?

/ What are the key predictors of performance that relate to policy and
strategic objectives; programmes, outputs, initiatives and limits; and
contributions to desired results?

/ How are the cause and effect of policy, strategic and other decisions
to be measured?

/ How do you benchmark a tourism area’s ability to adapt to
changing industry/business decisions or social/cultural/environ-
mental conditions?
. . . there should be knowledge and awareness of key objectives, policies,
strategies and capacity limits. This may be a challenge in that few
tourism areas have a clear idea as to tourism’s mandate, the strategic
approaches used to operate effectively in the tourism industry or
marketplace, and how value is created now or into the future for visitors
and other stakeholders.
Because tourism policies and strategies set direction, measures are
required to stay on track. By linking measurement to policy and strategy,
researchers can identify and implement measures in the context of where
tourism is headed, or what is expected from its development (leading
indicators), rather than simply on where it is today, where it has been, or
what has occurred (lagging indicators) (see Berry, other volume, editor’s
comment). This differentiator is critical in resource and community
settings in which tourism challenges sustainability. Moreover, tourism
areas and organisations that remain nimble and alert to the need to
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 65

change their policies and strategies (and thus their measures) to meet
evolving needs and requirements are more likely to be successful in
environments increasingly characterised by change. The expanding use
of nonfinancial and intangible measures, such as the Balanced Scorecard
(Kaplan & Norton, 1990, 2001), environmental and community sustain-
ability indexes, and quality of life measures, is indicative of a desire to
find ways to enhance industry and corporate governance, meet stake-
holder requirements, and reflect community and visitor value to be
derived from tourism.
A tourism area’s ability to optimise its return from tourism ultimately
depends on whether it has the trust of its stakeholders. A key challenge is
to identify which issues different stakeholders care about and to develop
mechanisms for communicating with them in a timely manner. The goal
is not to report on what stakeholders currently demand; it is also to
supply information they need if they are to gain a better understanding
of the area’s strategy and performance. Promoting dialogue and
engagement with stakeholders will help the tourism area obtain the
information it needs in order to become more effective in managing
through various lifecycle stages.

Cycle and pattern determination

Sustainability, defined in its broadest sense, is predicated on the clear
expression of societal (community, organisational, individual) choices
regarding the management of tourism areas and organisations for their
intrinsic values, and tangible and intangible benefits they confer. Given
the dynamics of change, varying spatial and temporal scales, and lag
effects, the critical question is how can the TALC analysis become more
useful in achieving goals and objectives, while anticipating and avoiding
the inevitable barriers, behaviours and mistakes in achieving sustain-
ability? Are there particular forces that influence the complex develop-
ment process in tourism areas during different times? What are the
typical characteristics and behaviours associated with various stages in
the life cycle, and can these be determined a priori ?
Acceptance of deterministic modelling of change is currently being
critiqued as managers and planners broaden their utilisation of both
prescriptive and constructive models to explain the patterns of stability
and change in tourism areas and organisations. Improvement in learning
about and managing such complex systems as tourism areas requires
tools capable of capturing all the sources of dynamic complexity. Such
tools as causal mapping and simulation techniques (made accessible
through modern system dynamics modelling software) could be of
tremendous value in capturing past events or in anticipating future
events (Morecroft & Sterman, 1994). Their application to life cycles, as
66 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

nests of change, could be profound if tourism areas and organisations are

to influence the speed and means of the evolution they set in motion.
A first order priority is to pay attention to changing patterns of
behaviour. It has been proposed that growth and ageing of organisations
are primarily manifested in the inter-relationship between two factors,
flexibility and controllability (Idizes, 1988). This observation runs counter
to the importance size and time are afforded in TALCs. In other words,
young tourism destinations or organisations tend to be quite amenable to
development and change, although what they may do is likely to be
unpredictable because there is little controllability. On the other hand
more mature tourism areas and organisations tend to be far less flexible
and pliant when it comes to change or managing transitions. This is due
to a greater degree of calcification or controllability of behaviour.
Understanding the differences in behaviours during cycles of change
adds to the poignancy of intensified commoditisation among tourism
areas and organisations, increased competition, product obsolescence
and customer power. Recognising that there is no such thing as long-
term sustained competitive advantage, and that operating margins are
constantly being squeezed, tourism areas and organisations are anxious
to learn how to manage through the necessary transitions; that is, they
must demonstrate the most effective actions and behaviours.
Typically the inflection points in TALCs have been associated with
significant increases or declines in tourism volume, thereby giving
credence to the rather outmoded importance of market share as the
driver of profitability. Paradoxically, TALC studies, while recognising
that volume growth is important, have emphasised that how growth is
achieved is much more important. Yet lacking are the convincing studies
that point to why, when, where and how high growth, with poorly
conceived tourism designs, destroys value and profitability. With
fundamental shifts occurring in both business and tourism area land-
scapes, there is a need for tourism life-cycle research to improve
understanding of how and when tourism areas and organisations, if
they are to remain sustainable and profitable, must change their designs
so that, as living entities, they can continue to function in coherent and
mutually reinforcing ways over time. So, if the inflection points are to be
anticipated, they need to be based on a new set of metrics associated with
value capture and value loss using a Balanced Scorecard approach
(Kaplan & Norton, 1990, 2001), and market, financial, social and
environmental measures or performance data must be incorporated.
Determination of life-cycle stages, therefore, requires a multicompo-
site set of leading and lagging indicators that will identify value
migration patterns of importance to key constituents in the tourism
area
/ citizens, businesses, governments, NGOs
/ and throughout
tourism’s value chain or network/constellation (Norman & Ramirez,
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 67

1998). As life-cycle patterns really are graphic portrayals of the

realisation or destruction of value, it can be argued that life-cycle stages
need to be represented through value configurations. Based on Porter’s
value chain framework (1985), which is presently the accepted language
for representing the logic of organisation-level value creation, it is
possible to configure tourism areas (the unit of analysis) as value
networks
/ the creation and reinvention of value achieved through the
relationship of organisations within and affecting the sense of place.
Subjecting this value network/constellation to analysis would then
require decomposing tourism areas into a range of strategically im-
portant activities and then measuring and understanding the impacts of
these activities in terms of cost and value (creation, capture or loss). If the
unit of analysis were to be a tourism organisation, however, value
configuration could be based also on the value chain (the creation of
value through the transformation of inputs into performances, products
or services). At a lower level of hierarchical analysis the notion of value
shop could be employed (the creation of value by mobilising resources
and activities to resolve particular problems associated with visitors or
particular interest groups) (Stabell & Fjeldstad, 1998). For example, work
is already proceeding in developing environmental chain analysis (Ishii
& Stevels, 2000); the relevancy for tourism areas is significant.
Because tourism areas are configured as networks/constellations,
value creation, capture and loss will need to be derived from a mix of
activities, capacity levels and opportunities. Unfortunately, little work
has been conducted, to date, in identifying and modelling these
activities, and in measuring value, or changes in value, over time.
Likewise, identification of corresponding life-cycle stages has yet to be
determined. However, as previously stated, these stages should be in
accordance with goals, capacity limits and boundary constraints that
need to be identified in situ . As such, much of what is currently known
about the pattern and stages of tourist area life cycles needs to be
rethought.
The complexity of achieving truly sustainable tourism areas is in
balancing various demands that reveal themselves at different points in
the evolution of tourism areas. Supply-side and resource-based con-
siderations definitely need to play a predominant role in value
determination, as do behavioural patterns. For example, as organisations
age they tend to become oblivious to the incompatibility of their current
business models with changing operating conditions (Slyworthy, 1996).
Different stages of the lifecycle also alter the resource requirements of
organisations and the responsiveness to the demands of various
stakeholders if they are not considered critical to their survival or needs
at a given time (Jawahar & McLaughlin, 2001). On the demand side,
visitor value can be compromised if ignored or if competing demands
68 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

from other stakeholders take precedence. The result: repeat visitation and
the development of loyal, visitor-centric relationships may not be
realised; growth in tourism arrivals may cease; length of stay may
diminish; and the TALC may prematurely slide into decline.

Conclusion
TALC research typically has been dominated by interesting, though
synoptic, accounts of change and patterns at different points in time that
normally escape perception. The industry, however, requires more
sophisticated performance accounts of change, simply because they are
more directly connected to the ‘lived experiences’, and actions and
behaviours of practitioners. Indeed change, which is synoptically
explained ex post facto , is experienced in tourism areas and organisations
as an unfolding process, a flow of possibilities, a conjunction of events
and open-ended interactions occurring in time. To understand how
change is actually accomplished, it must be approached from within, not
as an abstract concept, but as performance enacted in time.
As a nested theory of change, for example, the life cycle has the
potential, not simply to clarify exogenous influences, but to further our
awareness of how tourism areas and organisations respond to these
influences. It is the endogenously conditioned responses, however, that
cannot be anticipated. There is a world out there that causes tourism
authorities and managers to respond, but the pattern of response
depends on self-understanding
/ the historically created assumptions
and interpretations of the community, the organisation, and the indivi-
duals, along with the perception of place, the importance of the
environment, and the visions, goals and limits that exist for the industry.
The responses to exogenously generated pressure over time are complex,
multilayered and evolving, rather than simple, fixed and episodic.
The relevancy and pragmatism of TALC studies, therefore, will be
enhanced when more is known about the motors of change
/ the degree
to which they are nested at different stages of the life cycle, and whether
they act simultaneously, at different times and complement each other.
While the complexity of the theoretical relationships between construc-
tive and prescribed motors of change is likely to play a major role in
explaining patterns of stability and change in tourism areas, there will be
a requirement to develop more dynamic systems models. If sustainability
of tourism areas is the ultimate goal, then TREC studies need to focus on
gaining a better appreciation of each of the major stakeholders, their
beliefs and habits of action in response to local circumstances, and
pressures to survive; as well as the influence and interventions of these
stakeholders into the stream of actions that are manifest in various stages
of the TALC.
Evolution of Tourism Areas and the Tourism Industry 69

As living entities and clusters of tourism-focused enterprises and

human action, tourism areas are subjected to a barrage of change. The
view expressed here is that if TALC researchers avail themselves of the
opportunity to capture and make sense of the dynamics of this change,
the myriad of issues and questions regarding sustainability have a
greater chance of being resolved. In the process, TALC research needs to
become more theoretically integrative, as well as demonstrate its
relevance to practitioners, who require the knowledge and tools to
(re)configure and continually transform tourism areas and their organi-
sations in accordance with their independent quest for survival and their
mutually dependent goals for enhancing the quality of the places or
communities in which they live and operate.
Part 2
Implementation of the TALC
RICHARD BUTLER

This first section contains chapters that discuss the application and
implementation of the TALC in rural settings in North America and the
People’s Republic of China. The first application of the TALC model
appeared, as did the original article, in The Canadian Geographer, a year
later in 1981, and was the first of three articles by Hovinen (1981, 2000,
2002), which have applied the TALC to Lancaster County in the USA.
This is the setting made famous in the movie ‘Witness’, which helped to
increase the visibility of the area and is partly responsible for making it
more widely known to a more international audience. In the first chapter
in this section, Hovinen discusses the process of the tourist development
of this rural location and its distinctive cultural milieu. The changes
brought about by tourism in this setting are perhaps, in some ways, more
significant than in many other American tourist destinations because of
the conservative and private nature of the Amish who populate this area.
Hovinen notes how they have adjusted to tourism, utilising it in some
situations and avoiding or minimising contact with it in others. He goes
on to examine the TALC and tourism in Lancaster County in the light of
attempts to move the tourism industry there to a more sustainable form,
a topic which is discussed later in this volume by Marois and Hinch, and
by myself in the final chapter of the accompanying volume.
The following chapter presents a second North American application
of the TALC, in this case to another rather distinct cultural setting, that of
the province of Quebec. While Quebec is predominantly French in
language and to some degree culture, the Eastern Townships, the area to
which Lundgren applies the model, is mostly English speaking. It has a
long-established tourism industry as he notes, and one which has
adjusted consistently to changes in transport innovations and accessi-
bility. The tourism industry has taken several forms, including the
traditional North American cottage development, winter sports (parti-
cularly downhill skiing), and most recently, a more varied focus on local
community attractions, including festivals, art and gastronomy. Lundg-
ren illustrates the cycles within cycles that affect a region and the way in
which a region can constantly revitalise its tourist and recreational
appeal.
The final chapter in this section, by Bao and Zhang, discusses the
specific application of the TALC to tourism planning and development in

71
72 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

the People’s Republic of China. While China is relatively new on the

international tourism scene, its massive population means that it has a
large domestic tourism industry, and as general levels of affluence rise, it
can be expected to emerge as a major player in international tourism in
the years ahead. It is already a significant international tourism
destination, and the 2008 Olympic Games will certainly increase its
international visibility in tourism. Bao and Zhang’s paper demonstrates a
particularly pragmatic solution to some of the problems with applying
the TALC, particularly the bounding problem noted by Johnston (see
other volume) and others. They reveal how the decision to designate a
specific feature as an addition to the attractions of a declining tourism
destination can successfully, if possibly only temporarily, revitalise the
appeal of, and increase the visitation to, the area. This is a theme returned
to in the last section of this volume.
Chapter 5
Lancaster County, the TALC, and
the Search for Sustainable Tourism
GARY R. HOVINEN

Introduction
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, an important diversified tourism
destination in the Northeastern USA, was the location of the first
application of the Tourism Area Life Cycle (TALC) model (Hovinen,
1981). In a second, expanded article, Hovinen (1982) confirmed the
general usefulness of the model while noting some of its limitations for
this particular destination. A much more recent study (Hovinen, 2002) of
Lancaster County revisited the TALC model after two decades of
additional development and again evaluated its usefulness.
This chapter will first summarize the results of these previous
applications of the TALC model. As the model emphasizes the potential
for tourism destinations to experience significant decline if appropriate
planning efforts are not undertaken, the author will then discuss the
prospects for avoiding such a decline in Lancaster County. The county
has in recent years begun to pursue elements of a sustainable tourism
strategy. How has sustainable tourism been defined thus far and how
may the definition be further refined in the future? What have been the
successes up to now in the tourism planning approach? What setbacks
have occurred and what challenges remain? Can a lasting form of
tourism be devised which is economically successful while being judged
by county residents as enhancing their quality of life? In the final
analysis, how useful is the TALC model or suggested revisions thereof in
assessing the future of Lancaster County tourism?

Previous Applications of the TALC Model to

Lancaster County
The first applications of the TALC model to Lancaster County
(Hovinen, 1981, 1982) dated the postulated exploration stage to the
pre-World War II period. No organized tourist industry existed, visitor
facilities were few, and the number of visitors was very small. Lan-
caster’s highly accessible location meant that most early visitors were
likely traveling through the county on their way elsewhere. An incipient
cultural attraction was the large population of ‘plain people’, including

73
74 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

the country’s oldest settlement of Amish. By the 1930s these plain people,
who had chosen to remain to a high degree culturally and socially
separate from the rest of society, were becoming a curiosity to outsiders
(Hovinen, 1982).
Butler’s proposed involvement stage, characterized by local people
investing heavily in tourist facilities and the establishment of a formal
tourist organization, can be usefully applied to Lancaster County during
the period from the end of World War II until about 1960. The Amish
were the principal tourist attraction, so it is not surprising that tourist
facilities developed rapidly to the east of Lancaster City in the direction
of the major concentration of Amish. Heavy promotion of the Amish
attraction by local businessmen and eventually by a formal tourist
organization (henceforth called Visitors Bureau) helped generate grow-
ing awareness and resulted in a rapid growth of visitors from nearby
urban centers along the Atlantic coast (Hovinen, 1982).
The development stage of Butler’s model clearly characterized Lan-
caster County from 1960 to about 1975. The growth in the number of
visitors was huge, and Lancaster County was being touted as one of the
top tourist destinations in the USA. Although the Amish, with their horse
and buggy transportation, distinctive conservative clothing, and homes
without electricity, were certainly the principal attraction, the county was
also becoming a more diversified destination. One example was the
construction of the Dutch Wonderland amusement park with its castle
façade along a major traffic artery east of the city. As Butler has
suggested, the development period saw major investment in capital
facilities such as motels and restaurants by external organizations, which
had by now recognized Lancaster’s business potential. The initial
positive attitude of many local inhabitants and the media towards
tourism, given its economic impacts, turned more critical during this
stage. There was growing concern about garish commercialism as
exemplified by Dutch Wonderland, about increased traffic congestion
along the two principal tourist arteries, and regarding the perceived
exploitation of the Amish as unwilling tourist objects. The Amish
themselves complained about invasion of privacy. Two noted Amish
scholars expressed concern that tourism was beginning to destroy Amish
culture (Hovinen, 1982). Thus tourism had become much more con-
troversial.
The next two stages in Butler’s model, consolidation and stagnation,
are difficult to apply to Lancaster County’s tourism cycle as the tourist
industry has become ever more diversified and the conditions of tourism
ever more complex since the mid-1970s. For example, Butler’s assump-
tion in 1980 that few, if any, additional investments are made by
franchises and chains from the consolidation period onward is contra-
dicted by evidence in Lancaster County. A lodging and restaurant
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 75

construction boom occurred in the 1990s, financed heavily by external

chain and franchise organizations, during the same time that there was
growing concern in some elements of the tourist industry about
stagnation or even decline in visitor numbers and revenues. Lancaster
County has never been a conventional resort destination and is now
comprised of a number of different tourism elements with varying
degrees of strength and weakness. Whereas the Amish were the principal
attraction into the 1980s, that has not been true of the period of the 1990s
and beyond. Instead new attractions such as factory outlet malls and
theaters have come to the forefront (Hovinen, 2002).
The empirical evidence suggests that there has been no simple shift
from a development stage to the postulated consolidation and stagnation
stages in Lancaster County. Rather than a gradual slowing of tourism
growth during a consolidation stage, there was an abrupt and dramatic
decline in visitor numbers in 1979 because of a combination of internal
and external factors (Hovinen, 1982). That decline was followed by a
renewed growth of tourism through the mid-1980s, although possibly
not to the level of the record high visitor numbers of the mid-1970s. The
new growth was attributable partly to a brief renewed interest in Amish
culture because of the impacts of a popular Hollywood film (‘Witness’).
By the 1990s, the Amish were no longer the principal attraction for a visit;
instead shopping had become the single most important reason for
coming to the county. Visitors flocked to large new factory outlet malls or
to antique shops. Another example of a new and highly popular
attraction was Sight and Sound, a theater that offered plays with
religious themes. At the same time, owners of older attractions were
complaining of stagnation or even decline and an air of crisis seemed to
pervade the tourism industry (Hovinen, 2002). Thus there appeared to be
a mixture of growth, stagnation, and even decline during the 1990s,
making it difficult to discern a clear progression from Butler’s proposed
consolidation stage to stagnation and then decline.
Given the initial evidence used in testing Butler’s model in Lancaster
County, the author proposed replacing the consolidation and stagnation
stages with a new maturity stage (Hovinen, 1982). Such a stage might be
partly characterized by either a slowing of growth or the existence of
stagnation, but also might have short periods of renewed growth or even
decline. Further evidence from the 1980s and 1990s seemed to support
this alternative maturity stage (Hovinen, 2002). Perhaps Butler’s model is
most successfully applied to certain conventional resort destinations that
undergo cycles of evolution. A cycle is certainly discernible in Lancaster
County, but the highly diversified nature of tourism that currently exists
and the fact that there are different elements of the tourist industry which
are at different stages of the cycle makes it difficult to distinguish
between consolidation, stagnation, and decline. Growth, stagnation,
76 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

decline, and even revitalization through new investment may in fact

coexist (Hovinen, 2002).
Table 5.1 sheds further light on the growing complexity of tourism
trends in the county. It includes annual percentage change figures for
either visitors or sales calculated for five individual large businesses.
Operators of these businesses had records dating back many years from
which the author was able to calculate annual percentage changes.
Although not representative of the entire industry, a partial picture of
long-term trends thus emerges. The author agreed to respect the
confidentiality of the businesses whose operators agreed to supply
figures.
The attraction represented in Table 5.1 is one of the longest-lasting
features of the tourism landscape and thereby contrasts with the newer
types of attractions that date from the late 1980s and 1990s. This earlier
attraction experienced rapid growth in visitors during the county tourist
boom of the 1960s and much of the 1970s period. In the major downturn
in county tourism of 1979, the attraction suffered almost a 30% decline.
The next year, however, saw an equally rapid percentage rebound. Most
of the remainder of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s were also
strong, but then five of the next six years saw declines in visitors. The
attraction is somewhat representative of trends in the older parts of the
attractions sector during the 1990s period and gave rise to a perception
among operators of these businesses that county tourism was facing a
crisis.
The two large restaurants and the lodging facility included in Table 5.1
provide a more complicated picture, as visitor total percent changes do
not exhibit a consistent pattern of growth or decline in most years of the
1990s period. Only in 1991 and 1993 did all three of these businesses
experience decline together. In every other year of this decade, one or
two suffered decline while the remainder had growth. This variability in
growth or decline in individual years was also apparent in the overall
industry during the decade, as reflected in trend figures for a much
larger sample of businesses surveyed by the author (Hovinen, 2002). In
contrast to the development stage of county tourism, this ‘maturity’ stage
is characterized by greater variation in success or failure among
individual businesses rather than the earlier tendency of all to prosper
or (on rare occasions) to suffer together in a given year.
Results for the large shopping facility included in Table 5.1 further
confirm the preceding generalization. In contrast to the other four
businesses, this especially well managed establishment experienced no
declines (in sales) during any year of the past two decades. The manager
of this shopping facility told the author in a meeting in June 2002 that a
number of tourism operators succeeded in the boom years of the 1960s
and 1970s ‘in spite of themselves’. At that time, favorable economic
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 77

Table 5.1 Percent change in sales or visitors for five individual businesses

Year Attraction Shopping Lodging Restaurant Restaurant

(visitors) (sales) (visitors) (visitors) (visitors)
1960 596.5
1961 51.8
1962 36.1
1963 22.8
1964 1.7
1965 22.0
1966 3.4
1967 2.9
1968 4.7
1969 8.5
1970 24.2 10.1
1971 12.6 6.6
1972 /1.9 5.6
1973 12.2 0.9
1974 /2.1 /0.9
1975 5.2 10.5
1976 /0.7 2.9
1977 3.4 7.3
1978 /5.7 /2.2 4.8
1979 /29.4 /10.5 /12.3
1980 29.3 2.6 7.2
1981 9.3 25.0 1.8 3.4
1982 /2.0 11.0 0.0 3.6
1983 /6.8 9.0 0.4 /0.7
1984 6.2 14.0 2.8 /2.0
1985 5.6 20.0 2.6 /0.7 9.6
1986 1.7 1.3 0.5 1.9
78 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 5.1 (Continued )

Year Attraction Shopping Lodging Restaurant Restaurant
(visitors) (sales) (visitors) (visitors) (visitors)
1987 /0.8 14.0 4.9 0.3 5.4
1988 2.9 14.0 /1.2 0.7 0.8
1989 5.4 9.0 /3.6 3.2 /3.7
1990 10.8 5.0 2.5 /3.4 1.0
1991 8.3 11.0 /6.0 /0.4 /10.3
1992 /4.2 5.0 1.3 /2.7 5.3
1993 /5.5 4.0 /4.5 /2.9 /3.0
1994 /10.7 4.0 /0.1 2.0 2.3
1995 /4.9 4.0 1.8 /2.6 2.3
1996 4.2 5.0 /0.3 6.0 8.2
1997 /9.2 3.0 6.8 /1.8 /4.0
1998 13.6 14.0 /1.3 2.8 7.4
1999 0.5

The large attraction included is one of 104 Visitors Bureau member attractions in the county
The large shopping facility represents one of 98 shopping members, accommodations one of
186, and restaurants two of 63

trends in the overall industry virtually guaranteed success. Now success

or failure is influenced more by the management or business planning
skills of the individual operator than was true previously. In a mature
industry, how to prevent decline therefore becomes a greater concern.

The decline stage of the TALC model

One of the most useful aspects of the TALC model is its emphasis on
the potential, if not the inevitability, of significant decline if appropriate
long-range planning strategies are not pursued for a particular destina-
tion. The author’s previous studies of Lancaster County have not shown
any evidence of significant overall decline up to now, despite clear
evidence of decline among some individual businesses, especially
including older attractions. Nevertheless, the potential for future decline
was a matter of concern among some tourism operators during the 1990s
(Hovinen, 2002).
The 1990s saw the emergence of a new proactive and longer-range
planning approach at the same time that the dominant approach of the
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 79

Visitors Bureau and individual tourism operators continued to be

reactive and short range with a strong annual marketing emphasis
(Hovinen, 2002). The first example of the new proactive approach, in the
mid-1990s, was a new heritage tourism program financially supported
by the state and county governments; it also involved a public
/private
partnership, as it was sponsored in part by the private Visitors Bureau
and the National Trust for Historic Preservation. The partnership
produced a heritage tourism plan for Lancaster County by the beginning
of 1998. Then, in the year 2001 another state-supported partnership
resulted in the creation of a new Lancaster
/York Heritage Region
including the neighboring county to the west of the Susquehanna River.
A long-range management action plan was completed in 2001, prepared
with the assistance of a heritage tourism consulting firm from the
Washington D.C. area.

Theoretical alternatives to the TALC’s decline and

rejuvenation stages
Agarwal (1994 and other volume, editor’s note) argues for a
reformulation of the poststagnation phase of the TALC model with its
suggested alternatives of decline versus rejuvenation. Restructuring
efforts may be initiated before decline sets in. In contrast to Butler’s
suggestion in proposing the TALC model that rejuvenation to avoid
decline involves a complete change in the attractions on which tourism is
based, Agarwal contends that this may not be financially or politically
acceptable. Therefore, efforts are concerned with renewal and with
encouraging growth and market maturity rather than with accepting
decline. She proposes a reorientation stage after the TALC stagnation
stage and before eventual rejuvenation or decline to reflect these
restructuring efforts. Such a reorientation stage has some relevance to
circumstances in Lancaster County although there has been no clear
stagnation stage for the overall industry. As one example where
‘reorientation’ may better describe current efforts at renewal than
‘rejuvenation’, no complete change of attractions in Lancaster County
is likely as long as the Amish remain in the county as one of the
continuing attractions.
In a study of restructuring theory, Agarwal (2002) points out that
restructuring involves both product reorganization and product trans-
formation. ‘Specific product reorganization strategies include investment
and technical change, centralization and product specialization. Product
transformation strategies include service quality enhancement (improv-
ing the quality of service delivery), environmental quality enhancement
(improving key areas of the resort), repositioning, diversification,
collaboration, and adaptation.’ (Agarwal, 2002: 36
/37). Some of these
80 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

strategies are part of Lancaster County’s restructuring efforts as will be

evident from the discussion of further trends.

The Search for Sustainable Tourism

The potential for a tourism destination to avoid the decline stage can
also be related usefully to the theme of sustainable tourism. Butler
(1998b) has previously noted how popular this theme has become in the
academic discipline of tourism. From the perspective of managers in the
tourism industry, economic sustainability of tourism is without doubt the
primary interest. But sustainable tourism is also defined on the basis of
environmental, social, and cultural considerations. Butler (1998b: 28) has
argued that ‘it is clearly illogical and unrealistic to contemplate
sustainability in any one sense alone, such as economic sustainability.’
Furthermore, according to Butler (1998b: 29), ‘calls for sustainable
tourism to be developed irrespective of whether other, interrelated,
segments are to be sustainable or not is inappropriate and contradictory.’
That is, the tourism sector is related to and dependent upon other sectors
of the economy and society, so any definition of sustainable tourism must
consider the overall system and not simply tourism alone. The difficulty
of implementing sustainable tourism therefore becomes apparent.
Perhaps it is best to view sustainable tourism as a set of idealistic
principles that may be useful as a basis for long-range planning rather
than a condition ever likely to be fully achieved.
The first consideration of sustainable tourism principles in Lancaster
County occurred as part of the preparation of the 1998 Heritage Tourism
Plan. A basic premise of the heritage tourism program was that there is a
need to maintain a strong balance between the economic benefits of
tourism and the preservation of natural and cultural resources. After
discussion and input from county tourism and development representa-
tives, the following eight principles of sustainable tourism were adopted
for the plan.
(1) The natural and cultural environment has intrinsic value, and its
protection and preservation is [sic] essential to the long-term success
and viability of tourism in Lancaster County.
(2) The relationship between tourism and the environment, both natural
and cultural, must be managed so that it is sustainable in the long
term.
(3) Tourism should enhance and complement the unique natural and
cultural features of Lancaster County.
(4) Tourism activities should respect and accurately reflect the scale,
nature, and character of Lancaster County’s unique places.
(5) Carrying capacity should be a prime consideration in managing and
protecting the natural and cultural heritage of Lancaster County.
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 81

(6) A balance should be sought between the needs of the visitor, the
place, and the residents of Lancaster County.
(7) Tourism should communicate appropriate cultural and environ-
mental sensitivity.
(8) Local involvement in sustainable tourism planning processes is
essential in promoting harmony between tourism and the residents
of Lancaster County. (Lancaster County Planning Commission, 1998:
18
/19)

Development trends and issues in the county

Sustainable tourism, most appropriately defined, depends not only on
achieving positive impacts from tourism itself, but also on what happens
in other sectors of the economy and society. Therefore, it is necessary first
to consider briefly some of the broader development trends and issues in
the county that have implications for the success of sustainable tourism.
In 1998 the Hourglass Foundation, a private nonprofit citizens’ group
in Lancaster County, hired the Polk-Lepson Research Group of York to do
a random scientific telephone survey of the Lancaster County popula-
tion. The research firm asked a variety of questions about issues affecting
the county, including what respondents considered to be the biggest
threats to the quality of life in the county. Over one half of the sampled
population cited overdevelopment, urban sprawl, loss of farmland, or
unlimited growth as the biggest threats to the quality of life in Lancaster
County; a much smaller percentage mentioned environmental concerns
or traffic as the chief threats. Furthermore, a large majority of respon-
dents said they considered sprawl a serious problem rather than a minor
problem or no problem and agreed that something should be done to
stop or slow down sprawl (Rutter, 1998).
The Hourglass Foundation commissioned a second survey of the
county population by Polk-Lepson, with an even larger sample, in the
year 2000. Results revealed that what more than half of respondents liked
best about Lancaster County was the countryside, farmland, open space,
and the rural way of life. This survey revealed an even greater concern
with perceived threats of overdevelopment, sprawl, and loss of farmland
to quality of life than found in the previous survey. Furthermore, a third
of respondents said they felt the quality of life in Lancaster County was
worse in 2000 than it had been five years earlier (Hourglass Foundation,
2001).
As further reflections of the challenge that sprawl development
presents to quality of life in Lancaster County, the county has been
designated on two different endangered places lists. In September 1997
the World Monument Watch included Lancaster County on its list of the
100 Most Endangered Sites in the world along with the Taj Mahal and
82 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Angkor Wat. This listing was effective for the period 1998
/2000 and later
was renewed for the period 2000
/2002. In a separate action, in June 1999
the National Trust for Historic Preservation designated the county as one
of the 11 Most Endangered Places in the USA. The latter listing generated
a great amount of discussion and debate in the county, and both the
Pennsylvania Builders’ Association and the National Association of
Home Builders expressed objections and mounted a public relations
counteroffensive.
Efforts to restrain sprawl development and to preserve farmland and
the rural countryside for the future enjoyment of both residents and
visitors are reflected in the goals of the Lancaster County Comprehensive
Plan that dates from the 1990s. To implement the goals of the plan, the
county has used such techniques as the establishment of urban and
village growth boundaries and the purchase of easements on farmland.
Despite the partial success of these and other techniques, sprawl
development continues to be a problem in various parts of the county.
Whereas the UK and other European countries have a top-down
planning system that gives government considerable authority over
private land use decisions and makes it easier to prevent unwanted
sprawl, the US system reflects more individualistic values and also
emphasizes more of a bottom-up planning approach. Therefore, in order
to implement the county comprehensive plan, county government must
depend heavily on the cooperation of local governments, which have
zoning and subdivision authority, and of private organizations, busi-
nesses, and individuals. Consensus building is an inherent part of
successful implementation of a plan.
In 2001 Lancaster County announced a new Smart Growth initiative to
help build the necessary coalition for implementing further the goals of
the comprehensive plan. Smart growth is defined by the county
government as growth that sustains the local economy, that enhances
the livability of the community, that maintains or improves the quality of
the environment, and that thereby enhances the quality of life. One of the
stated themes of the Smart Growth initiative is the reduction of the
sprawl development that is causing concern among many county
residents.
Sprawl, overdevelopment, and loss of farmland were also mentioned
as concerns in the author’s late 1999 survey of tourism operators as well
as in follow-up focus group meetings (for further discussion, see
Hovinen, 2002). Although tourism development has contributed to
overall development and to loss of farmland, it is clear that most of the
sprawl and other development has taken place in other sectors of the
economy. Nevertheless, if limits are not placed on such development, one
of the principal reasons for visitors from large nearby metropolitan areas
to choose Lancaster County as a destination will be diminished and
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 83

tourism might suffer in the long run. In discussing sustainable tourism,

one must therefore recognize the relationship between tourism and other
sectors.

The transformation of the Amish attraction

In a diversified county tourism industry, the Amish are no longer the
principal attraction as they were into the mid-1980s period. Most people
who now visit on short getaway vacations or on day trips from nearby
metropolitan areas have been to the county before and have experienced
the Amish already. Nevertheless, the Amish and a pleasant rolling
countryside of small farms still comprise important elements of the
county image. The Amish and rural scenery are parts of the general
environmental context of the tourist experience even as tourists today
primarily undertake other activities, such as shopping, attending theater
performances, and dining.
During the tourism growth years of the 1960s and 70s, there was much
concern expressed about the exploitation of the Amish as unwilling
tourist objects and the harm this might do to their conservative culture
(Hovinen, 1982). In the past, some Amish religious leaders also expressed
concern about tourism’s potential to undermine authentic Amish
agricultural heritage (Hovinen, 1995).
One tourism strategy that eased some of the pressure on the Amish
themselves while providing opportunities for mass tourists to satisfy
their curiosity about Amish lifestyles was the establishment of staged
attractions such as the Amish Farm and House and the Amish Village
along the main highways. These attractions gave many tourists a quick
front stage experience of some aspects of Amish culture without the
Amish themselves being present. They were criticized by scholars,
however, as violating standards of authenticity (Hovinen, 1995). One
staged attraction, the Amish Country Homestead in Bird-in-Hand, did
win approval as an authentic heritage site in the 1990s county heritage
program. Although the house tour does not use a building constructed or
ever owned by Amish, a member of the Amish community verified that
the interpretation provided an accurate view of how Amish now live. By
contrast, the Amish Village is a particularly egregious example of lack of
authenticity, as the Amish do not live in villages.
Even with these staged attractions helping to separate many tourists
from the Amish, other tourists engaged in insensitive and offensive
behavior on guided bus tours, while roaming the countryside in their
own cars, or on encountering Amish conducting business in commu-
nities such as Intercourse. Not surprisingly, many Amish developed an
aversion to tourism. It is therefore ironic that growing numbers of Amish
in the main tourism district have not only accommodated themselves to
84 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

the realities of tourism but have become active participants in it during

the period of the 1990s on. Their psychological carrying capacity towards
tourism has in effect been altered. Although the preferred Amish
occupation is still agriculture, the shortage and high cost of land together
with the natural increase of the Amish population has forced some
Amish out of economic necessity to select nonagricultural occupations.
Producing and selling farm products and craft items to tourists has
become a means for some Amish to earn a livelihood and to remain in
Lancaster County. These Amish, who generally practice a boundary
maintenance strategy towards the outside world, have been pragmati-
cally experimenting in recent years and have been cautiously shifting the
boundary line in order to survive economically. Nevertheless, more
conservative Amish outside the main county tourist district cling to the
preferred agricultural lifestyle and frown on practices of their more
liberal brethren elsewhere. What the ultimate outcome will be for
tourism and for the Amish culture remains unclear (for further
discussion of this issue, see Hovinen, 1995, 2002).
Some visitors to Lancaster County desire a more authentic backstage
experience with the Amish, and the increasing Amish participation in
tourism has accommodated them. In addition to interacting briefly with
Amish children or adults selling fresh farm products or craft items such
as quilts at their farms, tourists may be able to eat home-made ice cream
on Amish farms or even to partake of a meal in an Amish home for a cash
‘donation’. Some tourism operators and local elected officials regard
eating in an Amish home as an important cultural exchange opportunity,
especially for foreign visitors. In early 2002, one Amishman estimated
that about 15 local Amish families provided such meal services in their
homes (Smart, 2002). Often operators of bed and breakfast establish-
ments arrange for such in-home experiences, and demand for them is
growing. Certain Amish bishops have given the practice a tentative
endorsement as a way for Amish farm families to supplement their
income. However, state health authorities have pointed out that Amish
families must be licensed to serve such group meals, just as regular
restaurants are. To receive a license, an inspection of kitchen conditions
must occur. Amish are unwilling to subject themselves to such govern-
ment authority and intrusion of their privacy. So generally such arranged
meals have been handled rather secretly. The issue came to a head in the
summer of 2001 when a group of tourists who had just left Lancaster
County became ill and some had to be hospitalized with a bacterial
infection. To avoid a major fine, the Amish family in question had to
promise not to serve home-based meals again. Despite this, some local
elected officials argue that in general Amish kitchens are very clean and
that the importance of the cultural exchange is a strong argument for
excluding the Amish from the licensing requirements (Smart, 2002).
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 85

The tourism industry and sustainable tourism

In order for a tourism destination to remain competitive and thereby
to support the goal of achieving sustainable tourism, the tourism
industry should emphasize unique attractions rather than relying mainly
on standardized and ‘artificial’ attractions imported from the outside.
One long-term strength of county tourism has been the unique Amish
population with their distinctive culture. But to sustain tourism at a high
level of visitation it is necessary to develop additional unique attractions.
This has been one of the goals of the Lancaster County heritage tourism
program since its inception in the mid-1990s.
Two recent examples of attempts to foster new unique heritage
attractions may be noted. The first involves rediscovering Lancaster’s
role in the planning of the Lewis and Clark expedition across the North
American continent from 1803 to 1806. The second involves the proposed
designation of a new historic site in the center of Lancaster City to
emphasize the role of a prominent pre-Civil War era congressman as an
early civil rights advocate. Neither one alone is likely to make much
difference in county tourist numbers or revenues, but together with other
existing and potential attractions each could help sustain tourism. The
Visitors Bureau has been invited by private nonprofit organizations, as
part of an evolving public
/private partnership arrangement, to help
promote the first of these initiatives, whereas a private nonprofit
organization is the sponsor of the second.
Captain Meriwether Lewis, an aide to President Thomas Jefferson,
spent three weeks in Lancaster in the spring of 1803. In Lancaster he
received training form Andrew Ellicott, Secretary of the State Land Office
and one of the country’s foremost mathematicians, astronomers, and
land surveyors, in the use of scientific instruments for accurately
determining latitude and longitude on the journey of discovery to the
Pacific Coast. Lancaster was the capital of Pennsylvania at this time.
The Bicentennial of the Lewis and Clark expedition will be held from
2003 to 2006 and will involve communities from the Atlantic to the
Pacific. Given Lancaster’s important role in the initial planning of the
voyage, a public
/private partnership of organizations is planning a
series of exhibits and events, including one in the house where Lewis and
Ellicott worked. By publicizing the planned activities in brochures and
on a web site, the Visitors Bureau and the county government hope that
visitors will come and learn more about this colorful part of American
history. At the same time, they may also be exposed to the variety of
other heritage attractions that the county has to offer.
The proposed Thaddeus Stevens and Lydia Hamilton Smith historic
site in the center of Lancaster would educate visitors about an
abolitionist attorney and later congressman who helped finance a spy
86 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

network to infiltrate slaveholder groups that tried to track fugitive slaves

escaping the South. His housekeeper and confidante, who lived in an
adjoining house to the Stevens law office (both proposed for restoration),
assisted escaping slaves. She also encouraged Stevens’ efforts as a
congressman to ratify two important amendments to the US Constitution
granting full rights of citizenship to newly freed blacks after the Civil
War. The Historic Preservation Trust of Lancaster has commissioned an
economic impact study that estimates annual visitation to a proposed
museum and revenues that it might generate. As of September 2002, the
Trust anticipated that the historic site would complement a planned
convention center adjacent to it and would generate some visitors
therefrom. In 2001 the Lancaster County Convention Center Authority,
which is planning the convention center, had thought it easier simply to
remove the historic buildings in question from the site. However, the
Historic Preservation Trust eventually succeeded in signing an agree-
ment with the convention center authority to preserve the historic
buildings. In September 2002 new plans for the convention center were
in preparation, emphasizing respect for the existing streetscape and
incorporation of historic structures. An architectural design firm also
hopes to incorporate elements of the indigenous architecture of down-
town Lancaster into the appearance of the planned convention center
facility.
The planning process for the new Lancaster
/York Heritage Region
can also help make tourism more sustainable. One of the most important
heritage resources of Lancaster County and neighboring York County
that tourists find attractive is their agricultural landscape and the related
farming activities. Of five heritage themes identified in the plan for
the two-county heritage region, one is ‘foodways: from farm to table’
(Mary Means & Associates, 2001: 28
/37). A grant from the state of
Pennsylvania and contributions from the two counties’ visitor bureaus
are helping to finance an agritourism initiative. The Lancaster County
Planning Commission is coordinating the effort. In August 2002
representatives of public and private organizations from both counties,
working in a collaborative partnership, approved plans for a regional
interpretive and informational guide and corresponding website. The
guide and website will be completed by spring 2003 and will interpret
regional agricultural heritage and list farm markets, historic downtown
markets, roadside market stands, pick-your-own operations, wineries,
and other sites where homegrown fresh or processed food can be
purchased directly from the farmer.
Agarwal’s (1994, 2002) proposed reorientation stage and restructuring
alternatives are relevant to the tourism planning efforts noted above.
There is recognition in Lancaster County that tourism is a mature
industry and that a certain amount of renewal is necessary to prevent
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 87

overall decline and to sustain moderate growth. Restructuring

alternatives evident in the efforts discussed so far include new invest-
ment and product specialization (proposed downtown Lancaster con-
vention center), repositioning by emphasizing unique heritage and
environmental attributes, further diversification, preservation of the
built and natural environment, and collaboration (initiation of joint
public
/private sector ventures).
In contrast to the aforementioned state-supported heritage planning
programs where the initiative for a public
/private sector venture has
come mainly from government, the impetus for yet another potential
tourism planning effort has come from within the tourism industry itself.
As this is the first time a proposal for a long-range proactive planning
process has originated from within the tourism industry, it is especially
significant.
In early 2002 a secret task force, consisting of a half dozen members of
the tourism industry with a long-range perspective, emerged. The task
force was initiated by a local tourism operator who is very familiar with
the TALC model and who is concerned with the potential for future
decline in county tourism if strategic long-range planning and restruc-
turing do not occur. This businessman contacted one of the elected
county commissioners to attempt to gain his support for a collaborative
tourism planning effort.
In June 2002 the author was invited to attend a meeting of this task
force to discuss the TALC model and the need for long-range strategic
planning. One prominent topic discussed at this meeting was how to
achieve a more sustainable tourism. The author presented various ways
of looking at sustainable tourism and tourism planning and advocated a
planning approach based on broad-based community input and recog-
nizing the interdependence of the tourism sector and other economic
sectors. Members of the task force, including the county commissioner
and the president of the Visitors Bureau, generally expressed support for
the ideals espoused at the meeting. In a succeeding session held in July
2002 a tourism consultant from outside the local area met with the task
force to help lay the groundwork for a tourism planning effort.
At the time of this writing, the success of this venture is uncertain.
There are considerable political and economic risks to such a plan. The
current intention of the task force is to announce the proposed tourism
plan to the media and to members of the Visitors Bureau at a later date. It
is possible that some tourism operators might then question the need for
such a tourism plan. Overall political support for the plan from within
the tourism industry and from other sectors of the economy would be
important, as would be some financial support from the county
government. Considering the county government recently announced
cutbacks in budgets for 2003, whether it will be able to provide the
88 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

financial support desired is questionable. Other sources of funding will

have to be explored, including the willingness and ability of the Visitors
Bureau to finance part of the planning effort.

Obstacles to sustainable tourism within the

tourism industry
Despite the evidence that parts of the tourism industry have begun to
show support for long-range tourism planning efforts, major obstacles to
sustainable tourism remain within the industry. Most tourism operators
have little understanding of the role of long-range tourism planning and
remain focused on their short-term business operations supplemented by
the Visitor Bureau’s annual marketing campaigns. The author’s study of
Lancaster County tourism at the end of the 1990s (Hovinen, 2002)
revealed considerable divisiveness within the industry. Tourism owners
have widely varying viewpoints about a number of issues affecting
tourism growth. Owners often disagree with Visitors Bureau staff about
the causes of stagnation or decline of individual businesses. The former
tend to blame ineffective marketing and promotion by the Visitors
Bureau, whereas the latter point to the reluctance of many operators to
reinvest in new products or in improved facilities and service quality.
Therefore, developing a consensus within the industry for a long-range
tourism plan will be a major challenge.
A recent example of bitter divisiveness within the tourism industry is
the legal battle between 11 hoteliers and sponsors of a new Marriott
Hotel and associated public convention center in downtown Lancaster.
The proposed hotel
/convention center project is an example of a
public
/private partnership in an attempt to revitalize the city’s down-
town and to make the city and its important heritage resources a stronger
tourism destination. Plans call for the hotel to occupy space in a former
department store and thereby preserve century-old architectural heri-
tage. Sponsors hope the project will attract a new, more affluent market
segment of convention visitors to spend money in the city and become
aware of its attractions. The Visitors Bureau has officially supported the
project, which is financed in part by a new hotel/motel room tax that
began in January 2000. The Visitors Bureau and its members had for
many years opposed such a tax, but a portion of the tax collected now
helps support the Bureau’s annual tourism marketing.
In March 2000 the 11 hoteliers began a legal challenge to the fairness of
the tax, claiming that it in effect subsidized their potential competitors.
The Marriott Hotel that would be developed by a consortium of three
private businesses would share some space and facilities with the public
convention center financed by the room tax and a potential $15 million
state grant, lawyers for the hoteliers have argued in court. Therefore, they
Lancaster County and Sustainable Tourism 89

maintained, the private hotel would in effect be subsidized with public

funds and would compete unfairly against hotels and motels in
suburban locations. The fact that several of these suburban hotels had
conference facilities was the basis for another claim of unfair public
subsidies of a public convention center that would compete against
private facilities.
The complicated and often bitter legal battle has dragged on for 2½
years. Sponsors and supporters of the public convention center project
have often complained in the local media that the hoteliers who have
filed legal challenge after challenge are simply trying to kill an important
project. The Marriott Corporation has threatened to withdraw from its
agreement to manage the privately built hotel if construction cannot
begin by March 2003. The large state grant for construction of the
convention center cannot be tapped until the legal challenges are
resolved. In July 2002 the Pennsylvania Supreme Court rendered an
important decision in favor of the public convention center by declaring
that the disputed room tax for financing the convention center was
constitutional. Such room taxes for public purposes are in fact common
in the USA. The Supreme Court sent two other issues of fairness back to a
lower state court for resolution, and lawyers for the hoteliers filed
additional arguments against the project shortly thereafter. So the future
of this project, which exemplifies several of Agarwal’s (2002) suggested
restructuring alternatives, remained unclear at the time of writing.

Conclusion
This case study has shown that a tourism cycle has been progressing
in Lancaster County, although not always in the ways Butler hypothe-
sized in his 1980 TALC model.
Earlier stages of exploration, involvement, and development with
many of the characteristics suggested by Butler in his 1980 formulation
are clearly discernible. But the county tourism industry is now mature
and highly diversified, and problems arise when trying to fit the tourism
trends of the past quarter century to Butler’s assumptions of a
progression to later stages of consolidation, stagnation, and then either
possible decline or complete rejuvenation.
In the diversified and essentially culturally based tourism destination
of Lancaster County, different sectors of tourism (older versus newer
attractions, variety of accommodations, shopping alternatives, chain
versus local restaurants) have combined to create what is now a mature
industry where growth, stagnation, decline, and revitalization through
reinvestment or new investment coexist. One tourism sector, or a portion
of a sector, may have results in a given year that contrast with those of
another sector. The different elements of tourism can be said to have their
90 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

own individual life cycles. Some individual businesses thrive in a given

year while others stagnate or even decline. An owner of an accommoda-
tions facility, for example reported to the author record results for the
first six months of 2002 at the same time that some traditional attractions
experienced stagnation (personal communication, August 2002). The
overall industry may exhibit fluctuating growth patterns year to year
based on a complex combination of internal and external factors. A
temporary decline, for example, may be followed by a growth spurt as
happened when the major attraction Sight and Sound was destroyed by
fire and then rebuilt. A number of county tourism businesses apparently
benefited in the first half of 2002 from the tendency of many Americans
to prefer destinations that they could easily drive to in the new age of
terrorism. Such are the characteristics of what the author has termed the
‘mature’ stage of county tourism.
Butler’s TALC model suggests the potential for overall decline of a
tourism destination exists if effective long-range planning to address
problems and competitive challenges does not take place, thus the
prospects for creating a more sustainable tourism in Lancaster County
through long-range planning have been discussed in this chapter. The
creation of several existing or potential public
/private partnerships for
long-range planning since the mid-1990s suggest the partial applicability
of Agarwal’s (1994) proposed reorientation stage as well as at least one of
her proposed restructuring alternatives. However, the possible emer-
gence of such a stage in Lancaster County has not followed a clearly
defined stagnation stage as Agarwal suggested.
Chapter 6
An Empirical Interpretation of
the TALC: Tourist Product Life
Cycles in the Eastern Townships
of Quebec
JAN O. LUNDGREN

Introduction
Tourist development has been a major focus of scholarly research for
over two generations. Contributions have come primarily from environ-
mental and social sciences, basically starting with W. Hunziker’s famous,
and interdisciplinary ‘Tourism Doctrine’, published in 1942, and W.
Christaller’s ‘Beiträge zu einer Geographie der Fremdenverkehr’ in 1955.
Over the decades since, the writings have become both more voluminous
and diverse, hardly surprising considering the consistent and vigorous
growth in tourism after 1950. Some 60 million international tourist
arrivals were recorded in 1960. Today, at the start of the Second
Millennium, international travel volume stands at around 700 million,
an 11-fold increase (WTO, 2001). In addition, recognising the dominant
and massive domestic tourist travel volumes predominantly found in the
countries of the Western world pushes the aggregate annual global
(tourist) travel volume to levels between 2.5 and 3.0 billion.
Given the above, there is no surprise that the relationship between
aggregate tourist travel demand/tourist destination area system (TDAS)
is often strained, resulting in detrimental impacting consequences for
many TDAS (Turner & Ash, 1974), and, more importantly, to their
respective tourist attraction(s)
/ the geographically definable tourist
product (Smith, 1994). The saying ‘. . .die Zerstörung der Turismus durch
Turismus. . .’ (Krippendorf, 1975), coined in the mid-1970s, when tourist
travel volumes were much smaller, still holds.

Placing the Tourist Development Process in a Conceptual

Context
Negative environmental consequences of modern tourism were
recognised in the early 1970s
/ in overvisited national parks and
popular nature reserves, mushrooming seaside resorts along the Med-
iterranean coastline (Ambio, 1977), in packed winter resorts
/ especially

91
92 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

in Europe, and in popular small resort islands, notably in the West Indies
(Ambio, 1981). Through the skilful pedagogical conceptualisation of
TDA development dynamics by Butler (1980), the implications of
unfettered tourism-based TDA development were brought to the
forefront of the debate and the ‘Tourism Area Life Cycle’ (TALC) model
was born (Figure 6.1).
Simplified, the TALC model pits two principal variables against each
other: the open-ended, market-driven ‘growth’ factor, slowly rising, then
quickly accelerating, but eventually stagnating a la W. Rostow’s stages-
of-economic-growth concept (1960); or the typical marketing/product
life cycle (Kotler & Turner, 1993). The ‘exploitation-of-limited-resources’
variable demonstrates how the development reaches a ‘critical range of
elements of capacity’, which initiates the decline in the capability of the
TDA to ‘handle’/‘absorb’ additional tourist influxes (Butler, 1980). This
stage often activates secondary and third-rate under-used attractions,
which invariably set the TDA on the road toward an increasingly
destructive marginality. As the aggregate TDA components face dimin-
ishing returns, the development grinds to a halt and usually enters a
stage of decline.
The critical factor in the TALC model centres on tourist resource
depletion through excessive use. Viewed in the context of today’s debate
on the pros and cons of tourism-based development, it brings us to
concepts not properly parlayed by scholars in the early 1980s. ‘Sustain-
able (tourism-based) development’, as emphasised in the Brundtland
Commission report on Our Common Future (1987), and ‘ecotourism’ or

Figure 6.1 Tourist area cycle of evolution (modified from Butler, 1980)
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 93

‘soft’ tourism development were concepts still waiting in the wings

(Smith & Eadington, 1994; see also Butler, this volume).

Product Life Cycles and their Spatial Consequences

Butler’s model is not a complicated conceptualisation, and therein lies
its beauty. Almost a quarter-century old, the TALC is still applied in
tourism development case studies, sometimes as a benchmark device,
sometimes as a conceptual framework for a more detailed tourism
development study, invariably resulting in further fine-tuning of the
model, or adding new aspects to the original. The model can easily be
complemented with the notion of sequential tourist product (TP)
developments (Figure 6.2), which would better reflect the innovative
spirit of emerging ‘new products’, which is frequently stressed in
marketing research (Kotler & Turner, 1993; see also Coles & Hall, other
volume, editor’s comment). In the typical physical production enterprise
an ‘older’, well established on-line product (I) and a ‘nascent’ new
product development cycle (II) often operate side by side. The dynamics
of the auto industry, the fashion industry or the hectic consumer
electronics company provide examples of this ‘parallel’ strategy of
continuous product development/marketing and ongoing, new product
development. Overlapping product cycles interact (Figure 6.2), with the
activation of Product II dependent upon the duration of successful sales/
profit performance of Product I.
The ‘product parallelism’ described above also happens in tourism
development, where new TDA complementary ‘attraction products’

Figure 6.2 Multiple tourist product evolution/exploitation cycles

(modified from Kotler and Turner, 1993)
94 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

often are grafted onto a well established older one. This has been the case
at alpine ski centres that often broaden their market appeal by providing
for cross-country skiing, as can be seen at Mt. Orford (Quebec), Stowe
(Vermont) or Jasper National Park (Alberta). In a similar vein, the recent
construction of a snowboarding ‘half pipe’ at Owl’s Head and many
other ski resorts may attract more of the younger snow boarder market
clientele. Adding mountain biking during the summer season would
obviously represent a ‘third’ TP cycle, thus making the same mountain
destination a profit source even during the hitherto quieter summer
season.

Objectives of Study
Sometimes, however, completely new, extra-regional ‘tourism pro-
ducts’ having little, if any, obvious local affinity with existing tourist
attractions emerge, sometimes by accident, and succeed over time in
countering stagnating trends experienced by the older attraction. The
new TP often has different location characteristics, and therefore
produces major shifts in the region’s overall tourist geography. The
phenomenon of successive new TP cycles in the Eastern Townships (ET)
region of Quebec constitutes the principal focus of this review, especially
as they relate to the modified TALC model (Figure 6.2). Thus, within the
overall regional tourist development, we should be able to observe
sequentially layered product cycles a la Kotler and Turner, representing
diverse, new forms of tourism entering the region.
As a consequence of the introduction of new products, we should also
be able to observe a successive and healthy regional TP diversification,
which in turn should strengthen regional economic stability, reduce
seasonality and partly lower excessive visitor pressures at already
developed TP destinations. A final aspect relates to the layers of spatial
impacting brought about by the new product cycles that tend to be much
less dependent upon specific landscape features. Instead of a TDA
having a comparative competitive advantage based on the effective
verticals in the topography
/ typical for alpine ski hill sites
/ the ‘new
products’ may rely upon completely different factors
/ unique indivi-
dual talent, person-to-person interaction, idyllic geographic settings with
local ambiance, cultural appeal, a sense of place, local history or
combinations thereof. Consequently, to anticipate impacting patterns of
new TPs becomes difficult, as they usually are spontaneous rather than
planned creations.

Geographical Characteristics of the Study Region

Before analysing the specifics of the different TP life cycles, we must
recognise some general landscape characteristics. Basically, the area
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 95

being discussed is a subregion of the ET in southern Quebec, which

broadly encompasses a west-to-east rectangular area. It is bound in the
West by the Richelieu River, in the South by the USA/Canada border,
and stretches some 100 km eastward to the Sherbrooke
/Coaticook
/USA
border line. The northern limit follows the 140 km long Eastern Town-
ships Autoroute (Figure 6.3), the principal road artery linking Montreal
(3 million) to the City of Magog (15,000) and Sherbrooke (100,000).
The region features a gentle downward-tilting northbound extension
of the US Appalachian mountains consisting of parallel mountain ridges
separated by valleys and elevated plateaus. Starting east of Farnham, the
terrain softly rises from the St. Lawrence Plain and becomes more
dramatic. CLICOR (Canada Land Inventory Capability for Outdoor
Recreation 1971) diligently registers this in the identified landscape
scores, that stretch from an omnipresent Class Six (Low Capability) on
the Plain via typical Class Five (Moderately Low) to more numerous
patches of higher scores, Class Four (Moderate Capability), eventually
reaching terrains with Class Three (Moderately High Capability) as well
as a few Class Two/One (High/Very High) sites.
Three top-scoring locales demonstrate distinct tourist potentials: the
Mt. Sutton and Mt. Orford Station-de-Ski areas and Provincial Park, and
the spacious beach strip west of Magog; all are Class One. Impressive
mountain topography (800 m elevations) and stretches of fine lakeshore

Figure 6.3 Eastern townships tourist resources

96 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

always produce top scoring sites
/ and attract developments. The central
part of the study region features numerous mountain peaks with the
essential effective verticals of 400
/500 m, which would automatically
condition their present vocation as alpine ski centres (Figure 6.3).
The climate is ‘typical’ for southern Quebec
/ continental, with
pleasant winters in its more easterly part, notably east of Granby-
Bromont-Cowansville-Dunham, where the ‘stable’ snow line begins. This
guarantees good ski conditions for the seven alpine ski centres (see
Figure 6.3), with a business season starting around Christmas and closing
in early April. Summers are warm with July day temperatures in the 20
/
258C range, usually including two or three week-long heatwaves with
temperatures around 308C. Cooler night temperatures compensate for
the daytime heat.
The landscape characteristics also relate to settlement history. The
study region has a long settlement history dating back to the 1790s, when
United Empire Loyalists moved north, away from republican USA,
settling most of the region (Bullock, 1926). This has ensured a particular
regional distinctiveness: substantial forest areas alternate with extensive
tracts of rolling meadows and cultivated lands; rural New England
styled villages and farms invitingly dot the landscape; small but diverse
industrial (mill) towns at the edge of rivers with manageable, modest
waterfalls offer an interesting industrial cultural heritage; the original
predominance of English-speaking settlers and their descendants has
diminished in the past century
/ today’s regional population is mostly
francophone, but the historical anglophone ethnic/cultural heritage is
strong and comes through as a distinct tourist attraction; the region is
uniquely and comfortable bilingual, the latter further reinforced by cross-
border interaction with neighbouring USA.

Development Characteristics
The background to this review rests on observations by those that
have closely followed the region’s tourist history. In principle, the
traditional bases for early tourist development were in most cases
more or less fully exploited, in an accelerating tempo, only in the last
25 years (Fritz-Nemeth & Lundgren, 1996; Lundgren, 1988; Nadeau,
1989). However, reviewing the historical and regional application of the
modified TALC tourist development concept, one can observe a clear
succession of distinct TP life cycles. It is this regionally based spatial TP
succession that constitutes the interpretative part of this study. Thus,
below follows a discussion of the TP life cycles experienced by the
region, and the extent to which their respective development dynamics
relate to the TALC model.
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 97

Traditional TP cycles: Riverine and lakeshore tourism

developments
Certain types of tourism were responsible for carrying the overall
development process over long periods of time. Among these, riverine-
and lakeshore-based tourism were early initiators, with their cycles
starting in the 1840s, when transport access saw some improvement, but
also when a more substantial wealthy urban market segment started to
emerge in major urban tourist-generating locales
/ Montreal in
particular. Steamship services along the Richelieu River corridor in the
West already operating in 1845 helped to bring in the first tourists. This
aided both riverine cottage development and the establishment of
commercial tourist resort operations in the foothills of Mont St. Hilaire
and at the Fort Chambly rapids (Tulchinsky, 1977). The Lake Memphre-
magog basin, some 110 km further east, an area hardly accessible at all
until the arrival of the railway in the 1850s (to Sherbrooke) and the early
1860s (to Newport, Vermont) also saw major facility developments. The
lakeshore Mountain House Hotel at Owl’s Head Mountain (1847)
catering to the US market was followed three years later by the private
Hermitage Club located halfway between Magog and Georgeville on the
eastern shore
/ still thriving 150 years later.
Steamship services gradually integrated otherwise small lakeshore
settlements more effectively (Story of Magog, 1951) starting already in
the 1850s, with major economic consequences. Thus, both the resorts
above, and the two principal urban centres on the lake, Magog, Quebec at
its northern tip, and Newport, Vermont in the South, became hubs in a
dynamic ‘lake economy’, with tourism traffic being an important, albeit
seasonal, component.
However, a more modern transport infrastructure was needed before
the lakeshore-based cottage TP2 cycle (Figure 6.2) could take off. The
main bottleneck problem disappeared with the 1859 inauguration of
the Victoria Bridge, spanning the St. Lawrence from Montreal, plus
an energetic eastbound railway construction programme (Booth,
1982; Briere, 1967). The 1870s saw strategic southbound rail connections
effected with the New England rail network (Meeks, 1986, see Figure 6.4).
As a result, the US market emerged as an important player in Eastern
Townships’ tourism development. Thus, well before the turn of the
century, the tourist development could forcefully converge upon
numerous appealing lakeshores
/ Brome Lake and Selby Lake, the Mt.
Orford Lakes, Lake Massawippi further east
/ but above all, upon the
magnificent Lake Memphremagog.
For each lake, where rail access played an important role, a powerful
market-driven ‘lake shore cottage subdivision encirclement process’ was
initiated (Bullock, 1926), a linear land/cottage occupancy process similar
98 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 6.4 1884 Railway access map

to modern urban sprawl roadside subdivisions. It started in earnest in

the 1870s but reached its conclusion a century later, between 1975 and
1990 (see Lake Memphremagog 1:50,000 Topographic Map Sheets, 1917
/
2000 editions). With the final stage in the lakeshore cottage exploitation
concluded, the encirclement had succeeded in effectively closing the
earlier informally functioning para-public lake access for the larger year-
round residential populations. Only occasional fortunate compensations
partly remedied the situation, notably for the City of Magog, which in the
1980s secured land for an extensive, new municipal public beach
complementing the older public town beach. However, for most
lakeshore municipalities, public access to their lakeshore was usually
reduced to a few points around the lake. The most popular of summer
pastimes
/ ‘going to the public beach’
/ was practically history. The
same extra-regional tourist demand resulted in the advent of steamship
services on the lake. Influential outsider Sir Hugh Allen of Allen
Steamship Line of Montreal initiated this crucial enterprise, which
more than any other transport provision contributed in integrating the
‘lakescape’ as a major tourist attraction (Potton Heritage Association,
1993, North Troy, Vermont, Public Library Historical File).
As a consequence, small and large commercial lakeshore resort
facilities sprang up in strategic locations, sometimes in beautiful
lakeshore sites, and sometimes near the two major urban centres on
the lake (Wall & Marsh, 1982). Time and fire, however, seem to have been
the common destructive agents at work for many of these large wooden
encampments. With few exceptions they are now all gone. What remains
in terms of concentration of resort facility development can best be seen
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 99

at the North Hatley end of Lake Massawippi, which to this day retains a
reputation as a high-quality resort tourist village, probably one of the
most idyllic in Quebec, and gastronomically one of the finest. Hatley Inn,
Hovey Manor and Ripplecove Inn are principal magnets for this part of
the region.
The final stage of cottage-derived market pressures occurred quite late
in the development cycle, primarily in the 1980s and early 1990s, with the
introduction of major capital-intensive ‘high density’ lakeshore cottage/
condominium projects. These exploitations often originated with discreet
partial acquisitions by the developer of agricultural properties with
substantial shoreline frontage, which, after zoning bylaw modifications
had been secured, were developed in a large scale. Villa de l’Anse on the
eastern shore of Lake Memphremagog, halfway between Magog and
Georgeville, as well as the Owl’s Head condominium and hotel project
on the lake’s western shore, are typical. Similar high density projects are
common elsewhere as well: outside Magog, adjacent to the large Plage
Municipal, also with a wide range of direct and indirect impacting
consequences; and at other lakes in the region, notably the Inverness
development on Brome Lake.
Presently, the cottage-based lakeshore TP life cycle has reached its
physical carrying capacity limits on most lakes as the encirclement
process has run its course. The rate of exploitation has dropped.
However, lakeshore property is frequently changing ownership, which
often triggers large-scale urban-styled rebuilding projects of older, quaint
cottage residences, which suggests that lakeshore cycle dynamics are not
completely dead.

Nodal tourist resources: The mountain locales

In contrast to the lakeshores, the TP3 life cycle is based on site-specific
characteristics in the physical landscape
/ the ‘mountainscape’ and its
topographical dimensions. Thus, we deal with a nodal resource, both in
appearance and in touristic usage. The Clawson and Knetch (1966)
classification of outdoor recreational lands comes to mind, with its
differentiation between ‘user-oriented resources’ and ‘resource-based’
outdoor recreational areas. The former defines multipurpose outdoor
recreation terrains such as sports fields or certain types of (urban)
parklands while the latter tends to rely upon some outstanding physical
landscape attributes that predetermine one or two kinds of specific
outdoor recreational usage. ‘Landscape specificity’, then, is the key. This
gives the TP3 cycle a good fit with the ‘ski hill development process’, a
relatively late arrival on the tourism scene, in the early 1960s.
The CLICOR (1971) landscape differentiation of the study region
identifies numerous ‘above average’ mountains with adequate slope
100 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

angle, good orientation and effective verticals (calculated from base

elevation to mountain summit), that usually have attracted ski hill
developers and the establishment of fully fledged alpine ski centres. The
existence today of seven ski hill operations
/ eight including nearby Jay
Peak in Vermont
/ attests to the excellent site potentials for such
developments (see Figure 6.2). The cycle as such, however, hides a much
longer incubation time than that which meets the eye.
Prior to the advent of modern alpine skiing, which developed around
1930 in the Austrian Alps, Canadian mountain tourism was a summer
pastime involving fresh air, nature discovery, hiking and mountain
climbing. Any change over to ski-based mountain winter tourism
required, out of necessity, a lengthy introductory learning stage, as
skiing hardly was an indigenous winter sport. Therefore, even with the
first integrated alpine/downhill ski centres opening up and demonstra-
bly being successful in the mid 1930s in the Montreal Laurentians, it took
time to activate the market. In fact, the ET region was 30 years behind the
Laurentians in discovering and launching alpine skiing. This delayed
start is remarkable and can only partially be explained by the fact that the
Laurentians had access by autoroute and passenger rail services around
1960, however, the first alpine ski centres were established already before
WWII, even the least accessible of them all, Mt. Tremblant (opened for
the winter season of 1938/39). The ET region had good access, with
railways crisscrossing the landscape well before WWI (Railway Access
Map, 1884), to no avail for ski resort development, which did feature
early, but hardly in a commercially viable form (an alpine ski facility was
established at Mt. Orford in 1938 (Nadeau, 1989).
The true start of TP3 and the full-scale commercial alpine ski
development cycle is well known. The year was 1959 and the place
was Sutton. The reason was to develop a complementary winter season
income for the Belanger family’s very seasonal dairy business. The rapid
succession of ski centres that followed was remarkable: Mt. Orford
(1962), Mt. Glen (1963), Bromont (1964), Mt. Echo (1964), Owl’s Head
(1965), Jay Peak, Vermont, USA (1956)
/ the latter functioning with its
own, unique cycle
/ an overall almost explosive regional capital
investment and development sequence within a geographically quite
confined area; the centres are a half hour’s car drive from each other.
Except for Mt. Echo, all centres still operate, admittedly sometimes
saved through opportune refinancing actions. By virtue of survival,
they have now for over 40 years been impacting both their respective
mountains and their surroundings, physically, economically and
socially. To the above seven should be added two modest places
/ the
recently renovated Montjoie ski centre outside North Hatley, and the
equally neighbourhood-oriented centre at Shefford Mountain across
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 101

the autoroute from Bromont, equidistant between the towns of Granby

(45,000 inh.) and Waterloo (5000 inh.).
The convergence of major tourist traffic flows toward the centres have
resulted in major local impacting due to the service multiplier factor,
almost immediately triggered in order to make each centre properly
equipped to meet the service demands from the ever-increasing visitor
volumes (Nadeau, 1989). These include trail maintenance and artificial
snowmaking, base lodge facilities with food, beverage and after-ski
services, ski rentals and ski schools, sports boutiques, and, given the
above-average site quality, diverse accommodation: hotels, condomi-
niums, chalets and smaller pensions.
Further, if locations possess summer potential, the opportunity has
existed for ‘diversifying out’ of winter season dependency by converting
the locales into year-round resort operations. This has been done at Mt.
Orford with the lakeshore city of Magog and its waterfront a 10-minute
drive away, and at Owl’s Head, with its all-important lake access,
apartment hotel and an 18-hole championship golf course. But places
deficient on the important point of lake access have diversified also
/
Bromont and Mt. Sutton today offer mountain biking, tennis, golf and
spa services, while others such as Montjoie (North Hatley) and Mt. Glen
(Knowlton) benefit from nearby, picturesque village services. The same
applies to a degree also for Mt. Sutton with Sutton village in the valley
below.
Since 1959 the TP3 cycle has run its course, responding to the
seemingly inexhaustible alpine ski demand generated by the metropo-
litan Montreal market area, and the more distant Lake Ontario urban
conglomeration, as well as smaller local towns on both sides of the
Canada/USA border. Today, little remains in terms of expansion
potential of the basic TP3 phenomenon, although mountains with the
essential effective vertical minimum of 500 m still exist. However, the
increasingly unreliable winter season may make investor-developers
hesitant. Extra-regional competition is greater
/ from the Laurentians in
the North with Intrawest’s massive Mont Tremblant expansion, from the
Canadian Rockies, and snow-rich Quebec City and Charlevoix in the
East. Also, snow boarders do not necessarily need a big mountain-
challenging obstacle
/ designed half-pipe courses do the trick. The threat
of global warming might also drive the market northward to more
reliable winter seasons (Wall, 1998). Also, the physical impact of
mountain developments may be less acceptable in our modern era of
environmental
/ecological concern. Therefore, any new alpine ski centre
developments in the region must be considered unrealistic. The growth
dynamics of the TP3 cycle are over.
102 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The Contemporary Era, New TPs, New Cycles

The break with past TP cycles and the injection into the region of new
sets of TPs hardly occur at a revolutionary tempo. Rather than the
gradual consolidation and stagnation of the resource-based TP3 cycle,
regional economic restructuring and a quickening demise of more
traditional regional economic sectors
/ agriculture, and the historically
famous regional industrial sector with roots in the small-scale industry
developed in the early 1800s
/ have assisted the easing in of the new.
TP2 and TP3 were both spent forces lacking in dynamics toward the end
of the 1970s. Hence, if any new tourist-derived regional dynamics were
to occur in the TALC model (Figure 6.2), alternative tourism ventures
had to emerge. Three new TPS have been selected for analysis in order to
demonstrate how new TP cycles become reality and how they differ from
the older, more resource-dependent cases discussed so far.

Institutional facilities as tourist attractions

Some embryos for new tourism and new TPs have been regionally
rooted for many decades, but their presence was on a very minor scale
/
diverse cultural institutions, often historical museums, usually sup-
ported by enthusiastic local historical societies. The official 2000 Eastern
Townships Tourist Guide and the Repertoire de la Societe des Musees
Quebecois list some 15 museums, among which the historical museums
stand out as the most serious and most resilient enterprises, some not
even new, as they date back to the 1920s.
Mississquoi Historical Society Museum (in Stanbridge East), Brome
County Historical Society Museum (in Knowlton village) and the
Stanstead Historical Society’s Colby-Curtis Museum in Stanstead belong
to the historical group, all three located in quaint villages. Geographi-
cally, their locations are interesting as no deliberate act of planning has
been at work, but rather individual local initiatives
/ and ‘luck’! Hence,
they can only benefit from proximity to other, popular tourist attractions:
near Dunham’s popular vineyards (‘the Mississquoi’), in idyllic and
historic Knowlton village (‘Brome County’), and in the urban core of well
established and historically stylish Stanstead next to a very busy US
border crossing. In contrast, and in addition to the ‘historical’ institu-
tions, is the modern entrepreneurial/industrial snowmobile inventive-
ness, the forte behind the Musee Bombardier in off-beat Valcourt, the
birthplace of inventor Armand Bombardier, some distance north of the
ET autoroute.
Industrial cultural heritage milieus (Fritz-Nemeth & Lundgren, 1996)
have in many cases constituted a different basis for the development of
outdoor attractions
/ The Gorge and waterfalls in downtown Coaticook,
the renovated turn-of-the-century industrial milieu on the St. Francis
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 103

river rapids section in central Sherbrooke, and the Stanbridge East mill
pond complex are examples of how early regional industrialisation
outside the major Canadian urban centres have been ‘redesigned’ into
touristic lures.
The tourist attractions discussed above have very few linkages to the
previously discussed TP1-2-3, except for the fact that they cohabit
regionally, and consequently benefit from overall convenient access for
the touring excursionist.

Rural agricultural attractions

The bucolic ET landscape is constantly referred to in guide books and
in conversations with tourists as the principal tourist asset, offering
distinctly different seasonal attractions. The rapid post-WWII develop-
ment boom brought increased societal prosperity which boosted car
ownership, which in turn improved spatial mobility for the population at
large (CORD Surveys 1969
/72). In a regional context, the role of the
Montreal population as a tourist-generator and the upgrading of the road
system increasingly benefited the whole of the ET region. Touring and
day excursion travelling into the region is very much a function of the
natural assets. These include apple blossom trips in springtime toward
Freligsburgh on the US border, vineyards visits (see Figure 6.3) in
Summer and Fall to the popular Dunham area and the recently promoted
150-km long vineyard route (Chemin des Vignobles pamphlet), popular
back road bicycling, lake/beach outings in provincial parks, early-Fall
U-pick orchards visits or glorious foliage tours, and in winter the design-
sharp scenic winter landscape and winter sports.
In this multiseasonal way of recreational/touristic opportunities, the
vineyards stand out, for two reasons. First, they represent the beginning
of a distinctly new TP cycle, suddenly initiated in 1979, in the Dunham
area, basically an apple orchard district south of Cowansville. Second,
from at first being a seasonal (harvest-time) attraction, they have
extended their appeal to most of the year, winter being the exception.
With a three-season spread, the annual visitor volume has grown fast;
today’s estimate is close to 100,000 (conversations with Dunham
vineyard owners, 2000), proof enough of the popularity of the Dunham
area as a weekend- or day-excursion destination.
The economic impacting process is spatially very concentrated
/ the
vineyard area is just a 3
/4-km country road stretch offering a diverse
range of visitor services, wine tasting, restaurant services, picnicking,
food/wine boutiques, and crafts and souvenirs, with considerable
vertical business integration. Calculating only the basic $5 expense for
a wine tasting at the five or six establishments produces only some
$500,000 in annual gross sales, but there is clearly more than bottled
104 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

wines sold, such as foodstuffs and lunches. Economic leakages exist, but
still a large portion of the first, second and third round of expenditures
remain in the vineyards area and adjacent Dunham village. The vertical
integration and local entrepreneurship assure this.
The vineyards seldom operate as a single destination; they are ‘stops-
en-route’, together with many others, all often part of systematically
organised day of touring featuring historical museums, fine art exhibi-
tions, a local summer festival or a theatre matinee, and walking tours.

The artist: A dispersed persona attraction

The fact that the landscape appeal of the ET has manifested itself in
the Canadian arts world for almost 200 years leads to the most recent TP
development cycle
/ the artist’s studio/the artist’s world/the artist’s
products. The famous historical landscape etchings by W.H. Bartlett date
back to the 1830s and early 1840s (JETS, Spring, 1996). Thus, already then,
the artist’s visual sensuality had discovered the dominating grandeur of
Lake Memphremagog with its string of quaint shoreline settlements.
Later, in the 1870s, other Canadian painters like E.A. Edson and J.A.
Fraser produced panoramic landscape art of still recognisable scenic
vistas.
Thus, the artists’ local presence is hardly a ‘new’ TP (Christaller, 1964).
However, today’s presence is not just of occasional artists, but of coteries
of painters, who, together with skilful and talented arts-and-crafts
professionals, represent an interesting case of a spontaneous, unstruc-
tured recent TP development. Through the formation of loosely
organised associations, they have become major tourist attractions and
have, jointly, instigated an intensive and vigorous new TP cycle.
The oldest coterie is that of the ‘Tour-des-Arts’ (TdA), started in 1988,
with some 40 artist members (TdA 2002 pamphlet), all opening the doors
of their studios/ateliers to the general public during a hectic 10-day
period each July. The membership is spatially quite concentrated (Figure
6.3). With few exceptions, the TdA members, when moving into the
region, have tended to avoid high-priced lakeshore locations. Rather they
have tracked down more low-priced rural cottages, old farm buildings
and adjacent barns in back road locations, in the foothills of mountains,
or in unassuming locations in the outskirts of villages. Thus, they have
successfully avoided areas where property and land have become more
directly affected by local tourism development. TdA members also have
the privilege of being the first ‘past the pole’ each Summer (TdA 2002
pamphlet), usually a 10-day period in the second half of July each year,
nicely timed for the peak of the tourist season. The financing of the
summer programme comes from the membership and local sponsors.
The other two organisations
/ the Circuit-des-Arts (CdA, 1993) centred
Empirical Interpretation: Eastern Townships of Quebec 105

on Magog and the northern end of Lake Memphremagog, and the

Freligsburgh Festiv’art (1996) south of Dunham
/ are more recent and
they also function differently. The CdA usually mobilises over 100 artists,
half of them being local and seasonal Fine Art practitioners, for a 10-day
summer exhibition programme starting in the end of July, combining
open-house studio visits for the public with indoor art shows in strategic
locations
/ in Magog, Georgeville and the famous Elefant Barn, south of
Georgeville (CdA 2002 pamphlet). In contrast, the Freligsburgh Festiv’art
is an outdoor Fine Art village street market with some 150 participants
(culled from 300 applications but including only a few local resident
artists. The majority comes from a wider region, particularly metropo-
litan Montreal, only an hour’s car drive away.) Among the three, only the
CdA receives government funding.
The aggregate impacting of the fine art TP is difficult to gauge. Visitor
statistics for the individual studios are notoriously unreliable. However,
a 1995 TdA survey of studio guestbooks recorded 20,000
/25,000 visitors.
The 2002 Freligsburgh Festiv’art supposedly attracted over 50,000 during
its Labour Day weekend programme. Close proximity to Montreal is a
vital factor behind the large number (Lavasseur interview).
Given the above, the economic multiplier is hard at work, and in the
Freligsburgh case strongly concentrated on the village. Economic
leakages are substantial, however, due in part to the many extra-regional
artists participating. To the purchases of art objects can be added many
other visitor expenditures, including parking, dollar expense among
village-based service actors, which in turn pumps the tourist dollar back
into the village economy. Studio visits, visits to exhibition halls or walks
through a Fine Art street market represent the principal TP attraction, at
least the pretext for the visit
/ while the intricacies of the multiplier are
place created and offered beyond the Fine Art experience per se .

Summary and Conclusions

The purpose of this review has been to relate tourist-based regional
development dynamics to the cycle concept expounded in the TALC
model. Hence, the review covers a section of the ET area in southern
Quebec well suited for the exercise, as the region has been exposed to
tourist development dynamics over the past 150 years. This means that
the region has experienced typical Canadian tourism development
characteristics of both earlier eras and new, more recent TP cycles.
Looking back on the empirical material presented, certain characteristics
deserve emphasis.
First, apart from the recent and new attractions, one can undoubtedly
recognise a chronological sequence of TP life cycles already beginning
with the exploitation of the very first tourist resources, subsequently
106 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

creating the distinct development cycles of the 1850
/1900 period, and
repeated with the activation of subsequent attractions. The successive TP
cycles are an unmistakable reality and should be an equally realistic
phenomenon in many other tourist regions.
Second, the duration of TP cycles is difficult to establish as is when
they start, and when they have they run their full course. In these
examples, beginnings can be undistinguishable, but endings finite. This
is for instance the case with the TP2 cycle which starts as access improves
in the 1850
/60s, but does not seem to realise that by now it has reached
its end as the prime lakeshore locations are fully occupied. Cottage and
condominium development projects may still occur, but the particular
lakeshore sitings of the past have now sometimes been replaced with
manmade attractions
/ golf course developments and locations along ski
runs up the ski hills, both locations appealing to the active sportsperson
and to the active retired individual.
Third, TP cycles often start ‘with a bang’
/ as the ski hill development
did. In less than a decade the development cycle, in terms of facility
investment, was completed. The cycle still contains dynamics which keep
it going, and which should also maintain the cycle on a fairly stable
business level for years to come
/ unless global warming makes the
operations uneconomic.
Fourth and finally, modern TP cycles can be quite unpredictable
phenomena. In this study, this is true both for some museum-related
developments and for the vineyards
/ but above all for the Fine Art
phenomenon. To predict their beginnings is hard, to simulate their
development likewise. When their developments start, they are explo-
sive, and location patterns are quite accidental. No tourist development
expert working in the 1950s or 1960’s ever foresaw their true beginnings
and growth, but this may be a common problem in many tourism
destinations.
Chapter 7
The TALC in China’s Tourism
Planning: Case Study of
Danxia Mountain, Guangdong
Province, PRC
J. BAO and C. ZHANG

Introduction
Danxia Mountain, located in Guangdong, China, is one of the
important scenic spots designated by the central government in 1982.
Well known for its temple, it is also one of the four famous mountains
frequented by tourists in Guangdong. In the early 1990s, the resort
experienced a decline in the number of visitors. Tourism experts were
invited to tackle the problem in 1993, and they agreed that the resort had
fallen into the decline stage of its life cycle because of the declining image
of Danxia Mountain. Applying the life cycle model (TALC), they planned
a new attraction, Yangyuan Scenic Spot, in order to rejuvenate tourism at
Danxia Mountain. Five years later, the mountain came to the rejuvena-
tion stage. In the mean time, some new problems arose. This paper
studies and applies the life cycle model theory to this case.

Literature Review
Since the life cycle model was put forward by Butler in 1980, it has
been widely accepted around the world, though many arguments have
arisen at the same time (Haywood, 1986; Prosser, 1995; Wall, 1982).
Different case studies show that different tourist destinations have
different characteristics at different stages of their life cycles, especially
at the stages of decline and rejuvenation. Nevertheless, Prosser concludes
in his review of empirical case studies that the concept of the life cycle
provides a useful framework for research that seeks to enhance under-
standing of development processes and their implications, but the model
is not operational enough (Haywood, 1986; Oppermann, 1995). Some
scholars argue that these case studies are not credible because the data
used for research did not exhibit the properties of uniformity and
replication of tourists (Lundtorp & Wanhill, 2001). Moreover, another
method for analysing the tourist area’s stage of life cycle, the Travel

107
108 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Balance Approach, was discussed with the aim of replacing Butler’s life
cycle theory (Toh et al ., 2001).
The life cycle model was first introduced to China by Jigang Bao in
1993. Since then, various scholars have used it as a descriptive tool for
specific case studies. For example, Bao (1994, 1995) analysed the life cycle
of large-scale theme parks and karst caves. He found that a karst cave has
no obvious exploration and involvement stages, and that shortly after its
development stage, visitation to such a cave will decline. Lu (1997) took
the famous Huangshan Mountain as an example to examine the life cycle
of the mountain resort. He found that most famous mountains had
already moved into the development stage, and action was needed to be
taken in order to avoid a decline in popularity.
The first application of the life cycle model in tourism planning in
China, as noted above, was by Jigang Bao in 1993. He found that Danxia
Mountain was in the stagnation stage, and considered that the best way
to solve the problem was to develop a new tourist attraction there. After
all related factors had been considered, Yangyuan Stone Scenic Spot was
chosen as the new attraction and subsequently developed. Danxia
Mountain was quickly rejuvenated. Bao (1998) also discussed some
other issues of the life cycle, taking the Summer Palace and Seven-star
Cave as examples.
As Western scholars had done, Chinese scholars questioned and
refuted the theory of the tourism life cycle when it was introduced. In
1996, a paper entitled ‘Doubts About the Life Cycle Theory’ was
published in the journal Tourism Tribune. The author (Yang, 1996) argued
that the life cycle model was neither convincing in theory nor operational
in practice. Yang’s discussion was followed by a series of discussions in
the academic circle. Yu (1997) put forward a double cycle theory, the long
cycle indicating the decline process, the short one indicating the
fluctuation caused by external factors. A number of other scholars
also contributed to the discussion (Chen, 2001; Li, 1997; Xu, 1997;
Yan, 2001).
Based on the analysis of the stage variation in a tourist area, Xie (1995)
suggested approaches for controlling the fluctuation of the life cycle
curve. Other scholars have used the system dynamic approach to
demonstrate the theory of the life cycle model (see, for example, Xu,
2001). The descriptive function of the life cycle model theory has been
widely accepted in the West, but some scholars argue that the true test of
any theory in applied social sciences is whether it is operational. The
main argument is that the criteria for stage identification and criteria for
turning points are difficult without hindsight, and different units of
analysis lead to different results because of the problem in market
homogeneity (Cooper, 1994). The situation is different in China: the data
used to analyse the life cycle in a tourist area are the numbers of
The TALC in China’s Tourism Planning 109

admission tickets; therefore, the geographic boundary of the research is

clear and market homogeneity is guaranteed. This makes study of the life
cycle relatively easy in China.

Different Types of Life Cycle Models in China

Life cycle of theme parks
Because the history of theme parks is short in China, it may be still
somewhat premature to discuss the life cycle of theme parks now,
however, some characteristics of theme parks’ life cycle can be concluded
(Bao, 1998).
Large theme parks usually need big investment and mass advertise-
ment. Tourists are normally given massive amounts of information about
a new theme park and become anxious to see it for the first time. As a
result, thousands of tourists tend to swarm into a newly opened theme
park. According to a market survey (Bao, 1996), about 30% of the tourists
visiting a certain theme park during its opening period had their
entrance tickets paid for by their own enterprises or companies. All
they wanted was to have ‘the first look’ and to see ‘something new’. Thus
the theme park reaches the culmination of its visitation in the first year,
and its business slows down from the second year on.
This phenomenon has been demonstrated by many theme parks in
China. Generally, the number of visitors at a theme park will fall to the
lowest level within 2
/5 years. Although it is not convincing to say that
this is the decline stage of a theme park, it has been true that a theme
park will have to close soon if no new product is developed.

Karst caves
According to many cases studies (Bao, 1995), the life cycle of a karst
cave is very special. They usually have no exploration and involvement
stages, and their first stage is usually the development stage. Normally,
caves isolated from other tourist destinations go directly to the develop-
ment stage after they are open. They then will experience a short
consolidation and stagnation stage, and subsequently come to a close
soon afterwards. If a cave is close to a famous tourist destination, the
situation will be different.
Because it is dark and dangerous in the karst cave before it is open,
only a few local residents would go to it after its initial discovery. When it
is better known, tourists tend to flood in. Because there are so many karst
caves in China, they can only attract tourists from nearby. The number of
tourists normally falls quickly after the initial influx, as shown in the
cases in Guangdong and Yunnan Provinces (Bao, 1995). However, if the
cave were close to a famous tourist destination, such as Ludi Cave in
110 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Guilin city, tourists to such caves would fluctuate in numbers with those
going to the famous tourist destination.

International Level Tourist Destinations

Tourist destinations that attract international tourists usually enjoy
very long consolidation and stagnation stages. The Summer Palace can
be taken as an example. It has one of the best royal gardens in China, and
has been listed as a World Heritage Site since 1998. It is considered to be a
must-go place for international tourists. From the available data (the
entrance tickets), the number of tourists fluctuated with the economic
development of the country during the period 1949
/2001. After 1985,
The Summer Palace entered into its consolidation stage, but because it is
irreplaceable, it will stay in the consolidation stage for a very long time.
Similar cases are Huangshan Mountain and The Great Wall (both also
World Heritage Sites) (Bao, 1998).
These kinds of international level tourist destinations usually enjoy
good business under the right economic circumstances. All the manager
has to do is to control the carrying capacity and maintain their images
and quality to ensure sustainable development.

Applicability of the Life Cycle Model in China

Stage identification
Although tourism in the modern sense only began in China no more
than 30 years ago, the phenomena of travel and sightseeing have been
around for more than 1000 years. There was some government involve-
ment in tourism, and although the number of travellers was not
recorded, aristocrats and politicians did travel a great deal at the public’s
expense in historic times. However, virtually all industries, including
tourism, were destroyed during the last 100 years in China; therefore,
taking this period into account would be irrelevant to life cycle research.
It was only after 1949 that China’s economy began to prosper and the
tourism industry started growing.
After the major political, economic and social reforms in 1978, the
government began its involvement in scenic spot development. This
marks the development stage in the current research. During the late
1990s, most of the scenic spots in China were crowded with tourists.
Some of the facilities were in very poor shape, and their environment
was spoiled. These are indications of the stagnation stage and the decline
stage. However, mass tourism was only in its early stage, with demand
increasing rapidly from the market. Therefore, the stagnation stage in the
Chinese context may be temporary and caused by external factors rather
than internal developments or policy. Improving and strengthening the
management of the attractions involved could rejuvenate them.
The TALC in China’s Tourism Planning 111

Data collection
Another issue with the life cycle model is that the theory is difficult to
calibrate because of the lack of long-term data on visitor numbers and
sales. Many of the studies in the past have been based on island tourism.
The number of visitors was obtained from traffic tolls. This makes the
data reliable but also causes a problem in market homogeneity. The
tourists who reach an island by vehicle may go there for different
purposes. Some may do sightseeing; some may be taking a holiday. In
China, only the tourists who purchase a ticket can enter a scenic spot. For
a very long time, a Chinese tourist’s purpose in going to an attraction
was to sightsee. As a result, ticket counts guaranteed both the accuracy of
the number of visitors and market homogeneity. This makes the ticket
count a reliable source of data for the analysis of a destination’s life cycle.
On the other hand, as China’s tourism industry develops, the purposes of
the Chinese tourists will become more varied, which will create a
problem with respect to market homogeneity.

Unit of analysis
In terms of research on the life cycle of an attraction, the level of
aggregation is problematic and must be clearly addressed. Geographical
scale is of considerable importance for a tourist destination’s life cycle,
because in the Chinese context each destination has a single product
rather than having different hotels and other facilities as well. Depending
on the scale taken, a destination may be seen to be at a different stage in
the cycle. The unit of analysis is, therefore, crucial. As noted earlier, some
scholars argue that life cycle assumes a homogeneous market and a
perfectly logical stance would be for different scales of a destination to
contain different market segments. Some scholars argue that using
different units of analysis will lead to different conclusions, and will
affect the reliability of the life cycle model. In the case studies in the
literature, some experts took a county as the unit of analysis (Haywood,
1989; Lundtorp, 2001), while others took an island as the unit of analysis
(Cooper & Jackson, 1989; Weaver, 1990). Different scales may bring
about different tourist products, and different tourist products may vary
a great deal over the long term, making the life cycle model of a
destination much more complicated (Hovinen, 2002), thus increasing
the difficulty in research. However, in China, every scenic spot has a
distinct boundary, and the number of admission tickets sold shows the
number of visitors within that boundary, thus variations in the numbers
sold reflect the real situation in that tourist area. This is a system that
facilitates the life cycle research.
112 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The Application of the Life Cycle Model in

Danxia Mountain
Danxia Mountain and Red Stone Park
Danxia Mountain is one of the most popular scenic spots and
geological parks in China. It is located in northern Guangdong province,
9 km south of Renhua County. It is 56 km away from Shaoguan City, its
main area being about 180 km2. Red stone and hills are typical
characteristics of the Mountain. It is where the term ‘Danxia Landform’
originated, thus giving the developed tourist attractions in Danxia
Mountain the recent new name Red Stone Park. Before the new attraction
was developed, the area opened to tourists was about 3.5 km2. About
1200 years ago, a temple was built in Danxia Mountain. Later, this
became one of the most famous temples in Guangdong. As a result,
Danxia became an important pilgrimage destination, as well as a place
for sightseeing and watching the sunrise.

The decline and rejuvenation of Danxia Mountain

People started to visit Danxia Mountain as long ago as about 1000
years. For the convenience of this research, the period of the late 1970s is
taken as the beginning of the development stage in Danxia Mountain.
Inadequate management and competition from other resorts eventually
caused visitation to Danxia Mountain to decline. The number of tourists
stopped growing and overnight tourists decreased in numbers. Although
efforts were made to counteract this trend (including sales promotion in
Hong Kong and special express train service between Shaoguan and
Shenzhen), the number of visitors remained low.
In 1993, Professor Jigang Bao was invited to work on improving the
old tourist attraction in order to revive its popularity. Bao decided that
the decline was the result of an image crisis at Danxia Mountain caused
by poor management of the resource, and that the way to solve the
problem was to plan a new attraction to improve the image of the
Mountain and then rejuvenate it. Reflecting the situation of Danxia
Mountain, and taking into account factors such as the state of the
facilities, and the uniqueness of the resort, the planners chose to feature
the Yangyuan Stone as the main attraction. The Yangyuan Stone is a stone
that is 28 m in height and 7 m in diameter, and is in the shape of a
phallus.
Red Stone Park includes both the old and new attractions in Danxia
Mountain. It began to receive tourists in 1995. The number of tourists has
climbed steadily since it was opened (Figure 7.1).
It should be pointed out that after the development of the Red Stone
Park, the new scenic spot (represented by the Yangyuan Stone) and the
The TALC in China’s Tourism Planning 113

35

30

25
in ten thousand 20

15

10

0
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Domestic tourist 17 23.6 20.1 21.7 24 25.7 23.4 19.56 23.28 20.87 22.87
Overseas tourist 4 3 3.7 3.7 3 5 4.8 2.91 4.3 4.42 2.82
Total 21 26.6 23.8 25.4 27 30.7 28.2 22.47 27.58 25.29 25.69 19 19 23 20 24 24 25 31

Figure 7.1 The number of tourists to Danxia Mountain (old scenic spot)
from 1982 to 2000
Source: Danxia Mountain Administrative Bureau

old one (represented by the temple) sold admission tickets separately.

Therefore, Figure 7.2 does not show how many tourists the new scenic
spot brought to the old one. However, it does indicate that the increase of
tourists to the old scenic spot is closely related to the new scenic spot.
A search was made on the Internet to examine the material and
information about the destination in order to confirm the rejuvenation of
Danxia Mountain. The tourism industry has been one the first industries
in China to take advantage of the convenience of the Internet. Almost all
big travel agencies, scenic spots and hotels have their own web pages.
Most of the commercial websites have special columns to promote tourist
products. In order to make the web page more attractive, the best part of
a destination and the best designed products would be advertised. These
become the selling points of the destination, and the key component of
the destination’s image, which can be taken to reflect the demands of
the market.

35 30
30 25
25
in ten thousand

20
in ten thousand

20
15
15
10
10
5 5

0 0
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Old scenic spot 21 26.6 23.8 25.4 27 30.7 28.2 22.47 27.58 25.29 25.69 19 19 23 20 24 24 25 31
New scenic spot 1.5 3.5 11 17 27

Figure 7.2 The number of tourists to the old and new scenic spots
Source: Danxia Mountain Administrative Bureau
114 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

A search of the Internet showed that the rejuvenated old scenic spot is
still the most important selling point of Danxia Mountain. The new
scenic spot is also one of the important selling points of the tourist area
(Table 7.1), and this coincides with the authors’ assumption. It is clear
that the old scenic spot in Danxia Mountain is still favoured by tourists. It
also explains the decline that was experienced in the 1990s: some factors
negatively affected its image but it was rejuvenated after the image
improvement through the development of the new scenic spot.

Conclusion and Discussion

Since it was introduced to China, the theory of the Tourist Area Cycle
of Evolution has been applied widely. Its successful application in
tourism planning in Danxia Mountain demonstrates that the right unit of
analysis can identify the right stage of the tourist area if the admission
ticket count is used as research data. The model can also be used for the
tourism planning of an attraction.
When the theory of the life cycle model is used in China, it is
inappropriate to take into account the period before 1949. The period

Table 7.1 The selling points of Danxia Mountain on the commercial websites

Searching key words Results Percentage

(%)
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 497 100
Mountain
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 18 3.62
Mountain/Yangyuan Stone
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 24 4.82
Mountain/sunrise
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 10 2.01
Mountain/Biechuan Temple
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 77 15.5
Mountain/sightseeing
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 46 9.26
Mountain/taking holiday
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 46 9.26
Mountain/meeting
Tourism/tourist itinerary/Shaoguan/Danxia 8 1.61
Mountain/recuperating

Searching time 19:31
/19:47, 1 January 2002

The TALC in China’s Tourism Planning 115

after the reform and open policy in 1978 is a suitable point from which to
benchmark the development stage for life cycle research. Recently, some
scenic spots have begun to show signs of deterioration. This may be the
result of the negative effects of an image crisis caused by external factors.
Under these circumstances, the image of a tourism destination can be
amended through exploiting new attractions that are appealing to
tourists.
Resorts that are newly exploited are likely to come into the develop-
ment stage quickly because their external condition is relatively mature,
but they may soon face stagnation and decline if there is lack of good
planning and management, confirming the original argument of Butler’s
model.
Part 3
The TALC in Heritage Settings
RICHARD BUTLER

As discussed earlier, the concept of carrying capacity was, from the

beginning, an integral part of the TALC and the process of resort
development discussed in the model. While all destinations have some
inherent merit and warrant appropriate management, including even
those created specifically for the tourism industry, for those destinations
whose attractiveness is based on some aspect of heritage, the importance
of operating within the limits of their capacity is particularly important.
Not only does their existence as a tourist destination depend on the
existence and quality of their heritage resources, but perhaps more
importantly, the heritage resources themselves need to be safeguarded
from overuse or misuse and subsequent degradation (see Butler, other
volume). The importance of preserving the heritage aspects of destina-
tions is crucial, whether these be natural or cultural in nature, and the
chapters in this next section examine the application of the TALC in a
variety of heritage situations.
Boyd discusses the issues involved in applying the TALC to national
parks, using the specific case of national parks in Canada. Many of
Canada’s national parks are significant tourist destinations, none more so
than the oldest park, Banff, and they provide good examples of how
tourism use and development, over more than a century in some cases,
can impact on the parks’ natural resources and require continual
evaluation of and changes in policy and management. The significant
shifts in the policies practised by Parks Canada and its predecessor
agencies are reviewed and the contemporary policies examined in the
light of the processes outlined in the TALC and the concept of sustainable
development. While Boyd’s paper is not the first to discuss the TALC in
the context of parks, it provides by far the most detailed and extensive
discussion on this topic. (A discussion of the conceptual issues raised in
applying the TALC to a wider range of protected areas is contained in
Weizenegger, other volume.)
The second chapter in this section, by Russo, builds on his earlier work
in discussing what he terms the ‘vicious circle’ of essentially negative
feedbacks in the tourism development process in a variety of locations,
whereby the negative effects of tourism upon destinations results in a
reduction in attractiveness that in turn results in a range of other
problems, ending in a downward spiral of investment and quality. He

117
118 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

uses the case of Venice to illustrate this process, thus providing an

example of the application of the TALC to both a heritage situation and a
traditional urban settlement which operated for much of its life as a
‘normal’ urban centre. While Venice has a long history of attracting
visitors, its rise as a modern tourism destination is relatively recent and
the problems which Russo analyses can be seen as very contemporary in
their nature and cause. The problems that Venice faces, an old
infrastructure, a declining population, decreasing tax base and an
increasing proportion of day to overnight visitors, are common to
many historic urban centres. While Venice has unique problems in
addition because of the physical nature of its setting, these are only
compounded by the pressures of tourism. The implications which can be
drawn from Venice have application to a considerable number of other
tourism heritage destinations.
The final chapter in this section deals with the application of the TALC
with respect to heritage sites and properties, and in particular with the
issues of marketing such attractions in a manner that maintains both
their heritage qualities and their tourist attractiveness. Malcolm-Davies
discusses the basic problems resulting from the differences in approach
to marketing and development of heritage sites in the public and the
private sectors. Whereas the private sector is willing to renovate and
rejuvenate its product, the public sector is often either unwilling or
unable to provide the necessary funds to allow the site to avoid a decline
in attractiveness and quality to visitors. She reviews the marketing
approaches and their relevance to the TALC process in the context of the
future roles of heritage sites in tourism.
Chapter 8
The TALC Model and its Application
to National Parks: A Canadian
Example
STEPHEN BOYD

Introduction
This chapter differs considerably from the majority of chapters in
this book as it addresses how Butler’s (1980) Tourism Area Life Cycle
(TALC) model can be applied outside of the tourism context. The focus
of the chapter is on national parks, with a case study presented on
the development of the Canadian national park system and how
Butler’s model may be applied in this specific context. While national
parks are a relatively recent phenomenon compared to protected
areas in general, it is well acknowledged that they are important
spaces for leisure, recreation and tourism (Butler & Boyd, 2000). While
their location remains constant, the purpose of use varies between
those making use of national parks as a local recreation venue and
those entering the parks as domestic or international tourists. In
many cases, local recreation users make up the majority of visits,
Banff National Park in Western Canada being a good example of
this. Regardless of whether visits are for recreation or tourism, the
concern that many parks face today is pressure from visitors and
therefore the distinction between the nature of users becomes
meaningless. An argument to be put forward in this chapter is that
the TALC model has applicability as a useful guide to trace park
development, measure the extent of development and to avoid overuse.
The author, therefore, has undertaken three tasks. First, the extent to
which the evolutionary elements of the Butler model can be used
to describe how individual parks and entire park systems are
developed is examined. Second, visitor data for Canadian national
parks between 1993 and 1997 and information on impacts, threats and
the condition of parks are used to locate individual parks along the
curve of the TALC model. And third, a general discussion is presented
that explains the mechanisms that are available for park management
to avoid parks moving towards the latter stages of the model
and numbers overreaching the zone of critical limits of capacity.

119
120 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The Lack of Application of TALC to Other

Leisure Environments
The TALC has probably been the most written about model developed
within tourism research, and the contributions in these two edited
volumes of works are testament to this fact. One of the reasons for its
popularity is the relative simplicity of the model itself, demonstrating
that destinations evolve, change and in doing so may pass through a
number of identifiable stages (exploration, involvement, development,
consolidation, stagnation, decline or rejuvenation). Based on two very
different principles, those of the product life-cycle and animal population
growth, the pattern of development resembled that of an S-shaped curve
where growth was finite and dependent upon recognition that there
existed capacity limitations beyond which growth could not be
sustained. It is argued that this capacity would vary according to type
of setting and that stagnation or possible decline in tourism would result
if capacity limitations were indeed exceeded (see Butler, this volume).
The latter feature is often less discussed when the model has been
reproduced and critiqued by other researchers. Butler himself, in a
review of his model in 1990, noted that the majority of the discussion
concerning the model had been focused on applying it in various
locations from which the findings have been compared and contrasted
with the original postulations made by Butler in 1980.
While the literature on the model and its application within specific
contexts is vast, commentary has been generally supportive of the model.
Wall (1982) and Heywood (1986) were perhaps the first to raise some
issues such as the ability to identify actual stages of development as
well as the use of the product life-cycle itself. Despite early criticism,
the model has been applied and presented in case study form for
destinations as diverse as Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (Hovinen,
1982), Canada’s Northwest Territories (Keller, 1987), the Bahamas
(Debbage, 1990) and the Grand Cayman Islands (Weaver, 1990), and
has been the topic of update and review (Agarwal, 1994; Cooper, 1994).
Butler (1990), in his own review, talked of the applicability of extending
the model beyond that of a particular tourism destination to tourism
development in a broad regional context and to applying the model to
specific types of tourism in a region such as heritage tourism in a
developing world destination (see Butler, 1997). While the model was
developed primarily for tourist destinations and for tourism in a region
in general, there have been relatively few applications in other leisure-
oriented settings such as national and provincial parks, although the
contributions by Eidsvik (1983) and McKay (1990) should not go
unnoticed. This is relatively surprising, given the comments offered
earlier in the chapter that national parks more than provincial or other
The TALC Model and National Parks 121

parks are increasingly been sought out by tourists, and are becoming
increasingly reliant on revenue from tourism to justify their existence.
In many cases national parks, particularly those being inscribed with
World Heritage status, are emerging not just as tourist attractions and
part of the overall tourism experience but rather specific tourist
destinations and the entire tourism experience in their own right. This
latter development is a consequence of many national parks emerging as
leading ecotourism and natural heritage destinations.

Historical Review of the Development of the

Canadian National Park System: The TALC
as Chronology Descriptor
National parks owe their origin to the emergence of a preservation/
conservation ethic that permeated North American society in the
mid-19th century and it is not surprising that Canada was one of the
earliest of the New World nations to set aside tracts of land for its people
(see Boyd & Butler, 2000 for a detailed discussion). Banff and the original
area around its hot springs were set aside as Canada’s first national
park in 1885 to be free from sale, settlement or squatting (Lothian, 1977).
While this would establish a precedent on which other national parks
would follow, Banff was to develop in an atypical manner compared
to other parks that would be declared later, as it would become
Canada’s most ‘developed’ national park. According to researchers like
Nelson (1982), Canada’s national parks were developed on the basis
of three threads of interest, first that of preservation; second, the potential
that parks offered for tourism; and third the role that the parks may
play as poles around which economic growth would occur. Alongside
these three threads, there existed a myriad of institutional arrangements
that would both encourage as well as prevent national park development
from taking place. The historic chronology of national parks in
Canada resembles a series of flows (or possible curves) when numbers
of parks and park developments are plotted against time. And therefore
in a relatively tangential manner, it may be loosely argued that the
chronology of national parks in Canada resembles a Butler curve that
repeats itself.
The ‘exploration’ stage could be summarised in the creation of other
parks in Western Canada around Banff the following year (Glacier and
Yoho) to be quickly followed by three more by 1907 (Waterton Lakes,
Elk Island and Jasper). Many of these parks occurred alongside railroad
development in Western Canada and the beginning of early forms
of tourism to the parks and tourist-related developments in the parks.
The early parks were individually managed but in many cases they were
noted for their absence of management (Boyd, 1995). Only one national
122 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

park was established in eastern Canada by 1907, namely St Lawrence

Islands, established from federal crown land that had been initially
under Indian ownership. Aspects of park development that could be
labelled as constituting the ‘involvement’ stage comprised further
national park establishment in both Western and Eastern Canada up
until 1929, a date which saw the park count rise to 14 in total. As for
institutional developments, the Dominion Parks Branch was set up in
1911 and became the world’s first national park service. Established
under the Dominion Forest Reserves and Parks Act, it placed all existing
parks under the jurisdiction of park service, and in essence was the start
of a ‘national parks system’ (Eidsvik, 1983). Its first commissioner was
James B. Harkin, who was to hold the office until 1936. It was under his
leadership and vision that the recreation and tourism potential within
the parks was realised, balanced with the need to ensure preservation
and a state of wilderness, but where the revenue to be gained from use
within the system would provide the means to further develop the park
system.
It is possible to argue that Canada’s national parks entered the
‘development’ stage between 1930 and 1978. A stop
/go policy existed
regarding park establishment owing to legislation, which prevented the
federal government having control over public land across the Prairie
Provinces, allowing park creation in only Eastern Canada. The post-war
years and subsequent travel and leisure boom that followed created a
demand for travel for recreational purposes in natural places, supported
by a new phase of park establishment between 1969 and 1972. This
period saw 10 new parks being added to the existing system, both in the
West, East (where parks were established to act as regional economic
growth poles) and for the first time in the North. Park attendance was
recorded to have increased threefold between 1960 and 1972 from 5 to 15
million, with the majority of that increase being absorbed by a few
Western parks (Boyd, 1995). Towards the end of the 1970s it was clearly
emerging that institutional arrangements were needed to safeguard
parks from overuse and abuse. Early forms of institutional arrangements
had developed as early as 1930 with the passing of Canada’s first
National Parks Act. The wording of the Act stressed ‘unimpairment’,
‘enjoyment’ and ‘benefit’ and was an early example of the principles of
sustainable development. Other evidence to suggest Canada’s national
parks had reached the ‘development’ stage includes the first national
parks policy tabled in government in 1964. While this had strong
development-use tones, it helped greatly to establish the preservation
of significant natural features in national parks as its ‘most fundamental
and important obligation’ (Eidsvik, 1983). This was followed in 1970 by
the development and approval of the first systems approach to national
parks planning and development in Canada. An early iteration of the
The TALC Model and National Parks 123

systems plan was based on broad physiographic regions (see Eidsvik,

1983). The systems plan approved by government was based around the
concept of ‘natural regions’. Canada was divided into 39 terrestrial
(natural) regions based on biological, physical and geographic features,
and it was based on these regions that further development of the park
system would be developed to ensure that each region had national park
representation.
In terms of features that could suggest a ‘consolidation’ stage, the
following argument is made. Between 1979 and 1992 few new parks were
added to the existing system. By 1993 Canada had 34 national parks, with
new parks added in North and Eastern Canada. Visitation had levelled
across the entire system to around 20 million. Institutional arrangements
were well established with a revised national parks policy coming out in
1979 that introduced ecological integrity as the guiding principle in parks
as a prerequisite to use. This development saw a formal amendment to
the National Parks Act in 1988, which formalised the principle of
ecological integrity. Other developments in this time period include the
establishing and tabling of State of the Parks Reports and the establish-
ment of a co-management agreement between the federal government
and the Haida Nation over the management of Gwaii Haanas in 1993.
An additional revision of national park policy in 1994 further stressed
that priority be assigned to ensuring the ecological integrity of parks.
It would be difficult to establish a case that after 1994 a ‘stagnation’
phase followed. Rather it would be fair to suggest that increasing
evidence was emerging that parks were coming under increasing threat
and, if this was not addressed, could stagnate and become less attractive
and lose their unique natural and commemorative integrity. This concern
had been stated a decade earlier in a study undertaken on external
perspectives and future strategies that Parks Canada (the title of the
national park service then) should embark on up to 2001 (Nelson, 1984).
But the first comprehensive study of human use in national parks would
not be commissioned until 1994 when the Banff
/Bow Valley Study was
launched over concern about the montane region of Canada’s first
national park (Parks Canada, 1997). The study reported its findings in
1996 and brought into focus the need for ecological integrity to be
established as the first priority. The implications of the study were to
have a wider application to the entire national park system by establish-
ing and making clear that the ‘stagnation’ threatening the system could
be avoided in parks if integrity received priority over use (including
tourism, which was a major component of use). Another action taken to
avoid stagnation and decline was the announcement in 1998 of a
moratorium placed on commercial development outside of park
communities within national parks (Parks Canada website, 2002).
124 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

There is evidence since 1998 to imply that Canada’s national parks

have entered a stage of ‘rejuvenation’. Much of the legislation that was
passed since 1979 and the related institutional arrangements that were
put in place were directed at attempting to keep use levels within
the parks system within the zone of the ‘critical limits of capacity’ or at
worst, to avoid capacity limits being severely overreached. The
chronology of national parks since 1998 reflects concern over use levels
and the pressures placed on parks by users. A report by the Panel on the
Ecological Integrity of Canada’s National Parks was released in 2000 and
stated that the ecological integrity of the parks was under threat from
many sources and for many reasons. Action that was taken included the
passing of the Canada National Parks Act in 2001 that shifted priority to
beyond just ensuring ecological integrity to maintenance and restoration
of ecological integrity through the protection of natural resources and
natural processes. The Act helped set new standards for park manage-
ment plans where the primacy of ecological integrity is enforced.
Other developments within the Act that could promote a base for
rejuvenation were the requirement of legal designation of wilderness
areas within parks and the placement of commercial development in
national park communities. The Act heralded in the recycle of the cycle
as it saw the establishment of seven new national parks. This was then
followed up in 2002 when the government declared its intentions of
establishing what it called the ‘most ambitious expansion of national
parks in over a hundred years’ by aiming to establish 10 new parks by
2007, increasing the size of the Canadian national parks system by almost
50% (Parks Canada, 2002). In so doing, national parks will be present in
all of Canada’s 39 terrestrial regions and thereby complete the system.
In addition, the 2002 announcement stated that action would be taken to
restore the ecological health of all Canada’s 39 existing national parks
based on an integrated strategy. This strategy has three key elements:
to improve understanding about what is changing in the parks,
to understand why these changes are taking place and to take action
to address the changes. The focus will be on scientific understanding
of the parks, involving active monitoring and research into gaining a
better understanding of human use of the parks and their surrounding
ecosystems. Other efforts will include enlisting the help of Canadians
as active partners through the development of partnerships to
address stresses originating outside the parks, and encouraging and
strengthening partnerships particularly with Aboriginal peoples. Such
actions will go a long way to ensure that Canada’s national park system
will enjoy a rebirth or rejuvenation.
The TALC Model and National Parks 125

Application of the TALC to Individual Parks

Although the concept of sustainable development had not been
‘coined’ when Butler produced his model, implicit within the curve
is the notion of limits and what possible scenarios may result if these are
exceeded (see Butler, other volume). Figure 8.1a outlines the model as it
was first developed in 1980 and how it may be modified to include issues
of sustainability (Figure 8.1b), where a number of types or stages of
sustainability may exist. These types or stages may be discernible on the
basis of the ability of parks to cope with pressures, economic, environ-
mental, or social, that are placed upon them from the mix of activities
present and the various functions of the parks themselves. In the context
of parks, the modified model implies that for both the ‘exploration’ and
‘involvement’ stages, initial sustainability is evident with an emphasis on
maintaining ecological integrity (for an example of applying the TALC to
other types of protected areas, see Weizenegger, other volume, editor’s
note). User levels are low and no noticeable impact occurs on the
environment. Between the ‘development’ and ‘consolidation’ stages, it
may be argued that conditional sustainability exists. More specifically,
the nature of this sustainability is perceived as, first, moving in the
direction of achieving economic sustainability with an emphasis on
growth and, second, returning to maintaining ecological integrity as
decreasing tolerance and stress placed on parks from both greater
development (use) and continued high visitor counts may lead to
exceeding the capacity limits of some parks. Parks placed between the

Figure 8.1 Modification of the TALC of evolution model

126 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

stages of ‘consolidation’ and ‘stagnation’, thus falling within the critical

range of capacity, may be perceived as having a focus placed on
maintaining ecological integrity as the increased stress, threats and
impacts on parks may result in carrying capacity being exceeded.
Parks found to be beyond the carrying capacity level may be perceived
as being managed in an unsustainable manner.
Though this model is essentially conceptual, it was applied using the
following data between 1993 and 1997: the length of time since the
park was created, the physical size of the park, visitation counts over
time (see Table 8.1), type of impacts (stresses/threats) facing parks and
the ability of managers to address them (see Table 8.2) on the basis of
the State of the Parks profiles over the time period. It may be argued that
this range of information can provide, at best, crude indicators of the
physical and environmental carrying capacities of parks, which in turn
enable one to determine the general position of parks along the curve.
Given that these indicators provide at best a general impression of
individual parks, each park’s position is shown not as a specific point but
as falling within a certain range (see Figure 8.2). For logistic purposes
regarding visualising the findings and to avoid concealing regional
differences, parks are presented on a regional basis with one curve being
used to show parks in the Ontario and Quebec region of the overall
parks system. Space does not permit a detailed explanation of where
individual parks were placed on the curve, and so a number of case
examples are drawn from Figure 8.2 as way of explanation for
positioning.
For the Atlantic Region, all parks are plotted as falling between the
‘development’ and ‘consolidation’ stage, a fact not surprising
given the range of park ages (Kejimkujik was established in 1969,
compared to Cape Breton Highland in 1936). Further, a pattern of decline
in visitation, increased threats and the lack of attention to external
pressures on some parks may imply that the positions along the
curve may be closer to ‘consolidation’ than to ‘development’. A similar
pattern is evident, albeit with some exceptions when parks in Ontario
and Quebec are considered. For instance, Point Pelee is a park with
an ecologically sensitive environment, a long history (established
in 1929), small in size (16 km2), but one that has had to cope with
development (cottaging) and seasonal variation in visitation (dramatic
increase during the bird-watching season). With increased stress
placed on the natural environment from overuse and pressure
from outside interests, it could be argued that this park is between
‘consolidation’ and ‘stagnation’. However, management actions and
strategies within this park (including the establishment of boardwalks
and the absence of motorised transport) may help to ensure that
‘stagnation’ is not reached. The Prairie and Northern Region may be
Table 8.1 Number of person-visits to Canadian national parks (1993
/97)

Province Park 1993 /94

1994 /95

1995 /96

1996 /97


Newfoundland & Labrador Gros Morne 126,019 124,729 129,083 120,943
Terra Nova 233,783 237,978 241,567 232,616
Prince Edward Island Prince Edward Island 690,645 808,899 836,344 749,212
Nova Scotia Cape Breton Highlands 594,384 598,474 379,894 379,894
Kejimkujik 55,469 58,552 58,308 56,592
New Brunswick Fundy 223,357 241,087 233,486 220,725
Kouchibouguac 210,684 230,089 226,631 229,562
The TALC Model and National Parks

Quebec Forillon 169,412 181,953 180,816 173,914

La Mauricie 247,104 232,765 239,774 215,888
Mingan Arch. 25,350 27,125 28,596 19,860
Saguenay 421,452 377,382
Ontario Bruce Peninsula 144,650 163,255 210,980 207,444
Fathom Five 390,562 335,412 411,867 399,054
Georgian Bay Is 86,589 86,720 72,954 69,252
Point Pelee 448,655 500,282 439,196 384,682
Pukaskwa 13,298 13,252 19,180 7940
127

St Lawrence Is. 43,980 58,365 73,021 63,278

Table 8.1 (Continued )
128

Province Park 1993 /94

1994 /95

1995 /96

1996 /97


Manitoba Riding Mtn 286,574 360,165 368,886 353,134
Saskatchewan Grasslands 2528 2796 5082 3451
Prince Albert 178,523 184,346 171,669 172,194
Alberta Banff 4,395,400 4,892,551 4,858,161 4,453,021
Elk Island 302,023 264,214 217,395 152,852
Jasper 1,511,853 1,587,402 1,605,941 2,100,089
Waterton Lakes 349,393 351,990 456,507 330,939
British Columbia Glacier 173,321 194,751 143,085 101,924
Gwaii Haanas 1902 2768 2775 2077
Kootenay 1,263,412 1,323,913 1,288,495 1,113,795
Mt Revelstoke 203,751 205,916 163,687 163,687
Pacific Rim 1,102,559 1,121,145 920,795 836,120
Yoho 747,292 848,321 761,871 678,189
Yukon Ivvavik 429 129 244 152
Kluane 78,996 72,511 66,489 69,924
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
Table 8.1 (Continued )
Province Park 1993 /94

1994 /95

1995 /96

1996 /97


Northwest Territories Aulavik 151 20 20
Auyuittuq 379 349 507 470
Ellesmere Is. 451 454 462 462
Nahanni 3793 3095 4551 4605
Wood Buffalo 6251 6231 6444 6040
Total 14,312,771 15,322,135 15,246,215 14,451,383
The TALC Model and National Parks
129
Table 8.2 Internal and external threats facing Canadian national parks
130

Region Park Internal threats External threats

A B C D E F G H I J K L M
Atlantic Cape Breton Highlands X X X
Prince Edward Island X X X X X X
Fundy X X X X X
Terra Nova X XX XX X X
Kejimkujik X X XX X X X X
Kouchibouguac X X X X X X X
Gros Morne XX X X X X
Quebec Forillon X X XX X
La Mauricie X X X X X
Mingan Archipelago XX X X X
Ontario St Lawrence Islands X XX X X XX
Point Pelee XXX XX X XX XX
Georgian Bay Islands X X X X X XX
Pukaskwa X X X
Bruce Peninsula
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
Table 8.2 (Continued )
Region Park Internal threats External threats
A B C D E F G H I J K L M
Prairie/Northern Wood Buffalo X XX XX X X
Prince Albert X X X X
Riding Mountain X X X X X X X
Kluane X XX X
Nahanni X X X
Auyuittuq X X
The TALC Model and National Parks

Grasslands X X X
Northern Yukon X X
Ellesmere Island X X X X
Western Banff X X X X XX X XX
Waterton Lakes XX X XX
Jasper XX X XX X
Yoho X XX XX XX XX XX X X
Glacier XX XX X X XX
Elk Island XXX XX X X
131
 Table 8.2 (Continued )
132

Region Park Internal threats External threats

A B C D E F G H I J K L M
Mount Revelstoke X XX XX
Kootenay XX X X XX X X
Pacific Rim X XX X X
Gwaii Haanas XX X XX

X, limited; XX, major; XXX, extensive

Internal threats: A, natural threats; B, tourism and recreation related; C, waste management and services; D, heavy use/overuse of area; E, traditional
activities/commercial activities; F, conflict between wildlife and users; G, modification of the physical environment of parks
External threats: H, removal of buffers around parks, foreign species; I, nonconforming uses outside park boundaries; J, climatic influences
(e.g. acid rain); K, pollution; L, community development; M, accessing parks from areas outside parks
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
The TALC Model and National Parks 133

Figure 8.2 Application of the modified tourist area cycle of evolution

model to Canada’s national parks

categorised into a number of divisions. First, Prince Albert and Riding

Mountain National Parks, which have had a long history of recreation
and tourism, with large visitor counts and severe external pressures, are
plotted as approaching ‘consolidation’ and ‘stagnation’, respectively.
Second, parks established in the North (Auyuittuq, 1974; Nahanni, 1976;
Kluane, 1976; Northern Yukon, 1984; Ellesmere Island, 1988), where
visitor counts are low, growth moderate and impacts minimal, are
plotted between the ‘involvement’ and ‘exploration’ stage, with some
approaching the level of ‘development’. Wood Buffalo National Park is
134 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

one park that resembles the pattern identified for the latter category,
but with a number of differences, namely a longer history (established in
1911), being developed as an animal sanctuary, with the greatest impact
coming not from outside the park from nonconforming land-uses but
from the within the park in the form of an outbreak of disease amongst
the bison herd and from indigenous uses.
The Western Region reflects parks that may be categorised as ranging
between ‘development’ and ‘consolidation’, with the exception of
South Moresby/Gwaii Haanas that has not advanced much beyond
the ‘involvement’ stage given that it was only established in 1992
and is relatively inaccessible because of its location. Parks such as
Banff, Jasper, Yoho, Glacier and Kootenay are seen as having reached
or being close to ‘consolidation’. With the exception of Glacier,
these parks have continued to attract large numbers of visitors
over time, but with the development of specific management strategies
to address internal problems and the co-operative arrangements
existing with neighbouring jurisdictions for many external issues,
it may be argued that these parks have not yet reached the point
of ‘stagnation’. The large numbers of visitors and the conflicts between
wildlife and visitors would suggest, however, that capacity limits
have been reached and exceeded for some sections within these parks
(e.g. Lake O’Hara in Yoho and the montane valley section in Banff).
The Banff
/Bow Valley study released in 1996 would support the
latter argument. However, the history of tourism in specific parks
(e.g. Banff), the attraction of recreation with a Rocky Mountain setting
and the presence of a large urban market in the Calgary
/Edmonton
corridor, make it very likely that these parks will continue to receive large
numbers of visitors.
Both axes in Figure 8.2 are produced as constants, but it may be
argued that given the diversity of parks that comprise the system,
the shape of individual curves would reflect a range of factors. These
could include park history with respect to tourism, recreation and
general visitor use, size, type of environment present, park location
and management ability to redress internal and external problems. As
such, it is possible to argue that the shape of individual park curves
would fall between both scenarios presented in Figure 8.3, where
scenario A depicts a park that is well established, popular, but
increasingly facing stresses both external and internal, whereas Scenario
B is reflective of parks that have been recently established, located within
extremely sensitive isolated environments, where levels of visitation
remain low. Regardless of whether graphs are plotted on axes that vary
or are held as constants, the overall utility of applying the TALC model to
Canada’s national parks remains. Its application may reveal the extent of
The TALC Model and National Parks 135

Scenario A Scenario B

CRITICAL
CRITICAL
RANGE
RANGE
OF
OF
ELEMENTS
ELEMENTS
OF CAPACITY
OF CAPACITY

Number
of
Tourists

Time
Number
of
Tourists

Time

Figure 8.3 Alternative scenarios of park development

‘development’ that each park has reached, which in turn may be useful
in indicating their potential to be sustainable landscapes.

Discussion
The focus in this chapter has been to illustrate the application of the
TALC in a national park context. Attention now shifts to discussing how
park management can redress the situation where parks have moved
into the latter stages of the model, and what specific strategies can be
employed to ensure that the ‘critical range of elements of capacity’ is not
overstepped. Discussion is directed at specific policy developments that
can shape individual park management plans as well as offering some
comment on the extent to which partnership development, alluded to
earlier in this chapter, is providing a new means of park management.
In both cases, Banff National Park is highlighted as it remains the most
visited and yet atypical park within the Canadian system, and if
strategies can be employed here and be successful, then they have
potentially wide utility across parks within the system as a whole.
National park policy, stemming from the 1930 Parks Act to the current
policy released in 1994, can be compared to the analogy of a pendulum,
swinging between development (use) and protection and ensuring
ecological integrity (Boyd, 2000). At present, current Acts and institu-
tional arrangements, previously discussed in this chapter, imply that
the pendulum has clearly moved towards ecological integrity.
The guiding principles outlined in the Parks Policy of 1994 (Parks
Canada, 1994) place ecological and commemorative integrity as taking
precedence with respect to acquisition, management and the adminis-
tration of heritage places and programmes. The policy goes on to
state that management decisions must be made on the basis of
ecosystem-based management practices and sound cultural resource
136 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

management, respectively. Other guiding principles and strategies

include leadership and stewardship, new protected heritage areas,
education and presentation, human
/environment relationship,
research and science, appropriate visitor activities, public involvement,
collaboration and co-operation and accountability. These broad guiding
principles, when translated into specific management plans at the
level of individual parks, are applied by management which stresses
ecosystem-based protection. In the case of Banff National Park, the
current management plan was released in 1997 and provides a blueprint
for action between 1997 and 2012. Sheila Copps, then Deputy Prime
Minister and Minister of Canadian Heritage in the foreword to the Banff
National Park Management Plan (Parks Canada, 1997), states clearly
that first and foremost, Banff is a place for nature in which ecological
integrity is the cornerstone of the park as well as its key to the future,
but that it is also a place for people, a place for heritage tourism, a place
for community and a place for environmental stewardship. The plan
is strategic, offering a clear and core vision shaped around a range of
themes such as an integrated approach to decision-making, and that
the parks tourism strategy shaped around heritage will serve as a model
of integrated management. Specific strategic goals have been established
for each section of the plan.
Much has been written about specific management strategies within
the tourism heritage literature (see Hall & McArthur, 1998; Timothy
& Boyd, 2003) and managing visitor impacts in general (see Garrod,
2003) and no attempt is made here to repeat familiar ground,
other than to make the point that national park environments have often
been the setting against which management strategies have been
assessed. A strategy such as zoning regions based on their suitability
for activity, for example, has a long history where national parks are
concerned. The point to be made here is that a plethora of management
strategies and procedures now exist at the discretion of park managers,
and the history of park management would suggest that overall, they
have been well used.
A recent strategy that has been commented on earlier in this chapter
is that of building partnerships, and although the term is a relatively
old concept, it is a relatively new one where tourism thinking is
concerned (see Bramwell & Lane, 2000). In the case of Banff National
Park, partnerships have emerged as one of the key components of
the park’s vision, namely ‘people who live and work in the park will be
a ‘‘community of communication’’, welcoming visitors and enhancing
their understanding of the nature, culture and history of the park’ (Parks
Canada, 1997: 10). This thinking emerged as one outcome of the
Banff
/Bow Valley Study (1996), which helped develop a heritage
The TALC Model and National Parks 137

tourism strategy for the park (Parks Canada, 1998). The heritage tourism
strategy has the following four goals:
(1) Create visitor awareness of being in a national park through
fostering visitor appreciation and understanding of nature, culture
and history of the park itself.
(2) Encourage and develop opportunities, products and services that
are consistent with heritage values.
(3) Encourage environmental stewardship initiatives upon which
sustainable heritage tourism could be based.
(4) Set up a heritage orientation programme with the express purpose of
giving residents the knowledge base on which they could share
their understanding of heritage of the park, both natural and human,
with visitors.
It is the latter goal that attempts to foster a ‘community of communica-
tion’ by selling heritage through an orientation programme. Boyd (2003)
commented that this education programme provides a new marketing
approach, creating opportunity where heritage tourism is concerned,
and that as a model has utility for ‘educating’ visitors as to the
purpose, heritage or otherwise, of national parks and historic sites across
Canada, and, indeed, more widely.
While this discussion has been limited, the point to be made is that
the direction that national policy and specific management plans have
taken and the initiatives behind building partnerships, for example,
imply that national park management has the tools to avoid parks
moving towards stagnation, indicated by their environments having
overreached their capacity.

Conclusion
This chapter has presented an alternative application of the TALC
model. National parks remain popular venues for leisure, recreation and
tourism, and in many cases represent the majority of World Heritage
Sites that were inscribed on the basis of natural criteria. It is therefore
fitting and relevant to consider the merits of this popular tourism model
in this context. As many of the chapters in this book will attest, the TALC
model has moved well beyond the initial thinking around which Butler
wrote of in 1980. Butler himself has noted that the model has utility
beyond the level of destinations to that of tourism within regions and to
specific types of tourism in general. Within the context of national parks,
it is postulated here that the TALC model is applicable in broad terms as
a descriptor of how entire park systems have developed, as well as
offering utility in the placement of individual parks along the curve. The
chapter provides yet another example of the difficulty of determining
138 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

where individual cases may be best represented within the model.

Despite this weakness, the modifications of the original TALC model
provide the opportunity to think beyond the boundaries and justify the
model’s application to landscapes such as those found within national
parks in a protected situation. A final point is that the importance of the
TALC model and its application to national parks lies not in pinpointing
the position of where parks lie along the curve, but rather in highlighting
the need for good management of parks to avoid them reaching the latter
stages of the model’s cycle of development. National parks have a long
history of management strategies and the ongoing application of these
will be vital if national parks are to become and remain representative
examples of sustainable landscapes.
Chapter 9
A Re-foundation of the TALC
for Heritage Cities
ANTONIO PAULO RUSSO

Introduction
Drawing on the example of Venice and similar congested destinations,
this chapter looks at the way in which destinations have become
overdeveloped or overused. It examines tourism development in the
context of limited accommodation capacity and discusses the implica-
tions of the strategic responses from the market players, as well as
alternative options which such destinations might adopt to bring their
evolution to sustainable tracks. Cultural tourism is an important resource
for cities and regions. It provides solid opportunities for growth that are
not limited to direct employment and revenue generation. A visitor-
friendly environment enhances the quality of life of a place
/ and
consequently its capacity to attract new and strategic functions,
contributing to general goals of urban development in the global
economy (Russo & van den Berg, 2002). In fact, a culture-rich environ-
ment is not only attractive to visitors, but also to new citizens and firms.
Apart from their ethical value, historical buildings, monuments and
sights enhance the atmosphere of a city, providing prestige to the urban
environment. Cultural attractions score high in the preferences of agents
in the new service class (Dziembowska-Kowalska & Funck, 2000), and
influence the development plans of companies and multinationals. This
feeds a process in which tourism is the engine of economic regeneration.
For those reasons, an increasing number of cities invest in promoting
their historical and cultural resources and making them accessible to
residents and visitors. In doing so, however, they risk an unbalanced and
short-lived development. The experience with tourism in many
European cities suggests that the results of such efforts are often
unsatisfactory (Russo et al ., 2001; van der Borg & Gotti, 1995). Tourism
pressure grows unbridled in heritage and cultural destinations, with
negative consequences in terms of costs and lost opportunities for cities
as living and working locations. As a strategy for urban growth, is has
been proved largely nonviable in the long term.
This is especially a problem for a city whose mass is small with respect
to the flow of visitors that it attracts
/ such as the small and medium

139
140 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

‘stars’ of European urban tourism, Bruges, Salzburg, Toledo and Venice.

Not only the socioeconomic profile of entire communities, for
which tourism is far too often the only source of wealth, is at stake in
this process. Perhaps even worse is the risk that as a result of the loss
of competitiveness of tourism, the very opportunities for the
protection of the cultural heritage are eroded. To the extent that
this patrimony represents an element of the foundation of the civil
society and the collective memory of the past, its loss would be
disrupting.
The challenge for such cities is to develop as thriving and attractive
places without missing the opportunities offered by tourism. Hence
the need for an integral policy that prevents the worse effects of
tourism development, allowing the urban economy to grow harmo-
niously, and preserves in the process the valuable assets on which
such growth is based, according to the general principles of
sustainability. Yet, few sound explanations have been given of possible
undesirable outcomes. Urban tourism remains in a sort of ‘scientific
vacuum’, which Cazes and Potier (1996) attribute to the difficulty
of establishing disciplinary boundaries in the study of the phenomena.
It is somewhat surprising to find that in the top journals in the field,
for instance Annals of Tourism Research and Tourism Management , only
a small number of articles have been devoted to urban heritage tourism
in the last decade. However, any mayor of a historical city in
Western Europe is likely to put visitor management high on the political
agenda, together with closely associated issues such as economic
regeneration, traffic and environmental control, and infrastructure
development. Policy practice calls for more scientific elaboration,
but science hardly responds.
This chapter addresses these issues, starting with a discussion of
the shortcomings of the most current Tourism Area Life Cycle
(TALC) conceptualisations and applications in explaining the
unsustainable outcome of tourism development in heritage cities. It is
argued that a specific approach to tourist cycles based on spatial issues
should be considered in such contexts. A ‘vicious circle’ model of
tourism development is then presented, which puts the interrelations
between the spatial development of tourism and market strategies
at centre stage. The long-term developments of this model and the
necessary policy responses are also discussed. The fourth section
illustrates the working of the model and its implications in the case of a
world-famous heritage destination, Venice. Finally, the conclusions draw
useful insights for a more effective comprehensibility and use of the
TALC framework as an instrument for planning.
The TALC and Heritage Cities 141

TALC as a Policy Tool for Heritage Destinations:

Problems and Extensions
Cities and urban regions are complex systems; any change in their
component parts is likely to have repercussions in other domains,
influencing the welfare and quality of life of various groups of citizens,
or the power and legitimacy of organisations. While the expectation is
that tourism development makes a city as a whole better off, this is not
always the case. In some cases, development processes take place outside
the city. The costs generated by development would eventually outweigh
the benefits, in a zero-sum game in which there are ‘winners’ and ‘losers’.
Whereas benefits may be gauged by simple multiplier analysis, the
disenfranchised spatial and temporal nature of development costs makes
their evaluation particularly hard; sophisticated, complex tools are
required for this analysis.
One such instrument is the TALC model, which provides a framework
to analyse tourism in an evolutionary context. The destination-cycle
scheme is complementary to multiplier analysis as it provides a ‘reduced
form’ of the dynamic relations that are implied in tourism development.
It gives an idea of ‘what to expect’ from a certain structure of the tourist
economy and its relations with the local context, be it economic,
environmental or social.
Despite its widespread influence in tourism studies, the destination
cycle has attracted criticism. Part of the literature argues that the
‘deterministic’ nature of the model does not leave room for a diversity
of outcomes in the development process (Prideaux, 2000), or points the
finger to the unclear consideration of demand
/supply interaction
(Haywood, 1986). Another problem is that most studies focus on
applications regarding beach resorts and other ‘new’ tourist products
(for instance, Debbage, 1990; Holder, 1991; Knowles & Curtis, 1999).
Little attention has been given to urban tourism, and to heritage cities in
particular (Garrod & Fyall, 2000). One reason may be that the late
development of this form of tourism (compared to other forms of
recreational and ‘3S’ travel) does not offer many examples of complete
cycles to be observed and analysed. However, heritage destinations do
have peculiar characteristics that make the straightforward application of
the TALC framework not as credible as in other contexts. Whereas we
can rely on arguments derived from aggregate consumption theory (as in
Towse, 1991) to explain the rise in popularity of heritage destinations, it is
difficult to grasp how in practice a ‘decline’ in tourism could occur. The
cultural assets inherited from the past are irreproducible and highly
specific to the local historical and cultural context, hence the ‘substitut-
ability’ between destinations is limited. The decline stage of the
destination cycle, hardly observed in the real world, would not even
142 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

be an expected outcome of tourism development. Though authors such

as Butler (1980), Haywood (1986), Ioannides (1992) and Plog (1973) offer
arguments that could be adapted to the problems in question, none of
these is thoroughly convincing in the case of heritage cities and anyway
their approaches have not been applied to these destinations. However,
socioeconomic impacts from tourism on heritage cities are perceptible
(van den Berg & Gotti, 1995). Cities like Venice and Bruges have tripled
their visitor/resident ratios in the last few years and tourism is perceived
today as a ‘danger’.
Following on, the least attractive aspect of the destination cycle is its
poor use as a tool for policy (Haywood, 1998). The simple description of
the trend does not capture the nature of the linkages that make the
cycle self-propelling. One major consequence is that while TALC
theorists prescribe that policy should act proactively to smooth the
fluctuations of the cycle and prevent decline, it is not clear how these
objectives should be achieved, nor which variables should be the object
of regulation at each stage. According to authors such as Martin and
Uysal (1990) and Canestrelli and Costa (1991), the challenge for tourism
managers is to keep flows under the threshold of carrying capacity. This
is generally defined as ‘the number of visitors that an area can
accommodate before negative impacts occur’ (Martin & Uysal, 1990:
329). Yet few authors manage to define precisely the link between
carrying capacity violations and the life cycle. Is carrying capacity the
point beyond which, if repeatedly violated, the visitors’ flows start to
decline? Or rather does it cause tourist receipts to perform a cyclic path,
affecting the performance of the urban economy? That is completely
unclear, and contradicted by empirical observation. In cities such as
Bruges or Venice, visitor flows
/ both in the resident tourist segment
and in the excursionist segment
/ are still increasing, even at sustained
rates, but carrying capacity is violated for many days in a year (Costa &
van der Borg, 1988). Martin and Uysal (1990) suggest that each stage in
the cycle will reveal different capacity thresholds, and requires distinct
policy responses. Hence, we are not in a position to give clear indications
for a long-term strategic policy to tourist planners, based on the notion of
carrying capacity alone.
We adhere to the remark made by Haywood (1992: 353): decision-
makers need to know what strategic moves are appropriate in
each specific situation, and the destination cycle has no immediate
prescriptive implication unless it explicitly takes into consideration the
characteristics of places and resources. A promising step forward in this
sense is provided by authors who focus on the changes in the spatial
organisation of the tourist system (Debbage, 1990; Gormsen, 1981;
Miossec, 1976; van der Borg, 1991) and on the repercussions on the
performance of the destination. The original TALC model can be
The TALC and Heritage Cities 143

extended by a qualitative element, that is, the kind of visitor that is

attracted (van der Borg, 1991). A close scrutiny of the characteristic of the
visitor flows in cities at different stages of their life cycle suggests that not
only the absolute number of visitors is changing, but also their mix, with
major consequences in terms of associated costs and benefits in the space.
This interpretation seems appropriate to describe the situation of
historical urban destinations, as it hints at a specialisation of the space
in and around the city, induced by the peculiar structure of the
destination area. In the upper part of Figure 9.1, this ‘revisited’ version
of the tourist life-cycle scheme is presented. Each stage of the cycle can be
associated with a specific distribution of the costs and benefits arising
from the tourist activities (lower part of the figure). At the first stage, the
area benefiting from tourism is different from the newly discovered
destination. As development proceeds (e.g. with the building of hotels),
the two regions almost coincide. Municipalities are able to cover the costs

Figure 9.1 The destination life cycle reinterpreted: Visitor mix and
spatial allocation of costs and benefits from tourism development in a site
Adapted from van der Borg (1991)
144 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

generated by tourism with the receipts from tourism that at this stage
are concentrated in the locality. At a later stage, the tourist revenues are
diffused to the rest of the region as a result of the emergence of a tourist
region, while costs remain concentrated.
According to this view, the negative effects of development are
associated with the enlargement of the tourism region, pushed by the
emergence of a class of ‘false excursionists’: would-be tourists that, faced
with the high prices and the limited capacity of central facilities, choose a
peripheral site for their visit to the main destination. A conflict arises
between the centre
/ bearing the costs of tourism activity and retaining a
decreasing share of the benefits
/ and the neighbouring communities.
The latter enjoy as free-riders the advantages of proximity to the main
destination; the core, instead, is pushed to impose higher taxes, and the
budgets for heritage maintenance, cleaning of the city and marketing
become overstretched. In the end, the possibility to preserve and market
the cultural supply depends on the availability of external sources of
income, like special laws or governmental transfers, increasing the
rigidity of the context in which tourism policies operate. At the same
time, tourism imposes a new valorisation dynamic, with devastating
effects on the less competitive sectors of the urban economy (Sasson,
1995). The destination is transformed into a tourism monoculture and
lacks any other economic activity that might balance a possible decline of
the local industry. This ‘spatial-economic’ approach to destination cycles
paves the way to a thorough analysis of the inter-relations between
spatial development and changes in the competitiveness and perfor-
mance of the tourist city. This insight may give arguments to policy-
makers to calibrate their policy. What factors may lead to a decline of
tourism in heritage cities? How can this process be redressed towards a
sustainable path? The next section proposes an analytic framework to
describe why tourism development in heritage destinations is likely to be
unsustainable.

Space and Market: The Tourist Region as a

‘Strategic Space’
The ‘vicious circle’ model consists of a series of logical steps , leading
from the enlargement of a destination’s Functional Tourist Region
(FTR) under the pressure of persisting demand increases, to changes in
the market structure and in the behaviour of visitors, and feeding back to
the competitiveness of the destination. The main assumption is that
visitors are attracted to heritage cities because they hope to enjoy a
‘heritage experience’, which materially takes place through the aggregate
consumption of a set of goods and services, among which are the
cultural assets. Such assets are virtually irreproducible and remarkably
The TALC and Heritage Cities 145

concentrated in historical centres (HCs). The quality of the experience

depends not only on the quality of the primary heritage assets, but
also on the quality of the environment in which the act of consumption
takes place.
Tourism may grow ‘undisturbed’ in a city until some critical level of
tourist development is reached. Beyond that point, problems begin.
This critical threshold is easy to detect. The first visible sign of excessive
tourism growth is the saturation of the central accommodation supply,
which implies the expansion of supply facilities in the FTR around
destinations.
In historical cities, the socioeconomic carrying capacity is likely to be
violated at lower levels than the physical. However, even before getting
to the point of physical or ‘economic’ saturation, the complementary
industry will start to grow more dispersed, particularly those activities
for which centrality becomes increasingly costly, such as new hotels,
recreation areas and transport facilities. Therefore, the first step of the
‘vicious circle’ springs from the incapacity of the heritage city to limit the
growth of tourism in accordance with its physical resources.
The complementary product is much more mobile than the primary
assets, and the administrative boundaries of the city are to a large extent
insensitive to these dynamics. The region involved in tourist production
tends to become larger, overstepping the boundaries of the municipality,
as in the classic scheme of Miossec (1976). However, if the city is a very
attractive one
/ as is the case of principal European cultural destinations
like Venice, Bruges or Salzburg
/ it might well exceed regional or even
national boundaries. As a consequence, the share of day-trippers among
the overall number of visitors increases (Figure 9.2A). Among these, the

Figure 9.2 The ‘vicious circle’ of tourism development in heritage

destinations
146 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

number of would-be tourists who turn into false excursionists because

they cannot find a place in the city centre or because it is too expensive
for their limited budgets, becomes higher and higher. (Van den Berg
(1991) defines real excursionists as all those day-trippers who come to the
visited city during the day from their normal place of residence and go
back there in the evening: indirect excursionists are all those who visit the
city during the day coming from and going back to another place that is
the main destination of their journey; false excursionists are all those day
visitors that spend the night in a different place from the city itself which
remains the main destination of their excursion.)
This mode of visiting the city is remarkably less flexible than
overnight-staying visits. On the one hand, day trips are typically more
sensitive to weather conditions and ‘special occasions’, so that their
seasonal pattern is more pronounced. On the other, visitors who
commute have less time for retrieving ‘tacit’ information about the
cultural and the complementary products. Consequently they tend to be
(i) less aware of the qualitative content of the tourist goods and (ii) less
reachable by traditional information tools. Therefore, they tend to
concentrate in space, as the centrally located attractions are reached
(and experienced) with a minimum level of information. This point is
made by Towse (1991: 3
/4). She assumes that visitors meet ‘search costs’
to gather information about the exact location, content and access of the
cultural-tourist supply. In tourist gatherings around ‘superstar’
attractions, such costs are minimised. A further step in the vicious circle
can thus be identified (Figure 9.2B). Day trips produce more congestion
(and associated costs) than overnight stays, and their share of the total
number of visits increases in the light of persistent demand pressure.
However, the imposition of costs on residents is not central to the
present analysis. More relevant to this study is the impact of such an
inefficient organisation of the visits on the quality of the tourist
experience. Visitors now come from a wide (and widening) area and
are therefore on average less informed about quality. Hence the suppliers
of tourist goods in the city centre will be able to curtail the quality
content of their products to increase their market share. This may happen
with increased likeliness as the share of uninformed visitors increases.
Pursuing this strategy, suppliers may lose some ‘sophisticated’
customers, but appeal to visitors less concerned with quality and much
more sensitive to prices. In the end, in a typical process of adverse
selection, only low-quality suppliers are left in the market. Whereas in
the initial stages of growth the economic strength of tourism causes the
displacement of other economic activities, at this later stage tourism
tends to crowd itself out, replacing high-quality products with cheap
standardised ones. At that point, the tourism space undergoes what is
often referred to as ‘McDonaldisation’. Not only is the capacity of
The TALC and Heritage Cities 147

products to match the demand of a certain segment of tourism

compromised, but the whole aesthetic quality of the landscape and
the system of cultural values embodied in the city is in jeopardy
(Figure 9.2C).
The consequence of this decline in quality is a strong feedback to the
very origin of such mechanisms. In the fourth and last step of the vicious
cycle, the regional dispersion of tourist activities has far-reaching
implications on the sustainability of the development process. Visitors
would set the cost of distance against prices and the quality of the
complementary facilities, and find it more convenient to consume
non-central facilities. The budget of visitors is reallocated between the
goods in the tourist package in such a way that as many goods as
possible are purchased outside the city, to save money and escape
possible ‘quality traps’. Indeed, more and more of those who still wish to
visit the city will choose peripheral accommodation, thus feeding the
dynamics of the vicious circle. The circle is now complete (Figure 9.2D).
The expansion of the tourist region beyond the boundaries of the city
centre, due first and foremost to the growth in demand, in the end causes
that very expansion to continue.
Caserta and Russo (2002) analyse the process of quality downscaling
in heritage destinations through a formal model. Utilising the reputation
model toolbox developed by Tirole (1997) and applied to the tourist
market by Keane (1997), they find that in order to continue to offer high
quality, tourist suppliers charge a mark-up on prices. This depends on
parameters such as the share of ‘informed’ visitors, which is most likely
to be the resident tourists rather than the excursionists, whose learning
capacity is eroded by time lost in commuting and compromised by lack
of opportunities to compare or fewer contacts with informers. On this
account, the widening of the tourist region is linked with the market
behaviour of suppliers. As tourist regions become larger (due to
persistent pressure from the world market), the conditions that are
compatible with high quality are not sustained. Destinations are ‘forced’
to reorient themselves towards low-quality and low-budget visitors,
those that are less likely to be struck by declines in quality. Caserta and
Russo (2002) also discuss the full implications of this market change for
the sustainability of tourism development in heritage destinations.
To this aim they look at the effect on the performance and viability of
the ‘heritage industry’ that is in charge of preserving the heritage and
making it accessible to visitors and citizens. The combined effect of
congestion and lack of information is that some cultural resources are
underutilised while some others are overutilised. On the whole, far fewer
visitors enjoy the cultural heritage than the city could afford. As a result,
heritage attractions are less able to generate value. A larger share of the
visitor budget comes to be spent on pricey tourist goods or simply leaks
148 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

out of the destination to peripheral and unattractive places where better

conditions are offered. To the extent that ‘less sophisticated visitors’
replace quality-sensitive tourists disaffected with the destination, the
budgets spent on culture shrink.
In the end, this process affects the very competitive capacity of
heritage cities. In fact, the resources needed for the maintenance of the
heritage, for innovations in products, and for implementing information
and marketing strategies cease, to a large extent, to be any longer in the
control of the local institutions. That is particularly true in an era of
decreasing transfers from central governments. Even if monuments and
historical sites were subsidised, the conservation standards would be low
and excessively rigid. In a ‘user pays’ approach, tourism should produce
extra revenue to be channelled into heritage protection. If the tourist
region around heritage centres is small, and/or it falls under the
jurisdiction of an authority that can reallocate the tourist revenue
generated in the periphery to the enhancement of the cultural assets in
the core, then these mechanisms may operate. Yet, this may well not be
the case, for two reasons.
i. Despite any redistribution, the pressure for the enlargement of the
tourist region will persist, leading to higher prices/lower quality
than in competing destinations.
ii. Frequently, tourist regions extend over regional or even national
boundaries (as in the case of famous cultural cities such as Venice,
Salzburg or Bruges), and then heritage preservation through fiscal
mechanisms may be hard or impossible to enforce. Peripheral
localities would free-ride on their proximity to the heritage centre
until this loses its attraction capacity due to the changes experienced.
The ‘vicious circle’ provides a rationale for the decline of heritage
destinations that one expects from a straightforward application of the
TALC model. It emphasises that the maintenance of the ‘place qualities’
that make a destination attractive involve both direct maintenance and
management costs and opportunity costs (like the ‘information rents’
captured by tourist suppliers). If tourism development does not generate
in the process the resources that are needed to cover these costs, or leaks
them out to a wider region, then this is not a sustainable process.
The myopic, fragmented and preindustrial nature of the local tourist
cluster (as analysed by authors such as Tremblay (1998) and Keane
(1997)) ensures that such agents would not anticipate a foreseeable
decline internalising the heritage conservation costs through responsible
behaviour. A noteworthy element of this framework is the role of tourist
regions, which present themselves as ‘strategic spaces’. Tourist suppliers
can relocate out of the city centre to escape physical and economic
constraints, and in this way they produce spatial imbalance in the costs
The TALC and Heritage Cities 149

and benefits generated by tourism. In the same vein, visitors themselves

may increase their utility by reallocating part of their time and
expenditure outside the city, also contributing to a nonviable use of
the heritage assets. The consequences for the wider issue of ‘urban
sustainability’ can thus be discussed.
Though markets can substitute for one another, cities are not
indifferent among them. First, declines in quality are reflected in
worsening conditions for residents, whose demand base overlaps with
that of tourists for many elements of the tourist package (e.g. food, public
space, access). If the visitor/resident ratio is high, residents’ welfare will
be strongly eroded. That is commonly observed in tourist cities in which
the residents have to turn to suburban shopping malls and non-tourist
areas for their daily purchases, or relocate altogether as in the classical
Tiebout (1956) scheme. Secondly, if a tourist city wishes to diversify its
economy and become less dependent on a highly unstable industry like
tourism, it needs to project an image of an attractive and convenient
location that sells value for money (van den Berg & Braun, 1999).
However, this option may not be available owing to the dynamics
analysed in the model. What we find instead in heritage cities is a highly
contentious environment where values are inflated by the pressure of the
tourist economy.
A number of policy prescriptions follow immediately from the model
structure. Each of the ‘steps’ that make up the vicious circle mechanism
can be prevented from operating or its effects limited. First of all, the
‘regionalisation’ of tourism may be limited, by expanding the accom-
modation capacity of the city centre. When this is not an option anymore,
the impact of dispersion on congestion can be eased through regional
planning (for instance improving the connections between the core and
periphery and favouring a ‘compact’ structure of the tourist region).
Moreover, policy can play a role in preventing information asymmetries,
for instance through information campaigns. The use of interactive
Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) to inform visitors
about attractions and itineraries, so that visits are as ‘effective’ as
possible, is a promising alternative to unplanned, spontaneous visits.
The incentives to cut quality can also be reduced if opportune regulating
tools are deployed, like patenting and labelling.
Finally, the tendency to reallocate the budgets away from the cultural
system (which would be typical of the last step of the vicious circle)
can be counterbalanced through appropriate cultural policies. If the
managers of heritage could turn its intrinsic qualities to account,
generating the revenue needed for its preservation and promotion
independently from central transfers and revenue redistribution within
the tourist economy, then the HCs would remain attractive even in the
face of a decline in quality in the tourist market. Moreover, there would
150 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

ensue a self-selection of the visitor mix towards those high-paying,

quality-rewarding visitors that are also the ones more likely to choose
central accommodations for their visits. It would be an endogenous
‘brake’ to quality decline. However, the historical heritage, because of its
characteristics as a merit good, is clearly the weakest link in the chain.
Therefore, strategies that support an enhanced strong performance of the
cultural assets of a city have to be diverse and complex. We may list the
most promising:
. Strengthening the ‘systemic’ nature of the cultural sector. A
co-ordinated marketing and communication strategy increases the
efficiency in the provision of cultural products of different natures,
addressing target markets in a coherent way.
. Diversifying the cultural supply. This would increase the city’s
appeal for visitor segments that at present are not attracted or less
willing to pay for visiting the existing attractions, articulating the
‘rejuvenation’ concept in a heritage environment. Coupling heritage
with other forms of cultural production could achieve desirable
results.
. Increasing the quality and service levels in museums and other
cultural resources. One good way to do this is to organise the supply
of additional elements that are charged for at market prices:
e.g. cafeterias, art galleries and bookshops, and electronic archive
services around the core cultural supply.
. Increasing the capacity of visitors to interpret and assimilate culture.
Visitors who are aware of the cultural and symbolic value of the
heritage are more willing to reward it. The full comprehension of
the role of specific cultural assets in the historical development of a
place increases by association the curiosity towards other parts of
the heritage, adding value to the whole system.
. Developing cultural attractions in strategic locations. Cultural
attractions should be developed in the periphery of the tourist
region, allowing for ‘thematic’ links with the main destination. In
that way, the cultural function is also dispersed in space, following
the dispersion of tourist facilities. Peripheral communities could be
convinced in this way that they have something to gain from
investing in their cultural attractiveness, participating in a regional
system organised around many poles. From this point of view, the
‘strategic role’ of tourist regions could be turned from a source of
problems into an opportunity for sustainable development.
Banal as these prescriptions may seem, they are more often the exception
than the rule in real-word tourism policy. For years, cities have insisted
on regulating the demand, trying to separate tourism from the urban
economy rather than building the bridges and synergies that would
The TALC and Heritage Cities 151

make tourism a real engine of sustainable urban development. Demand

regulation has often been directed at the wrong objectives
/ for instance,
failing to discriminate between tourists and excursionists in visitor
management policies
/ and has achieved poor results. As a consequence,
today the pressure of tourism on urban centres and heritage assets is
more critical than ever. A recent study on the ‘sustainable use’ of
European heritage (van den Berg et al ., 2000) points out that the areas
of ‘crisis’ for a sustainable use of the heritage are scattered throughout
Europe. Among these, the heritage star attraction par excellence is the
city of Venice.

A Case Study of the Vicious Circle Mechanism: Venice

The observation of tourist development trends in the city of Venice
/
possibly the most famous heritage destination in the world
/ may be
a way to test the validity of the assumptions of the ‘vicious circle’.
Moreover, the sustainability of tourism development in Venice may
be evaluated in the light of the prescriptions following from the use of
that model.

Context
Venice is a well known international attraction. Yet, its HC in the heart
of the lagoon is a ‘problem area’, whereas the mainland section of the
city is well integrated in a booming regional economy. With young
households pushed out by inaccessible housing prices and lack of
specialised jobs, the population in the HC of Venice declined from
170,000 to 70,000 over the past half a century, and is still decreasing at a
yearly rate of ca. 0.5%. The poor accessibility of the HC is one reason for
workers to move outside to pursue jobs. The reoccurring floods generate
economic instability. As a consequence, tourism is one of the few
economic sectors experiencing full development left in the city. At the
same time, it is seen by many as the main culprit of the irresistible decline
faced by the city, because it produces all sorts of management and
opportunity costs.
Visitors crowd the main attractions of the city
/ a sample of the best
architecture spanning 13 centuries, inestimable collections and top
cultural events. However, most visitors come for the city in itself rather
than for any individual attraction. Its millenary history, its urban
fabric, its atmosphere, the delicate interweaving of its water and built
environment, suggest that the city as a whole should be considered a
piece of art and a world heritage site, and it is deemed as such by
international organisations such as UNESCO.
The visitors-to-residents ratio reached a peak of 50 to 1 in 2000 in
Venice HC (175 to 1 if excursionists are considered as well, on the
152 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

assumption that each tourist wants to visit the HC at least once during
their vacation). Faced with this tourist pressure, which has increased
further after the recent geopolitical changes in Europe and the rest of the
world, Venice started a wide-ranging reflection on possible viable
options for its development and on the role that tourism could play.
One imperative was the necessity to quantify the tolerance of the city
with regard to tourism, as it seemed clear that the costs of tourism could
become unsustainable and compromise the endurance of the city’s
functionality and economic soundness. Canestrelli and Costa (1991)
estimated the optimal level and composition of the visitor flow that is
compatible with the full functionality of the different subsystems used by
citizens and tourists alike (including transport, waste collection and
access to cultural assets): i.e. the socioeconomic carrying capacity.
This exercise indicated that Venice could absorb a total number of about
22,500 visitors, but only a maximum of 10,700 of these should be
excursionists. This limit was surpassed in 1987 for 156 days in the year;
the number of yearly violations has been increasing since then, despite
any attempt to smooth the peaks through regulation and planning.

Analysis
Apart from its validity as a management prescription, this exercise
made it clear once and for all that Venice attracts a flow comprised of
very different types of visitors. Excursions represent by far the most
popular way to visit the city, and have distinct profiles regarding their
impact and management requirements. Moreover, even within the
excursionist category, different types can be identified. Consequently,
the territory involved in the delivery of the tourist product ‘Venice’ is
much larger than the city itself. The FTR (the region where a substantial
share of the visitors of the city is hosted overnight) has surpassed the
provincial scale, extending to foreign countries like Austria and Slovenia,
and has become specialised. Part of the territory surrounding Venice,
whatever its (sometimes nil) intrinsic cultural richness, attracts a flow of
visitors just because of its proximity to the city. In addition, another
portion of the region, which is specialised in seaside tourism, generates a
substantial share of ‘indirect’ excursions to the city that adds to the
‘normal’ tourist flow.
Though upgraded information is badly missing, it is today accepted
that more than 80% of the daily arrivals in the HC are excursionists.
On average, daily visitors spend less in the city than overnight-staying
visitors (as a substantial part of their budget
/ an estimated 60%
/ is
spent in hotel accommodations elsewhere) and have a distinct
logistic behaviour that supports the assumption of the ‘vicious circle’
mechanism. Excursionists do not only spend less money in the city,
The TALC and Heritage Cities 153

producing a spatial mismatch between costs and benefits generated by

tourism, but they also have less time and information, attributes that are
needed to spend their budgets ‘efficiently’, as suggested by the model
presented earlier.
A visitor survey of 1997 allowed reconstruction of the main directions
of visitor behaviour in the city. A random sample of 1500 visitors over a
one-year period was surveyed (the main results are summarised
in ICARE, 1997). Sixty to seventy per cent of the daily flow of
people (and vehicles) is concentrated in a couple of hours in the
morning and another couple of hours in the afternoon. The average
duration of a day trip to Venice is about eight hours, three-fifths of
the visits being shorter. Moreover, the bulk of this flow approaches
Venice through its only road/rail connection with the mainland,
provoking congestion on the main routes connecting that terminal
to the central areas.
The choice of the attractions to visit and the itinerary are consequently
affected, supporting Towse’s (1991) hypothesis about crowding
to ‘superstar’ attractions as a result of trying to minimise search
costs and time in situations of limited information. The resulting maps
of visitor itineraries with different time budgets (Figure 9.3a
/d)
illustrates that for the biggest share of visitors, who stay in the city
for less than 12 h, the number of attractions accessed is severely
limited. Visitors are on the whole more likely to ‘discover’ attractions
that they did not explicitly wish to visit before their arrival in
Venice, the closer the locations of such attractions are to the main tourist
routes. Location
/ and not intrinsic cultural motives
/ guides the
visiting patterns, and that trend is reinforced as time is shorter
and information scarcer. The impact on the cultural system is a
serious mismatch between potential capacity and actual visiting on a
territorial basis.
As a result of the combined effect of congestion and lack of
information, some cultural resources
/ the most central ones
/ are
overcrowded whereas others, slightly out of the main tourist corridors,
are utilised below their capacity. On the whole, far fewer visitors are
able to enjoy the cultural heritage than the city could afford. Data
relative to the main attractions show that on average one out of
4.4 visitors buys a ticket to one museum and just one out of 55.7 enters
a church when they have to pay for it. In aggregate, visitation
rates decrease in time. Figure 9.4 describes the extent of the mismatch
between visits to the city (grey bars) and visits to its main cultural
institutions, such as the centrally located Doges’ Palace, the Guggenheim
collection and the Academia Art Gallery, possibly one of the greatest
collections of Italian renaissance arts.
 154
The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 9.3a /d Time
/budget analysis of cultural visits in Venice

The TALC and Heritage Cities 155

res. tourists in HC
10,000,000 est. excursionists
Accademia

Visitors to main cultural institutions (logarithmic scale)

Visitors to Venice (logarithmic scale)

Peggy Guggenheim Collection

Museo di Palazzo Ducale

1,000,000

100,000

10,000

1,000
Jan-00 Feb-00 Mar-00 Apr-00 May-00 Jun-00 Jul-00 Aug-00 Sep-00 Oct-00 Nov-00 Dec-00

Figure 9.4 Visits to the city and visits to the main cultural institutions,
Year 2000. Logarithmic scale.
However, as was argued earlier, primary cultural products are not
the only elements to be affected in the vicious circle mechanism; more
importantly, the very market structure for secondary or complementary
tourist goods changes, provoking unsustainable effects in terms of
consumption decisions of visitors. Unfortunately, it is rather hard to
monitor the quality of the tourist goods on offer. The only sector for
which reliable and comparable information is available is hospitality.
In Figure 9.5 the mapping of price-to-quality ratios (calculated as the
average price of one star in a hotel room) shows that the priciest rooms
are clustered around the main tourist gathering point of St. Mark’s
Square, where the first hotels were erected at the beginning of the 20th
century. These hotels clearly count on a ‘reputation rent’ in fixing prices.
Aside from them, one can see newer expensive hotels along the main
corridors from the central station to St. Mark and in the proximity of the
station itself. In these locations they exploit ‘accessibility rents’. The same
trends would be observed in relation to other tourist subsectors. For the
sake of simplicity, the local tourist industry has been further divided
isolating those activities called ‘ancillary’ by Jansen-Verbeke (1986),
which in the light of the vicious circle models are more likely to seek
the ‘window effect’, charging highest prices on account of imperfect
consumer information. Among these are souvenir shops, street vendors
and entertainment facilities. The concentration of these outlets in the
most central areas (Figure 9.6) is again revelatory of an ongoing change
in the tourist market. The location patterns of such subsectors reveal
that whereas the traditional form of tourist crowding-out results in
the substitution of a resident activity with a tourist activity, a new
156 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 9.5 Price-to-quality ratios (av. price of stars) in Venice HC,

Year 2001, census zones

Figure 9.6 Tourist transformation in different areas within Venice HC

The TALC and Heritage Cities 157

dimension is emerging today: the substitution within the tourist industry

of high-quality with low-quality suppliers.
There are signs that in Venice the process of quality downscaling has
in fact started to affect the consumption decisions of visitors, as foreseen
in the fourth step of the vicious circle. Even on peak days, the hotel
rooms in the upper categories are not fully occupied, and this occurs with
increasing frequency.
The number of ‘repeat visitors’ is decreasing. Despite different
interpretations in the literature (Darnell & Johnson, 2001), a decrease in
interest from the ‘traditional’, high-paying segments and a simultaneous
expansion of new origin markets does not suggest an improvement, as
the new market segments have a lesser capacity to pay and a less
sustainable logistic behaviour.
The share of ‘group visits’ in total tourism is increasing with respect to
individual tourists. The most recent information estimates group visits
at 32% of the total.
Tour operators are selling packages including daily visits to Venice
that include overnight stays at increasingly distant locations. A number
of interviews with local travel agents clarified that there is a relationship
between the type of clientele and the location that is offered, especially to
groups and other price-sensitive visitor types. This information should
be read in conjunction with the analysis of Costa and Manente (1995: 67),
who indicate that ‘repeat’ visitors are the most likely to spend the night
in the hinterland of Venice: those who have already visited
the city, on their return are likely to come as ‘false excursionists’.
These ‘clues’ indicate that the prevalence of day trips as a means to
visit Venice is less and less linked to the saturation of central
accommodation, and more the result of a decision taking into considera-
tion some of the perceived ‘costs’ of sleeping in Venice. As the concept of
the vicious circle suggests, the elements of distortion in the tourist use
of the city become self-feeding, creating further distortions.

Policy
Where is Venice going? Is tourism development in Venice proceeding
relentlessly, as the main indicators would suggest, or might we expect a
‘decline’ in its life cycle? And what can the city do about it?
The immediate suggestion from the data illustrated is that despite the
richness and variety of the cultural system of Venice, both the heritage
and the events, the capacity of this system to generate value is rather low.
Moreover, the tourist market is not supporting a ‘sustainable use’ of that
heritage. The price
/quality spiral threatens to affect the reputation of
Venice as a destination in the long term, to the benefit of its competitors.
The very structure of the tourist region, where many of the benefits
158 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

accrue to distant second-order destinations, is producing a ‘fiscal crisis’

for the maintenance of the heritage. The necessary funds, which depend
on national transfers and international donors, are increasingly at stake.
What is worse, this system is not inducing responsible behaviour on
the supply side, which is oriented to rent extraction more than ever.
In other words, the developments conceptualised in the vicious circle
model are largely present and the model seems to be developing to
the full, requiring an integral policy response that addresses each of the
steps of that mechanism. Hence, local policymakers should act to smooth
the visitor pressure through effective tourism planning and management
tools, but they also have to consider the market variables, reducing
information asymmetries and controlling quality. They also have to
bring forward an enhancement of the system of value generation from
the cultural supply, in at least two directions: (a) intercepting a
larger share of visitor expenditure and (b) becoming more diverse and
spatially articulated.
The poor return from a policy approach totally focusing on demand
regulation
/ perhaps hiding the lack of any approach whatsoever
/
started to be acknowledged by decision-makers and public opinion in
the last few years. However, it would never have reached the top of the
political agenda were it not for a series of unfortunate circumstances.
First of all, there was a boom in day visits from former socialist countries
in the late 1980s. These new flows spend practically nothing, have
pushed congestion to the extreme, and produced a lot of waste, for
which Venetians have come to pay the highest collection tax rate in Italy.
The public resentment, misunderstood at that time as ‘tourist racism’,
made it clear and very apparent that not all tourism is good, and that
tourism may change for the worse if unguided. This argument was
reinforced by two dramatic incidents. The first was the concert of
Pink Floyd off St. Mark Square in 1989
/ the event attracted a crowd of
more than 200,000 without adequate facilities being set up for resting,
sleeping or restoring, paralysing the city for days. The second was the
fire that destroyed the city’s prestigious theatre, La Fenice, in 1995.
Another proposed mass event, the International Expo 2000, was finally
turned down after the mobilisation of public opinion, supported
by national and international organisations. It was then finally accepted
that the management of tourism had to change, that the cultural heritage
was a precious resource demanding preservation, and that tourism had
to be a lever and not an impediment to other activities.
A number of new projects may finally trigger an appropriate process,
as they are likely to improve the spatial and industrial configuration of
various elements in the Venetian tourist system. On the marketing side,
the promotion and commercialisation of most cultural assets as an
integrated system (involving common ticketing, co-ordination of events,
The TALC and Heritage Cities 159

websites and the creation of a marketing agency) has been accepted,

overcoming a long-lasting fragmentation in the management and
ownership structure of cultural goods. Zago (1996) counts at least
10 institutions, public or private, directly responsible for the museums
of Venice. Proactive cultural marketing is a new thing for a city that used
to consider its international fame sufficient to attract a steadily growing
flow of visitors. Moreover, an effort is being made to link the existing
resources through advanced communication technologies, with the
provision of online archival services and information facilities. Internal
accessibility will be enhanced with the rationalisation of water transport,
the diversification of access points to the HC and the creation of
alternative itineraries and water routes. In the absence of such facilities
as signposts or kiosks, this would result in a simple shift of crowds from
one part to the other. However, the city is now convinced that the spatial
management of the tourist flows must be pursued through an integral
approach that also considers the accessibility and strategic location of
the cultural supply.
Two management tools worth mentioning have been introduced
recently:
(1) One is the ALATA partnership, a consortium of municipalities and
provinces around Venice that got together to manage more effec-
tively the incoming flows on the occasion of the Holy Year, 2000.
A complex information system and a series of information points
were set up to this aim. The rationale for this partnership is that the
excess visitor flow expected in that year (approximately 6 million)
would saturate Venice’s capacity but would be attractive for
peripheral destinations which are generally overlooked by tourists,
starting a process of ‘dispersion’ of the flows in the tourist region
of Venice.
(2) The second is the Venice Card, a pass (utilising ‘contact-less’
technology) to access a variety of facilities and functions. The Card
is purchased by tourists when they send in the booking for their
accommodation, and physically collected upon arrival at one of the
city’s terminals. The number of Cards issued is to be equal to
the tolerance threshold, to be periodically determined. In that way,
motivated cultural tourists get a better deal because they can more
easily discover what is on offer, and then arrange their itineraries,
expediently benefiting from free parking, access to limited-number
events, reduced time in queues and reductions of transport fares.
At the same time, the city is better off because it attracts relatively
high-spending and well organised tourists.
Overall, these projects are fully consistent with the integral, complex and
spatially inclusive policy approach dictated by the vicious circle.
160 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

It should be noted however that none of them was completely successful.

ALATA collapsed when the ‘business model’ provided by the Holy Year
extra-movement (and funding) was over. After the event, the peripheral
sites in the tourist region of Venice found it again more convenient to
play against Venice as free-riders. The Venice Card has finally been
issued; however it is not the ‘smart card’ version originally planned, but
a normal ticket, which is fine as a marketing tool but hardly achieves any
of the logistic/management objectives. It is thus insufficiently flexible to
manage different kinds of visitors in an interactive environment.
That was due to the difficulty in getting all the stakeholders to participate
in the system right from the start, and to the related delay in establishing
the necessary infrastructure. The Venice Card’s managing company has
opted, therefore, for a ‘low-profile’ introduction, hoping to build up a
consensus for the ‘smart’ version of the card. These partial failures are
illustrative of the implementation difficulties faced by many heritage-city
managers. Policy changes of this magnitude require a high ‘organising
capacity’ through strategic networking and capacity building, as
suggested by van den Berg and Braun (1999).

Conclusions and Implications for Life-cycle Models

This chapter has presented an original interpretation of the relations
between space and market which supports the assumption of a cyclical
development pattern in urban heritage destinations, for which relatively
little evidence has been produced in the literature. The application of this
model, however, can be extended to a variety of contexts, and in
particular to those in which the local capacity is negligible with respect
to the global dimension of tourism.
The vicious circle model should not be confused with the destination
cycle; rather, it should be seen as an ‘appendix’ to it, providing a spatial
/
economic explanation for the decline stage of the TALC. It is argued that
the reasons for decline have to be looked for in the inability of tourism to
generate the resources that are needed to ‘keep up’ the quality of the
destination, both for what is the market for tourist goods, and
the heritage itself. We are not concerned in this study with the start-up
process. In fact, it is assumed that tourism is a viable industry in the
beginning, and attention is focused on the mature stage of the tourist
industry, in order to better understand the determinants and the
consequences of change within a region. Another point of distinction is
that the time horizon of destination cycles is medium to long, whereas
the four steps of the vicious circle model, while logically sequential, may
in fact occur simultaneously from the moment of saturation of the
accommodation capacity in the city centre.
The TALC and Heritage Cities 161

One of the main difficulties with the operational use of the TALC has
been in its ‘tautological’ nature (see, for instance, Martin & Uysal, 1990):
the cyclical trend is likely to be perceived as a problem when the problem
is already there. This springs from the difficulty of using it as a
forecasting model. The underlying economic variables are not clearly
identified, and neither is the dynamic mechanism; moreover the critical
thresholds tend to be different in each context or type of destination. The
TALC methodology may gain from the vicious circle conceptualisation,
because this framework can easily be benchmarked through indicators
that are valid in all circumstances and may anticipate the likely
emergence of decline (see chapters by Berry and Marente and Pechlaner
in other volume, editor). Policymakers may set up an apparatus to signal
when any step of the vicious circle is critical, and act to smooth it.
The ‘economic nature’ of these indicators makes it possible to calibrate
policy tools accordingly. As long as the pressure from visitor demand
persists, the circle will continue to operate, and when it is endogenously
reduced as a consequence of the model’s mechanism, the sustainable
development of the destination is at stake. Hence policy should be
integral in character, preventing the model from operating, and at the
same time reducing the pressure factors at the relevant territorial level.
There is however another strong message emerging from the use of
this model, one vital matter that has been largely left out of
the destination-cycle literature: the fact that unsustainable tourism
development may come not only from abuse of the heritage, but also
from its insufficient use (van der Borg et al ., 2000). This idea underscores
the fact that even though physical impacts must remain a focus of the
management of sustainable tourism, there should be more attention paid
to the question of how to link heritage preservation to an integrated and
balanced tourism development. As Gartner (2002: 11) puts it,
Whether one believes in product life-cycle to explain the rise and fall
of consumer acceptance, or not, it is clear that demand for culturally-
based tourism products, which is reported to have increased
substantially in recent times, is still lower than the supply of
products. In this situation, other factors such as service, value added,
niche marketing take on greater importance.
Tourism management often seems to miss the point, treating tourism as a
sector to be ‘isolated’ from other functions performed by a city, rather
than as an engine of harmonious, synergetic regional development.
The peculiar nature of the resources on which heritage tourism is based,
and the extreme complexity of the environment with which tourism
strategies have to cope, contribute to the incapacity of traditional policy
approaches to fully grasp and govern the process.
Chapter 10
The TALC and Heritage Sites
JANE MALCOLM-DAVIES

Introduction
The democratisation of culture has permitted the British bourgeoisie
to participate in ways previously reserved for the elite before the two
world wars. Long before that, Napoleon sneered at the English as a
nation of shopkeepers. Now, it seems, even the symbols of power
/ royal
palaces, stately homes, ancient cathedrals
/ are in the hands of middle-
class marketeers, desperate to attract visitors. Heritage sites are being
redefined as products and this new perspective suggests that they are
subject to the vagaries of the product life-cycle. It is the purpose of this
paper to investigate whether this revolution is actually taking place and,
if so, whether it threatens what it promises to preserve.
Heritage attractions, whatever their original functions, found them-
selves thrust into a highly competitive marketplace during the 1980s.
There are myriad activities that offer alternative leisure experiences.
There has been a growth in book sales and an expansion of networked
entertainment services in the home in addition to walking for pleasure
and sports or leisure centre activities (Davies, 1994: 23). The attractions
sector itself has boomed. In the UK, the number of tourist attractions
increased dramatically at the end of the 20th century
/ 47% of all existing
attractions have appeared since 1980 (Middleton, 2001: 196). There is
much evidence of a growth in heritage attractions in particular (Hall &
McArthur, 1996; Hooper-Greenhill, 1994; Yale, 1998). It is difficult to
think in terms of competition for attractions such as Notre Dame
Cathedral, the Pyramids and Buckingham Palace because they are all
unique (Swarbrooke, 1995: 49). But it is nevertheless true that Notre
Dame is just one of many great cathedrals, the Pyramids one of many
ancient burial complexes and Buckingham Palace one of many royal
residences.
The competition phenomenon has not been confined to those places
where the economics of the marketplace held sway: ‘The number of
museums in both western and eastern European countries increased
substantially during the 1970s and 1980s ... Museum growth was also
encouraged by Communist regimes in eastern Europe during the 1980s,
although arguably with different motives from their western counter-
parts’ (Richards, 1996: 10
/11). With the collapse of the Soviet Union

162
The TALC and Heritage Sites 163

and the reunification of Germany, the last bastion of market-protected

heritage bit the dust.
The test for success for cultural institutions can no longer be a purely
aesthetic one. They must justify themselves in quantitative terms, such
as the number of visitors or income generated. These performance
indicators are equally important for institutions which operate in a
wholly commercial environment and for publicly funded organisations
which have to demonstrate the effectiveness of subsidy (Richards, 1996:
13). Improved access or display is now essential for a successful Heritage
Lottery Fund grant in the UK (Heritage Lottery Fund, 1997). Much that
has been written about these trends focuses on museums, which stand
as representatives of what is happening in other heritage sectors
(Davies, 1994: 24; Light, 1995: 118). Peter Longman of the Museums
and Galleries Commission remarked in 1994: ‘All museums now exist in
a mixed economy. Very few can rely solely on the public purse. . . This
means that they are subject to fluctuations in the economy, and prey to
demographic and social trends in much the same way as any other
industry’ (Davies, 1994: 4).
The move to the marketplace has brought about fundamental changes
in the management of heritage attractions. There has been a discernible
shift from historical monument to heritage product since 1850
(Figure 10.1). Three successive management approaches are identifiable

/ preservation, conservation and heritage (Ashworth, 1994: 15). The
‘heritage’ phase is the one in which the resource is transformed into a
product for consumption in the marketplace. In this transformation
many managers and commentators ignore any distinction between the
management of a historic site and a theme park, applying mass-market
concepts to heritage attractions without a second thought (Swarbrooke,
1995; Walsh-Heron & Stevens, 1990). This belittles the real challenges
facing fragile sites under increasing visitor pressure. Some authors are
more sensitive to historic sites’ particular concerns, noting that heritage
attractions are, for the most part, concerned with the management of
vulnerable resources (Richards, 1996).
Nevertheless, the stress now is on inviting people in, not tolerating
them if they arrive. ‘The balance of power in museums is shifting
from those who care for objects to include, and often prioritise those
who care for people’ (Hooper-Greenhill, 1994: 1). These changed
priorities are due in part to political forces. The withdrawal of state
funding from the arts in general has forced heritage attractions to face
up to the challenge of making money. Government-created quangos in
the UK have been charged with making ruins (English Heritage) and
redundant official residences (Historic Royal Palaces) accessible to wider
audiences both physically and intellectually (HRPA, 1995). While public
responsibilities have been shifted to the private sector, entrepreneurs
164 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

PRESERVATION CONSERVATION HERITAGE

1850+

1960
E
M
I
T

1980

Figure 10.1 Phases in the evolutionary process: Historical monument to

heritage product (Ashworth, 1994: 15)

have moved in on the same market: ‘One striking feature of these recent
developments has been the increased privatisation of the heritage/
museum industry, with 56% of recently opened museums being in the
private sector’ (Urry, 1990: 107).
The theory of the product life-cycle, which is frequently discussed
in relation to destinations (Cooper, 1992), is applicable to heritage
attractions, although few authors note it. A detailed study of visitor
figures to 16 ecomuseums such as Skansen in Stockholm, Old Sturbridge
Village in Massachusetts, and the Museum of Welsh Life in Cardiff,
demonstrated the classic product life-cycle despite geographical and
economic differences (Figure 10.2). Having recognised the downturn
in their visitorship, several of the ecomuseums set about rejuvenating
their product. At Sovereign Hill in Victoria (Australia), a son-et-lumière
experience was developed to rekindle interest in the site; while at the
Museum of Welsh Life a competitively priced season ticket contributed
to a recovery (de Haan, 1997: 26
/27).

Rejuvenation
A Confederation of British Industry survey showed that ‘mature
attractions which recognised/anticipated changing market trends, had
successfully developed to meet those needs, and experienced sustained
The TALC and Heritage Sites 165

Figure 10.2 The product life cycle theory applied to ecomuseums

(de Haan, 1997: 26)

growth as a result’ (CBI, 1998: 20). The need for rejuvenation of resources
as visitor numbers fall over time is recognised in the management
of theme parks and addressed by the development of new and yet
more thrilling rides, often costing as much as £1 million each (Gilling,
1995: 41). Heritage sites may introduce new methods of presentation
or improved support services such as dining facilities in order to
boost falling admissions, although usually at considerably less cost
(Swarbrooke, 1995: 48).
In 1996, the Jorvik Viking Centre in York (UK) updated its static
displays, added an opportunity for visitor participation and introduced
costumed interpreters (Yale, 1998: 131). The introduction or retraining of
front-of-house staff is a way of introducing novelty (Holloway, 1994: 144)
and enhancing the visitor experience (Richards, 1992: 39), and thereafter,
regular changes to their activities and presentations are cheaper than
replacing technological systems of display (Binks et al. , 1988: 39).
But even these relatively inexpensive ways of rejuvenating an experience
are not without difficulties for the heritage sector. People are a bother-
some business and few heritage organisations have the time or expertise
to recruit, train, motivate and retrain staff in what can become a boring
and repetitive job (Risk, 1994: 326).
166 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Heritage sector rejuvenations are cheap, expedient solutions

compared to those dreamed up by private attractions such as Camelot,
Alton Towers and Blackpool Pleasure Beach where £3
/5 million is spent
on rejuvenation every few years (Davis, 2001: 26). Wigan Pier’s The way
we were heritage centre undertook a major overhaul of what it was
offering in 1999/2000 when a Single Regeneration Budget grant
permitted an investment of £2.2 million in Robert Opie’s Museum of
Memories. In its first year, the Opie collection attracted 260,000 visitors
but in 2000/01 visitation fell back to 160,000 again. How often may a
heritage attraction tap into such funds? One historic house owner
reported that having received a government grant in 1969, he had been
refused every application ever since (Williams & Bradlaw, 2001: 286).
If rejuvenation at heritage sites is not possible through major new
projects, the facilities at heritage sites may be tailored to match the
benefits sought by specific visitors in order to exploit a target market
successfully (Swarbrooke, 1995) but it is not often that this happens.
Manchester’s Museum of Science and Industry published a marketing
plan in 1992, which presented information on the current visitor profile
and the potential for development in the main segments of that market
with strategies to increase the existing customer base and attract new
audiences (Hooper-Greenhill, 1994: 175). By the mid-1990s, The way we
were recognised that most of its 160,000 visitors were schoolchildren. The
management did something rare in the ‘We’re here for everyone’ world
of heritage attractions
/ it chose a target market and worked to produce
specially tailored packages. It focused firmly on the educational market:
‘Schools are our lifeblood’, maintains the council’s group marketing
officer (Davis, 2001: 24
/27).

Marketing Heritage Sites

The postmodern era has been marked by the emergence of new
interest groups and specialised markets (Richards, 1996: 10
/11).
A heritage market segment may be identified by grouping all potential
visitors with similar motivations and propensities towards particular
types of heritage or visitor experiences (Hall & MacArthur, 1996). Social
psychologists, market researchers and business forecasters have identi-
fied attitudes and lifestyles as important alternatives to the traditional
classification of people by demographics and socioeconomic groups
(Middleton, 1990: 29
/31). Middleton argues that museums should target
an ‘inner directed’ group which has been growing in significance (from
25% to over 40% of the population) over the past 20 years. This group is
made up of ‘people of all social groups and income levels, mostly
educated beyond school leaving age and typically aged over 40, who
have achieved the self confidence, maturity of personality and tolerance
The TALC and Heritage Sites 167

to be able to live easily with themselves and social contacts’ (Middleton,

1990: 30). This is a significant alternative to more traditional segmenta-
tion approaches (Davies, 1994: 58). Another alternative is the ‘values and
lifestyles’ framework, which identifies nine different types of consumer
(Gunther, 1999: 119). This has been used to target adults most likely to
visit museums (Mitchell, 1984: 8).
A further attempt to segment the London (UK) tourist attraction
market in a different way (Figure 10.3) is based on a psychographic
analysis of motivation (Plog, 1991). It puts the Tower of London on the
itinerary of the psychocentric visitor and the Hayward Gallery on that of
the allocentric (Richards, 1992: 7). The Canadian Museum of Civilization
in Hull has segmented its market according to patterns of behaviour
and designed exhibits to suit: visitors can be characterised as ‘streakers’,
‘strollers’ or ‘students’ (MacDonald & Alsford, 1989: 74). Both these
approaches go some way to differentiating the visitors in terms
of personality but their usefulness is questionable in a sector
lacking the management skills to innovate and take risks (Graham &
Lennon, 2002: 216).
Nevertheless, the application of mass marketing ideas to heritage sites
has had the advantage of freeing some from old-fashioned notions
of exclusivity. The shift from the traditional collection, care and
conservation-centred approach to a concern for the visitors’ welfare is
analogous to the switch from a product-orientated approach to a

Heathrow spectators’ area

PSYCHOCENTRICS
Tower of London

Guinness World of Records NEAR PSYCHOCENTRICS

London Zoo

Science Museum
MID-CENTRICS
Museum of the Moving Image

Victoria & Albert Museum

Kew Gardens
NEAR ALLOCENTRICS
Royal Academy

Hayward Gallery ALLOCENTRICS

Figure 10.3 Psychographic positions of London paid admission visitor

attractions (Richards, 1992: 7)
168 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

customer-orientated culture (Kotler, 1984: 23). A marketing manager’s

attention usually focuses on the four elements of the marketing mix
(price, product, place and promotion) and how they may be manipulated
to increase market share and revenue generation (Hall & McArthur,
1996: 26). Each may be used to stimulate visitation at a time when the
life-cycle curve suggests the market is ready for a boost.

The price
One predictable manifestation of heritage sites being treated as
products would be a new emphasis on price as a strategic component
of the marketing mix. Some museums and other heritage attractions have
attempted to cover their costs with increased admission charges or
introduced them for the first time. Kirby (1988) provides an excellent
résumé of the resulting controversy in the UK
/ attendances at the
National Maritime Museum in London fell by 37% in the year charges
were imposed. However, other museums reported initial problems
followed by a gradual rise in numbers or an increase in visitation, such
as that experienced by the Imperial War Museum in London (UK), when
admission fees coincided with a major redevelopment programme
(Lilley, 1990: 12). More recently, the sudden absence of admission
charges at national (i.e. government-funded) museums in December
2001 resulted in the doubling of numbers at many (DCMS, 7 January
2002), stealing visitors from their competitors who have not benefited
from the government’s largesse. In this context, the decision to charge,
and what to charge, has not been in line with sharp-nosed business
practices. This is a marketplace where producers are not free to set
competitive prices because the government is subsidising major players
(HCCMSC, 2002: 88).
There is also some prejudice against charging premium prices at
heritage sites because their mission is frequently seen as primarily
educational and that therefore they should be accessible to all. For
example, under the government legislation of 1983 that created English
Heritage in the United Kingdom, it has a statutory duty to provide
educational facilities, advice and information to the public (Prentice &
Prentice, 1989: 155). One of its aims is the promotion of wider knowledge
and enjoyment of England’s heritage of ancient monuments and historic
buildings (English Heritage Education Service, 1986). Meanwhile, Cadw
(the government body responsible for Welsh historic monuments in the
UK) ‘seeks to broaden the awareness of all Welsh people wherever they
may be, and the visitors to Wales, to help them learn, to understand, to
enjoy the 6,000 years of history visible in the landscape’ (Prentice &
Prentice, 1989: 155
/156). Many recently established heritage attractions
incorporate educational aims in their mission statements (in the UK,
The TALC and Heritage Sites 169

the Ironbridge Gorge Museum, the York Archaeological Trust and Wigan
Pier Heritage Centre are to a greater or lesser extent established as
charitable educational organisations), although this does not stop them
from charging higher prices than their publicly managed competitors.
In a study of factors affecting visitation in 1999, just 4% of historical,
garden and museum attraction managers suggested that changes in
admission charges were responsible for falling numbers, whereas 32%
of them identified the weather as the cause (Hanna, 1994: A61). A study
of pricing decisions at attractions in England concluded that the sector is
cautious and conservative in its pricing decisions, with respondents
stating that their admission fees were primarily linked to ‘what the
market will bear’ (65%), costs (51%) or competitors’ prices (23%) (Rogers,
1995). Rarely is price used to differentiate sites in the marketplace and the
range of admission charges in the UK is very narrow
/ just 14% charge
up to £1, while only 9% charge more than £5. The average price is £2.97
(Hanna, 1998: 29). Tourist attractions in general are thought to be
overpriced by UK residents (MAI, 2000: 42). However, there is evidence
that this is not true of heritage sites. A study of visitors at Warkworth
Castle in 1994 suggested that they were (on average) prepared to pay
91 pence (29%) more than the adult admission price of £1.80 (Powe &
Willis, 1996: 266). Studies of price elasticity in relation to increases at
heritage sites have shown that it is generally low, particularly in the long
term (Bouvaird et al ., 1984; Jones, 1984; Snaith, 1975).
There are few instances of cut-price admission fees offered in the last
few days of an exhibition or lower prices for admission in the off-season.
Still fewer heritage sites willingly banish charging altogether despite the
clear relationship between free access and increased admission. When
the National Museum and Galleries in Merseyside became free in
December 2001, the number of visitors for the month rose by 56% on
the previous December; and at the National Railway Museum in York
there was an increase of 66% (DCMS, 7 January 2002). However, a MORI
poll in September 2002 revealed that 41% of visitors to museums were
not influenced by the abolition of entry fees and a further 40% were not
aware that fees had been abolished (HCCMSC, 2002: 89).
Pricing policies may also be employed to preserve cultural assets
intact both in terms of the visitor experience and the longevity of
the resource. A £5 admission charge at Westminster Abbey was intended
to reduce the impact on the building of nearly three million visitors
a year and restore its atmosphere as a place of prayer (Fyall & Garrod,
1998: 226).
The UK lacks a tradition of philanthropy towards heritage resources in
stark contrast to North America, where many museums and historic sites
have enjoyed long associations with successive generations of a generous
family (Alberge & Rumbelow, 2003: 3). In Europe too there are examples
170 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

of art collections housed and presented at the expense of individual

patrons such as the Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza in Madrid (Shnayerson,
2002: 74
/83). Admission charges are therefore a fact of life for many
heritage sites in the UK and yet there is little evidence that price is
manipulated as a strategic component of their marketing mix.

The promotion
Heritage sites do not spend a great deal of money on promotion,
whether it be through public relations or advertising campaigns. Alton
Towers Pleasure Park spent £2.6 million on advertising in 1998 compared
to Beaulieu’s (a stately home with a Motor Museum) £175,000 and
Historic Scotland’s £153,000 (for 300 properties, 70 of which charge
admission) in 1997 (Griffiths, 1998: 45). Hampton Court Palace struck a
deal with media production company Bazal to develop a ‘behind the
scenes’ television series to promote it around the world (Sturgis: 1998).
Both Chatsworth and Woburn Abbey have offered similar televised
peeps behind their green baize doors in the hope of boosting visitor
numbers. However, promotional activity for most heritage sites is
confined to a special events programme. These are often managed
in-house, exploit local volunteer labour and use craftsworkers who
sell their wares, amateur re-enactment societies or may rely on
enthusiasts with visually impressive hobbies such as ballooning or
vintage car restoration. Historically themed events are often designed
to maximise attendance by taking a cavalier approach to the known
history of the site. In order that special events are possible at Plimoth
Plantation in Massachusetts (USA), ‘historical events have to be
glamourised a bit or historical dates shifted a little’ (Snow, 1993: 88).
A wedding of 1627 is knowingly recreated each year more lavishly than
is ‘probably proper’ for the time and place. At other times of year, simple
weddings are staged as a counterbalance to this festive special event
(Snow, 1993: 88
/89).
It is difficult to reconcile the promotional needs of a site with the real-
ity of the place recorded in historical documents. Colonial Williamsburg
in Virginia (USA) has wrestled with the evidence of ‘unpleasant subjects,
unappetising smells, and ugly sights’ in 1770s Virginia, while offering
‘itself as a holiday destination, a place for relaxing, entertaining, even
romantic, vacation’ (Leon & Piatt, 1989: 75). Themes are often reduced to
simple dichotomies which are easy to transmit in advertising material
and on-site information. Lévi-Strauss and other structuralists argued that
humans establish oppositional sets in their minds (high/low, wet/dry,
black/white) in order to process and store information (MacDonald &
Alsford, 1989: 62). This tendency frequently reduces complex cultural
phenomena to simplistic scenarios. The medieval tournament with its
The TALC and Heritage Sites 171

chivalric pomp and careful ceremony is often presented as the black

knight (bad) losing to the white knight (good). A comprehensive survey
of special events associated with historic houses in the USA found that a
great many focus on ‘mundane activities’ such as household chores,
often on seasonal themes, because ‘they are fairly simple to stage’
(Janiskee, 1996: 410). The special events are, for the most part, superficial
representations of the history of the houses at which they are held
(Janiskee, 1996: 407
/409).
The chief executive of English Heritage has argued that special events
are a ‘taster’, and that they invite people to investigate further these
aspects of English history. Critics do not agree:
These events are nothing but mere titillation, meaningless amateur
dramatics promoting the postmodern simulacrum, a hazy image of a
manipulated and trivialised past. The most ridiculous was the
American Civil War garrison at Fort Brockhurst, Hampshire. . .
History is decontextualised and mixed with non-history in a
promotion of a pastiche. English Heritage has argued that because
these so-called recreations are popular, that makes them acceptable.
(Walsh, 1991: 102
/103)
Promotion is not implemented with the rigour of commercial operations
at most heritage sites. Low cost special events tend to be the mainstay of
their promotional efforts and there is some evidence that their transience
permits a lowering of curatorial standards (Sansom, 1996: 120).

The place
This element of the marketing mix has a radically different application
to tourist attractions in that the customer travels to the product, rather
than vice versa, and prepurchase is rare. It is theme parks which tend to
use intermediaries to widen their point-of-sale via ticketing agencies as
their prices offer a viable level of income as commission (Swarbrooke,
1995: 210
/211). However, there are examples of heritage sites using
intermediaries to sell advance tickets: for example, Buckingham Palace
which also exploits the internet as a point-of-sale, levying a £1 booking
fee on each transaction. Few tourist attraction websites allow online
ticketing in this way, although they clearly fulfil a promotional role in
offering up-to-date, comprehensive information about a site, its location
and the visitor experience (Fenn, 2001: 53). There have been some
questionable marriages between the commercial world and historic
houses in attempts to widen the point-of-sale. In 2001, Historic Royal
Palaces offered Sainsbury supermarket customers discounted admission
tickets. However, heritage sites’ use of this element of the marketing mix
172 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

does not seem to have brought about a ruthless change in the way
heritage sites sell themselves to potential visitors.

The product
Most commercial operations recognise the need to update and
redesign their products for specific target markets. Critics (for example,
Newby, 1994) suggest the consequence of this is that the presentation of
heritage resources is primarily a marketing activity rather than market-
ing acting as a servant of the resource (Figure 10.4):
This is a process involving both resource selection and packaging. It
is not a marginal enhancement of a product but is, from the
producer’s viewpoint, the means by which the diverse elements
are integrated. . . [it] involves a conscious series of choices about
which history-derived products are to be produced, and conversely
which are not. (Ashworth, 1994: 17)
It is arguable, however, that this selectivity has always been the case at
museums, historic houses and other cultural resources. Usually owned
and managed by the state or wealthy individuals, these places have
rarely been hotbeds of subversive or radical re-presentations of the past.
This view also suggests that visitors are passive receivers of heritage
experiences, which is not borne out by studies into their methods of
constructing meaning for themselves (Goulding, 2000: 849).
There are some aspects of heritage management activity that suggest
that the visitor experience is being redesigned in subtle if not radical
ways. Many subsidised historic sites are in the care of state or other
public authorities and even here ‘recent years have seen an increased

Values

Resources Interpretation
artefacts Products
associations Selection packaging Targeting

Conservation User
agencies industries

Figure 10.4 Components of the heritage industry (Ashworth, 1994: 17)

The TALC and Heritage Sites 173

emphasis on customer care, corporate planning, greater management

flexibility and performance measurement’ (Davies, 1994: 25).
The heritage sector of old tended to see the visitor as a disruptive force

/ an attitude long-held in service industries but undergoing a funda-
mental change (Bowen & Schneider, 1985: 132). Guidelines published by
the then Museums and Galleries Commission urged museums to adopt
ideas based on the ‘National code of practice for visitor attractions’
developed by the English Tourist Board (Hooper-Greenhill, 1994: 182).
If the theory of ‘the augmented product’ (Kotler, 1984: 463) was
successfully applied to a package holiday (Callaghan et al. , 1994) and a
theme park (Swarbrooke, 1995), why not a heritage site? For a product to
be successful, all its constituent parts must be shaped to complement
each other
/ from the core benefits, through its tangible features to the
augmented elements (Figures 10.5 and 10.6). Catering, gift shops and
membership schemes have been introduced or improved to make
heritage sites more attractive to the visiting public (Crighton, 1992;
Herbert, 1989; Palmer, 1994).

Ancillary services such as

catering and retailing

The weather Car parking

“White knuckle” rides

Brand
name such
as Alton Safety
Towers Excitement
Opening Range of Services
time and/or
atmosphere rides and for visitors
on-site with
attractions special
needs

Core Quality of
product service Sharing the park with
other people

Tangible product

Procedures for handling complaints

Augmented
product

Figure 10.5 The three levels of product, the example of a theme park:
After Kotler, 1994 (Swarbrooke, 1995: 40)
174 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

How many different products to market? How should the brochure be designed?
Augmented

after-sales service computer booking system

Tangible

14 nights accommodation

Core
flights meals
travel rest,
agent relaxation, free
advice fun excursions

Product
excursions
transfers

free insurance Product

7 extra nights
accommodation

What should the product features be? Product What brand identity is appropriate?

Figure 10.6 The elements of the travel and tourism products (Callaghan
& Bottomley Renshaw, 1994: 213)

A great deal of effort has gone into the tangible and augmented levels
of the heritage site product (mainly because these raise extra revenue)
yet it seems unlikely that the visitor comes to a heritage attraction with
expectations which may be marked off on a checklist: ‘Tourists do not
arrive in a destination simply in order to sleep, eat, drink, buy petrol and
park their cars, and yet these amenities are said to produce the benefits of
tourism’ (Bull, 1985: 19). There is something beyond these facilities on
offer, something beyond the physical properties of the place which
satisfy other needs for the visitor. A product (or a heritage attraction)
possesses two major characteristics: what it is and what it does
(sometimes referred to as its extrinsic and intrinsic qualities). Its extrinsic
features are what are usually described in brochures and in industry
classifications. The intrinsic value of an attraction is the need it satisfies;
its utility
/ what it does rather than what it looks like or how it is
described (Bull, 1985: 24). While there is evidence that heritage site
‘products’ have been tinkered with at the edges, there is little to suggest
that the core benefits have been challenged. Indeed, a typical example of
an attempt to assess the quality of service at historic houses uses a
checklist of 24 items. The items identify needs, such as the restaurant and
directional signs (Frochot & Hughes, 2000: 161). None of them addresses
the intangibles, the historic house’s ‘utility’ for the visitor. If evaluations
concentrate on the peripherals in this way, there is little likelihood that
the heritage resource is seriously threatened by the results they provide.
The TALC and Heritage Sites 175

Research has suggested that there are three main components to

a heritage site’s core product: atmosphere, learning and personal
experience.

Atmosphere
Visitor surveys conducted by the United States National Trust for
Historic Preservation and Colonial Williamsburg in Virginia have
shown that people visiting historic sites were primarily attracted
by the ‘atmosphere’ and ambience associated with them (Colonial
Williamsburg, 1985; Mawson, 1984). ‘A shock of confrontation with
‘‘the Other’’ is essential to a memorable museum experience’ (Lowenthal,
1992: 26). Heritage tourism offers an encounter with nature or an
opportunity to feel part of the history of the place (Hall & Zeppel,
1990: 87). ‘Travel is no longer to see for the first time. It is to experience’
(Collins, 1983: 59). It is the experiential nature of a visit to a heritage site
which sets it apart from tangible products and other services too
(Prentice, 1993: 202; Prentice et al ., 1993).
Heritage attractions put people in contact with the tangible remains of
the past and this relationship is ‘something we want to appreciate and
experience to the fullest extent’ (Masser et al ., 1994: 31). It is important,
then, that each site offers visitors a unique and impressive atmospheric
experience. Visitors to New Lanark in Scotland suggested that the lack of
exhibits which offered immersion in the past (such as an underground
mine trip or costumed demonstrators re-enacting what life would have
been like) was a weakness in its provision compared to similar
attractions (Beeho & Prentice, 1997: 84).
This emphasis on the visitors’ opportunities for immersion rather than
an attraction’s physical features or facilities sits well with the ‘gestalt’
theory of museum experience (Falk & Dierking, 1992: 81). Gestalt is ‘a
structure or configuration of. . . phenomena, so integrated as to constitute
a functional unit with properties not derivable from its parts in
summation’ (Webster’s, 1983; Johns & Tyas, 1997: 475). All the parts
must be considered within the context of the whole visitor experience
(Johns, 1999: 127). That an experience cannot easily be broken down into
its elements for analysis explains why well meaning research, which
concentrates on facilities, reveals little about successful heritage site
management.
Visitors have identified ‘a sense of the past’ as being an important
component of the visitor experience (Malcolm-Davies, 2002: 577). This
sense of the past may be connected with issues of perceived authenticity,
which has been identified as ‘the best predictor of visitor satisfaction’
(see Figure 10.7) (Pearce, 1988: 77). Visitors may want an empirically
‘real’ experience of the past (an objective authenticity), their own idea of
a ‘real’ experience (a constructivist authenticity), a ‘real’ fake experience
176 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

MODE OF EXPERIENCE ENTERTAINMENT EXPERIENTIAL PILGRIMAGE

Effect Recreation or diversion Education and aesthetic Religious and/or

appreciation cultural identification

Fun, pleasure, Curiosity, Reverence,

play, intellectual and adulation,
Qualities relaxation, aesthetic commitment to
joking, stimulation, values and
“camp”, learning ideals
“pilgrim-baiting” of pilgrims

entertainment inspiration reaffirmation

Type of visitor Most visitors The “best” visitors Modern pilgrims

Degree of involvement Superficial Significant Profound

Figure 10.7 Three modes of tourist experience (Cohen, 1988) at Plimoth

Plantation, Massachusetts, USA (Snow, 1993)

(a postmodern authenticity), a ‘real’ personal experience (existential

authenticity) or a mix of these ‘realities’ (Wang, 1999).

Learning
Research into historic site visitors’ priorities in four countries revealed
that learning something is more important than atmosphere, although
together they top the list of what people want from their visits (Malcolm-
Davies, 2002: 469). Education was what most visitors to Burgos Cathedral
(Spain), Nottingham Castle (UK) and Paleis Het Loo (Netherlands)
identified as their motivation for visiting in a 1995 survey (Richards,
1996: 25). Visits to New Lanark in Scotland were perceived to have
increased visitors’ knowledge through a beneficial learning experience
(Beeho & Prentice, 1997: 84). Another research project in Scotland
suggests that a quest for active learning takes second place to enjoying
oneself. A study of visitors to the ship Discovery in Dundee (UK) showed
that 82% went to learn, compared with 63% who went to be entertained.
However, these were secondary motivations indicated after 99.5% of
visitors had already noted more pragmatic reasons for going, such as
being on holiday and having a day out (Prentice et al ., 1998: 9). While
48% of visitors to an Australian ecomuseum said their principal reason
for visiting was an interest in history or a desire to learn (Moscardo &
Pearce, 1986: 473), only 2% of visitors identified ‘self-education’ as a
reason for their last museum visit in another study (Merriman, 1991: 55).
Surveys of visitors to historic sites in Wales in the 1980s showed 62%
of respondents wanting to be informed or educated (Light, 1995: 125).
The TALC and Heritage Sites 177

A study at Cadw sites in Wales suggested that a small minority seek to be

taught about a site in a formal sense but that a large group is interested in
acquiring some knowledge (Herbert, 1989b: 198). The Commission
on Museums for a New Century acknowledged this difference by
committing itself to the concept of lifelong learning rather than formal
education (CMNC, 1984: 59). The many and varied definitions of
museums have adapted to these new expectations; the well founded
‘functions’ of a museum as defined by the American Association of
Museums (collection, conservation, exhibition) are giving way to a more
progressive idea of the ‘purposes’ of a museum (study, education,
enjoyment) as defined by the International Council of Museums
(MacDonald & Alsford, 1989: 37; Weil, 1986: 26
/27).

Personal experience
The essential magic of a heritage attraction is that it provides a
touchstone for the perceived benefits of the past. It is not necessary to feel
dissatisfied with the modern world to appreciate these benefits, as critics
of ‘the heritage industry’ have asserted (Hewison, 1987; Lowenthal, 1985;
Samuel, 1994; Wright, 1985). A change of scene, an encounter with
something other than the regular routine, was a feature of leisure activity
long before it extended to the many rather than being limited to the few.
Consumers are increasingly sophisticated and self-centred
/ because
most people in industrialised societies are relatively comfortable, they
seek experiences that offer more than sustenance, warmth and shelter
(Maslow, 1954: 80
/106). A new postmaterialist set of values has
emerged, defined as needs for ‘self-realisation, self-esteem, affection, a
better quality of life and improved social relationships’ (Walsh, 1991: 62).
Economic, social and technological changes have produced ‘the
thoughtful consumer’, who puts more emphasis on the quality of life
than material affluence (Martin & Mason, 1993: 37). Visitors seek quality
of experience with opportunities for greater personal participation,
whether they define quality by recreational values, intellectual stimula-
tion or cultural meaningfulness (MacDonald & Alsford, 1989: 41). ‘The
emphasis is likely to be more on visiting with a purpose, going to an
attraction because it offers something of particular interest or relevance
to the visitor, rather than just because the destination exists and there is
time to be occupied’ (Martin & Mason, 1993: 39). Sociopsychological
studies of leisure have revealed that such activities are goal driven
and linked to the expected benefits or rewards gained. An individual
will undertake those activities that produce a sense of competence,
satisfaction and fulfilment (Light, 1995: 126). Facilities that help a visitor
to develop a critical insight and appreciation of historic buildings
provide a boost to self esteem (Herbert, 1989b: 197).
178 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Arguably, visitors in the 21st century are more conscious of the way in
which the world around them is constructed than visitors were in the
20th century. Gone, or going, is the classic realist text with its
authoritative linear narrative and empirical truths (MacCabe, 1974: 8).
Tristram Shandy (Sterne, 1760
/1767), Ulysses (Joyce, 1914), To the light-
house (Woolf, 1927) and The garden of forking paths (Borges, 1941) paved
the way in literature for fragmented narrative in film (for example, in
Natural born killers , Oliver Stone, 1994) and (in the USA) television (for
example, in Courthouse, Deborah Joy LeVine, 1995). All of these
demonstrate the variety of ways a story can be told (Gibson, 1996).
‘Most visitors today are oriented toward a multichannelled, cool-media
approach to experience. They expect to be able to switch back and forth
among channels easily, to experience a rapid transformation of frames’
(Snow, 1993: 192).
The ‘thoughtful’ visitor is looking for something more nebulous
/ a
‘real’ experience (Martin & Mason, 1993: 39). They may enjoy it with their
tongues firmly in their cheeks or see it as an opportunity to learn,
depending on the authority with which it is delivered and the respect
they accord it. The integrity and genuineness of what is offered will, in
part, determine the lasting quality of the experience (Martin & Mason,
1993: 40). Whether the visitors actually learn anything is irrelevant; what
is more important is that they think they have learnt something and
learning can therefore be identified as a perceived benefit of their visit
(Light, 1995: 134; Prentice, 1993).

Conclusions
If marketing theory were applied with rigour, product development
techniques would be used to devise, pilot and refine visitor experiences
at historic sites to provide learning, atmosphere and personal experience.
Any assessment of a heritage attraction’s strengths and weaknesses
should attempt to gauge how effective it is in ‘raising curiosity, appealing
to fantasy, and in providing a challenge’ (Schouten, 1995: 260).
One commentator notes ‘the introduction of marketing as a concept
has not always been easy in museums. . . None the less, suitable
approaches have begun to emerge and there is now a growing body
both of literature and good practice’ (Hooper-Greenhill, 1994: 24).
However, there is a paucity of radical examples of marketing theory
applied to heritage sites. This may serve to demonstrate that lip-service
only has been paid to the notion of market-led management. Promotion
has been and remains heritage managers’ priority to the exclusion of
more developed marketing applications. Expansion has been based
largely on opportunism, rather than on market research. Critics assert
that many attractions have been product-led, promoting an otherwise
The TALC and Heritage Sites 179

redundant resource to a new market (Prentice, 1993: 223). Too many

heritage sites continue to serve up the same old things or simply tart
them up with quick fixes, which are assumed to bring the crowds.
Costumed guides, for example, are often introduced in the belief that
they act as a primary motivator when research has shown that this is true
only for a minority of visitors (Malcolm-Davies, 2002: 477).
A truly market-led approach to heritage management would note the
need for regular, expensive rejuvenation of the resource (such as the
arrival of annual blockbuster exhibitions at national museums), widen
the range of admission charges from bargain basement attractions to
premium-priced exclusive visits (such as Dennis Severs’ £12 visits to his
tiny house in Spitalfields and evening tours at Buckingham Palace
at £25), enhance the quality of the experience in line with what
the traditional visitor segments like (as at Waddesdon Manor in
Buckinghamshire), and pay attention to visitors’ priorities as revealed
by research. The introduction of the ‘audience advocate’, who researches
the needs of visitors to aid exhibition design indicates museums may be
leading the way in the proper application of marketing principles:
‘Where in the past collections were researched, now audiences are also
being researched’ (Hooper-Greenhill, 1994: 1, 9). Croydon Clock Tower’s
museum galleries in Surrey were devised after an extensive public
consultation process, which included questionnaires, interviews and
focus groups (Susie Fisher Group, 1990). Academic research into visitors’
responses to heritage sites has offered ideas for imaginative product
development which have been translated into action at Blists Hill,
Ironbridge (Goulding, 2000), the Black Country Museum in the West
Midlands (Beeho & Prentice, 1996) and Castlefield in Manchester
(Schofield, 2001).
It is not surprising, therefore, to discover that heritage attractions that
are owned or operated by industrial production outlets or retailing
groups (for example, Cadbury World in Birmingham) offer the clearest
examples of marketing principles put into practice (Swarbrooke, 1995:
319, 322). Tetley Brewery Wharf was planned with a life cycle of
three years while the brewery obtained planning permission for
residential development of its site. Similarly, the Granada Studios Tour
in Manchester closed after it had worked through a life cycle of eight
years which began with 659,000 visitors per year, peaking at 750,000 and
declining to 500,000 (Hanna, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997,
1998). These, of course, are exceptions because they are not listed
buildings, registered collections or symbolic ruins and battlefields.
They are free to operate as commercial ventures. The difficulty for
many historic properties competing in the marketplace is that they do not
have the capacity to respond to the warning signs offered by the product
life-cycle. Few can raise capital with ease and many lack the freedom to
180 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

alter the layout of the building or dispose and collect in creative ways
because of laudable legislation that preserves the remnants of the past
from wilful destruction. Heritage attraction managers are fighting for
market share with both hands tied behind their backs.
While curators cry over a revolution that has brought ‘people who
don’t have a clue about heritage into the heritage sector’ (Alberge, 2003:
3), the real tragedy is that proper application of marketing theories,
including the product life-cycle, is long overdue in a sector that is
fighting for its very existence. The traditional market for cultural
resources is well heeled, well educated and in search of meaning in
their lives
/ why aren’t their millions subsidising the assets of the nation
for those who have nothing?
Part 4
The TALC and Local Involvement
RICHARD BUTLER

One of the aspects of tourism destination growth that was not explicitly
dealt with in the original article was the politics of development. It has
become clear over the years that much more attention needs to be paid to
the relationships between politics and development, both with respect to
the impacts of politics at all levels on the nature and scale of
development, and the impacts of such development on the political
situation in destinations. The process of development discussed in the
original model suggested that the stages of development would be
affected by different levels of political (and economic) involvement.
Keller (1987) argued that changes in the level of control and investment
could be matched by periods of instability and turbulence (or chaos) in
destination systems, but the general suggestion was that involvement
would move consistently from local to regional to national and to
international levels.
The first to challenge this view was Weaver (1990) and the first chapter
in this section summarises and expands his arguments with respect to
the different pattern of early development followed by destinations
which had experienced a plantation type of initial economic develop-
ment. He notes the different early patterns of development in such
economies and the implications for the later stages. The chapter raises
some interesting issues not explored fully here, relating to who might be
termed a ‘local’ and who an outsider, and at what stage the latter may
become the former. It also hints at some of the issues involved when the
interests of various groups are not the same and thus the potential for
conflict over the rate, scale and nature of development.
Johnston’s discussion of the development process of Kona, on the Big
Island, Hawaii, demonstrates the interplay between local residents and
tourists. One of the themes which emerges is the growing power of local
groups over tourism, as well the increasing role which they can play in
shaping the direction of growth. The fairly long history of tourism on the
Big Island reveals a variety of roles for local participants and the
potential and actual conflicts that can emerge from increased visitation
and development. Johnston’s detailed review of this tropical island
destination’s relationship with tourism is marked by a more detailed
identification of stages and phases of development, with marked changes
in local involvement in development and limitations on development.

181
182 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

While Johnston’s examination of development is more qualitative and

descriptive, the chapter by Johnson and Snepenger takes a much more
quantitative approach. Their study is the first detailed review of resident
attitudes to tourism and tourism development in the early stages of the
TALC. The location in which their study was undertaken is typical of
many locations that in recent years have seen tourism replace other, more
traditional resource-related activities when these resources have become
uneconomic to continue to extract, or have been exhausted. They use four
models to see if it is possible to predict residents’ attitudes towards the
overall impact of tourism in the early stages of the TALC in a specific
community. They conclude that the stages of development are critical to
understanding the perceived impacts of tourism in a community and
that dispersing economic benefits across a community and encouraging
positive interaction can aid the acceptance of tourism. Such longitudinal
studies are clearly essential if a full understanding of the relationship
between involvement and development through the TALC process are to
be understood.
That theme is supported by Martin in her chapter, which examines the
local politics in another North American location, Hilton Head in North
Carolina. In her study she examines in detail local political attitudes and
actions in a destination which has progressed a considerable way
through its TALC. Confusion over the role tourism should play and
the way that role could be controlled and directed had direct and
unfortunate political results. There have been very few studies that have
examined the transformation of attitudes of residents in a tourist
destination into political action and the effect that these resulting political
actions can have on subsequent tourism development and the direction
of the TALC. The study makes it clear that there is often considerable
apprehension about the process of the TALC and the nature of
development in destinations, particularly those with a considerable
proportion of the resident population not keen to see continued major
change in the destination and not wanting to lose elements of local
control over development.
The final chapter in this section by Marois and Hinch shifts location to
South East Asia, and describes and analyses the process of tourism
development in a Thai hill village. The community examined has
proceeded through the TALC, with accompanying changes in emphasis
on services provided and visitors received and local response and
involvement have changed with the various stages of development.
The level of control by locals has shifted and the roles they now
undertake in tourism have changed considerably from the first period
of contact with tourists. Efforts to ensure that the tourism industry on
which the community has become partly dependent remains sustain-
able have not been entirely successful but the problems have been
The TALC and Local Involvement 183

acknowledged. Even at the relatively small scale at which tourism occurs

in this community, the problems of loss of control over development and
subsequent changes in the tourist product which may threaten the
viability and authenticity of the tourism experience are clear to the local
population.
Chapter 11
The ‘Plantation’ Variant of the
TALC in the Small-island
Caribbean
D. WEAVER

Introduction
Harrison (1995) contends that the Butler sequence, as the most
prominent TALC model, is most effectively regarded and utilised as an
‘ideal type’, or undistorted model of tourism development against which
real life situations can be measured and compared. Once this has been
achieved for a given destination, then the factors that account for the
deviation (or the ‘why’) can be identified, with the aim of attaining a
greater understanding of destination life cycle dynamics and diversity.
Weaver and Oppermann (2000: 331), accordingly, argue that TALC
researchers should focus on constructing around the ideal type a
‘constellation of modified resort cycle models that take these real life
circumstances into account’. Earlier research by Weaver (1988, 1990, 1993)
has identified distinctive TALC processes in the British Caribbean islands
that could contribute to the development of this constellation. Specifi-
cally, a ‘plantation’ model of tourism evolution is evident in Antigua
(Weaver, 1988), while Grand Cayman Island displays significant devia-
tions from the Butler sequence, especially in regard to the issue of
empowerment (Weaver, 1990). An urban variant of the plantation model
has also been proposed (Weaver, 1993). Each of these case studies, it is
important to note, displays not just deviations but also a substantial level
of conformity to Butler’s ideal type. This chapter incorporates the above
research into a broader investigation of small-island Caribbean TALC
dynamics, toward the enunciation of one or more variant TALC ideal
types. Modifications as well as conformities to the Butler model are
accommodated in these models. The first section outlines the theoretical
context that has influenced the study of the evolution of Caribbean
tourism, with an emphasis on dependency theory. Subsequent sections
examine this evolution in the sequence of stages and in reference to
the characteristics provided by Butler (1980) in his original paper.
Preliminary consideration is given in this context to the role of
contemporary activities such as ecotourism and offshore finance.

185
186 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Dependency Theory
Dependency theory, in its classical form, describes a group of
neo-Marxist hypotheses which assert that low levels of development in
the so-called ‘third world’ are primarily the consequence of the latter’s
chronic dependence (both economic and cultural) on the more advanced
regions of the world, rather than of any innate shortcomings (Amin, 1976;
Beckford, 1972; Frank, 1967; Rodney, 1972). This relationship is often
described as a ‘core
/periphery’ dichotomy in which the surplus
produced in the periphery is commandeered by the core initially through
the apparatus of formal colonialism (e.g. the British empire), and then
(i.e. in the postcolonial era) through informal channels of transnational
capitalism. The unequal and interdependent nature of this relationship is
captured by Buchanan (1968: 83), who states that ‘capitalist development
simultaneously generated development and underdevelopment, not
as separate processes but as related facets of one single process’.
Accordingly, only by extricating itself from such a system can a country
or society hope to achieve true development.

Modifications and reassessment

The harsh dichotomy of dependency theory has since been challenged
by Wallerstein (1974, 1980, 1989), whose less ideologically charged
world-system theory proposes the formation since 1492 of one global
capitalist system with a single core, a single periphery and a transitional
semi-periphery, the memberships of which are in a constant state of flux.
Contemporary dynamics of globalisation, coupled with the collapse of
the Soviet bloc (i.e. potentially the socialist alternative desired by the
dependency theorists) and the rise of the East Asian economic bloc,
appear to further elevate world-system theory at the expense of
dependency theory. However, Surin (1998) argues that the fundamental
elements (the phenomenon and persistence of uneven development that
derive from the asymmetries of political and economic forces inherent to
capitalism) of the latter remain valid. He consequently calls for a ‘reani-
mation’ of dependency theory based mainly on contentions that inter-
regional (and internal) disparities have for the most part dramatically
increased since the 1980s due to the very dynamics of globalisation,
including the erosion of state control over economic policy and the
substitution of highly mobile financial capital for productive capital. Yet,
because these dynamics are significantly different from those that
animated debate during the era of dependency theory, Surin admits
that the called-for reanimation needs to be set in very different terms
from the classic dependency theory prototype.
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 187

Relevance to the Caribbean and tourism

More than perhaps any other major world region, the Caribbean
experience lends support to the basics of dependency theory. Five
hundred years of interaction with the global core have witnessed
the wholesale erasure of the indigenous Caribbean presence and its
replacement by a ‘plantation’ system of production designed to create
maximum wealth for the core with minimal consideration for the
wellbeing of the periphery. The peripheralisation of the region within
the global capitalist system was based initially on the production of
agricultural goods, of which sugar was the mainstay and primary symbol
(Mintz, 1971). For lack of viable alternatives, plantation-based agriculture
dominated the Caribbean economy well into the 20th century despite
chronic price instability, competition from European beet sugar and
mainland producers (in the case of sugar), natural hazards, soil erosion
and other problems. Tourism has existed in the Caribbean since the
earliest days of the peripheralisation process, but it was not until after
World War II that demand and supply factors combined to position
tourism as a serious alternative (see below). Tourism eventually became
dominant over agriculture in most Caribbean economies. However, this
transformation from one sector to another was not accompanied by any
systemic change in the essential core
/periphery relationship. Tourism
was introduced and evolved within a rigid and pervasive plantation
system that maintained racially based social hierarchies (e.g. white hotel
owners instead of white plantation owners), the diversion of profits to
the core and other characteristics well familiar to the era of the sugar
plantation (Beckford, 1972; Harrigan, 1974). It is because of this close
association between tourism and the plantation system that Weaver
(1988) refers to Antigua as an example of a 3S (sea, sand, sun)-based
‘plantation’ tourism landscape that fits well within Turner and Ash’s
(1975) concept of a global ‘pleasure periphery’. The extent to which
this has distorted Butler’s TALC ideal type is discussed below. This
discussion, moreover, also takes into account more recent tourism-related
developments that appear to move beyond the 3S plantation model, such
as the widespread adoption of ecotourism.

Exploration and Involvement

An interesting but rarely considered characteristic of the TALC is the
absence of a commencement point. This appears to allow that some form
of tourism, however negligible, may have occurred in any given area
long before the arrival of individuals whose identity as tourists, at least
in the contemporary sense, is indisputable. In the Caribbean, the
existence of Carib, Arawak and other intraregional Amerindian ‘tourists’
prior to European settlement is an intriguing possibility that, accordingly,
188 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

cannot be discounted. However, it also cannot be denied that the initial

settlement process after 1492 dramatically altered the tourism situation
by facilitating the arrival of visitors other than explorers, soldiers,
missionaries and migrants. Hence, the plantation model per se begins
with an incorporation phase during the exploration stage in which the
indigenous population is subdued or at least held in check, formal claim
is made over the land, and a rudimentary infrastructure of ports,
fortresses and settlements is established to accommodate explorer-type
tourism activity. In dependency theory terminology, incorporation is
coexistent with the early peripheralisation process. In the case of Antigua
and most eastern Caribbean islands, this occurred approximately from
the 1620s to the 1640s.

Tourist motivations and markets

As per Butler, the tourists who visited the Caribbean from the
mid-17th century to the mid-20th century were small in numbers,
nonseasonal and motivated by a variety of factors related to the
uniqueness of the area. These patterns are evident in the written accounts
that were provided by these visitors, which include incidental descrip-
tions of other visitors. Four primary motivations are evident in these
written accounts. First, many tourists arrived in the West Indies for
personal adventure, in keeping with the essence of the allocentric tourist
who is purported to be prevalent during the early stages of the TALC.
Examples include Brassey (1886), Paton (1887), Franck (1920) and
Aspinall (1928). The travels described by these and other authors mostly
consist of a multiple itinerary encompassing a sequence of islands, in
keeping with the modern backpacker type of ‘explorer’ tourist. These
adventurers, with their idiosyncratic and personal ruminations, are
distinct in motivation from the tour guides, who intended their writings
to provide factual guidance for other visitors. Examples of this typically
more recent genre include Stark (1902), Ober (1908), Roberts (1948) and
Clark (1952). A third motivation is health. This is cited as a personal
factor by only a few of these authors (e.g. Baird, 1850), but is described
by many others as a common motivation for visiting the Caribbean
(e.g. Olley, 1937; Phillippo, 1843).
Significantly from a plantation model perspective, the fourth main
motivation involves visitors, primarily members of Christian churches,
who were interested in investigating the effects of Emancipation upon
the black underclass (e.g. Bigelow, 1851; Gurney, 1840; Sturge & Harvey,
1838; Truman et al., 1844). Like the other types of visitor, these ‘social
tourists’ came mainly from the mother country of the UK, although some
were also Americans monitoring the Caribbean experience as evidence
for their opposition or support for slavery in the USA. This concentration
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 189

of the market in just one or two source regions is contrary to Butler’s

proposal that such market concentration typically does not occur until
the development stage, but it is entirely consistent with the nature of the
plantation system wherein peripheralised islands are almost completely
tied to their respective cores (e.g. Barbados and Antigua to Great Britain,
Martinique and Guadeloupe to France, etc.), making visits from other
core regions extremely difficult.

Accommodation
The pattern of accommodation revealed in the Caribbean during the
exploration and involvement stages provides further support for a
distinctive plantation variant of the TALC. A critical element here is
the extent to which many visitors were literally accommodated within
the plantation structure. For example, Baird (1850) stayed in the ‘country
homes’ (i.e. plantations) of his Antiguan acquaintances, while Paton
(1887) spent most of his time on that island residing with an ‘estate
owner’. Bigelow (1851) advises that visitors to Jamaica must look to the
homes of planters for overnight accommodations when visiting any rural
districts outside of Kingston. It is interesting to note that this use of active
plantations for accommodation purposes persisted well into the
20th century. Cundall (1928: 127), writing about Jamaica in the 1920s,
states for example that ‘on enquiry may be found a few planters, pen
keepers and others who are willing to take paying guests on suitable
introduction’. This need for an advance ‘introduction’ is mentioned by
other writers, and indicates that visitors so accommodated were
members of the higher classes in the core region, that is, persons who
had benefited directly or indirectly from the peripheralisation of their
intended destination region.
Plantation owners who accommodated visitors were no doubt partly
motivated by the desire for revenue as well as by a culture of hospitality
projected toward individuals of similar class standing. However, there is
ample evidence that planter openness to guests was more deeply
motivated at least in some cases by the desire to attract white settlers,
which would help to perpetuate the plantation system by reducing,
however modestly, the huge disparity in population between whites
and blacks. Phillippo (1843) explicitly states that planters were trying
to attract visitors in the hope that they would settle permanently in
Jamaica, where whites constituted just 3 or 4% of the population. More
recently, Cundall’s (1928) Handbook of Jamaica was targeted toward
‘intending residents’ as well as visitors, while the Tourist Trade
Development Board (Olley 1937) was also mandated to provide advice
for prospective settlers. Referring to one of the earliest hotels in Tobago,
190 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

the Robinson Crusoe Hotel, Alford (1962: 27) describes its lounge in the
following terms:
this lounge is largely used as a meeting-place and sort of informal
club by the local residents, so giving visitors a chance to meet the
local planters, officials and British and American settlers and to enjoy
their hospitality, of great assistance to those people who also might be
thinking of settling in this beautiful island.
Taylor (1988: 214), moreover, suggests that the government-supported
effort to develop good hotels in Jamaica during the 1890s ‘would
encourage visitors to come to Jamaica who, seeing at first hand the
economic potential of the island, might decide to invest or even settle
there’. The concept of ‘involvement’ in the plantation model, therefore,
appears to extend well beyond the conventional and more superficial
motivation of attracting temporary paying visitors, and thus is not of just
‘relatively little significance’ to the social life of the planters. Further-
more, this motivation is evident as early as the 1800s (and probably
earlier), suggesting the onset at an earlier stage than anticipated in
Butler’s model. There is, however, little indication of the extent to which
visitors were significantly motivated by the prospect of settlement or
actually became settlers as a result of their tourism experience in the
Caribbean. Certainly, this is not a motivation that is encountered in any
of the travel accounts cited above.
Not all tourists were accommodated in plantation homes. Tobago, as
well as most other British-controlled islands, also provided ‘resthouses’
in remote villages, which, while intended mainly for government
officials while on duty, were also made available to tourists (Trinidad
and Tobago 1912). More significantly, the plantation homes were
paralleled on all islands by a network of guesthouses and similar
accommodations located within prime urban areas such as Kingston
(Jamaica), Saint Johns (Antigua), Bridgetown (Barbados), Basseterre
(St. Kitts) and Port-of-Spain (Trinidad). Descriptions, locations and price
structures of these facilities suggest that they catered to a middle class
clientele, those with business in the urban area, and anyone newly
arrived and unable to obtain immediate accommodation in a rural
plantation. These guesthouses and small hotels are more indicative of the
conventional involvement stage in that they catered specifically to
tourists and other visitors.
More intriguing, however, is the ownership structure of these facilities
as well as the plantations. Expatriates and the local elite controlled the
plantations in roughly equal terms, with the boundary between the
two being very fuzzy in many cases (e.g. a plantation owner who lives
six months each year in England and six months in Antigua). This high
level of non-local involvement contradicts a fundamental ascription
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 191

of the early-stage TALC model regarding local ownership. Moreover,

the resident planter class itself requires an important qualification
because of its elitist character and very close ties to the mother
country
/ characteristics that are not usually associated with the ‘local
community’ described by Butler. But again, this anomalous profile of
accommodation owners is entirely consistent with tourism’s assimilation
within a plantation system of production and social exchange. The
above-mentioned guesthouses appear on perusal to be another matter
entirely. Truman, Jackson and Longstreth (1844) stayed at urban guest-
houses in Basseterre, Bridgetown and Port-of-Spain owned by ‘coloured’
women. Bigelow (1851) mentions that ‘coloured people’ kept all the
boarding houses of Kingston, while Taylor (1988) cites a writer from the
1870s who bemoans the control held by ‘lazy and independent negroes’
over the small hotel sector in Jamaica. A more recent and detailed list of
all such Kingston-based facilities provided by Olley (1937) confirms this
remarkable pattern of female, non-white dominance, which is more in
keeping with Butler’s description of involvement-stage dynamics. Yet
even this apparent anomaly can be explained in terms of the plantation
system. Such owners are members of a small and mainly urban emergent
class of free blacks, mainly mulatto, who occupy entrepreneurial and
artisan positions that cannot be filled by the small white population and
are considered inappropriate for slaves.

Development and Beyond

In most British Caribbean islands, the development stage (measured
in terms of increases in visitation) commenced in the 1960s. The
emergence of tourism as a viable alternative to agriculture during this
time, as mentioned above, provided an incentive for suitably located
plantation owners to pursue this sector more formally and vigorously.
Often, this involved the physical conversion of their plantation
homes and properties into resorts, expatriate housing estates and golf
courses. Such conversions, an illustration of tourism-related functional
adaptation in response to the demand for 3S tourism, were already
evident during the involvement stage. The above-mentioned Robinson
Crusoe Hotel in Tobago, for example, was originally a plantation home,
as were two other coastally sited hotels established respectively in the
1930s and 1950s
/ the Bacolet and the Arnos Vale (both of which,
interestingly, used the original estate name). In Antigua, the Antigua
Beach Hotel opened in 1940 as a restored estate home (Weaver, 1988). The
conversion process, however, accelerated during the development stage,
which in Jamaica began in the 1950s. Chapman (1961) cites at least five
plantation homes
/ Flamstead, Shaw Park, San San, Good Hope and the
Manor House
/ that were converted into hotels during that time,
192 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

although other Jamaican examples occurred as early as the 1920s (Taylor,

1973). In many of the smaller islands, similar transformations occurred in
the 1960s. Even more common was the transformation of abandoned
plantation properties into space-extensive tourism facilities such as golf
courses. But as Harrigan (1974) reminds us, the occupational hierarchy of
these hotels mirrored the plantation, with a typical structure of white and
largely expatriate ownership, mulatto or ‘coloured’ middle management
and Afro-Caribbean labourers.
Because the peripheralisation process encompasses small islands
almost completely (excepting remote mountainous areas in some cases),
the plantation TALC variant incorporates the indirect effect of tourism on
noncoastal landscapes not directly impacted by this new sector. Weaver
(1988) refers to this as ‘tertiary’ space that contrasts with ‘primary’ hotel
strips along the beach and ‘secondary’ tourist housing estates adjacent to
these hotels. Tertiary space, best exemplified by Antigua, consists of
abandoned plantation lands whose condition is partly attributable to
the transfer of investment to coastal tourism. This interior landscape
also houses the Afro-Caribbean labourers who work in the coastal
tourism industry. In conjunction with Butler’s characterisation of the
development stage, links between the remaining agricultural activity in
this area and tourism are minimal, due to the maintenance of links with
wholesale suppliers based in the core.
Other elements of the original TALC model are retained in the
plantation variant, including the entry of new foreign hotel interests,
increases in average hotel size, the use of imported labour and the
dominance of a mid-centric tourist market. However, the pattern of
locally owned urban guesthouses and small hotels persists (Weaver,
1993), perhaps reflecting a continuing lack of interest on the part of the
core to become involved in this less lucrative aspect of the sector. With
regard to market origins, the dependence on visitors from the mother
country is replaced, contrary to Butler, by a pattern of greater market
diversity, so that destinations such as Antigua and Barbados now count
UK residents as a minority among a diverse clientele that also includes
Americans, Canadians, mainland Europeans, other Caribbean islanders
and South Americans. The ‘monoculture’ of 3S tourism also precludes
the establishment of ‘man-made imported facilities’ such as theme parks
and other contrivances. The peculiar, monocultural nature of the
plantation system, furthermore, results in the pre-eminence of tourism
within the island economy well before the consolidation stage (which is
when Butler suggests that this pre-eminence will occur). Agriculture in
Antigua still accounted for two-thirds of the island’s GNP by 1950, but
just 20 years later it was tourism that contributed a similar share (Weaver,
1988). This rapid transformation owes to the process through which
opportunistic plantation owners took advantage of the 3S tourism market
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 193

to abandon an agricultural sector that, as seen above, was plagued by

chronic shortcomings.

Carrying capacity threshold range

Arguably the most significant characteristic of the original TALC
model is the provision of the carrying capacity threshold range, the
breeching of which eventuates in the decline of the tourism industry if no
countermanding measures are adopted. This threshold implies a
potential transition from a sustainable, functional state to one that is
unsustainable and dysfunctional. The nature of the peripheralisation
process, however, necessitates a rethinking of this concept. Beginning
with the incorporation phase, indigenous societies in the Caribbean
islands were brutally eradicated and supplanted by an imported
population of African slaves. Emancipation in the 1830s did little to
elevate the social or economic empowerment of this Afro-Caribbean
underclass whose numbers were augmented on some islands by
indentured labourers of Asian descent. Concurrently, natural environ-
ments were devastated as native habitat was converted into plantation
land, which was in turn exhausted as a consequence of predatory
farming practices. Again, Antigua provides the extreme example of this
devastation. The implication for the TALC is that the environmental and
social carrying capacities of these destinations were already exceeded
during the exploration stage. However, because the breeching was the
consequence of the overall early peripheralisation process rather than
tourism itself, it is useful to refer to this breeching in terms of a contextual
carrying capacity. Not surprisingly, the tourism that subsequently evolved
in this unsustainable and dysfunctional setting was itself unsustainable
and dysfunctional, relying for its existence on the apparatus of suppres-
sion instituted by the core and its local agents (e.g. local planters and
police). Hence, early travellers refer to nervous planter-hosts keeping a
close eye on their workers, and to blacks seen as sullen and silently
hostile, or overly deferential. Of course, the writers in turn invariably
perceive the black underclass in patronising or contemptible terms. Such
dysfunctional relationships are evident in Trollope’s visit to Jamaica
during the 1860s, in which the author’s constant frustration with the
apparent impudence of the Afro-Caribbean hotel staff is interpreted by
Taylor (1988: 212) as part of the latter’s ‘subtle struggle for dignity’ and a
‘manifestation(s) of passive resistance by the native hotel staff’ (p. 213).
As the islands have progressed through the development stage, it is
still relevant in the plantation model to retain the concept of the tourism
carrying capacity, as by this time it is the growth of tourism per se
that potentially induces a new round of environmental and social
dysfunction. It would be greatly misleading to characterise this new
194 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

round as an assault on a stable social and environmental setting, but new

tourism-related problems are possible. For example, a devastated
terrestrial environment (i.e. caused by three centuries of plantation
agriculture) could now be accompanied by the destruction of coral reefs
and offshore pollution. Similarly, an already dysfunctional social
structure could be further skewed by the activities of ‘beach boys’ (i.e.
male sex workers targeting mainly female tourists), the commodification
of local culture and the need to compete with tourists for water and other
vital services. Such tourism-related problems may indeed result in the
predicted onset of ‘consolidation’, ‘stagnation’ and ‘decline’ dynamics, as
demonstrated by the experience of New Providence Island (Bahamas)
and parts of the US Virgin Islands. However, this is not inevitable. If the
pre-existing conditions were already appalling, then local residents may
perceive tourism, for all its faults and adherence to the plantation system,
as a positive development. That is, employment as a low-paid bellhop in
an air-conditioned Antiguan resort may be regarded as preferable to
unemployment or backbreaking work as a labourer in the sugar cane
fields. If such sentiments are widespread (and the critique of Harrigan
(1974) and other dependency theorists is therefore just an elitist academic
conceit), then the outbreak of widespread antagonism (as per Doxey’s
irridex) is unlikely. Indeed, tourism has not yet produced such an
outcome on Antigua, Barbados or any of the other islands where the
plantation model is evident. The plantation model, therefore, should be
accompanied by the caveat that these tourism capacity thresholds may
not have quite the import on plantation system islands as they do in
other kinds of destinations.

Ecotourism and tax havens

A factor that complicates the discussion of the plantation model of
tourism development is the recent emergence in the Caribbean of
alternative ‘postmodern’ activities such as ecotourism and offshore
finance that deviate from the 3S monoculture. Virtually every Caribbean
island, including unlikely prospects such as Antigua and Barbados, now
offers ecotourism as a component of their destination product mix.
On first appearance, this sector offers an ‘escape’ from the plantation
syndrome in so far as it purports to entail nature-based tourism
experiences that are educational and contribute to the environmental,
sociocultural and economic sustainability of the destination (Blamey,
1997). Ecotourism, however, can meet these criteria and still reinforce
the plantation system by functioning as an auxiliary activity that
diversifies and enhances the core beach-based 3S experience (Weaver,
2001). Ecotourism can also serve to incorporate remnant natural areas of
the interior
/ that is, areas unsuitable for plantation agriculture or 3S
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 195

tourism
/ into the economic orbit of the core, thereby extending the
peripheralisation process. In this context, it is fitting that ecotourism,
despite its alleged adherence to the principle of local community
empowerment, is essentially an elitist Eurocentric concept with its own
idealised perceptions of a (fictitious) pristine natural environment
juxtaposed with traditional (primitive?) local communities. Ecotourism
represents, by this logic, the most recent or ‘post-modern’ means by
which the core imposes its demands on the small-island Caribbean
periphery.
Some Caribbean destinations, the most notable example being the
Cayman Islands, have opted to position themselves as offshore financial
centres. In concert with the plantation model, early tourism initiatives on
Grand Cayman Island were associated with expatriate interests (Weaver,
1990). However, the plantation system as such was never established in
the Cayman Islands as an integral component of its peripheralisation,
due to its low capacity for agriculture. This lack of a plantation system
may have encouraged innovative responses to the lack of economic
opportunity, including legislation in the 1960s establishing the colony as
a tax haven. The subsequent accumulation of wealth enabled the resident
population to invest in the rapidly growing tourism sector, thereby
inverting the conventional TALC model wherein local ownership is
superseded by non-local control. The Caymans example might be
dismissed as a regional anomaly, except that many other Caribbean
destinations (e.g. Dominica, St. Kitts, Antigua, Turks & Caicos Islands,
Bahamas, Anguilla, Montserrat, Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent) have
since attempted to emulate its success as a centre for offshore finance.
However, upon closer examination, it is clear that Grand Cayman Island
is indeed an anomaly. The pursuit of offshore financial opportunities in
virtually all other Caribbean destinations, while bound to be negatively
affected by oversaturation, has been tainted by accusations of chronic
impropriety, shady dealings and by the pursuit of related questionable
(and desperate?) practices such as the sale of ‘convenience’ citizenships
and the establishment of offshore medical schools and online gambling
operations (Weaver, 2003). All of these other destinations, to a greater or
lesser extent, are characterised by plantation systems, and therefore the
question must be raised as to whether the unhappy story of these
‘innovations’ is yet another (nontourism) extension of the plantation
model, wherein the prospect of increased local ownership of the tourism
industry, unlike Grand Cayman Island, is remote. Certainly, this is
compatible with Surin’s (1998) contention (see above) that highly mobile
financial capital has replaced productive capital as the main impetus
underlying postmodern core
/periphery relationships.
196 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Conclusions
The following points reiterate and summarise the salient character-
istics of the plantation variant of the TALC.
. The plantation model formally commences with an incorporation
phase, which entails the beginnings of the peripheralisation process
that opens the door to core-based tourists.
. Incorporation and its aftermath coincides with the breeching of
the destination’s contextual carrying capacity, that is, with the
eradication of indigenous people and natural environments to
accommodate, subsequently, a plantation system of agriculture.
. Early visitation patterns adhere strongly to the prevalent
core
/periphery relationship, so that the ‘mother country’ accounts
for the overwhelmingly share of visitors.
. Early visitor motivations are focused on adventure, providing a
guidebook for future visitors, health and ‘social’ considerations
surrounding Emancipation. The latter is closely linked with the
plantation system.
. Overnight accommodations outside of urban areas are mainly in
plantation homes, indicating the degree to which early tourism is
integrated into the plantation system.
. Host planters have, as at least one motive for their ‘involvement’,
the desire to attract white settlers in order to help perpetuate the
plantation system. Tourism is therefore of considerable significance
to the white elite despite low levels of visitation.
. Expatriate interests rather than members of the local community
own many if not most plantations.
. Local ‘coloured’ females control most urban guesthouses. This
apparent conformity to Butler’s statement about local ownership
is actually consistent with the plantation model, as it indicates the
existence of an intermediate class that occupies a niche unacceptable
to whites and unattainable for the black underclass.
. Underclass Afro-Caribbean employees of the early hotels display
passive forms of resistance toward tourism that are similar in
essence to those adopted toward plantation owners.
. Tourism tends to supplant agriculture during the development
stage, thereby indicating the opportunistic conversion of investment
from a monoculture of the primary sector to a monoculture of the
tertiary sector.
. The functional adaptation of some plantation homes into hotels is an
important and widespread manifestation of this conversion.
TALC in the Small-island Caribbean 197

. The development of the coast into a 3S tourism landscape is

paralleled by the marginalisation of the interior, which serves
mainly as a labour reservoir.
. Markets become more diverse as the strict core-to-periphery pattern
of the past gives way to greater accessibility.
. Built attractions are conspicuous by their absence because of the
monocultural nature of the 3S tourism product.
. This monocultural dimension also means that tourism becomes
dominant within the destination economy long before the advent of
the consolidation stage.
. The breeching of the tourist carrying capacity does not necessarily
signal the demise of the destination, due to the distortions created
when the contextual carrying capacity was breeched (see above).
For example, passive resistance by Afro-Caribbean hotel employees
toward tourists may actually diminish as markets diversify and
working conditions improve.
. The introduction of ecotourism does not necessarily threaten, and
may actually reinforce, the plantation system.
The above summary constitutes a preliminary profile of the plantation
variant of the TALC, as a potential contribution to the constellation of
variants proposed by Weaver and Oppermann (2000). Each character-
istic, on its own, could be the topic of a full research project. Further
study is also required to determine whether the model is a product of
historically specific circumstances
/ that is, the peripheralisation process
of the past 400 years, or whether more generic and timeless processes are
at work. With regard to geographical coverage, it is likely that the
plantation model in its essence captures the experience of many Pacific
Ocean (e.g. Fiji, New Caledonia, Cook Islands) and Indian Ocean
(e.g. Seychelles, Mauritius) island destinations, but may require revision
in the case of island destinations that opt for a deliberately alternative
tourism strategy focused on small-scale ecotourism, such as Dominica,
St. Vincent, Montserrat and Samoa. In any case, this study has hopefully
demonstrated the great utility of the original TALC model of Butler as an
ideal type around which a more comprehensive understanding of
destination dynamics can coalesce.
Chapter 12
Shoring the Foundations of the
TALC in Tropical Island
Destinations: Kona, Hawai?i
CHARLES S. JOHNSTON

This chapter is a case study of the TALC in Kona, Hawai?i Island

(hereafter ‘the Big Island’, the name used throughout Hawai?i). The
chapter attempts to integrate and apply the ontological and epistemo-
logical concepts that are discussed atomistically in the other volume. The
purpose is to allow the research to function as a model for examining the
TALC within the broader framework of ‘place as process’ (Pred, 1984).
The chapter is structured around two analyses, of unequal length. An
initial boundary analysis focuses on establishing the spatial extent of the
Kona destination region / the ‘entity’ being examined. The second,
longer section of the paper is a ‘sequence analysis’ of the stages Kona has
gone through as a tourist destination. This structure is similar to previous
case studies in that a chronological discussion of stages is provided. It
goes beyond the typical treatment through the use of two analyses that
are embedded within the discussion of each stage. First, an identification
of mechanisms introduces events that can be interpreted as defining
changes in the stage or phase (substage) sequence. The importance of
specifying mechanisms is to improve temporal bounding of stages by
eliminating the arbitrary selection of cut-off dates. Mechanisms may be
‘critical events’ or ‘blurry transitions’. The former affect the development
of the institution of tourism in a profound way. Critical events may be
different from ‘critical junctures’. The latter focus on periods of crisis
and/or issues of controversy but their resolution may not result in a
stage or phase change. ‘Blurry transitions’ are more subtle; they are
defined as the occurrence of a series of events subliminal to the scale of
analysis. All events, critical or not, may be considered abstractly as
‘additions’, ‘alterations’, or ‘cessations’.
Second, for each stage, after mechanisms have been identified, a
‘pathway analysis’ will look at epistemological features such as the
‘internal characteristics’ of the institution of tourism (including change in
the resource attraction base and in resort morphology), the ‘macrostruc-
tural’ conditions (broad external factors), as well as the ‘users’ (tourists
themselves). A pathway analysis focuses on the full development of the

198
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 199

institution of tourism at the destination. Discussion in such a manner

permits projection (though not prediction) of development patterns into
the future.
For Kona, these analyses reveal that the destination has passed
through a ‘classical’ stage sequence and is now in the stability phase of
the maturity stage. The very success of the tourism industry, however,
has led Kona into a broader urban era in its sequent occupance
(Whittlesey, 1929). Tourism in the early 21st century is still important
and still likely far away from the conclusion of its longue durée (Giddens,
1984), but it is no longer the driving institutional force in Kona.

Bounding the Destination Region

The word ‘Kona’ is typically translated as meaning ‘leeward’ in
Hawaiian (Fornander, 1980; Pukui et al ., 1974). Figure 12.1 shows Kona to
be roughly in the middle of the leeward (western) side of the Big Island,
bounded by Kohala to the north and Ka?u to the south. The region is
located on the steep slopes of two of the Big Island’s five volcanoes,
Mauna Loa and Hualalai. The recency of the island’s creation means
most of the Kona coastline is rugged lava bench, not white sand, a fact
that has disturbed beach-seeking tourists for decades.
Kona’s climate is somewhat atypical for Hawai?i. The great heights of
Mauna Loa, Hualalai, and also Mauna Kea to the north prevent the
trade winds from reaching the region. A localized diurnal land /sea
breeze regime prevails instead (Juvik et al ., 1978). Precipitation is thus
low makai (along the coast) but increases quickly mauka (upland)
(Giambelluca et al ., 1986). Since Hawaiians first began to inhabit the
region, most residents have lived in the wetter areas between Kailua
and Kealakekua Bay. The different climatic conditions, hot and dry
coastlines but cool mountain heights, have appealed to different visitors
in different time periods. Charmian London (1917: 204), for example,
noted that her husband, writer Jack, thought mauka Kona had a
‘matchless equable climate’. This opinion has probably not been shared
by most tourists since the 1950s, who have come for the makai sun
and heat.
For purposes of analysis, the epistemological need to properly bound
the area under study requires the selection of a destination that is
appropriate in size and complexity of institutional tourist develop-
ment. The Kona region, rather than the entire Big Island or the western
half, was chosen as the most appropriate scale for analysis. The latter /
‘West Hawai?i’ / became quite important for planning by the State
government beginning in the late 1960s. The town of Kailua (sometimes
known as ‘Kailua-Kona’) was the site where tourism first became
institutionalized. Since then, resort development has occurred in two
200 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 12.1 The Kona districts within the Hawaiian islands

other contiguous areas (Keauhou and Ali?i Drive) along the coastline,
creating a ‘linked’ morphology, but the Kona district itself retains a
distinctive identity that is meaningfully differentiated from the Kohala
resort area to the north and Ka?u to the south. Kona was therefore chosen
for study on the basis that it was of a spatial scale that destination life
cycle theory could handle in its present state of development. Problems
from multiple-site development were minimized, though not entirely
eliminated.
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 201

Sequence Analysis of Life-cycle Stages

Table 12.1 shows the stages and phases of tourism development
through which Kona has passed; it also shows the eras in the regional
sequent occupance. To date, the Kona region’s sequent occupance has
consisted of four eras. Kona is also interpreted to have gone through a
‘classical’ set of stages. The Hawaiian royal capital and exploration stages
(pretourism / see Young, 1983) have been followed by initiation, which
led to a development-stage building boom that was in turn followed by
maturity as growth slowed. All but the first of the stages are interpreted
to have had two phases, as well. A variety of mechanisms / critical
events and blurry transitions / have been listed in Table 12.1 to account
for the changes.

Hawaiian Royal Capital stage

The first stage in the sequence has been named ‘Hawaiian Royal
Capital’ on the basis that Kailua town was occupied by royalty / King
Kamehameha and Governor Kuakini / much of the time between 1779
and 1844. During these 60/ years the presence and actions of royal
rulers created a history for the region that was later used by tourists as an
experiential (cultural) resource (see Table 12.2). The fact that Kona was
the original seat of the Hawaiian kingdom established the region as the
premier place for later visitors to see ‘old Hawai?i’. This nostalgic longing
for heritage experiences has been an institutional feature of tourist
demand going well back into the 19th century.
Few people visited Kona during this time who could be called tourists.
The arrival of the Wilkes (1970) expedition in 1840 was perhaps most
typical: Kona was visited more by true explorers than explorer tourists.
The years of the stage completed the ‘Hawaiian’ era of the sequent
occupance, which had lasted several centuries (see Kirch, 1983).
The stage and the era are interpreted to have ended on the basis of a
cessation / Governor Kuakini’s death in 1844.

Exploration stage
The second stage, exploration, is considered to be pretourism on the
basis that although some tourists did come, there was little development
of a tourism industry. The institution was thus incomplete. During these
years ranching and coffee came to dominate the landscape and economic
activity of residents (and thus the era in the sequent occupance has been
termed ‘agricultural hinterland’). Two phases of the exploration stage
have occurred. The early phase is defined by the absence of Hawaiian
royalty in Kona; the district became very isolated with the capital located
in Honolulu. The late phase is interpreted to have begun in 1910, when
Table 12.1 Stages and phases of tourism development in Kona
202

Era in sequent Stage and phase in Date Mechanism of change initiating stage/phase;
occupance tourism life cycle critical event or blurry transition (addition,
alteration, cessation), plus critical junctures
Hawaiian, Hawaiian Royal Capital 1779 /1844 Critical-addition: Cook reaches, and is killed at,
prehistory to 1844 Kealakekua Bay
Critical-addition: Kamehameha sets up throne at
Kailua, after establishing power over Hawai?i Nei
Critical-cessation: Kuakini dies 1844
Agricultural Exploration 1845 /1928
hinterland Early 1845 /1910 Blurry-cessation: (above)

1844 Late 1910 /27 Critical-addition: Circle-island auto road completed

to
1953 Involvement 1928 /63
Pioneer hotel 1928 /48 Critical-addition: Kona Inn opened
Critical-addition: Old Kona Airport opened,
Local morphology 1949 /63 facilitates local-scale recreational business district
in Kailua
“/ Juncture: large accommodation projects
inhibited
“/ Juncture: regional development plans
inhibited
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
Table 12.1 (Continued )
Era in sequent Stage and phase in Date Mechanism of change initiating stage/phase;
occupance tourism life cycle critical event or blurry transition (addition,
alteration, cessation), plus critical junctures
Tourism Development 1964 /88
Domestic morphology 1964 /75 Blurry-addition: Accommodation unit numbers
1954 break out above 400; rise continuously for a
to decade; multi-story hotels constructed
“/ Juncture: Natural and cultural resource
development projects inhibited
“/ Juncture: Kailua pedestrian mall and high
rises inhibited
“/ Juncture: Keauhou Resort built nearby
Critical-addition: Kailua Village Special
District Commission created
1988 Linked morphology 1976 /88 Blurry-addition: Heliotrophic development
links Kailua and Keauhou; condominiums
co-dominate with hotels
Urban Maturity 1989 /present
1989 Consolidation 1989 /93 Blurry-cessation: Accommodation unit growth
peaks
“/ Juncture: Kekaha subregion resort enclave
projects inhibited
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations

to Stability 1994 /present Critical-addition: Runway extension completed,

present renamed Kona International Airport; infilling of
Kailua recreational business district facilitated
203
204 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 12.2 Chronology of major historical events occurring in Kona during the
Royal Hawaiian Capital stage

Year Historical event

1779 Cook reaches Kealakekua Bay, Jan. 16, in the Resolution and
Endeavor. He is worshipped as the god Lono the next day then is
killed by Hawaiians on Feb. 14.
1792 /93 Vancouver’s expedition visits Kona.
1812 Having conquered the island-chain, by force or negotiation,
Kamehameha returns to Kona to set up the seat of his kingdom
from fortress ‘Kamakahonu’ on the north side of Kailua Bay.
Several exploration expeditions (Arago 1971, Freycinet 1978, Von
Chamisso 1986, von Kotzebue 1967) visit, spreading the fame of
Kamehameha and Kona throughout the known world.
1819 May: Kamehameha dies; October: Liholiho (Kamehameha II)
publicly eats with women, thus officially renouncing the kapu
system, effectively overthrowing the traditional religion and the
basis for priestly authority.
1820 January: Lihohiho wins the Battle of Kuamo?o at Keauhou Bay;
advocates of kapu restoration are defeated. April: Missionaries
arrive from North America. Step ashore onto ‘Plymouth Rock’ in
Kailua. Liholiho moves royal court from Kailua to Honolulu. Kona
is politically peripheralized.
1825 Kuakini, Governor of the Big Island, builds the first Christian
church, Mokuaikaua, in Kailua. Made of wood, it burns in 1837.
1837 Kuakini builds Hulihe?i Palace as the governor’s mansion, across
from the church.
1838 Kuakini rebuilds Mokuaikaua Church, this time of stone.
1844 Kuakini dies.

a circle-island road for automobiles was completed. This addition

enabled tourists to purchase circle-island trips in touring cars based in
Hilo; they stayed at mauka hotels in Kona and took day trips to see
important historical sites makai.

Early phase
In the early phase there were no major historical events to describe. A
distinctive type of local did come into existence / the paniolo / a
Hawaiian cowboy, who was to be a common sight on the Kona landscape
well into the 20th century. The number of visitors was small. Travel,
nearly always by ship, was difficult. Initially, interisland boat passage
was on Hawaiian-owned ‘poi clippers’ (Day, 1955), referred to as ‘the
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 205

haole’s [foreigner’s] horror, the Hawaiians’ pleasure’ (Thomas, 1983: 31).

By the 1870s, steamers built especially for Hawaii’s rough interisland
channels began to ply the waters regularly.
The major attraction of the Big Island was Kilauea Volcano. It was
nearly continuously active during this time and the boiling cauldrons of
the lava lake in central Halema?uma?u Crater drew tourists from around
the world. Package tours from Honolulu were developed as early as the
1880s to facilitate access (Thrum, 1886). For these visitors, Kona was but a
stopover on the return to Honolulu. From the decks tourists watched
Hawaiians ‘come galloping in’ (Whitney, 1890: 29) from mauka villages,
excited by ‘steamer day’ (Stevenson, 1973). Ships would stop at
Kealakekua Bay, tourists would then go ashore to stand at the spot
where Cook had been slain and re-live the scene. In the 1860s, after he
recovered from seasickness traveling on a poi clipper, Twain (1966)
visited the site and lampooned this behavior.
Along the coast, there was not much to do. In 1858, King Kamehameha
IV visited the Hulihe?e Palace; his secretary later recorded him remarking
that ‘the place itself is so desolate that ennui was the order of the day’
(Neilson, cited in Daughters of Hawai?i, 1979: 2). This opinion slowly
began to alter in the 1890s, when tourists on steamers began to consider
these sleepy coastal villages as ‘romantic’ (Burnett, 1892: 202).
Those tourists who did get off the boat in Kona generally went mauka,
where they enjoyed themselves by riding through the forests (Chaney,
1879) to the summit of Hualalai. The truly adventurous, such as Isabella
Bird (1966), went hunting for wild cattle with the Hawaiians. Robert
Louis Stevenson (1973) was more sedate, limiting himself to a week’s
homestay with a Hawaiian judge who augmented his income through
providing lodging and board to tourists.

Late phase
Change was slow to come to Kona, but around 1910 the district began
to catch up with civilization as completion of the circle-island road, the
Mamalahoa Highway, made auto travel possible. The circle-island tour
was an attraction itself: it was conducted in large touring cars driven by
Hawaiians, who made the long, dusty trip less arduous by entertaining
the tourists with picnics and by singing and playing the ukulele (Morrill,
1919). Once in Kona, most visitors continued to stay mauka in small
hotels, two of which are still popular with ‘alternative tourists’ today
(Sodetani, 1985).
The historical features dating from the Hawaiian era, which had been
slowly deteriorating in the sunny coastal landscape, were now legiti-
mately old and represented the major attraction resources. Mokuaikaua
Church and Hulihe?e Palace in Kailua, the twin landmarks left from
Kuakini’s rule, were particularly important. Several other historically
206 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

and culturally important sites were improved, though not specifically for
the purpose of attracting visitors. What MacCannell (1976) has referred to
as ‘sight sacralization’ was beginning to occur. Kona’s ‘past glory’
(Paradise of the Pacific, 1924) was more imaginable to the tourist. These
makai sites were now visited during day trips by car. The long slow
horse rides through the forest were ending. Cook’s death site receded
somewhat in importance for it was much less accessible (and remains so)
by car than by steamer; reaching it required a long walk down and up the
steep, hot and dusty Kealakekua fault line.
Other events occurred to increase the value of Kona as a destination.
The first was an addition: the discovery around 1920 that billfish were
abundant just offshore in the calm but deep leeward waters. Kona
quickly attained a reputation as a ‘rendezvous for game fishermen’
(Sabin, 1921: 37) intent on catching marlin, swordfish and tuna. Second,
an unusual cessation occurred that represented a change in the
macrostructural tourist conditions. In 1924, the lava lake within Kilauea
crater hardened over, and the living volcano became dormant. People
came to Kilauea in ever-increasing numbers (Hawai?i Volcanoes National
Park officials, October 1991, personal interview), but now the circle-
island trip to see Hawaiian history had more appeal.
Kona was also one of the few places where it was still easy to meet and
interact with ‘native’ Hawaiian people. Honolulu had become a modern
city (a macrostructural alteration); the old ways of life were going fast.
Photos taken well into the 1930s (e.g. Paradise of the Pacific , 1939) show
Hawaiians smiling for the tourist cameras, or wearing only loincloths,
frolicking with tourist ladies on the pocket beaches. Paniolos still walked
the dusty streets of Kailua and the mauka villages.
By the mid-1920s, Kona had an identity as a tourist destination.
The regional appeal was based on a diverse set of resources /
environmental, cultural, and social. What Miossec (1977) has called the
perception globale / tourists’ ability to differentiate the destination as an
attraction area from the neutral space surrounding it / had occurred.
The only element missing from the picture was the true presence of the
tourist industry itself.

Involvement stage, 1928 /63 

Butler (1980) defined an ‘involvement’ stage as when residents begin
to provide facilities exclusively for tourists. The literature has described
variations in how this happens; Din (1992) and Douglas (1997), in
particular, have questioned whether ‘residents’ are not in fact immi-
grants. A variation along these lines also occurred in Kona, on the basis
that outsiders from Honolulu were responsible for the event that initiated
the stage. Two phases are interpreted to have occurred. A pioneer hotel
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 207

phase first institutionalized Kailua as the nucleus for tourism. Later, the
opening of the region’s first airport helped bring in a local phase, when a
local-scale resort morphology developed in the village.
Pioneer hotel phase 1928 /48
The critical event that institutionalized tourism in Kona, and to the
outside world, was the addition of a hotel in Kailua town, thus anchoring
tourism on the coast rather than the uplands. The event occurred in 1928
when the Inter-Island Steamship Navigation Company (1930) opened the
Kona Inn. The company had been actively trying to expand travel
throughout the islands so that more tourists (especially residents of
Honolulu / Hawai?i’s ‘domestic tourists’) would book passage on its
ships. The Kona Inn was a good example of a ‘pioneer hotel’; it was built
at higher-than-local standards and became an attraction in its own right.
The hotel was an instant success and became ‘the spot in all Hawai?i
where you can utterly, completely relax in surroundings of modern
comfort’ (Thrum, 1940 /41: 267).
Beyond the opening of the Kona Inn there were no other additions of
significance in the tourism industry during this phase. Rather, the old
Hawai?i ambience, which Kona contained in abundance, continued to
age like good wine. A phrase / the ‘Kona Way of Life’ / made its way
into the vocabulary to describe it. Tourists during the late 1920s and the
1930s went to Kona to steep themselves in the Kona Way of Life / a
feeling that had faded in much of the rest of the Territory, particularly in
Honolulu. The ambience took on an almost spiritual flavor; De Vis-
Norton’s (1925) comment that ‘Kona is one of the most soul-satisfying
districts on earth’ is typical.
This phase carried on through World War II, when civilian interisland
travel was completely halted. The war did not function as a macro-
structural constraint; it seems to have been more of a hiatus to a region
already known for slowness.
After the war, life for a few years returned to what it had been before.
Locals were still living the Kona Way of Life; the Kona Inn was again
open for business. At the mid-century point, Coll (1950: 17) would write
that tourists were ‘flocking’ to Kona, on the basis that it was ‘a place to
get a quiet rest amid soothing tropic surroundings but if you feel a bit
lively one can find plenty to do’. Yet even as he wrote, change had begun
to occur. Progress was about to catch up to the sleepy little village, and it
would come in the form of a developing tourism industry.
Local phase, 1949 /63
The local phase began just before mid-century. The mechanism of
change was an infrastructural addition, the opening of what is now
called the ‘Old Kona’ airport on July 10, 1949 (HNCM, 1949). This was a
critical event for within a year a local-scale resort morphology began to
208 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

appear in Kailua village. Growth was not happening only in tourism,

however. Agriculture still dominated the region as an economic activity
and the ranching industry, in particular, also had infrastructural needs.
The most important of these was for an up-to-date facility from which to
transfer cattle onto boats going to Honolulu. For a century, cattle had
been herded to the shore in Kailua Bay, and then paniolos on horseback
swam with them out to the boat where they were lassoed and hoisted on
board. This colorful procedure had been a tourist attraction of sorts for a
long time but was not easy to accomplish. To improve the situation, a
pier was built on the shore in the early 1950s. A resource conflict issue
arose: whether to use the Bay for tourism or agriculture; but ultimately,
tourist interests won, the shed was removed, and cattle were trucked to a
different port. This conflict represents a critical juncture in the sequent
occupance. Agricultural interests dominated less and less after this and
Kona became perceived more as a tourist region than an agricultural one.
The tourism era is interpreted to have begun at this time.
The construction of the Old Kona Airport in 1949 was brought about
by the locals’ need to be less isolated. Even before opening, it was
considered responsible for inducing new business to Kailua (HNCM,
1949). Within a year, new hotels had opened, and houses were being
converted into shops. A local-scale recreational business district had
come into existence / ‘the sleepy port of Kailua has become a bustling
community’ (HNCM, 1951). This growth was deemed good for the entire
Territory, and the status quo understanding was that Kona was the
rightful heir to becoming the no. 2 tourist destination in Hawai?i, after
Waikiki (Honolulu Advertiser 1954, 1956, 1956b). Though people knew
early on that this growth would affect the Kona Way of Life (Stermer,
1954; Doyle, 1957), the small scale of additions built throughout the
phase did not impact it severely.
Two notable additions to the resource base occurred: the Pu?uhunua o
Honaunau (‘City of Refuge’) was given US National Historical Site
status in 1961 (Clark, 1985) and the annual Hawai?i International
Billfish Tournament began in 1959 (Peter Fithian, tournament organizer,
December 1991, personal communication). The latter event helped
institutionalize Kona as a world-class destination for big game fishing.
However, the 1950s penchant for the sun-sand-sea vacation was altering
the use of the resource base in Kona. History and culture slowly ceased to
be as important to visitors.
There were two developmental junctures in Kona during this phase,
which are important to consider / even though they did not eventuate.
They had a virtual quality that was real to residents at the time, even
though tourists who passed through were probably unaware of the
storms around them. The first juncture concerned accommodation.
Throughout this phase only one domestic-scale facility was built, the
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 209

King Kamehameha Hotel, which opened in 1960 with 94 rooms. Several

others, however, were announced in the newspapers. The aluminum
magnate, Henry Kaiser, proposed constructing a megaresort consisting of
four hotels with 800 rooms, a new beach, three yacht harbors, and
hundreds of apartments and private homes on the site of the existing
airport (Honolulu Advertiser, 1955). Bureaucratic inhibition constrained
progress, and by 1957 Kaiser was to note that Kona ‘wasn’t ready for
another big hotel’ (Honolulu Star Bulletin , 1957). Nothing was ever built.
Plans for at least three other domestic-scale hotel projects met the same
fate during this substage, though none of them were as big as Kaiser’s
(Honolulu Advertiser, 1955b; Honolulu Star Bulletin , 1956).
The second juncture concerned planning. Territorial government
development plans began to specify guidelines during this period.
Height limits on buildings were set at two stories in central Kailua
(Scott, 1957). Regional master plans were also done. The most ambitious,
by the Territorial Planning Commission, was presented to the public in
1958 (Harland Bartholomew and Associates, 1960). This promoted
tourism development but maintained the ambience of the region by
specifying a set of seven ‘resort centers’ up and down the coastline.
Residents’ reaction to the plan was positive: ‘They all like it, with few
exceptions’ (Honolulu Star Bulletin , 1958b). But, as with Kaiser’s private
sector project, nothing from the plan ever appeared on the landscape.
Funding was dropped from the State budget in 1960, and jealousy from
Hilo, the county capital, seems to have played a role in inhibiting any
action to implement the plan (HNCM, 1960).
Throughout the 1950s and into the early 1960s, then, Kona’s pathway
was typified by a state of tension between what was perceived as the
region’s rightful position / the no. 2 destination in Hawai?i / and the
slower pace of development that actually occurred. Facilitational forces
made some small additions, but inhibitional forces had constrained all
the ‘big’ projects that would have quickly shifted Kona into the
development stage. Residents and members of the business community
were left waiting, wondering when true development would come.

Development stage, 1964 /88 

One way to identify a ‘development’ stage is to look for a building
boom, characterized by additions to the tourist landscape and particu-
larly to the accommodation sector. Before 1960, statistics for numbers of
accommodation units in Kona were nonexistent or approximate. After
this, data on accommodation units outside of Waikiki began to be
published for some resort areas, including Kona. It is possible to use
these data as a means of interpreting stage and phase changes. On the
basis of Figure 12.2, it can be interpreted that a ‘breakout’ occurred
210 The Tourism Area Life Cycle
5000

4500
*

1975 1984 and 1988

4000
Last large hotel opens Double top for
room count.
during boom in Kailua. 1994
Condo boom
3500 Runway extension
ends along Ali`I
Drive. completed, renamed
Kona International
Room Count

3000 Airport.

2500

1964
2000 Room count breaks
out of 300–400 range,
exceeds 500 units.
1500
MATURITY STAGE
DEVELOPMENT STAGE 1964–1988
1989–PRESENT
1000
1964–1975 1976–1988 1989–1993 1994–Present
Domestic morphology Linked morphology Consolidation Stability
500

0
70

80

90

98
60
19

Year

Figure 12.2 Accommodation totals for Kona

*1995: No survey was done by HVB
Source: Hawai?i Visitors’ Bureau Annual Research Reports for years shown
and Thrum’s Annual 1960 /63

during 1964; the number of accommodation units rose above the 300 /400
unit range and exceeded 500 units for the first time. A change of this
nature constitutes a blurry transition because no major event occurred.
Annual increases in accommodation would be the norm for the next two
decades. The development stage has been defined on the basis of this
graphical pattern.
Within the stage, two phases / domestic and linked / are interpreted
to have occurred, based on changes in the resort accommodation
morphology. Between 1964 and 1975, new hotels built in Kailua Village
were mainly of a domestic scale and attained several stories in height.
About five miles to the south, Keauhou resort was developed by a large
land-owning estate, and three enclave-scale hotel resorts were con-
structed within it by 1974. The final large hotel project built during the
phase / the King Kamehameha / was completed in Kailua in December,
1975. The domestic phase is interpreted to have ended with the opening
of this hotel and the corresponding cessation of construction in Kailua.
Room numbers had increased over seven-fold during this decade.
During the next phase, 1976 /1988, increases in accommodation
facilities would mainly take the form of condominiums. The two separate
resort areas / Kailua and Keauhou / would become morphologically
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 211

and functionally ‘linked’ by condos built along the connecting coastline

road / Ali?i Drive. Room totals were to reach a maximum of 4748 units
in 1984 but would nearly reach this again in 1988. This ‘double top’
represents the end of the development stage. There has been a notable
cessation of accommodation construction since, though one large enclave
resort did open in the Kekaha subregion north of Kailua in the mid-
1990s.

Domestic phase, 1964 /75

The domestic phase of development for Kona was just over a decade
long. Much was built, but much was prevented from being built. The
conflict over the direction of growth was intense. It was notable that all
contestants were seemingly protourism. It was particular visions of
growth and Kailua’s place-identity that were contested. Facilitational
aspects will be discussed first, followed by inhibitional conflicts.
Hotel size in Kailua grew more or less organically. During the 1950s,
the hotels that had been built in Kailua were nearly all small, averaging
about 20 rooms. After 1964, however, facilities of three-to-four stories
(height limits had been raised) with more than 100 rooms were the norm,
over-topping the earlier generation. Just south of the existing village,
on the south side of ?One?o Bay (Figure 12.3), Hilton opened a hotel in
1968, with over 300 rooms (Hawai?i Tribune Herald , 1968). This was
Kona’s first international-scale facility. Several other domestic-scale
hotels were built nearby, either along the coast or just inland. These
created a new southern anchor to the village, with empty land directly
behind ?One?o Bay.
At about the same time, the Bishop Estate, Hawai?i’s largest land
owner, began work on a megaresort at Keauhou (West, 1967), about five
miles south of Kailua, connected to the village by Ali?i Drive. Plans called
for nine hotels, along with hundreds of condominium units, residential
housing, shopping areas, coastal walkways, a golf course, and other
recreational features. Keauhou was in fact to be a new city, larger than
Kailua. Had development gone as planned, Kona might have ended up
with two distinct destinations. However, private sector hotel developers
did not come forward with the anticipated eagerness. Only three hotels
had opened by 1974. These were international-scale enclave resorts, each
containing several hundred rooms.
In addition to hotels, Kailua’s recreational business district developed
considerably. The shops of the 1950s were in turn replaced by small
tourist-oriented malls in the 1960s and 1970s. By the late 1970s, when the
trend had ceased, a travel writer was to note, ‘The resort town of Kailua
features . . . more shopping malls per square mile than I have ever seen’
(Riegert, 1979: 115). Together, the addition of these hotels and shops
constituted the ‘boom’ typical of a development stage. Kailua had been
212 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Qu
een
Kekaha

Kàh
Old Kona Honokohau

um
Airport Harbor

anu
Old

Hig
Warehouse

C o f f e e
hw
District

ay
King Kamehameh a Kailua
y
Hotel Ba
lua Central
Kai
Business
Re c

District
5
rea

Kailua Pier
tion Business District

Hulihè Palace Mokuaikaua

al
Ka

Church Keauhou Resort

ilu

Kona Inn
aB

R e g i o n
ay

PACIFIC
OCEAN

Mamalahoa Highway
`Oneò
Bay
0
hway

Miles
Kona Hilton
ig
Kuakini H

Cook'sdeath site
Bay
Drive

kekua
Condos Keala
Ali `i

extend 5
south to
Keauho u Pùhonua o
Honaunau

0
Miles

Figure 12.3 Major features of Kona’s tourist landscape

attractive because of its ambience, its ‘way of life’; this resource was
severely degraded during the domestic phase. A series of newspaper
articles complained about how noisy the village had become (Benham,
1970b; Hawai?i Tribune Herald , 1969, 1970). What were described as
‘signs of growing pains’ (Bryan, 1965) became more harshly phrased
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 213

as a situation of ‘Nightmare Not Over For Kailua’ (Shapiro, 1974:

A12). Shapiro went on to note that ‘the tourist boom of the 1960s
brought uncontrolled growth and tackiness, erasing much of Kailua’s
old charm.’
Another aspect of the building boom involved improving the regional
infrastructure. In the late 1960s, Governor Burns had a dream of creating
a ‘Gold Coast’ in West Hawai?i, running from the Kohala district north of
Kona to the Pu?uhunua ?o Honauanu in South Kona (Hawai?i Tribune
Herald, 1968b; Honolulu Advertiser, 1968). As governor, he directed
millions of dollars into three particular projects so that private industry
would find conditions feasible for investment in resorts. These projects
were a new airport, a coastal highway connecting Kona with Kohala, and
a new harbor blasted from the Kekaha lava shoreline. These three
projects were of considerable importance in providing Kona with an
adequate infrastructure. None, however, had the mechanistic impact of
the original airport’s opening. Rather, they fit in with other developments
going on in the tourism industry itself during those years. Put abstractly,
they could be considered to be ‘tolerance’ pathway factors; their
construction in the 1970s would enable developers in the 1980s to
propose large-scale resort projects.
Turning to inhibitional issues, several projects were highly contested,
and discussion of these perhaps best brings out aspects of Kona’s
pathway. Two of these projects focused on developing natural and
cultural attraction resources; they were proposed at almost the same
time. The summit of Hualalai volcano had been a day-trip destination of
19th century tourists on horseback. Nearby, Hawai?i Volcanoes National
Park included the summit of Mauna Loa. In the 1960s the National Park
Service realized the landscape of the summit area of Hualalai was not of
inferior quality and proposed expanding the park to include it (Hawai?i
Tribune Herald, 1967b; Ketchum, 1969, 1969b). Road access from Kona
would have made the national park much more accessible. Opposition
developed from locals, however, who saw the expansion as a land grab
by the federal government. The proposal collapsed, and the summit of
Hualalai today remains off-limits to tourists.
The second project involved State plans for developing the land area
around Kealakekua Bay. Nineteen seventy-nine was the bicentennial year
of Cook’s ‘discovery’ of Hawai?i and a decade earlier a plan had been
made for upgrading the area (Creighton & Walters, 1969). The plan
specified construction of educationally oriented facilities, focusing not
only on Cook’s death, but also on the archaeological ruins from nearby
Hawaiian settlements. Again, conflict with residents inhibited the
project. Probably the most offensive element in the plan was to turn
the site of a small village on the south side of the Bay into a parking lot,
displacing the residents (Benham, 1971; Hawai?i Tribune Herald , 1972).
214 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The project did not receive approval, and the land surrounding
Kealakekua Bay area remains ‘unelevated’ (after MacCannell, 1976) as
a resource. The Bay area today is marketed more towards day-trip
snorkelers than towards people curious about one of the major events in
the history of Pacific exploration / the death of Cook.
These resource-related issues were of considerable importance, but
inhibitional junctures within prodevelopment groups were even more so.
Two burning issues arose during the phase / whether to turn Ali?i Drive
into a pedestrian mall, and whether to allow high-rise buildings in the
Kailua village center. In 1965, the owners of the Kona Inn had become
concerned about the excessive traffic on Ali?i Drive and proposed turning
the road into a pedestrian mall. They also proposed constructing a new
road behind the growing recreational business district to eliminate this
negative impact on the village ambience. An article written during that
time stated bluntly that bus tours to the Kona Inn were responsible for
most of the traffic ‘chaos’ (Hawai?i Tribune Herald, 1967). The business
community reacted with extreme hostility towards the proposal, on the
bases of prohibitive cost and that supplies could not be delivered to their
small shops and hotels (Southward, 1966). Numerous plans regarding
the mall were advanced (Southward, 1968), but all failed to satisfy the
business community. The issue of the mall would wax and wane for a
full decade. Some changes were made (e.g. Ali?i Drive was made into a
one-way street), but there was no comprehensive solution.
The second issue was over high-rise buildings within Kailua Village.
This erupted in 1968 when a developer proposed constructing a seven-
story condominium adjacent to Mokuaikaua Church. The past few years
had seen building heights gradually increase. For example, the King
Kamehameha Hotel, built to four stories originally, had added two more.
The Hilton, almost completed, was about to reach seven stories. There
had been no major public opposition to the height of these structures. But
such height next to one of the town’s major landmarks was considered
sacrilege by many, and the protest against the development was just as
vehement as it had been against the pedestrian mall. At a ‘Citizen’s
Conference’ held in May 1968, residents debated the future identity of
the village. There was a strong feeling that permitting high-rises would
‘ruin’ (Harada, 1968) Kailua by making it a ‘poor cousin’ (Southward,
1968b) of Waikiki. The twin landmarks of Hulihe?e Palace and Mokuai-
kaua Church, now 130 years old, also perpetuated Kailua’s ‘old Hawai?i’
ambience, in spite of the construction chaos. The argument that the
project would destroy the ambience of the ‘picturesque little village’
(Honolulu Advertiser, 1969: B2) had some credibility (see Martin, this
volume for a similar development, editor’s note). The project was
completely legal and within zoning allowances, but public opposition
delayed groundbreaking ceremonies until 1972. By that time, the
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 215

developer had conceded to community concerns. The site of the building

was moved further away from the church and its height was limited to
four stories (Tao, 1972).
The community impasse over these two issues did not mean there was
a lack of vision about Kailua’s future. There was nearly constant talk of
creating a ‘special and historic district’ (Honolulu Advertiser, 1973). Yet by
the early 1970s there was little left that was truly historic other than
Kuakini’s buildings. At one point a state legislator proposed the State
buy the entire village (Honolulu Advertiser, 1970). The fighting finally
ended in 1974, when money was released for a new urban plan (Honolulu
Star Bulletin , 1974); by the end of the summer the central village area was
given ‘special district’ status (Hawai?i Tribune Herald, 1974, 1974b, 1974c).
The theme of the plan was that the appearance of central Kailua should
be perpetuated as a small village. To oversee the implementation of the
plan, the Kailua Village Special District Commission was created. From
this time on the village has had an official body to mediate disputes.
There have been no major variations permitted to builders for the past
quarter-century. The ‘tentacles of blight’ (Southward, 1967) from the
development boom were no longer present. Contemporary tourists
strolling along Ali?i Drive continue to experience a pleasant ambience,
though not one representing the ‘Kona Way of Life’.
In December 1975, the second incarnation of the King Kamehameha
Hotel opened to the public. With this event, the domestic phase came to a
close for Kona. No major hotels have been constructed in Kailua since.
Overall, the impact of inhibitional forces had dealt a severe blow to the
organic development of tourism. Future development would be kept
rigidly along community-approved lines. An international phase, identi-
fied by high-rise hotels, had been completely prevented. Kona thus did
not fully complete the ‘classical’ development stage, as did Waikiki.

Linked phase, 1976 /88

Figure 12.2 shows a continued rise in the number of accommodation
units between 1975 and 1988. The linked phase has been interpreted on
the basis of this pattern. Virtually all accommodation constructed was in
the form of condominiums. The increase in numbers is significant; the
1984 peak (4748 rooms) is nearly 40% higher than the total for 1975 (3423
rooms). The initial condominium boom resulted from a spillover of
demand for properties on Maui (Tune, 1980). Prices in Kona were
considerably lower. The condos were mostly built during the good
economic years; the second oil crisis in 1979 brought development to a
halt for a while (Sunday Star Bulletin and Advertiser, 1984).
At the end of 1975, tourism development in Kona was still mainly
centered in Kailua Village, with the Bishop Estate having partly
developed Keauhou resort five miles away. Keauhou represented
216 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

newness, high-quality facilities, and planning; Kailua was old and messy.
One writer (Krauss, 1974b) noted that only 5 /10% of visitors staying in
Keauhou went into Kailua. Had the Bishop Estate’s plans come to
fruition, Kona would have become a binodal tourist destination. What
resulted instead was that the Village and resort became spatially and
functionally ‘linked’ through condominium construction along the
coastal road, Ali?i Drive, which ran between them. For the next decade,
development of condominiums gradually merged the two resort
subregions. The district, as a destination, remained ‘Kona’ in identity.
Compared to the previous substage, the linked phase occurred in a
straightforward manner. No major issues came to the fore. In terms of
ambience, Kailua Village re-established something of its ‘old Hawai?i’
identity in the late 1970s, after the Planning Committee took control. The
major event of the phase was the closing of the Kona Inn. The hotel was
purchased by a local group, who closed it in 1978 and built a large
shopping mall on the lawn (William Kimi, CEO, December 1991,
personal communication). The change from a hotel to a shopping mall
represented a major alteration for the Village. It was not a critical event in
the life cycle, however, because a sufficient supply of room stock now
existed elsewhere to meet demand.
One notable addition occurred during this phase, an annual special
event. In the late 1970s, the original ‘Ironman’ triathlon had begun in
Honolulu. The race was moved to Kona in the early 1980s (Hawai?i
Tribune Herald , 1989). It has grown in popularity and, along with the
Hawai?i International Billfish Tournament, has become what Getz (1991)
referred to as an ‘image-maker’. The Kona Way of Life was gone, but a
new theme / sports / would begin to define the region.


Maturity stage, 1989 /present
If the envisioning idea of development is growth, then maturity brings
to mind the image of completed growth. Since 1989, the amount of
accommodation available in Kona has remained fairly steady at just over
4000 units / defining the maturity stage. Not many events have occurred
that produced visible changes on the resort landscape. The years
between 1989 and 1993 have been interpreted as the consolidation phase
on the basis of this lack of activity. In 1994, the runway at Ke?ahole
Airport was extended, and it was renamed ‘Kona International’. Long-
distance jumbo jets could now land and take off. This alteration is
considered to have initiated the present stability phase, on the basis that
Kona is now directly connected to the rest of the world.
Consolidation phase, 1989 /93
The consolidation phase will likely be remembered most for what did
not happen / a failed third phase of development. To examine the
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 217

situation properly it is necessary to return to the 1960s. In the middle

years of the 1960s decade, two resorts opened north of Kailua Village.
One was the Mauna Kea Beach Hotel complex, in South Kohala. The
other was the Kona Village in Kekaha. Both catered to a luxury clientele
and were quite successful. Governor Burns had understood the potential
for luxury tourism when pushing through the infrastructure projects in
the early 1970s. Had the private sector done its part, Kona and Kohala
may have merged in identity as a tourist destination, as the Gold Coast.
Two hotels did open in South Kohala in the early 1980s, both catering to a
luxury segment. The fabulous Gold Coast, however, never really came
into existence.
The land ownership pattern in Kekaha dated back to the 1850s.
Extremely large ranches covered the lava desert. This pattern was
suitable for megaresorts costing hundreds of millions of dollars. The
necessary infrastructure (airport, highway, harbor) was in place. In the
mid- to late 1980s, six projects were proposed. There was little difference
in the plans; each specified large hotels, condominiums, and one or more
golf courses set inland from one of the Kekaha’s pocket beaches (County
of Hawai?i, 1987). If completed as proposed, they would have added
approximately 5000 hotel units and 6000 condo units (not all in the
vacation rental market), more than doubling Kona’s accommodation
stock. Access to beaches by the public at this time was severely restricted.
The public needed to cross private land to reach the beaches, but many
were able to do so, and thus these were popular recreation sites,
particularly on weekends.
The furor of the community over these projects was just as intense as it
had been with previous issues. Unlike earlier fights in Kailua, the battles
in the 1980s were between protourism developers (mainly outsiders) and
anti-development residents. Two projects were proposed near a large
pond that was a protected bird sanctuary. After initial permits were
granted by the County, the State of Hawai?i itself came out in opposition
to these (Honolulu Star Bulletin , 1988). Project-by-project, fights went on
in public planning meetings throughout the late 1980s and into the early
1990s. One corporation did manage to get enough permits to begin
construction (Hawai?i Tribune Herald , 1989) and eventually opened a
large, luxurious resort enclave next to the Kona Village. By 2000,
the remaining projects were still listed in the ‘planned develop-
ment’ accommodation statistics collected on by the State of Hawai?i.
Nothing about them has been mentioned for years however (Annie
Earl, County of Hawai?i Planning Department, March 1999, personal
communication).
One addition of note occurred during this phase, the elevation of
coffee as a tourist resource. Kona had been a noted coffee district since at
least the 1860s, when Twain (1966) made favorable comments about its
218 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

quality. Tourists had often noted the presence of coffee growing in the
mauka village areas, and aspects of its production had been an attractive
feature for decades (Harlow, 1928; Musick, 1898). The development of
tourism in the 1950s and 1960s had, however, hurt production; better
paying jobs meant the crop was sometimes not picked (Smyser, 1972).
The subdivisions that had followed tourism had also caused the price for
land to explode during the 1980s. There was concern that the land would
be rezoned for residences, though this did not eventuate (Harada-Stone,
1989). By the early 1990s, however, the coffee lifestyle of cities had
diffused to the source region, and entrepreneurs in Kona were exploiting
this resource by opening shops at which freshly roasted coffee could be
consumed and purchased. The annual Kona Coffee Festival has also
become elevated in importance and now represents a third ‘image-
maker’ for the destination.
Stability phase, 1994 /present
A stability phase suggests that little new is happening, but that
existing businesses are doing well. This situation has existed in Kona for
the past few years. Accommodation numbers have never reached the
peaks of the 1980s but have remained at the levels of the early 1990s
(Figure 12.2). The opening of the longer airport runway reduced
dependence on Honolulu. Since then, more malls and restaurants have
filled in the vacant lots inland from ?One?o Bay. This is now the new
‘center’ of nightlife. Kailua’s recreational business district now is
completely developed along the shores of Kailua and ?One?o Bays,
but because planning guidelines remain effective, the recreational
business district still looks and feels like a village (field inspection,
April, 2000).
Though this took years to achieve, Kona presents itself as a
contemporary tourist destination that has been able to reach a balance
between facilitational and inhibitional forces. The growing pains of the
development stage have ended. Attraction resources have changed and
continue to do so. The Kona Way of Life ambience is gone but the region
effuses an idyllic quality that is pleasant to experience. There is
something of a new image that is distinctive in the State and not yet
completely defined, based around sports-health and coffee. Kilauea
Volcano, on the windward side of the Big Island, remains a day trip. The
challenge for the community in the years to come will be to prevent the
decline in quality of these attraction resources.

The Future of Kona’s Tourist Life Cycle

Research on a destination life cycle that incorporates the concepts of
mechanisms and pathways permits a limited projection into the future,
on the basis that the past provides a certain understanding of what
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 219

cannot likely happen again. Of course, there is no crystal ball, and so

ceteris paribus is assumed. It is unlikely that Kona will undergo a further
boom period, akin to what occurred during the development stage. There
are three factors that suggest this. First, the entire length of coastline has
by now either been developed for tourism or has had projects proposed
then inhibited by community pressure. Further development faces tight
planning guidelines, and the Kohala districts to the north are in the midst
of their own destination life cycle and compete for tourists.
Second, by the early 1990s, the condominiums constructed during the
development stage were being increasingly inhabited by their owners,
not listed as available vacation rentals (field inspection, 1991 /1992). Part-
time residents do not behave exactly like tourists, hence the nature of the
institution of tourism is slowly changing. Were tourist numbers to drop
considerably and stay down for a period of time, Kona could likely be
interpreted as being in the residential stage.
Third, Kona’s success as a tourism destination has enabled it to grow
into a multifunctional urban area. Prior to the 1950s, most inhabitants in
Kona lived in mauka villages. Kailua’s recreational business district then
developed makai. However, there was no corresponding central business
district; this was constructed behind the recreational business district
along Kuakini Highway, beginning in the 1970s (Figure 12.3). Subdivi-
sions for local residents were built back from the coast as well. In 1989,
the Hawai?i County Planning Department released a General Plan that
projected land use zonation into the future. The plan shows that most
new development would be zoned residential, industrial, or urban, but
not tourist or resort. When the planning maps are analyzed in relation to
the nontourist types of additions that have already been constructed, it is
feasible to interpret that Kona ended its tourism era in the sequent
occupance around 1989, at the same time the maturity stage began. The
plan thus represents a mechanism / the agency of County government /
which had decided to concentrate on other forms of urban development.
Though still a mainstay of the local economy, after a reign of roughly 35
years tourism gave way to urbanization at large, which is now in its own
development stage. As an institution, tourism may remain stable for a
long time; the life cycle cannot be expected to end soon. But a greatly
expanded Kailua is fast becoming an important city in the State of
Hawai?i, and tourism in the future can be projected to be just one of many
institutionalized activities occurring there.
On the other hand, if ceterius paribus assumptions were removed, it is
possible to conceive that Kona might yet have another developmental
phase. It has been repeatedly noted that the base resources for tourists
keep changing. Were tourists’ tastes to return to those of a century or
more ago, features of Kona that have been ‘de-elevated’ could again
become resources for the industry. For example, if global warming
220 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

worsens, appreciation of the cooler upland climates could cause a new

‘boom’ in the mauka areas to occur. Also, the continued appreciation of
‘old Hawai?i’, today redefined as heritage tourism, could result in the
restoration of literally hundreds of important archaeological sites that
have been left to weather in the tropical sun. The identifiable presence of
additional, though currently undeveloped, attraction resources indicates
that the future pathway of Kona as a tourist destination has not been
completely predetermined by past events and accommodation trends
and thus cannot be predicted.

Conclusion
This paper has presented a case study of the Kona region of the Big
Island, Hawai?i. The structure and content have utilized an ontologically
and epistemologically underpinned version of Butler’s (1980) destination
life cycle model. As a way of delimiting the scale of analysis Kona has,
first of all, been spatially bounded. As a destination, Kona was shown to
have had tourism development occur in three contiguous subregions,
Kailua, Ali?i Drive, and Keauhou. Attempts to develop a fourth area,
Kekaha, have mostly failed to date. Features of development in each of
the three subregions were quite distinctive; yet the region as a whole
retained an intact identity as a single destination. On this basis, Kona can
be interpreted to be at the large end of the spatial scale appropriate for
study in terms of presently developed theory.
Second, the paper analyzed the chronological stage sequence of
development that has occurred, in terms of the mechanisms that have
been interpreted to have caused stage and phase changes, and in terms of
the pathway features that were most pertinent during each. This
sequence analysis has shown that Kona has gone through a classical
set of stages / none has been skipped or reached in an unusual order. All
stages attained can be divided into phases, based on the occurrence of
events functioning as mechanisms of change. In particular, analysis of
change in accommodation units was useful in interpreting stage and
phase change, particularly when the graph of room totals was discussed
in terms of morphology / what types were built, where, and when.
Kona’s pathway as a destination, however, has been much more
complicated than a study of the mechanisms alone would indicate.
Facilitational and inhibitional forces (with a bit of ‘tolerance’) collided for
much of the second half of the 20th century. Developmental victories
have produced the existing tourist landscape. Developmental failures,
sometimes representing victories for anti-growth forces, meant a Waikiki-
type environment (international-scale morphology) did not come into
existence, and kept the Kekaha lava desert mostly free of large resort
enclaves. The broader growth of Kona as an urban region, however, was
Shoring the Foundations of the TALC in Tropical Island Destinations 221

not contained. Success at tourism has led to Kona becoming a sprawling

urban area. Whether the region can maintain the idyllic quality for
tourists, or whether it becomes a nice place to live, but not to visit,
remains to be seen. The process of tourism development appears to be
nearly completed, but the process of place-development at-large appears
by no means finished.
Chapter 13
Residents’ Perceptions of Tourism
Development Over the Early Stages
of the TALC
JERRY D. JOHNSON and DAVID J. SNEPENGER

Introduction
The Tourism Area Life Cycle (TALC) model is conceptually
longitudinal; however, most studies applying the model are cross-
sectional. There are many reasons why the literature is dominated by
cross-sectional studies. First, it is pragmatically easier to acquire
information at one point in time and then analyze the data across a
sample of residents of the area. Secondly, the need for expedient
publication motivates most researchers to publish cross-sectional studies.
Third, there are few resources available to tourism researchers by way of
grants or contracts to support impact studies over a decade or more.
Three notable longitudinal studies employing the life cycle model
illustrate the research design complexity and the rich information
available from these types of studies. The first study is ‘Lifecycle models
for Pacific Island destinations’ (Choy, 1992). He employed visitation
volumes over time for several popular and emergent island destinations
in the Pacific. The most extensive set of data was for Hawaii and
incorporated data from 1946 to 1988. Other island destinations utilized a
smaller time frame for examining aggregate visitation patterns. Choy
concluded that a general destination lifecycle model does not apply to
most Pacific island destinations. A large variation in growth patterns was
observed across the 13 destinations.
Another study by Johnson and Snepenger (1992) examined tourism
development in Yellowstone National Park over two decades. ‘Applica-
tion of the tourism life cycle concept in the Greater Yellowstone Region’
applied several elements to the TALC
/ the traditional tourism impact
dimension, visitation trends, economic indicators, and biological indica-
tors for the ecosystem. They concluded that tourism in the Greater
Yellowstone is an intricate system where multifaceted parts can be in
different stages of the TALC and that public land managers, private
entrepreneurs and local government decision makers should coordinate
development and maintenance of tourism assets.

222
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 223

The third paper, ‘Tourism planning and destination life cycle’,

investigated Niagara Falls over the entire tourism destination life cycle
(Getz, 1992). This comprehensive examination traces the chronological
changes to Niagara Falls (New York, USA and Ontario, Canada) from the
early inception of the attraction in the 1820s through to its consolidation
in the 1990s and anticipated rejuvenation. Getz utilizes historical
qualitative data, visitation and business data, and survey data from
industry and municipal groups to conclude that stages within the TALC
can be delineated and that it can be a useful construct if attention is also
paid to monitoring and forecasting the complex market and product of
the tourism attraction.

Measuring Tourism Impacts

Although others (Ap & Compton, 1998; Lankford & Howard, 1994)
have designed alternative impact scales, conventional tourism impact
studies use a generally accepted battery of 16 questions that investigate
the economic, social, and environmental positive and negative conse-
quences of hosting tourists (Lui & Var, 1986). The study of impacts from
tourism on local communities takes in a range of literature that includes
both the positive and negative effects of hosting tourists to a community.
Andereck and Vogt (2000) point out that residents of a tourist
community differ with respect to the impacts resulting from tourism
development. However, researchers agree that a necessary condition of
successful tourism development strategy is the inclusion of residents of
the entire community if tourism investment is to yield substantial returns
(Allen et al ., 1988, 1993; Jurowski & Uysal, 1997; Long et al ., 1990;
Snepenger & Johnson, 1991).
The existing tourism impact literature has for the most part relied on
cross-sectional data (Allen et al ., 1993; Andereck & Vogt, 2000; Ap, 1990;
Jurowski & Uysal, 1997; Long et al ., 1990; Snepenger & Johnson, 1991; Var
& Kim, 1989). However, the TALC implicitly demands that any study of
tourism dynamics view changes over time (Ap, 1990; Butler, 1980) and
that the economic, social, and cultural impacts evident in any community
are best viewed within a longitudinal context. One of the attractive
features of repeated or longitudinal measures is that it allows for general
statements of change over long periods of time. Knowledge of trends can
lead to a better understanding of the community tourism system and
may provide useful managerial information to community and tourism
planners (Mueller et al ., 1970; Snepenger & Ditton, 1985). Longitudinal
analysis as utilized in this study is useful to indicate which, if any,
demographic and tourism iteration variables explain how the commu-
nity opinion toward tourism development changes over time. These
trends may be important because as stated by many researchers, cohesive
224 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

community feelings toward tourism aids in the development of

sustainable tourism policy (Ap, 1992; Jones, 1993; Madrigal, 1994; Martin
& Uysal, 1990; Teye et al ., 2002). In other words, unwilling hosts are not
conducive to an effective tourism industry.

Longitudinal Investigation of Silver Valley, Idaho (USA)

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the early stages of the TALC
in a regional economy previously based on natural resource extraction.
The region is experiencing a transition from mining and timber
production to one increasingly diversified to incorporate tourism
attractions and services. The investigation utilized a longitudinal
research design incorporating survey data from four different points in
time.
The research setting for the study is Shoshone County, in the northern
panhandle of Idaho, USA. The area is known as the Silver Valley, a
narrow mountain river valley. Mineral deposits of silver, gold, zinc, and
lead discovered in 1883 led to the development of underground mines
throughout the 14-mile long valley. The Valley at one time produced over
one-third of the world’s supply of silver.
The valley is surrounded by National Forest lands that produce many
of the local amenities residents find desirable and act as attractants for
tourist visitors. Mountain biking, hiking, big game hunting, cross country
and alpine skiing as well as water-based recreation opportunities such as
fishing, river floating, and waterfowl hunting are available throughout
the year. The small communities of the Silver Valley are developing into
bedroom communities for nearby Coeur D’Alene, Idaho
/ a community
of 35,000 people that is itself a popular tourist destination for year-round
recreation only 56 km (35 miles) to the west via interstate highway.
Lower housing prices in the Valley provide an incentive for people to
drive the relatively short distance to employment in the larger urban
center.
The local mining industry in the Valley collapsed in the early 1980s
due to a multiplicity of issues and local residents were encouraged by
community leaders to collectively rethink the basis of the local economy
(Johnson et al ., 1994). The idea eventually presented to locals was to
transform a 20-year-old local ski area into a four-season destination
resort. The ensuing vision was a radically different way of thinking about
the local economic base and centered on building a gondola to move
skiers from a central location in the town of Kellogg, Idaho to the ski area
over 5 km (3 miles) away and several thousand vertical meters above the
community. Public meetings were held to educate residents and local
business owners, politicians and community leaders to advance the idea
of promoting tourism.
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 225

In 1986 political leaders initiated a market study to investigate the

feasibility of a major year-round destination resort development for the
Valley. The resort would be focused around a $20 million dollar project
that at 3.1 miles in length would be the world’s longest passenger-
carrying gondola. It would serve the alpine ski area and eventually a
year-round destination resort complex. Several setbacks occurred over
the course of the development but by Fall 1990 the initial stages of the
project, including the gondola, were completed and the new Silver
Mountain Ski and Summer Resort, owned and operated by the City of
Kellogg, Idaho began operations. The public ownership made the resort
one of the few public sector owned ski resorts in the country.
However, confusing the economic and quality of life circumstances is
the designation of the Valley as an Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA) Superfund site. The designation constrains local business invest-
ment and pervades the local politics of the area. During the course of the
ski area development, as part of the Superfund activity, all remnants of
the mining operations that polluted the area were removed and the land
mitigated. The Superfund designation has infused significant amounts of
Federal spending into the Valley but uncertain liability concerns makes
future business investment an unsure proposition (Fernandez, 1999). As
a result, contrary to hopes and government efforts, very little non-mining
and nonrecreation investment has taken hold in the region.
The literature provides a few studies addressing the nature of
transitional economies from resource dependency to one based on
tourism, retirees, and attendant professional and consumer services.
Historically, the economic base in most rural communities in the Rocky
Mountain West was found in agriculture and natural resource extraction.
Today, the contemporary economies of the West are more easily
described as progressively more diversified. Timber harvest, mining,
and agricultural production are still in evidence in much of the rural west
but at diminished levels, but those employment opportunities are giving
way to service-related employment including tourism, non-labor income,
small business startups, light manufacturing, retail, and construction
jobs. These nontraditional employment sectors dominate regional urban
centers and adjacent rural communities (Beyers & Nelson, 2000).
An important component of the economic restructuring is tourism
(Fly, 1986; Getz, 1986; Gunn, 1988; Liu & Var, 1986; Long et al ., 1990;
Loyacono, 1991; Luloff & Steahr, 1985; Rafool & Loyacono, 1997). In the
Rocky Mountains (USA) the travel industry provides over 381,300 jobs
and account for approximately 6.5% of total state employment and in
Idaho, the setting for this study, tourism generates almost 22,000 jobs or
4.8% of total employment in the state (Rafool & Loyacono, 1997). Future
tourism-related job growth will continue to be an important component
of the rural economies of the western USA (English et al ., 2000).
226 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

For natural resource dependent communities, tourism may be a last

attempt at economic survival as the market for natural resources is
increasingly global, regulated, or displaced with technological substi-
tutes. Many rural locations, especially in the Western USA, enjoy close
proximity to existing tourism resources such as national parks or scenic/
historical resources (i.e. Yellowstone, Lewis and Clark route locations)
and can take advantage of readily available nearby recreation on public
lands (i.e. skiing, river recreation, mountain biking).
The issue of community acceptance of tourism or other form of
economic diversification is important for communities where the
economic shift away from commodity production is taking place. Power
(1995) advises that there may be a considerable lag between recognition
of economic myth about how the community formerly made a living and
the acceptance of the new reality and eventual acceptance of the new set
of economic conditions. This may be particularly acute in the case of
tourism
/ an industry generally perceived to result in low quality jobs,
part-time, or seasonal work, and low pay. Accordingly, Jurowyski and
Uysal (1997) and Teye et al . (2002) suggest that given a lack of
understanding or approval for an ongoing economic transition, tourism
development efforts will suffer from a lack of local community support.
Three major communities comprise the Silver Valley: Pinehurst (pop.
1800), Kellogg (pop. 2591)
/ the location of the ski area base operation,
and Wallace (pop. 1100). Total population for the region at the inception
of the study was 5491 (US Census 2000). A random geographic cluster
sampling design was utilized to acquire data from residents. A grid
system was developed which partitioned each of the communities into
several neighborhoods. Within each neighborhood a random sample of
30
/35 households were surveyed. This was initiated by selecting a
random starting point in each neighborhood and then randomly
selecting dwellings within the neighborhood to contact. The self-
administered questionnaires were given to one adult in each household
and later retrieved at a predetermined time. Response rates and sample
sizes for the four survey periods varied but were within acceptable
limits for similar community surveys (Babbie, 2002: 256) and appear in
Table 13.1.
Four household surveys monitored area residents’ expectations of
tourism development conducted in 1991, 1994, 1997, and 1999. The first
survey was initiated at the end of the first season of operation. Because
residents did not have enough experience with ski area resort destination
tourism, the questions were reworded to query area residents’ expecta-
tions and thereby their level of optimism, of tourism impacts as a result
of development in the Silver Valley. These items asked respondents in
1991 to assess expected impacts and were reworded to assign values five
years into the future. For example, where the original question was
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 227

Table 13.1 Response rates for survey periods 1991, 1994, 1997 in Silver Valley,
Idaho

Year Sample size Response rate (%)

1991 385 349 (91)
1993 400 367 (91)
1997 300 221 (74)
1999 400 307 (76)

stated as ‘One of the most important aspects of tourism is that it provides

more jobs in the Silver Valley’, the question was rephrased to read: ‘One
of the most important aspects of tourism is that it will provide more jobs
in the next five years in the Silver Valley’. The questions for all surveys
were developed using previously tested questions developed by Lui and
Var (1986), Lui et al ., (1987), and Snepenger and Johnson (1991). The
surveys were repeated during the same time of year in spring at the end
of the winter ski season. These four data collection periods captured
information during the exploration, involvement and early development
stages of the TALC. Specifically two research questions were examined.
The first was whether demographic variables, residents’ contact with
tourists, perceived economic consequences, and congestion scales predict
residents’ attitude about the overall impact of tourism across the early
stages in the TALC.
This question examined the variables driving the residents’ view of
tourism development at each point in time. Furthermore, it analyzes the
direction and magnitude of the demographic, contact, and impact
variables on the dependent variable.
The second question compares results across the four models to assess
the consistency or dissimilarity with respect to predictors and overall
explanatory power across the early stages of the TALC. In other words,
this question examines the stability of variables to predict and the level of
prediction for tourism development across the early stages of the TALC.
In 1990 the resort was in the exploration stage of the TALC. As part of
the economic redevelopment process the City of Kellogg adopted a
mountain theme and sought to refurbish storefronts with alpine
architecture. The nearby City of Wallace adopted an early mining theme.
But most skier visits to the area were within a 100
/150 mile radius
/ the
locally defined skier market. Little additional tourism investment was
taking place and the resort was not a major employer in the area.
By 1993 the town was experiencing some growth in the local business
mix aimed at the tourism market and can be said to be in the
involvement stage. A 61-room hotel was constructed at the ski area
228 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

base and several eating establishments were built. In 1997, citing

financial and management limitations, city officials sold the area to the
tourism specialty firm based in Oregon. After some initial fear that the
gondola complex would be moved to a ski area development in Oregon,
the investors were able to assure residents that the ski area would remain
in operation as they continued to invest in and expand the operation. At
full operational levels the resort employed over 100 full- and part-time
employees.
As early as 1999 the area can be said to be well within the
development stage of the TALC. In 2000 the US Forest Service completed
the conversion of a scenic section of abandoned rail-bed from the
Milwaukee Road that has transformed the unused rail bed into a world-
class bike and walking path. This adventurous 13-mile trail takes
mountain bikers (and hikers) through nine tunnels and over seven
high wooden rail trestles. The Route of the Hiawatha is already a regional
attraction and expected to expand the visitor base to the region
considerably. Also slated for completion in 2002 is a regional 75-mile
long ‘rails to trails’ development, much of which will traverse the Valley.
These developments will expand the tourist visitor base to include more
seasons. In 2002 the present owners handed management of ski area
services to a ski area specialty firm and planned for 2002
/2003 is a new
ski lift and condominium development at a second base location. The ski
area has received some favorable national press coverage and continually
expands skier visitor days.
The first set of questions asked respondents for demographic
information including marital status, age, years of residency, political
self-identification, education level, and household income. Two addi-
tional questions that inquired about respondent contact with tourists
probed their frequency of contact with tourists and the sociability of
contact. Quality of interaction was operationalized using the following
question: ‘When you talk with tourists around town, which one of the
following best describes your contact with tourists?’ The response format
was five point scale ranging from: ‘very negative’ to ‘very positive’. The
frequency item was stated as follows: ‘During an average week, how
often do you talk with tourists around town?’ The response format was:
‘daily’, ‘almost every day’, ‘a couple times a week’, ‘once a week’, and
‘seldom or never’. ‘Daily’ was scored a five and ‘seldom or never’ was
scored one.
The instrument contained five items for each of the three impact
areas
/ economic, social, and environmental. These items were mea-
sured on a five-point Likert scale where 1/strongly disagree and
5 /strongly agree. Two scales of three items each were developed to
measure respondents’ attitude about the economic aspects of tourism
development and congestion resulting from tourism. The first scale was
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 229

designed to quantify the potential consequences of tourism development

on the local economy. The economic development scale consisted of the
following three questions:
. Tourism provides more jobs in the Silver Valley.
. Tourism attracts more investment in the Silver Valley.
. Our standard of living has increased because of tourism.
In contrast, the other scale was developed to ascertain the perceived level
of congestion resulting from the presence of tourists in the small
communities. The congestion scale included the following items all
reverse coded:
. Local residents suffer from living in a tourist destination area.
. Tourism results in overcrowded lakes, hiking trails, parks, and other
outdoor places for locals.
. Tourists add greatly to traffic congestion, noise.
Presented in Table 13.2 is the reliability analysis for each of the two scales
for each year of the study. The economic development scale and the
congestion scale manifested acceptable internal consistency across all
four time periods (Berman, 2002: 96). The higher the Cronbach alpha, the
greater the internal consistency of the items in the scale. Scales with high
internal consistency provide relevant measures of theoretical constructs
(Babbie, 2001).
The dependent variable for the study was a single item statement that
elicited information on the overall perceived benefits and costs that
might be anticipated from tourism development: ‘Overall, the benefits
are greater than the costs of tourism to the people of the Silver Valley.’
The item was scored 5/strongly agree and 1 /strongly disagree.
Significant predictors of perceived overall tourism development were
identified using stepwise multiple regression. Separate models were
developed for demographics, the contact variables, the impact scales,
and an overall model that utilized all predicators. Standardized betas are
reported for each of the significant independent variables. Standardized
betas allow direct comparisons for the importance of significant
predictors which are measured on different units or scales. The larger
the standardized beta, the greater the change in the dependent variable

Table 13.2 Reliability analysis of economic development and congestion scales

using Cronbach’s alpha

Scale 1991 1993 1997 1999

Economic development 0.7633 0.6628 0.7428 0.6836
Congestion 0.8561 0.7866 0.7992 0.8115
230 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

given a one unit change in the independent variable. An alpha level of

0.05 was utilized to trim the stepwise regression models.

Findings
In order to investigate whether demographic variables, residents’
contact with tourists, perceived economic consequences, and congestion
scales predict residents’ attitudes about the overall impact of tourism
across the early stages in the TALC, stepwise multiple regression
analyses were performed for the three sets of independent variables.
Table 13.3 delineates the four separate models that were constructed at
each point in time. The first model examined demographics, the second
the influence of contact between residents and tourists, the third the
significance of the impact scales, and the fourth was an overall model
predicting the overall costs and benefits of tourism development. The
demographic model in the exploration stage did not predict overall
attitudes towards tourism development. The R2 was 0.032 and the two
significant predictors were political self-identity and years in residence.
The contact model, in contrast, did predict overall attitude towards
tourism development. The quality and frequency of interactions with
tourists were used as predictors. However, in 1991 only quality of
interaction was significant and it explained almost 82% of the variance.
The higher the quality of the interaction residents had with tourists, the
more positive they were toward this form of economic development.
The third model employed the two impact scales: economic develop-
ment and congestion. Only the economic development scale was
significant with an R2 of 0.867. The more positive residents viewed the
economic impacts, the more favorable they were towards tourism
development. Lastly, the overall model using all of the predictors
identified the economic development scale and quality of interaction as
significant predictors. The most important of these was economic
development. The overall model had an R2 of 0.879.
The next series of models explored predictors for the involvement
stage. The early involvement stage used survey data from 1993, while the
later involvement models used data collected in 1997. Several demo-
graphic variables were significant in 1993. Again, marital status was the
most important followed by level of education, political self-identity, age,
and lastly by income. For the contact model in 1993, only quality of
interaction was significant with a beta of 0.940 and R2 of 0.883. The
impact scales model revealed that both scales were significant. The
standardized beta for congestion was 0.320 and for economic develop-
ment 0.655. The model had an R2 of 0.924. Finally, the overall model for
1993 shows two significant variables as predictors
/ the economic
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 231

Table 13.3 Stepwise regression analysis for attitude towards overall benefits and
costs of tourism to Silver Valley, Idaho using demographics, contact, and tourism
impact scale variables as predictor variables*

Predictors variables Stage in TALC

Exploration Involvement Development
1991 1993 1997 1999
n/294 n/272 n/173 n /261
Demographic model
Age 0.168 0.304 0.205
Years in residence 0.116
Income 0.132 0.208
Marriage status 0.248 0.217
Education 0.235 0.342 0.317
Political self-identity /0.147 0.200 0.156 0.254
2
R 0.032 0.862 0.924 0.903
Contact model
Quality of interaction 0.905 0.940 0.867 0.889
with tourists
Frequency of interaction 0.103 0.087
with tourists
R2 0.819 0.883 0.915 0.927
Impact Scales Model
Congestion 0.320 0.279 0.376
Economic development 0.931 0.655 0.704 0.610
R2 0.867 0.924 0.939 0.946
Overall model
Economic development 0.641 0.678 0.440 0.424
Quality 0.320 0.220 0.319
Education 0.134
Age 0.133
Congestion 0.300 0.247
232 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 13.3 (Continued )

Predictors variables Stage in TALC
Exploration Involvement Development
1991 1993 1997 1999
Frequency 0.079
2
R 0.879 0.928 0.948 0.951

*Standardized betas reported, alpha/0.05

development scale and the congestion scale. The overall model had an R2
of 0.928.
The later involvement stage in 1997 was more complex. For the
demographic model four variables
/ education, age, income, and
political self-identity
/ were significant. Both interaction variables
were significant as were both impact scales. In the overall model five
variables were found to be significant with an overall R2 of 0.948.
The final year of survey data describes the early development stage of
the TALC in 1999. The demographic model explained 90% of the variance
in the dependent variable and four variables were significant predictors:
education, political self-identity, marital status, and years of residency.
Both contact variables were significant and had an R2 of 0.927. The
impact scale items were also significant: R2 was 0.946. The overall model
contained three variables that were found to be significant: economic
development, quality of contact with tourists, and the congestion scale
item. Overall R2 in 1999 was 0.951.
The ability of the models to demonstrate consistency or dissimilarity
with respect to predictors and overall explanatory power across the early
stages of the TALC was the next area of inquiry.
The level of prediction for tourism development across the early
stages of the TALC improved over time. At the exploration stage
respondents had a difficult time assessing tourism impacts. As the
community tourism economy transitioned through the involvement and
development stages, residents had a better sense of the benefits and costs
of tourism development and the results for the statistical modeling
became more convincing. Concurrently, those favoring and not favoring
tourism development became easier to identify using demographic
measures, contact, and impact variables. Over time, as evidenced by
the increasing R2 values, each of the four general models explained more
of the variance in the independent variable.
Modeling perceived overall benefits and costs of tourism revealed that
some variables were stable predictors over time. Across all four time
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 233

periods the overall model demonstrated that economic development is

the major driver in how residents view tourism. Those resident who
believe tourism enhances the local economy tend to also have a positive
overall view of tourism on their lives and the community while those
who do not view tourism positively tend to believe that tourism will
have negative effects.
The second most important variable across the stages of the TALC was
the quality of interaction locals have with tourists. Those who enjoy
favorable interaction tend to view tourism development positively. For
those whose interaction with tourists is negative, their view of tourism is
also negative.
The third variable that shows a systematic relationship over time is the
congestion impact scale. Those who favor tourism tended to believe that
congestion was not a problem with respect to overcrowded parks and
other recreational facilities in the region. Those who perceive a crowding
or congestion problem tend to hold a negative view of tourism
development.
Finally, three demographic variables emerged as stable predictors in
three of the four years. Education produced relatively high standardized
betas and was the most important demographic predictor. The higher the
educational attainment, the more predisposed toward tourism develop-
ment they tended to be. Political self-identity was a weaker but consistent
predictor. In the first year conservatives tended to favor tourism but the
relationship shifted to reveal that the more liberal political stance favored
tourism and a conservative political position held negative views toward
tourism development. The last demographic variable that showed
stability as a predictor over time was age; the relationship with the
dependent variable was that older respondents supported tourism
development while younger respondents were less supportive.

Discussion
Stages in the TALC are critical to understanding perceived overall
impacts of tourism development (Johnson & Snepenger, 1992). In this
study, different relationships between overall impacts, demographic
measures, contact between locals and tourists, and tourism impacts
emerged along the exploration, involvement, and development con-
tinuum. These changing relationships can be effectively modeled as
noted by the increasingly high regression coefficients in the four models.
A set of robust predictors were identified in this study as measures of
economic development, quality of interaction, and congestion.
The economic development impacts of tourism are perhaps the most
important to any community undergoing a planned economic transition.
The economic development scale assesses (1) enhanced employment
234 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

opportunity, (2) investments resulting from increased tourism activity,

and (3) the possibility of enhanced standard of living for locals. Clearly,
these were consistently the most important predictors of support for
tourism. Local governments and tourism developers will find greater
community support for tourism development if these economic criteria
are explicitly addressed. For example, owners and promoters of
emergent tourism enterprises can hire local labor and pay a living
wage. Community economic development efforts can work to attract
secondary businesses to a region that complements an attraction but can
also help diversify the tourism economy by attracting other business not
directly associated with tourism (Snepenger et al ., 1995). Local option
tourist taxes can be utilized to make community and social investments
to the region so that all residents share in the benefits of tourism
development. Some tourist communities provide heavily subsidized
public transportation or provide locals with inexpensive season ski
passes. The fundamental lesson for tourism developers is that if residents
believe that economic attributes for them are enhanced as a result of
tourism development, they will tend to support it.
Related to increasingly positive economic activity is the quality of
contact between tourists and locals. As long as that interaction is
enjoyable and positive in nature, residents will tend to support tourism
development. Public and private managers can encourage positive
interactions by planning for community events that appeal to both locals
and tourists
/ winter and summer festivals, farmers markets, and
community free ski days are just a few examples. Locals can be
encouraged to open their homes as B&Bs and can do so with planning
and capital startup loans from various sources.
As previously noted, the TALC is both a cross-sectional and long-
itudinal construct, however there are very few longitudinal studies in the
literature and further research is needed to explore the shifting long-term
relationships between residents and tourism development. The tourism
impact literature begs for additional longitudinal studies in other settings
with other characteristics such as different economic transitions, ethni-
city, level of tourism development, urbanization, and cultural settings,
which could all provide valuable insight into the changing nature of
tourism impacts and destination maturation processes.
In the Silver Valley, future research could include utilizing the scales
discussed here as well as others by Ap and Crompton (1998), Lankford
and Howard (1994), and Snepenger et al . (2001) to investigate both
summer and winter tourism. The region will expand the visitor base and
seasonality of visitation as mountain biking, bike touring, and water-
based recreation continue to develop in future years. As the region
moves through the TALC it will be critical to continue to monitor the
impacts of the growing tourism segment of the economy
/ this is
Perceptions of Development Over Early Stages of the TALC 235

especially true as second home development grows in importance to the

region (Johnson et al ., 2002; Snepenger et al ., 1995) and the traditional
mining and timber economy recover from past decline.

Conclusion
Very few longitudinal empirical studies exist that help operationalize
the TALC model. This study examines the early stages of the TALC from
exploration through early development for a regional economy pre-
viously based on natural resource extraction and now increasingly
diversified toward tourism and tourism services. The study examines
the results of four surveys of residents in the region that monitor the
perceived economic, social, and environmental tourism impacts over the
1990s.
The first research question examined which variables best explained
residents’ view of tourism development for each of the four time periods.
The analysis included the direction and magnitude of demographic
measures, residents’ contact with tourists, and tourism impact variables.
The results show that an economic development scale constructed from
three of five standardized economic impact questions from the tourism
literature was the most robust predictor of feelings toward tourism
development for all four time periods.
The second research question compared results across time and TALC
stages. This question examined the stability of variables to predict and
the level of prediction for tourism development. The results again
showed that the economic development scale was the most powerful
predictor across the TALC continuum.
The findings present some opportunities for supporters of tourism
development and it was suggested that policies that spread out the
economic benefits of tourism development to include locals and at the
same time enhance tourist/resident interactions can help ensure the
community will be a willing host to tourists as visitation expands.
Continued monitoring of the expanding tourism base is suggested as a
management tool to help foster a sustainable tourism economy in the
region. This monitoring can prove useful to help foster lasting and
expanding support for tourism development as the Silver Valley rebuilds
its local economy and social infrastructure that was lost to the decline of
the mining industry after 100 years of prosperity.
Finally, similar longitudinal studies may prove valuable across all
stages in the TALC and could help manage existing tourism activity as it
inevitably adjusts to emergent and shifting markets. As it does so, the
impacts on residents of tourism-dependent communities will certainly
change and it is possible that a different demographic, economic, and
political cohort may be attracted (or repelled) to the community. These
236 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

new residents may desire something different for their quality of life and
their opinions may significantly impact the tourism economy. For
example, as retirees who are uncoupled from the local economy are
attracted to an area rich in recreational opportunities, they may wish for
lower levels of tourism development in order to avoid perceived
overcrowding (see Martin, this volume, editor’s comment). In mature
or declining tourism markets, residents may desire to radically retool the
local economy as experienced in the Silver Valley. Other scenarios can be
imagined. Local government decision makers and tourism entrepreneurs
would be well advised to consider investing in continued and long-term
monitoring of those who act as hosts for community tourism.
Chapter 14
The TALC Model and Politics
B. MARTIN

Introduction
‘If you are leaving Hilton Head . . . please take our mayor.’ That
bumper sticker seen on cars in Hilton Head, South Carolina in the mid-
1990s signaled an increasing dissatisfaction with the mayor who had
been elected a year and a half earlier. Hilton Head was in a political
uproar, with the tourism industry at the center of the controversy. The
mayor, a planner by profession, had been elected with strong support
from the retirees on the island on what he construed as a ‘no-more-
tourism’ platform. When he was elected, many had assumed that the
incumbent would be re-elected and had complacently failed to vote.
During his term, the mayor had created a furor because of his
interpretation of his mandate. In interviews on national television and
state papers he indicated that Hilton Head wanted less tourism. Many of
the town’s residents were quite disappointed with what they considered
to be his irresponsible behavior (Hammond, 1993; Lofton, 1993). Even
those who had voted for him believed that he had misinterpreted a
controlled growth mandate as a ‘no-more-tourism’ mandate. For many,
the bumper sticker quite clearly expressed their feelings.
The tourism industry on Hilton Head at that time enjoyed a visitation
rate of 1.6 million people who spent $577 million on their visits (Lofton,
1993). There was no question that tourism was important to the economy
of the town. Unlike many destinations, tourism in Hilton Head had been
planned. According to the original major developer, Charles Fraser,
Hilton Head had been planned to be both a resort and a retirement
community. It had been highly successful in attracting both retirees and
tourists, and therein lay the problem. Many residents, and especially
retirees, were concerned that the number of tourists was growing and
becoming a problem. A carrying capacity study conducted a few years
previously had shown that transportation was the limiting factor for the
island (Bell, 1994). Residents did not have to be convinced of that. There
was only one major road through the island and only one bridge to be
used for evacuation in the event of a hurricane. Traffic congestion was a
serious problem and many on the island feared that Hilton Head was
headed for other serious problems. This group was called the ‘burn the
bridgers’, referring to their perceived desire to protect the community by

237
238 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

burning the only bridge that gives access to Hilton Head. These were
ostensibly the residents who had voted for the controversial mayor.
Both development and the control of development are based on
political decision making. Governments are made up of politicians who
are elected on specific platforms, supported by the public vote. It is quite
common for that platform to be economic growth and development,
which makes the situation in Hilton Head even more interesting, as the
mayor’s platform had appeared to be anti-growth. In addition, it is
government agencies that decide the rules of development through
formulation of laws and regulations. Recognizing this is important to the
study of the tourism life cycle. It is government leaders, elected by
interested citizens, who provide the framework for the development and
growth of tourism. But are these government leaders always following
the desires of their constituencies? Or are there other pressures put upon
them that benefit a few but may not be in the best interest of the
community. And what backlash can be expected when the public is
discontented with government involvement?
Butler (1980) refers to some of these political pressures when
discussing the involvement stage of the tourism life cycle. He states
that in this early stage of tourism, development pressure will be put
upon government and public agencies to provide or improve transporta-
tion and other facilities for visitors. Who is exerting this pressure and
why? Is it simply those in the tourism industry that apply the pressure or
might there be others within the community interested in growth from
tourism? Although there has been some previous recognition of the
involvement of government in the tourism development process (Elliot,
1997: 8; Getz, 1991: 134), not enough attention has been paid to the
politics of tourism (Hall, 1994: 1; Hall & Jenkins, 1995: 97). This study of
resident attitudes toward tourism in Hilton Head provides a unique view
of some of the political ramifications of tourism development. Election of
an anti-tourism mayor and his eventual political demise provide an
interesting backdrop for enhancing the understanding of the political
aspects of the tourism life cycle. This chapter is a snapshot of Hilton
Head in the mid-1990s that provides insight into the relationship
between political processes and the tourism life cycle, from the
perspective of the town’s residents.

Historical Perspective of the Development of Hilton Head

Development of Hilton Head Island commenced in the late 1950s with
the building of the James F. Byrnes Bridge to the mainland. In 1956 the
Frasers acquired a totally uninhabited 5200-acre tract, which encom-
passed the entire southern end of the island, comprising approximately
20% of the total land area of the island. Charles Fraser proceeded to
The TALC Model and Politics 239

develop Sea Pines Plantation into a resort community designed to serve

both retirees and vacationers. Fraser’s development was based on a
master plan that included the establishment of, and adherence to, three
fundamental commitments: strict control of land use, the development of
recreation land, and the preservation of two square miles of wildlife
refuge. Fraser’s goal was to maintain the natural beauty of the area by
developing it in such a way that the island’s natural attributes would be
enhanced rather than destroyed. Careful planning and rigid standards
were seen as the method for accomplishing this (Fraser, 1995). The early
development of Sea Pines Plantation by Fraser implemented those
standards. Homes blended in with the natural environment and wildlife
roamed free. Fraser also had a great influence on other aspects of the
island’s development. Even today, Hilton Head is noted for its strict
regulation of signage throughout the town.
Since the original development of Sea Pines, much development has
occurred, not all of which adheres to the original goals. Charles Fraser
never owned the entire island but the areas that he did own were well
planned and protected. However, other developers during the 1980s
were more interested in turning a profit than protecting the island. While
a great deal of the island is comprised of gated communities in which
care has been taken to provide only the best in amenities for the wealthy
residents, several resort developments provide rental accommodations
that barely meet city standards (Shields, 1987).
Most of the remaining undeveloped land in Hilton Head is owned by
the African-American indigenous population. The town planner, as well
as an African-American city councilman who is a native of the island,
reported that some of these native islanders felt that their right to
develop their land was being threatened by both current and proposed
land use restrictions. According to one real estate agent (Kenney, 1994),
some business people also felt that the island was not ‘built out’ and that
there was room for continued growth. On the other hand, the election of
the mayor gave evidence that many of the residents felt that restrictions
on growth were very important.
Some residents believed the town administrators were attempting to
control growth in what some considered a backdoor method; implement-
ing regulations on new developments that would be restrictive enough to
halt most development. For example, traffic impact statements were
required for new developments. Developers had to show that their new
facilities provided acceptable access to the only major road on the island
and pay impact fees according to potential impact.
During this unsettled period in Hilton Head’s history, the incumbent
mayor was running for re-election. Ironically, his opponent was a local
building contractor. Would the mayor be re-elected to continue his anti-
tourism campaign? This was a vital question for the future of Hilton
240 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Head. The mayor’s political viewpoints had the potential to send Hilton
Head into the decline stage of the tourism life cycle (Butler, 1980). A
study that determined resident attitudes toward various aspects of
tourism development could provide the answer to important questions.
Were the residents of Hilton Head anti-tourism, anti-growth or neither?
Were there differences in the opinions among residents about the future
of Hilton Head, according to whether or not they were retirees, business
leaders, or government administrators? Where did resident attitudes
indicate that Hilton Head was on the life cycle continuum and what did
residents want for their future? And what role did politics play in
determining Hilton Head’s progression through the tourism life cycle?
Resident attitudes are an important determinant in assessing whether
social carrying capacity is being exceeded in a manner that will affect the
tourism life cycle stage of the community (Martin & Uysal, 1990)
A study of tourism in Hilton Head was conducted with the intent of
discovering whether or not various groups of residents had consistent
views of the future of tourism and whether there was indeed an
indication of a political growth machine in Hilton Head that might be
inclined to pressure the government into decisions that could result in
the eventual demise of the tourism industry. Resident attitudes were the
basis for this determination. The study was conducted using the Tourism
Impact Attitude Scale to determine resident attitudes toward tourism
and its continued growth on Hilton Head. Some of the results of that
study have been reported previously (Martin, 1999; Martin et al ., 1998)
and will be reviewed here. Not previously reported were the many long
discussions held with the residents after they had completed the
standardized questionnaire. The qualitative aspects of the research
yielded valuable information for assessing the dynamics between politics
and tourism growth that might propel a destination through the life
cycle. Those conversations provide much of the basis for this chapter.

Growth Machine Theory and the Tourism Life Cycle

There are several theories of political influence on the development of
communities (Harrigan, 1989). A year of background research on the
situation in Hilton Head revealed that growth machine theory would be
most useful in describing resident attitudes and the political atmosphere
in Hilton Head (Canan & Hennessy, 1989; Danielson, 1995; Martin, 1998).
Growth machine theory (Molotch, 1976) is based on the concept that
community growth is frequently used as a platform for political gain,
driven by influential members of the community, the ‘elites’. Molotch
contended that land-holding community leaders, and those in whose
best interest community growth lies, dominate community policymak-
ing. That faction makes up the growth machine. The main goal of the
The TALC Model and Politics 241

growth machine is to promote growth in order to maximize the economic

return to land holders, as well as others in the community who benefit
from growth. The growth machine is made up of landowners, financial
institutions, lawyers, and local newspaper owners who are in a position
to benefit from growth. This faction of the community dominates local
government and seeks to influence local political leaders in order to
bring them into the progrowth machine. Generally, city government
plays a dichotomous role in dealing with the growth machine. First, it
must support the growth machine’s promotion of economic (i.e. tourism
in the case of Hilton Head) growth on the grounds that growth increases
job opportunities for residents and makes land more valuable. On the
other hand, because it represents people in local neighborhoods, city
government frequently finds itself playing an intermediary role in
conflicts that arise when residents oppose particular development
projects (Harrigan, 1989). According to Logan and Molotch (1987: 51),
those who make up the progrowth machine ‘use their growth consensus
to eliminate any alternative vision of the purpose of local government or
the meaning of community.’
Growth machine theory has important implications for discussions
and assessments using the tourism life cycle model. The life cycle model
is based on the concept that tourism destinations change over time
(Butler, 1980). Those changes in the stage of tourism development
generally are occurring based on various aspects of growth within the
destination. Growth in tourist numbers and tourist facilities generates
both potential benefits and costs to the community. These costs and
benefits vary as the destination changes over time, due to growth.
Resident attitudes may also change over time due to growth in the
number of outsiders with whom they must share resources and space.
Attitudes on the part of community residents are recognized as playing a
vital role in the success of tourism for the community. Negative attitudes
of residents are commonly acknowledged to result in reduced popularity
of the destination for visitors (Doxey, 1975; Martin & Uysal, 1990).
Resident attitudes toward tourism can also be manifested through the
political processes that elect officials according to their plans for the
community. Therefore, it would seem that more attention needs to be
paid to the role of politics in the tourism life cycle process.
While it is often difficult to assess just how much growth is spurred by
tourism and how much by other types of business in the community, in
the case of Hilton Head it is far easier to see the effect of tourism. Tourism
is the main economic engine on the island, with real estate running
second in importance. However, real estate sales and tourism develop-
ment are intricately connected to each other. As in many attractive resort
areas, new residents are frequently prior tourists. Sometimes they
purchase second homes during their working lives and then retire to
242 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

live there permanently, and sometimes they move there for the first time
when they retire. In either case, often their first attraction to the island is
as a tourist. There is no doubt that Hilton Head has changed over time,
with more and more residents living in more and more gated commu-
nities, as well as an increase in service industries to support the growing
number of hotels and restaurants built for tourists. All of these changes
could be expected to affect resident attitudes toward tourism. Did this
growth result in negative attitudes of the residents toward current or
future tourism development? What impact did resident attitudes have on
the political processes that affect the tourism life cycle of resort
communities?

Hilton Head Study

A survey of Hilton Head residents’ attitudes was conducted during
the summer of 1995. The data for this study were collected using a
questionnaire based on the Tourism Impact Attitude Scale (TIAS)
developed by Lankford (1994). The TIAS is a 29-item scale used to
assess resident attitudes toward tourism development. It is a five-point
Likert-type attitudinal scale, with possible responses ranging from
strongly agree to strongly disagree. The questionnaire was slightly
modified for relevance in Hilton Head. At the end of the questionnaire
respondents were asked if there was anything else they wanted to
discuss or clarify.
The sampling frame for the study was rather complex. A market
research firm located in Hilton Head provided the list of businesses, as
well as a list of permanent home owners. Business leaders were
identified as owners or managers of all businesses on Hilton Head.
Government administrators were identified by the Town Manager, using
the criteria that those town employees who were in administrative
positions which allow them to have input in the decision-making process
would be surveyed. The six members of city council and the Mayor were
also included in the sample of government administrators. Retirees were
identified using a screening question for home owners. Those residents
who were not retirees, business leaders or government administrators
were identified as ‘general residents’.
All respondents except government administrators were interviewed
by telephone using the Dillman Total Design Method (1978) for
telephone interviews. The Town Manager asked that government
employees self-administer the questionnaire rather than participate in
the telephone interviewing. A total of 287 respondents participated in the
study, representing an 86% response rate. The breakdown of respondents
by areas of interest showed that there were: 120 business leaders, 100
retirees, 28 government administrators, and 39 general residents.
The TALC Model and Politics 243

Results
A sociodemographic profile of the respondents showed that 53.5% of
the respondents were male and 46.5% female, 44.6% were over 55 years
of age, and nearly 45% had incomes over $60,000. The vast majority of
respondents reported that they were non-natives of Hilton Head.
Although 81% reported being non-natives, this number was actually
higher, as many who reported being natives also reported only living on
Hilton Head for a fairly short period of time. The question was ‘do you
consider yourself to be a native of Hilton Head?’ Perhaps due to the
wording of the question, personal views of ‘belonging’ may have
complicated the results.
An analysis of resident attitudes toward tourism revealed interesting
results. Respondents were asked to rate their opinion of the statements
on a scale from 1 to 5, with 1 being strongly disagree and 5 being strongly
agree. Three statements stand out as having the highest means. One was
that ‘tourism is responsible for the traffic congestion in Hilton Head.’
Another was ‘long-term planning by city government can control the
negative impacts of tourism on the environment.’ The statement with the
highest mean was ‘the tourism industry will continue to play a major
economic role in Hilton Head.’
A factor analysis was performed to examine underlying dimensions
that would provide information for measuring attitudes toward the issue
of growth from tourism development. A four-factor solution with high
alpha reliabilities for each of the factors emerged. The four factors were:
increased development, positive impacts, tourism support, and negative
impacts.
The increased development factor contained items related to resident
attitudes toward more development. These items included attitudes
concerning more intensive development of facilities, becoming more of a
tourist destination, attracting more visitors, development of more
tourism facilities, and further tourism growth.
The second factor, positive impacts, included attitudes toward
tourism’s impact on recreational opportunities, the quality of public
services, the standard of living, economic wellbeing, the job market,
shopping opportunities, as well as generic benefits of tourism and the
type of jobs provided by tourism.
The third factor was termed tourism support because all the items
related to resident support for tourism in the community. The items in
this factor included attitudes about government control of impacts, the
value of tourists, government role in promoting tourism support of
tourism as vital to the community, support for tourism as the main
industry, promotion of tourism, and support for tourism as a continuing
economic force in the community.
244 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The fourth factor, negative impacts, ascertained resident attitudes

toward litter, crime, environmental impacts, and traffic congestion.
In order to test for differences among the four groups on the four
factors, an analysis of variance (ANOVA) was performed. There was a
statistically significant difference among the groups on each of the four
factors at the 0.05 or better level. The first factor, Increased Development,
was directly related to the issue of whether or not residents were
interested in continued or increased growth as a result of tourism
development. This factor explained 35.6% of the variance while all the
other factors together explained 17.1%. According to Kachigan (1986), it
is important to note the importance of the first factor when it explains an
overwhelming percentage of the variance in comparison to other factors.
As it was considered most important to assess attitudes toward growth,
the Increased Development factor was considered an important indicator
of those attitudes. The business leaders showed the strongest support for
increased development, with general residents and government admin-
istrators showing more modest support and retirees being the mostly
strongly opposed to further tourism development.
On the Positive Impacts factor, retirees and government adminis-
trators view tourism as having less positive impacts than do the general
residents and business leaders. Business leaders were most aware of the
positive impacts.
On the Tourism Support factor, retirees and government adminis-
trators showed significant differences from business leaders and general
residents. There was more support for tourism from business leaders
than from the retirees and government administrators.
On the Negative Impacts factor the only significant difference was
shown between business leaders and all the other groups. Business
leaders felt that there was less negative impact on the community from
tourism development than did all the other groups.
Although significant differences were shown, it is important to
understand that the differences were only in the strength of opinion or
feelings on the issues. Differences did not indicate that different groups
were pro or con on the issues. All residents’ attitudes were on the same
side of the spectrum. It was only the strength of their attitudes that was
different. For example, all groups showed low support for the items in
the factor Increased Development, ranging from 2.04 for retirees to 2.89
for business leaders. Although they were technically significantly
different, it was not because any of the groups agreed with statements
such as: ‘Hilton Head should encourage more intensive development of
tourist facilities’; ‘Hilton Head should become more of a tourist
destination’; and ‘Overall, you are in favor of further growth from
tourism development in Hilton Head’. The same was true of respondents
for all of the factors. There were differences in the intensity of their
The TALC Model and Politics 245

agreement or disagreement with the statements but they were never

polar opposites in their views.

Conversations with respondents

At the end of the questionnaire, respondents were asked if there was
anything they would like to add to their responses on the questionnaire.
Most residents were very willing to discuss issues not specifically
addressed in the questionnaire or to explain their responses. Government
leaders did not participate in this portion of the research because their
questionnaires were not completed by phone. However, they did have a
section at the end of the questionnaire for writing in comments.
Respondents were most anxious to express their dismay about the
mayor’s behavior. As for their attitudes toward the mayor and their
intentions politically, respondents were overwhelmingly negative toward
his bid for re-election. Retirees and business leaders alike felt that a new
mayor was necessary. It was quite clear that the mayor was highly
unlikely to be re-elected. Even those who had voted for him previously
were against his re-election. They were pleased to be able to explain why
they had voted for him originally and their comments gave a much richer
understanding of the dynamics of politics, tourism, and growth on
Hilton Head. Several respondents mentioned that the conversations were
therapeutic, reflecting their emotions about the subject. Through these
discussions, it became clear that these residents were indeed concerned
about where the town was headed if growth of the tourism industry
continued unabated. They were disappointed that the man elected to
help solve the problems had created such negative, erroneous percep-
tions of the Hilton Head tourism industry.
There were several other consistent themes running through the
comments of the residents. Many residents reported that they felt that
Hilton Head had ‘reached saturation point’. They believed that Hilton
Head was a thriving resort and retirement community but that it was
essential that ‘future growth be managed’. The term ‘managed growth’
was used many times in conversations with the residents in the study.
They did not see themselves as anti-growth or anti-tourism. They
believed that the best protection for Hilton Head would be in controlled
and managed growth. Whether the respondents were business owners or
retirees, their desires for controlling growth of the community were
consistent.
Residents were quite fearful that Hilton Head would ‘become another
Myrtle Beach’. Myrtle Beach is also a coastal community in South
Carolina, located approximately three hours north of Hilton Head.
Myrtle Beach is highly developed, with many reasonably priced motels,
restaurants, and a variety of amusement parks and country music
246 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

entertainment. It is predominantly marketed to the middle class and has

a very different image from that of Hilton Head. Myrtle Beach had gone
through a rejuvenation stage during the late 1980s and early 1990s but
was still not the type of high-class resort that Hilton Head had always
been.
Many of the residents of Hilton Head were concerned about the ability
of Hilton Head to maintain its upper-class image. They were almost
hesitant in explaining their thoughts on this issue but nevertheless, many
expressed concern that overbuilding and continued growth that was not
consistent with this high-class image would result in the attraction of a
type of tourist that would change the character of their community. The
life cycle model predicts that the type of tourist will change over time
and residents of Hilton Head were aware that they were in peril of
watching this phenomenon become reality. There was a time in the 1980s
when new construction in the upper end of the island was shoddy,
resulting in what locals call ‘stack a shacks’. These were poorly
constructed condominiums that were much more affordable to the less
affluent than the upper-class hotels such as the Westin and Hyatt. In
addition, many new fast-food restaurants and lower-category motels had
opened in the previous decade. Residents were concerned that this
would lead to the end of the ‘classiness’ of their town. Business leaders
and residents alike were concerned about the potential for negative
change in the type of tourism Hilton Head had always enjoyed, as Butler
predicts will happen without stringent controls.

Discussion
The consistency with which the residents were concerned about
continued growth due to tourism was unexpected based on observation
of the political dynamics of the town. It was expected that the residents
would be divided along the lines suggested by growth machine theory;
that business leaders would be much more supportive of growth of
tourism than retirees and other residents. It seemed logical that business
owners and managers would differ significantly from retirees and
government officials in their opinions of the benefits and costs of
tourism, as predicted by growth machine theory and by the mayor’s
election. Such was not the case. Despite the reported statistical
differences, the residents were surprisingly on the same side in their
views of the future of Hilton Head. Perhaps the fact that Hilton Head
attracts so many highly educated, successful retirees who have them-
selves previously run large businesses, means that residents have more
understanding of the importance of ‘not killing the goose that lays the
golden egg’. The business owners were quite savvy in understanding
that principle and the retirees were quite aware of the importance of
The TALC Model and Politics 247

protecting the economy. After all, it is an economy that provides

everyone with a number of amenities. Although many residents feel
that a lot of the shopping opportunities are geared toward the tourists
and frequently shop in upper-class shops in Savannah, the residents
generally take advantage of the many other amenities such as the
excellent restaurants and golf courses. Several of those interviewed not
only played on the golf courses but worked there part-time in what some
might consider menial jobs but which they considered to be fun and
interesting ways to keep busy.
What impact did the desire of Hilton Head residents to protect the
image of the community have on the determination of life cycle stage?
The fact that residents were concerned about the image of the town
indicates that a change in image might have been occurring. The building
of low-income tourist accommodations and fast-food restaurants cer-
tainly indicates that Hilton Head may be on the verge of a downturn in
the ability to attract the high-income tourist. This would be one more
indication that Hilton Head is moving towards a later stage of the life
cycle and that it may need to take stringent measures to protect the resort
from a potential decline stage. It is unlikely that Hilton Head will ever
deteriorate to the point that tourists will not actually visit. However,
there are several indications that the town is becoming less exclusive and
becoming more attractive to the average-income tourist.
A confounding issue for keeping the image of Hilton Head intact is the
inability of those who work in the tourism industry to actually live on
Hilton Head. Most of the service workers are bused as much as an hour
and half to work in tourism positions. Low-income housing is simply not
available and therefore, the image of Hilton Head is, in an interesting
manner, more easily protected. Molotch (1976) calls those who promote
growth the ‘elites’. Is the lack of affordable housing a case of the ‘elites’ of
the growth machine protecting the image of the town in order to keep
land values at a premium?
One important aspect of growth machine theory is the potential for an
anti-growth coalition. Hilton Head did indeed appear to have a type of
anti-growth coalition; one that wanted strictly controlled and managed
growth. However, this is not to be mistaken for an anti-tourism coalition.
Although it is difficult to distinguish between anti-growth and anti-
tourism when it is generally tourism that is spurring the growth,
residents made it clear that they were not anti-tourism. In the end, it
seems that the residents were being proactive in demanding managed
growth, rather than negative in being strongly anti-growth. Residents
want the town to have the ability to maintain a viable and profitable
tourism industry while residents enjoy a high quality of life. For them,
being in favor of managed growth is the best possible method of
protecting their quality of life and allowing for continued economic
248 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

prosperity. Several residents commented that they believed that the

physical limitations of the island would in itself be the final limitation to
growth. As there are strict limitations on the height of buildings, which
make it impossible for the town to grow up , there is some credibility to
that idea.
Not taking any chances in protecting their island, the residents
exercised their right to elect a true representative of their views in the
Fall of 1995. A native of the local area who was an award-winning
building contractor was elected as the new mayor. He then became the
first mayor in the history of Hilton Head ever to be re-elected to a second
term and recently won a third election. What makes this contractor-
turned-politician so popular when a planner was so unpopular? His
answers to questions posed by local media before his third election help
explain (Carolina Morning News , 2001). He was asked what he saw as the
top two issues facing the town and how he would address them. The first
issue he stated was ‘mainland growth’, alluding to the impact that
growth occurring just outside the town from a large retirement commu-
nity is having on the town of Hilton Head. He stated that he would
address the issue by working with the county ‘to implement growth
management techniques and ordinances that will allow growth to be
implemented in a more orderly and less intense fashion’. The second
issue was ‘enhancing our sense of community’. When asked what
experiences or qualities he had that would make him a good mayor for
the next four years his answer was ‘I am a consensus builder’. A
consensus builder who understands the need for growth management
and protection of their sense of community was exactly what the people
of Hilton Head were seeking. His commitment to listening to the desires
of the community in their vision of the future of the town has not only
kept him in office but bodes well for keeping Hilton Head as a viable
tourism destination.

Conclusion
The tourism life cycle as proposed by Butler (1980) has for many years
provided a mechanism for studying the future of tourism destinations.
However, little has been noted of the political aspect of the growth that
occurs as tourism progresses through the different stages of the life cycle.
The events in Hilton Head of the mid 1990s provide an interesting
laboratory for assessing the relevance of the political aspects inherent in
promoting growth. Growth machine theory postulates that avaricious
residents will inordinately influence local politics in a manner that leads
to excessive growth and the rise of an anti-growth coalition. On the
surface, this did indeed appear to be the case in Hilton Head. However,
the study of resident attitudes that specifically compared views of
The TALC Model and Politics 249

business leaders, government officials, and retirees did not find that in
fact to be true. No group was found to want the growth of Hilton Head to
occur at any cost. Instead, even retirees who would not monetarily
benefit from allowing tourism to thrive were in favor of maintaining the
current level of tourism. Business leaders with more to gain monetarily
from tourism growth were prudent in acknowledging that too much
growth could eventually destroy their profitable businesses. Government
leaders were trying to provide the mechanism through regulation that
would control growth.
Overall, all groups of residents made it clear that maintaining the
quality of life and sense of community were what concerned them most.
Business leaders were just as interested in maintaining a high quality of
tourism business. It was evident that residents would take control of the
political process in order to do so. The election of a mayor who became
very unpopular was quite possibly the best thing ever to happen to
Hilton Head. Although he did not turn out to be the right man for the job,
never again could it be assumed that concerned citizens would not be
heard on their views of the future of their community. The election that
year and in subsequent years of a building contractor who understands
the issues of growth well was a direct result of the disastrous prior
administration. It would seem that the best method of controlling an anti-
tourism coalition that could result in descent into a decline stage is to
elect a leader who cares about resident attitudes and takes action on their
behalf.
As for the tourism life cycle, resident attitudes toward tourism
provide evidence to support determination of the stage of the life cycle
in which Hilton Head appeared to be at that particular time. Butler’s
consolidation stage seems to best represent Hilton Head’s position on the
life cycle. A major part of the island’s economy is tied to tourism, major
franchises and chains are well established, and efforts have certainly
succeeded in extending the tourist season. Perhaps most importantly, the
large numbers of visitors and facilities for tourists have aroused just
enough opposition and discontent among residents to make them
vigilant in protecting their quality of life.
From the first introductory stages of development in the late 1950s
through the maturing of the town in the mid 1990s, Hilton Head has
progressed from an inaccessible island to one of the world’s greatest
resorts. With savvy, and concerned residents who are willing to use the
political process to proactively protect the island’s future, may be able to
ensure that Hilton Head will never arrive at the decline stage of the life
cycle.
Chapter 15
Seeking Sustainable Tourism
in Northern Thailand:
The Dynamics of the TALC
J. MAROIS and T. HINCH

Introduction
The concept of tourism area life cycles (TALC) is germane to this book.
For the purposes of this chapter, however, it is also important to
understand the concept of sustainable tourism development, as well as
the general environment of TALC in Thailand. Sustainable tourism
development is defined as:
tourism which is developed and maintained in an area (community,
environment) in such a manner and at such a scale that it remains
viable over an indefinite period of time and does not degrade or alter
the environment (human and physical) in which it exists to such a
degree that it prohibits the successful development and well-being of
other activities and processes. (Butler, 1993: 29)
Ideally, tourism developments should respect, and even improve, the
viability of the natural environment and the social community.
Butler’s (1980) conceptualisation of TALCs suggests that tourist
destinations will not be sustainable indefinitely, at least in terms of
tourism activity. The more pertinent question is, therefore, how to extend
a constructive form of tourism in the destination rather than how to
ensure the destination equivalent of immortality.
The essence of the tourist attraction in Ban Raummit, Thailand is the
tribal culture of the Karen people. Tourists, particularly Westerners,
travel to the hills of Northern Thailand in search of primitive ‘others’.
The distinct culture of the Karen has proven to be a powerful draw. Any
discussion of the sustainability of tourism development in this village
must, therefore, consider culture as a defining element of the community,
as well as its manifestation in various tourism products. Although the
TALC has already been used to examine sustainable tourism develop-
ment in Northern Thailand (Cohen, 1979; Dearden, 1991; Dearden &
Harron 1994; Maneeorasert et al ., 1975), the dynamic inter-relationships
between product and destination life cycles have not been emphasised.
The purpose of this chapter is to consider the sustainability of hill tribe

250
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 251

tourism in the Karen village of Ban Raummit, Thailand by examining

these inter-relationships.
Previous studies indicate that commercial trekking began in this area
around 1970 as small-scale operations in which a limited number of
people, mostly scientists, travelled to learn about the hill tribes (Cohen,
1996). Guides were tribal people who knew how to access the villages.
Dramatic growth over the next two and a half decades is reflected in the
currently more than 200 trekking operators in Chiang Mai, the major
starting point for treks into northern hill tribe villages by the mid-1990s
(Cohen, 1996; Dearden, 1991). As the number of trekkers increased,
Chiang Rai and Mae Hong Son have also grown as major departure
points.
Two different types of tours emerged. The first was a jungle trek
consisting of a guided trek into the forest to visit more remote and
traditional hill tribe villages with few tourist facilities. These treks
operate with an average of 10
/12 participants and last three to ten
days. The second type was a tribal village or sightseeing tour in which most
of the transportation is by van, bus or boat. These tours travel through
Northern Thailand, stopping at various villages for short ‘picture
opportunities’. Typically, sightseeing tours consist of relatively large
groups of 20
/40 people and last from one to three days. For both types of
tours, the tour operator is responsible for the operational details
including transportation, accommodation, food and luggage handling,
thereby making these tours accessible to a wide range of visitors.
Dearden and Harron (1994) estimate that more than 100,000 people
participated in jungle treks each year during the early 1990s. Given the
high growth rates of this type of tourism and the rapid modernisation of
hill tribe cultures, Dearden (1991) suggests that areas promoting jungle
treks and sightseeing tours tend to move through their tourism life cycles
relatively quickly. Other factors contributing to this rapid progression
include increased accessibility to hill tribe villages by walking trail, road
and waterways. The cycle formally begins for a village on the jungle trek
when the trek operators make initial contact. These operators will
continue to visit a village with their tours until their clients perceive it
to be too developed or modern. As the number of visitors increase, the
interactions between the visitors and the villagers become less intimate
and more institutionalised. Villages originally featured as part of a jungle
trek may be rejuvenated as destinations on the tribal village sightseeing
tours as they become more accessible by land or waterway, but even
these sightseeing stops may eventually be abandoned when visitors feel
that they have become too modern.
Dearden and Harron (1994) argue that currently this cycle is not
sustainable. Some operators have responded by adding more compo-
nents to the treks such as commercial elephant and raft rides basing the
252 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

tours more on adventure than culture. Although these changes make the
industry more viable for the tourism operators, they tend to remove
visitors from the villages, reducing opportunities for economic develop-
ment. Nevertheless, Dearden (1991: 412) suggested ‘trekking, appropri-
ately managed and with input from the hill tribes, could become a key
component in sustaining these communities in the future.’ A greater
understanding of the life cycles of these tourism products will provide a
tool with which to better manage development within the villages.

The Tourism Area Life Cycle Revisited

Johnston (2001, other volume) suggests that, after 20 years, Butler’s
original TALC model needs some modification. In addition to the
traditional graphic representation of TALC’s general stages, he suggests
three types of analysis are required. The first is a ‘boundary analysis’ in
which the destination is defined to facilitate comparisons between like
destinations. This analysis addresses two key questions. What is the
region and what type of region is it?
The second type of analysis focuses on ‘pathways’. It examines the
internal characteristics, the users and the macrostructural conditions of
the destination. A discussion of the scale of development and the
ambience of a destination is required. Users are discussed in terms of
quantity and type. This analysis also highlights macrostructural condi-
tions including external elements that either constrain or enable the
development of the destination. Once organised chronologically, these
descriptions are used to identify the corresponding stages of the TALC.
Finally, an ‘analysis of mechanisms’ identifies the turning points that
shift a destination from one stage to another. Three types of mechanisms
are discussed: critical juncture, critical event and blurry transition.

Methods
An interpretive paradigm was used in this study. This approach ‘seeks
to describe and analyse the culture and behaviour of humans and their
groups from the point of view of those being studied’ (Bryman, 1988: 46).
Because the reality experienced by the tribal group in Ban Raummit was
different from that of other stakeholders, and because their culture was
the tourist attraction, it was important to understand the tourism life
cycles from their perspective.
Like many peripheral communities, a formal education system had
only recently been introduced in Ban Raummit and the literacy rate
among community members over the age of 20 was low. In addition, until
recently few community members saw a need to record information
about the number or type of visitor arrivals. Like many indigenous
cultures, information had traditionally been communicated verbally
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 253

rather than in written form. Detailed data related to visitor arrivals or

visitor nights were, therefore, not available for TALC analysis. Instead,
oral history as told by various community members served as the
basis for the following analysis. The dates and numbers provided in
this chapter are therefore approximations, but these oral histories
have provided a rich description of development from the villager
perspective.
The cross-cultural situation within which the research was conducted
required the flexibility inherent in the emergent design of the case study
approach. Data collection consisted of informal semi-structured inter-
views and participant observation conducted between September and
December of 1997. Interviews were more structured than originally
planned due to the challenges of working through an interpreter,
but each new interview built on information gathered in the previous
ones.
A combination of Butler’s (1980) TALC, Dearden’s (1991) study of hill
tribe trekking and Johnston’s (2001) reassessment of TALC is used as a
framework for the analysis of the sustainability of cultural tourism in Ban
Raummit. The balance of this chapter consists of a boundary analysis in
which the village of Ban Raummit is described in terms of its tourism
products and destination status. This description is followed by a
chronological analysis based on Johnston’s pathway analysis. Finally,
analyses of three distinct tourism life cycles and the mechanisms of
change within these cycles are provided. A tabular presentation of the
mechanisms and stages is also presented in this section. This table draws
from the chronological analysis to highlight the mechanisms of stage
change. In doing so, it demonstrates the independent progression of the
three inter-related life cycles of the trekking product, the tribal village or
sightseeing product, and the destination in general.

Boundary analysis
The Karen is one of nine major ethnic tribal groups in this region of
Northern Thailand. These ethnic groups have become known as the
‘chao khao’ or hill tribes. Less than one-third of all tribal people have
Thai citizenship, and even fewer own land, reflecting their relatively low
political status in Thailand. In 1959 the National Committee for Hill
Tribes was created by the government of Thailand, and this group began
to address what was known as the ‘hill tribe problem’ (TRI, 1995).
Hill tribes were initially considered a threat to national security as
possible agents for the spread of Communism. The government also
believed, and continues to believe, that the hill tribes have had a
detrimental effect on the natural environment. Deforestation is seen as
a major problem in Thailand with an estimated loss of about 75% of its
254 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

natural forest cover between 1961 and 1994. Although the government
has blamed hill tribe agricultural practices for much of this loss, others
have suggested that non-hill tribe logging schemes are largely respon-
sible (McCaskill, 1997). Another concern of the Thai government has
been hill tribe involvement with the production of illegal narcotics.
Reducing the amount of opium cultivation and use by tribal people in
Thailand is a major objective of the government.
One development strategy that the Karen in Ban Raummit have
pursued within this political and economic climate is to develop the
regional tourism industry. The Karen culture is at the heart of this area’s
attraction. Tourists coming to this village hope to gain experiences with
people significantly different than themselves. For example, one parti-
cularly popular manifestation of the Karen culture in Ban Raummit is the
domestication of elephants. Traditionally, the Karen used elephants to
work in the forests and as a means of transportation. Their self-identity is
tied to this practice as suggested by an elephant controller’s observation
that ‘after WWII, the government told the Karen people to take food to
Japan with their elephants . . . because only Karen people can control
elephants’ (elephant controller).
The spatial scale of this destination is that of a village with a
population of approximately 600 residents. Ban Raummit is located
along the Mae Kok River in Chiang Rai province in Northern Thailand.
Access to Ban Raummit is dominated by boat and motor vehicle. The
road to Chiang Rai is partially paved and a one-way trip takes 40
minutes.
A tourist district has developed within the community along the river
where most tourists arrive and is extended along a few main roads in
town. While most tourists remain in this area, tourism activity is
dispersed beyond this service district into the surrounding bamboo
forests where visitors hike or ride elephants. A small number of the more
intrepid visitors also venture into the nearby rice fields to watch and
photograph farming activities.

Chronological analysis
Ban Raummit provides a unique opportunity to follow the evolution
of a village from the time of its conception to the present due to its
relatively recent creation. Tourism product life cycles (trekking and
sightseeing), as well as the overall destination life cycle clearly emerged
over this period.

1962
/1974
This village was created about 35 years ago [/1962]. Mr. Oo gave the
name to this village. He was the first man to build here. The groups
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 255

of people that lived here came from Mae Tro in Chiang Mai province.
It was near Doi Inthanon. There were four families that left this place
[Mae Tro] because of opium. They did not want to smoke it so they
left. (Karen elder)
While the village was originally named for the first man who lived in the
area, the name was recently changed to Ban Raummit. ‘Raummit’ is a
Thai word meaning a mixture, and ‘ban’ means town. The name change
occurred to reflect the changing nature of the village given the multiple
ethnic groups now living in the community.
This particular site was chosen because ‘this land is good to make
agriculture. Have good farm. It is near the river’ (Karen resident). Its
location made it a favoured spot because of the accessible water source
and plentiful fish supply. In addition, the forests were rich and the land
was fertile. These traits were well suited to the subsistence lifestyle of the
Karen.
About 10 years after the creation of the village (/1972), the area was
placed under the control of Thailand’s Royal Forestry Department (RFD)
as a forest conservation area. Village boundaries were defined and the
RFD implemented strict land use controls including the restrictive
distribution of land titles (Sumrauy Nhusaeng, personal communication,
November 15, 1997). Technically people were not allowed to purchase
the land in the conservation forest, but the Karen feel that exceptions
have been made in the case of well financed buyers.
The villagers want to have the documents for the land, but when they
ask the RFD they cannot. They will not sign because this is a
conservation forest. But, if the person has money, they will get the
documents. (Karen resident)
For the first 15 years, the village grew at a moderate rate. People who
moved to this village were mostly relatives of the first families. The
headman gave each family a parcel of land to farm. An older villager
described the process by stating that:
. . .after one year he said that he want everyone in this place to go and
choose the land where they want to live and farm. The headman will
share it with the others so they will have one rai [land area
measurement] for each family. (Karen elder)

1975
/1979
Tourism began in this village during this period. It was introduced by
a missionary who had spent some time in Japan where he learned about
trekking. Upon his return to Thailand, he came to Ban Raummit and
suggested that they begin to offer elephant treks. At that time, the village
had three elephants that they used to work in the forest.
256 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

In the past, the elephants were used for labour in the forest. They had
only three elephants to start with. There were no roads, so they used
the elephants for transportation to the fields. The fields were far from
home. . . . After that, villagers used them for trekking. They took the
trekkers to the Lahu and Yao villages. When they did this there were
only 5-6 people at a time (not Thai people just foreigners). They used
to spend the night. (elephant controller)
The total number of visitors to Ban Raummit averaged about 20 people
per month. During this early stage, there were no specific tourist facilities
or infrastructure. Most trekkers stayed and ate in the villagers’ homes,
particularly the home of the headman. Their visits were irregular so none
of the elephants were solely dedicated to transporting tourists. Because
the trekking groups were small and these groups stayed in the homes of
the tribal people, interactions between these visitors and the Karen were
fairly intimate.
Before we only had older tourist about 40
/50 years old. They liked to
experience the culture. Some were even 60
/70 years old and very fat.
They could only put one on each elephant. When they stayed over
night the Karen did show performances at night. Tourists could talk
to the Karen and eat their food. (village headman)
During this period, the tourists were as interesting and different to the
Karen as the Karen were to the tourists. The Karen people considered
these visitors to be their distant brothers and sisters, therefore making
this stage of tourism development quite enjoyable for them. They
appreciated the opportunity to demonstrate parts of their culture to
others. Tourism was also a relatively minor activity in the commu-
nity. Only ‘seven to eight of the villagers were involved with the
trekkers’ (elephant controller), so the impacts of trekking were not
widespread.
Basic services were also introduced around 1975 with the construction
of the first school in the community. Volunteers from Julalongkan
University in Bangkok came to teach in the village. Today, this school
is run by the national government and it services the surrounding
villages as well. Another structure included ‘the first church built 1
kilometre from here. The Karen would walk to that church. Then it
changed to be built in this village about 20 years ago (1977). It was built
by missionaries from the United States’ (Karen resident). These mis-
sionaries still come to this village on a regular basis to distribute shirts,
blankets, mosquito nets and similar goods.
1980
/1991
A significant amount of tourist development occurred during
this period. One operator noted, ‘I was one of the first tour companies
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 257

here
/ more than 12 years. When I first came, there was no guesthouse,
there were no toilets. . . Well there were toilets, but not up to European
standards’ (Thai tourism operator). This early tourist development was
led by Thai people who moved to the village rather than by the original
Karen residents. For example, a Thai-owned tourist restaurant opened
along the river. The next tourist operation, a Thai-owned souvenir shop,
opened shortly afterwards. Two more Thai-owned restaurants were in
operation by 1988.
A permanent tourist police station was built in 1983. The police
presence was needed partly in response to some problems with robberies
and shootings of trekkers near the Burmese border. Trekking guides and
their tourists were required to register here prior to entering more remote
areas.

1992
/1995
The big companies came about five years ago [1992]. Big groups are
sightseeing not trekking. They started to come because Chiang Mai,
these places not have many elephants and big groups needed lots of
elephants. (Karen resident)
Several developments occurred between 1992 and 1997 led by an
increase in the number of elephants used in the tourism industry. By
1994, there were over 40 elephants in the village that were actively used
for tourism. Because of the limited disposable income of most Karen
persons, one elephant was often owned by a group of local investors who
pooled their resources to purchase the animal. ‘Elephants cost about
150,000 Baht. This is very expensive here. That means that many people
put their money together to buy the elephants. Ten people may save to
buy one elephant’ (elephant controller). Each elephant has its own
‘mahout’ or elephant controller. The construction of an elephant loading
area was also completed during this period to make elephant rides
accessible to a broader range of clients including less mobile village tour
participants.
By 1993, ten tourist shops and three local shops were operating in the
village. At this point, only one of the shops was Karen operated. For
many years, the village authorities had not allowed other tribal groups to
open tourist shops, but the Karen were apparently not interested in, or
possibly not able to, pursue these opportunities themselves. Thai people
led this type of development. As visitation continued to grow, the
pressure for further development increased. Finally, however, the village
authorities agreed to let other tribal groups open shops. By 1996 there
were over 40 shops in Ban Raummit operated by a broad range of ethnic
groups.
258 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Most tourist shops sold crafts, souvenirs and postcards. Few of these
crafts were made in this village, or by the tribal person selling them. One
Karen vendor noted, ‘My crafts come from Mae Sai or Lamphun. I do not
go there because I have no transportation. People [wholesalers] come
here to sell the stuff. Sometimes they may come two
/three times each
month, other times only once’ (Karen villager). There were a few
exceptions to this practice of importing goods. The Karen weavers who
worked by the river making belts, bracelets and bags sometimes sold
their wares in the local shops. Most shops were located along the roads
frequented by tourists including the main one connecting Ban Raummit
to Chiang Rai, and the two smaller connector roadways leading to the
boat docks.
Allowing other tribal groups to own and operate shops has influenced
immigration to the community. Karen villagers differentiate people
moving into Ban Raummit in terms of their ethnicity and livelihoods.
People that move here have two styles. From Mae Tro, they come
because they have family here and they give them the land to come
here. Another group that want to sell. They are not Karen. They buy
the land to do the shops for sell from the Karen people, but not buy
the land to do the farm. (elephant controller)
As the number of other tribal people moving to Ban Raummit has
increased, conflicts have begun to emerge.
First time have one or two families. I never mind cause there was
little. They have shop so nothing. Now there are many, many. The
Lisu and Hmong, they cut the trees everywhere. When I tell them
‘don’t do,’ they don’t listen. Some people who buy land to stay here
are good. But, those who rent the land are not so good. (Karen elder)
Most of these people do not plan to stay in the village indefinitely. They
follow the tourists, and as a result, their investment in village develop-
ment was lower than the Karen’s. The newcomers appear to be gaining
significant benefits from the visitors while the Karen people are forced to
deal with many of the costs.
Vehicle access was greatly improved around 1993, when a portion of
the road from Chiang Rai to Ban Raummit was paved. Although the
pavement did not reach all the way to the village, even the unpaved
section was widened to improve access. A portion of these road
improvements was financed by revenues earned through elephant treks.
Prior to these improvements, the trail to Chiang Rai was only passable by
foot or motorcycle. With the completion of the roadwork, a one-way trip
by car between Chiang Rai and Ban Raummit was only 40 minutes.
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 259

1996
/1997
Electricity was introduced to the village after a visit from Thailand’s
royal family in 1996. This development seemed to change the attitude of
the Karen people towards their involvement in tourism. Prior to this
point, they perceived little need for additional cash income and were
content with a subsistence lifestyle based on agriculture. However, the
introduction of electrical power created new demands for rice cookers,
refrigerators, stereos and an assortment of other appliances. Karen
involvement in tourism increased as one way to earn the disposable
income necessary to make these purchases.
By this point, the villagers had reduced the number of elephants that
they owned and managed to 32. In addition, Karen shop ownership had
increased to 14 of the 51 shops in operation (Table 15.1).
Because there were no controls over entrance to this village, the exact
number of visitors was impossible to determine, but information from
the records of the Tourist Police and the elephant operators provide an
indication of the magnitude of the tourism in the community. During
November 1997, an estimated 2500 people visited Ban Raummit. Of this
total, about 1800 people rode the elephants. November was considered
an average month for tourism visitation as a villager explained that, ‘July
and August are the busiest. March, April, May and September are the
slowest.’
Although Ban Raummit was no longer considered one of the better
villages in which to observe traditional Karen culture, trekking tours
continued to visit. The village’s location made it a convenient staging
point for their journey into the hills to visit more remote and primitive
villages. Many trekking groups hired the elephants in Ban Raummit for
the next portion of their journey. These trekkers often bought food and
drink in the village to prepare for their expeditions, but they purchased
few souvenirs. Local villagers made a clear distinction between trekkers
and sightseers.
If the people have backpacks they are trekkers. But if they have only a
camera and a small purse they are sightseers. There are more of these
tourist. They don’t want to take the elephant rides. (elephant
controller)

Table 15.1 Shop ownership and target markets

Target Operator ethnicity

market Total
Karen Thai Hmong Akha Lisu Yao Swiss
Tourist 11 4 17 10 2 1 1 46
Local 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 5
260 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Relatively easy access by road or waterway, good linkages to other

destinations, along with improved tourist services and infrastructure,
made Ban Raummit an increasingly popular stop on tribal village
sightseeing tours. A typical itinerary for a sightseeing tour was described
as:
[After leaving Chiang Mai and travelling to Thaton], they go on to
Chiang Rai by boat. Along the river they see the hill tribes; about 20
in total. May stop at four to five villages along the way. After Chiang
Rai, they go on to the Golden Triangle and Mae Sai. Stop at
interesting villages
/ not the small ones. They may have four to
five families. Hill tribes stay by the water so it is easy to see them.
(International sightseeing operator)
The sightseers accounted for the majority of the visitors to Ban Raummit
during this period. Most of these visitors arrived in groups of 20
/30
people while other sightseers came in groups as small as two to four
people.
Those sightseers with limited interest in the Karen culture typically
stayed in one of the restaurants by the river enjoying the scenery and a
soda. Others ventured into the village to shop or take pictures of the
various tribal shopkeepers or Karen villagers. Still others rode the
elephants. These rides tended to be shorter village tours of 20
/30
minutes rather than the longer forest treks. Some sightseeing tour groups
with their own guides took time to find a Karen person with whom they
could talk. One Karen elder in particular enjoyed the opportunities to
share his stories with these visitors. ‘Tourists have tour guide to talk with
me. Tour guide knows me and bring tourists to tell stories. I enjoy it very
much to tell them my stories’ (Karen elder).
As the number and type of tourists have changed, villagers directly
involved in the provision of tourism services increasingly received
formal training in customer service. Sightseers tend to have higher
service expectations than trekkers. At the same time, villagers have
developed a deeper appreciation of the important role that tourism plays
in generating income for the village. The villagers therefore decided to
address these expectations as ‘everybody wants to have tourists because
they can make money’ (elephant controller). Formal customer service
training seminars were offered to the mahouts, shop keepers and boat
drivers by the Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT) at the Mae Kok Farm
across the river from this village.
While the growth in tourism was significant, it was still not the most
prominent industry in the village. Agriculture had continued to
dominate. Few of the Karen villagers who generated income through
participation in the tourism industry considered it their main source for
survival as reflected in the following statements.
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 261

. Mostly I make rice on the farm.

. Now only this, but before corn too. I make corn at the same time as
rice, but corn is finished. I grow it to eat and sell: rice and corn. . .
Farm about the same with or without tourism.
. I built the store with my husband. Now he still works in the field as
a farmer. (Karen villagers)
Even the mahouts who have invested significant amounts of time into
tourism acknowledged that tourism would not be the main source of
income throughout their lifetimes.
Old people cannot control elephants. If they control one day, they are
sore with back aches the next few. Usually they stop controlling
around 36 years old. . . Then he will go work on the farm. All the
controllers have farm land. (elephant controller)
Plans emerged in 1997 to create a formal ‘cultural village’ attraction. The
village authorities anticipated that this addition would serve multiple
purposes. It was seen as an enjoyable activity and source of information
for sightseers, thereby encouraging increased spending in the village. To
the trekkers heading to more primitive villages, it would provide vital
information to prepare them for more intimate interactions. Finally, and
potentially more importantly, it would be an instrument through which
elements of tribal cultures could be maintained, taught and enjoyed.
We are working on a project now to build a place in this village to
show people about the Karen lifestyle. They will be able to go to the
farm and show about agriculture. This will be not only for Karen
though. They want to show all tribes. The more they conserve, the
more tourists. (village headman)

Mechanisms and Stages

The preceding chronological analysis has outlined the history of Ban
Raummit in relation to tourism development. Table 15.2 draws from this
analysis to highlight the existence of three separate tourism life cycles
and the turning points within each of these. These turning points are
labelled as critical junctures, critical events or blurry transitions. A
critical juncture is an issue that once resolved moves the destination to a
new stage. Critical events are particular actions that trigger the progres-
sion from one stage to the next. Finally, blurry transitions are turning
points that occur as the result of a number of smaller events that combine
to bring about a shift to the next stage. Typically any of these mechanisms
can manifest itself as an addition, alteration or cessation in terms of the
product or destination life cycles.
262 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

A critical event began the life cycle of the trekking product in 1975
with the introduction of elephant treks (Table 15.2). Initial interactions
between the Karen villagers and trekkers were based on mutual interest.
The blurry transition to the development stage occurred around 1980
when outside influences such as the introduction of the Thai police and
entrepreneurs institutionalised the trekking product. Another blurry
transition led to the consolidation stage around 1992. More tourist
infrastructure was added and the village modernised. Other tribal
groups opened shops along the main streets creating a tourist space
that limited interactions between the Karen hosts and the trekkers. Much
of the primitive nature of the village disappeared, however, many
trekking groups continued to use the village as a staging point to get
supplies and purchase elephant rides to more remote villages. In 1996 a
critical event, the introduction of electricity, spurred an increase in Karen
involvement, and began trekking’s reorientation stage. This event
increased the Karen’s demand for consumer items, and tourism was
identified as a viable cash income generator. The Karen recognised that
the village was no longer as attractive to those trekkers seeking contact
with primitive others but was well positioned to serve as a staging point.
Village authorities determined that the addition of a cultural village
could fulfil an educational function to prepare these trekking groups for
more intimate interactions in remote villages.
The exploration stage for the sightseeing product began around 1980.
Simple tourist services had been added to the village and a few Thai
operators brought small groups of sightseeing tourists. A number of
additions led to the blurry transition initiating the development stage
around 1992. Larger groups started to arrive, precipitating the purchase
of more elephants. In addition, the type of visitors arriving required
additional services such as a loading dock for elephant rides and more
shops. To facilitate this growth, the village authorities allowed other
tribal groups to open shops. Development continued into the late 1990s
as Karen interest in tourism increased, leading to more Karen shop
ownership. In addition, the village committee decided to build a cultural
village to showcase tribal cultures and gain additional income from the
sightseers.
The third life cycle concerns the village of Ban Raummit as a tourist
destination. It is shaped by the life cycles of each individual product
along with an assortment of other trends. Like the trekking product, the
arrival of the first trekkers initiated the exploration stage, and the process
of commercialising the Karen culture for visitors. A blurry transition
moved the destination to the development stage. This transition resulted
from the institutionalisation of tourism and the beginning of outside
involvement. The Thai police station was built to minimise danger to
international tourists because of incursions around the Burmese border.
Table 15.2 Mechanisms of change for three tourism-related life cycles in Ban Raummit

Chronological Trekking product Sightseeing product Destination

era
Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage
1962
/1974 N/A Pretourism N/A Pretourism N/A Pretourism
1975
/1979 Critical event Exploration N/A Pretourism Critical event Exploration
additions product additions
. Missionary . First trekkers
recommends arrive
offering . Initial stage
elephant treks of the
. First trekkers commercialisa-
arrive tion of culture
. Natural
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand

interactions
between hosts
and guests
begin

1980
/1991 Blurry transition Development Blurry transition Exploration Blurry transition Exploration
Addition Additions Additions
. Tourist police . 3 Thai-owned . State
station is built restaurants involvement in
open village tourism
Alterations . 1 Thai-owned begins
. 3 Thai-owned .
shop opens Involvement of
restaurants open international
263
Table 15.2 (Continued )
264

Chronological Trekking product Sightseeing product Destination

era
Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage
. 1 Thai-owned . 1 Thai-owned tour companies
shop opens shop opens and Thai
. More trekkers . Sightseeing entrepreneurs
stay in village operators begins
begin to visit . Trekkers
with small outnumber
groups sightseers
. Initial tourist
services and
infrastructure
develop

1992
/1995 Blurry transition Consolida- Blurry transition Development Critical juncture Development
Alteration tion Additions Additions
. Other tribal . More elephants . Policy change
shops open are bought occurs
( /40) . Elephant . Other tribal
loading dock is groups become
Cessations built active in tourism
. Interactions . .
Road access Front stage
between hosts improves develops
and guests are . Large
institutionalised sightseeing
groups arrive
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
Table 15.2 (Continued )
Chronological Trekking product Sightseeing product Destination
era
Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage
. Fewer . Customer Alterations
overnight stays service training
. Tourist
occur begins
. Karen identity infrastructure
of village Alterations increases
. Road access
decreases . Policy change improves
Additions facilitates . Population
arrival of other increases
. Becomes a tribal vendors . Village
staging point . Commodifica- modernises
for treks rather tion of culture . Sightseers
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand

than a stop on increases outnumber

route trekkers
Cessation
. Fewer natural
interactions
between hosts
and guests
occur
265
Table 15.2 (Continued )
266

Chronological Trekking product Sightseeing product Destination

era
Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage Mechanism Stage
1996
/1997 Critical event Reorientation No stage change Late No stage change Mid-
Additions Addition development Addition development
. Electricity is . Village . Electricity is
introduced authority introduced
. Village proposes plans
authority for cultural Alterations
proposes plans village . Village
for cultural infrastructure
village Alterations
improves:
. Infrastructure roads, sewage
Cessation
upgrades . Increases in
. Loss of continue Karen interest
primitive image . Increases in and
in village Karen involvement in
involvement in directing future
shop growth
ownership . Conflict
continues between Karen
and other tribal
groups emerges
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
Sustainable Tourism in Northern Thailand 267

Thai entrepreneurs opened businesses to earn tourism income. The

number of visitors continued to increase, encouraging the further
development of tourist services. A policy change allowing other tribal
vendors led to a critical juncture in the early 1990s. The arrival of these
vendors altered the appearance of the village through the development
of a front stage that further formalised host
/guest interactions. As this
process continued into the late 1990s, conflict between the Karen and
other tribal vendors emerged. Although 1997 marked a stage change for
the two product life cycles, it was not a turning point for the overall
destination. The cumulative effects of the changes were becoming
evident, but neither the villagers nor their village committee had begun
to address them in a dramatic way.
By examining the three life cycles separately and identifying the stages
and mechanisms in each, Table 15.2 clarifies some seemingly contra-
dictory occurrences. Turning points classified as additions to one product
represent cessations for other products. This is not surprising considering
the base of Ban Raummit’s attraction is culture, and culture is dynamic.
Tourism products cannot remain static while their base moves forward.
The relatively rapid progression of the trekking product through its life
cycle stages is indicative of the rapid pace of change faced by tribal
cultures here and elsewhere (Butler & Hinch, 1996).

Conclusion
Ban Raummit has been a dynamic tourism destination over its
relatively short existence. The hill tribe trekking product has progressed
rapidly through its life cycle with a shift from the village being a featured
stop on the early trekking tours to it being an important staging point for
treks to more isolated villages. As the village was losing its appeal as a
‘primitive’ stop for trekking tours, it was gaining popularity as a major
stop on sightseeing tours. Indicators suggest this sightseeing product is
currently in a mid to advanced development stage. Visitor demands are
being met through increased tourism services and infrastructure. Yet,
these vestiges of modernity have reduced its ‘charm’ as a relatively
traditional village. Manifestations of modern life are undercutting Ban
Raummit’s appeal as a stop on sightseeing tours and accelerating its
trajectory through the TALC. The proposal to commodify the Karen
culture through the development of a ‘cultural village’ represents a new
type of cultural product, which by its institutionalised nature may provide
greater control over this life cycle. Finally, the destination itself has
undergone a cycle of development that is a complex amalgam of
individual tourism product cycles and a multitude of external cycles
and trends. The fact that the economy of Ban Raummit remains based in
agriculture serves as a buffer to the volatility of tourism. It is clear,
268 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

however, that tourism has become an important contributor to economic

development in the community. Tourism has enabled the Karen to
continue residing in a rural area by integrating them into the global cash
economy. In the process, they have retained more control over their culture
than have other hill tribe peoples that have been forced to move to large
urban areas in order to survive. It is clear, however, that Ban Raummit
must actively manage tourism if it is to serve them well in the future.
Beyond the direct insights that this chapter has provided about
tourism in Ban Raummit, it has also provided insight into the TALC.
Two of the most important contributions concern the confirmation of
multiple life cycles and the merit of using qualitative data to examine
tourism-related life cycles. In the first instance, it has been demonstrated
that there are multiple life cycles that have a direct bearing on tourism
destinations. Even in the case of destinations that are based on sensitive
cultural attractions, a variety of tourism products may emerge and
interact with each other and the life cycle of the community as a whole.
Researchers need to appreciate this complexity if these analyses are to be
beneficial. Secondly, tourism destinations populated by indigenous
people living traditional lifestyles are not likely to be characterised by
data bases neatly organised into time series formats that can accurately
quantify the number of visitors for TALC analysis. Qualitative data can,
however, be used to provide a useful approximation of TALC patterns in
terms of boundaries, chronological progression and the mechanisms of
change. In fact, qualitative data can be used to interpret quantitative
data, thereby providing a much richer understanding of tourism area
cycles.
Finally, the relationship between cultural attractions, the TALC and
sustainability bears additional consideration. This chapter has demon-
strated that cultural tourism products like hill tribe treks are dynamic.
Tourism is one of many agents for change in these communities and
ultimately serves as a factor in changing the culture of the hosts or the
‘others’ in this case. This change in culture is one of the factors that
moves tourism products through their life cycles. Yet in the case of
tourism in Ban Raummit, the culturally based tourism product of hill
tribe trekking appears to be being replaced by other forms of cultural
tourism like sightseeing tours. The proposed cultural village represents
yet another generation of cultural tourism products in this village. Ban
Raummit has retained its vibrancy throughout these various product life
cycles. The perplexing question of when life starts or finishes must be
asked in the case of TALCs just as it is asked in the case of human life
cycles. The TALC offers a useful tool to track development, make
decisions about the pace and nature of change in the present and to
predict change in the future. It does not, however, allow for definitive
statements on sustainability.
Part 5
The TALC and Rejuvenation
RICHARD BUTLER

The conclusion of the TALC model in its original form was that without
appropriate intervention a destination would eventually enter into
decline. Two possibilities were proposed as being capable of altering
this result. One was suggested to be a continuation of operation at a level
that remained within the capacities of the destination, so that its
attractivity remained at a sufficiently high level to continue to attract
investment and visitation to remain viable, in other words, to achieve
sustainability (although the term had not been used then in its now
current context). The other was for the destination to be rejuvenated in a
variety of ways, including changing to a new focus, finding an additional
focus and repositioning the destination with respect to markets. It is this
stage of the TALC that is examined in the three chapters in this last
section, which provide specific examples of the way destinations have
redeveloped themselves. A more conceptual discussion of the rejuvena-
tion and exit processes is dealt with in the other volume by Agarwal,
Cooper and Baum.
In her chapter, Weber discusses the case of the Opatija Riviera on the
Adriatic Coast of Croatia, a destination that has experienced a wide
range of circumstances and influences. She argues that there have really
been four cycles which this destination has gone through and is
experiencing. The intervention of three wars has served to move the
destination back, if not to the beginning of a new cycle, at least some way
in reverse, and forced it to reposition itself several times. The changes in
accessibility, in markets, in political and other exogenous forces have
meant that the destination has suffered from instability and enforced
change, and thus had to attempt to rejuvenate itself three times at least.
She posits a somewhat different development curve in this case because
of the unique forces to which this area has been exposed.
The example of Atlantic City described by Stansfield represents what
is, perhaps, the most classic of all attempts at rejuvenation by a mature
tourist destination. Atlantic City, like the 19th century resorts of Northern
Europe, had had a full cycle of development through to decline by the
last quarter of the 20th century. Without rejuvenation it was dying a slow
but inevitable death as far as tourism was concerned. The identification
of legalised gambling as a tool of rejuvenation was the first step in a
relatively rapid process that has seen Atlantic City experience massive

269
270 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

reinvestment and redevelopment on a scale not anticipated initially. How

long the new cycle will last is unknown. The explosion of legalised
gambling across the USA and Canada has undoubtedly deprived
Atlantic City, earlier than it would have wished, of its unique
comparative advantage on the East coast of the USA, similar to that
held by Nevada in the West. It still remains, however, probably the best
example anywhere of successful large-scale rejuvenation of a resort that
had almost completed its TALC.
The Gold Coast of Queensland, Australia, has had a much more rapid
process of development and potential decline than the New Jersey shore,
but gambling and private investment on a large scale have also been
witnessed there. Faulkner and Tideswell describe and interpret in
considerable detail the process of rejuvenating this area. Sadly, this
chapter marks one of the last pieces of research and writing undertaken
by Bill Faulkner before his tragically early death in 2002. He completed
the first draft less than two months before his death. The chapter reveals
the full and complex process that he and colleagues had organised to
identify, evaluate and decide on specific directions for the future
development of the region. One of the great successes of the CRC
programme in Sustainable Tourism has been achieved by involving the
private sector with the academic sector in identifying best practice and
development options. The model developed and discussed in this
chapter represents a successful approach to the complicated and often
undesired process of repositioning a mature destination. The initial
reluctance of the private sector to accept the idea of a ‘revisioning’
exercise and the final acceptance of a ‘visioning’ exercise (because the
latter did not imply the change of direction and hence implication of
earlier mistakes or a current need for a change in direction) is indicative
of the reluctance of those in destinations to admit that all may not be well
in tourism and that rejuvenation is needed.
Chapter 16
The Modification of the Tourism
Area Life Cycle Model for
(Re)inventing a Destination:
The Case of the Opatija Riviera,
Croatia
SANDA CORAK

Introduction
In the rich tourism literature on TALC, many studies have demon-
strated the general validity of observing tourism development within an
evolutionary framework. In this study, the life cycle model is used to
determine the stages and to analyse the market position of the Opatija
Riviera, a destination that has been developing tourism for more than 150
years. The TALC is applied to identify four distinct stages and it is
argued that those stages could also be analysed as separate life cycles.
The chapter also discusses how the strategic options proposed by the
original model could help destination managers and planners to
‘reinvent’ this heritage resort on the Adriatic coast.
Croatia is a Mediterranean tourism destination and a country with a
long tourism tradition. Although the most intensive tourism develop-
ment in Croatia started after World War II, its tourism history began at
the end of the last century when Opatija, located in the Northern
Adriatic, emerged as the first tourism destination in this country. The
long and rich tourism history of the Opatija Riviera is the focus of this
chapter.
Tourism in the Opatija Riviera (stretch of 15 km, Figure 16.1) is traced
back to 1844, when Higinio Scarpa, a wealthy wheat and timber
merchant from the nearby industrial and port town of Rijeka, built his
villa ‘Angiolina’, where he hosted guests such as Josip Jelacic, Croatian
governor of the time, Maria Anna, the Queen of Austria, Romanian King
Karol and the likes. In particular, a visit of the Empress of the Austrian
/
Hungarian Empire sparked much interest for this completely unknown
place. A further impetus for the popularity of Opatija came when a group
of eminent professors from the Vienna University opened a health retreat
there (at the time a so-called ‘sanatorium’), taking advantage of the

271
272 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Figure 16.1 The opatija riviera

healing properties of the Riviera’s mild climate and Adriatic Sea.

Subsequently, in 1889, Opatija was given official ‘kurort ’ or health retreat
status. The accelerated development of health retreat facilities and hotels
was accompanied by diversification of additional services and facilities.
A public library and tennis courts were opened, while there were music
events staged in the central park as well as regular morning and evening
music concerts. The flow of visitors was increasing steadily and their
numbers were statistically recorded from 1883.
From that time until today the Riviera has travelled a long and often
rough road of tourism development. Three key phases can be identified.
It was initially a health retreat and winter tourism destination for
wealthy aristocracy. In the second phase of its development the Opatija
Riviera became a summer holiday destination for mass tourism.
Currently, attempts are being made to rejuvenate Opatija’s tourism
through the introduction of new products that would make Opatija one
of the most important conference centres in Croatia. Proximity to major
Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 273

urban centres together with increasing road accessibility make it viable

for day-trippers and short-break tourists drawn to the Opatija Riviera by
a variety of revived traditional events and festivals. Such a long and rich
history of tourism lends itself to analysis based on the tourism area life
cycle (TALC) model. Through such analysis it is possible to identify the
turning points in the Opatija Riviera’s history and also to discuss the
current tourism development policy of what is still one of the most
developed destinations in Croatia.
Many well known tourism destinations started to develop touristically
only after World War II and their tourism products are currently in the
growth or maturity phase. Application of the TALC model, in general,
faces certain difficulties. Wall (1982) and Haywood (1986) discussed
difficulties of gathering sufficiently suitable data to test models, and the
operational problems involved in defining and distinguishing the
individual phases. The problems most frequently encountered are those
of comparability of spatial units and of interpreting transition points on
the curve where the end of one phase and the beginning of another must
be identified. The utility and applicability of the TALC model to
destinations with a centennial tourism history has been tested in several
cases (e.g. Cooper & Jackson, 1989; Getz, 1992; Russell & Faulkner, 1999).
From the existing literature it can be concluded that such analysis enables
a more holistic approach to the planning of a destination’s future
development options. Given that Opatija’s tourism industry is currently
undergoing restructuring (especially of its accommodation sector)
accompanied by the reconstruction of many attractions, a decision was
made that a strategic marketing plan ought also to be developed. For the
purpose of that plan, the TALC model was used to evaluate tourism
development to date and to assess the strategic steps that need to be
taken to (re)invent Opatija’s attractive, but at the moment neglected and
insufficiently utilised, resources. These resources, due to the long and
interesting history of the area, make it not only an attractive seaside
destination, but, providing the heritage buildings are restored to their
original glory, it could also become one of the leading heritage tourism
destinations in the Adriatic region.
In this chapter, the analysis is conducted using Butler’s model (1980)
combined with a historical analysis approach in order to investigate the
trends in tourism development on the Opatija Riviera and provide
insights into issues affecting the rejuvenation of this area as a tourism
destination. Stages in the life cycle of the Riviera are identified,
graphically presented and described. It is argued that, because the area’s
tourism development was halted four times due to the wars that have
affected this region, each of the four periods should also be examined as
a separate life cycle.
274 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

The Life Cycle Model and the Opatija Riviera

For the purpose of this research, historical records were collected from
official statistical data, historical monographs, brochures, tourist guides,
articles in newspapers and magazines. Most time studies have suffered
problems in the operationalisation of the concept (Foster & Murphy,
1991), in the search for appropriate indicators of development and
concrete historic data to define the various phases. However, in contrast,
as already noted, statistical data on tourist numbers were officially
collected in Opatija from 1883.
Data for the Opatija Riviera indicate that the area has, through its
centennial history, witnessed all phases of the life cycle (Figure 16.2).
Throughout, the same area is analysed
/ the coastal region, hinterland
and several microlocations as illustrated in Figure 16.1. Detailed analysis
of the data for the number of arrivals in this area indicates that the entire
life cycle could be divided not only into separate phases of development,
but also some phases could be analysed in terms of separate life cycles.
The sharp declines in visitor numbers were not caused by strategic
development measures, but by the same exogenous factor
/ the wars
that routinely halt tourism activity in affected areas. These were World
War I, World War II and the most recent War of Independence from 1991

Arrivals in 000
500

450
1914 1940 1990
400

350

300

250

200

150

100

50

0
1883

1893

1903

1913

1923

1933

1943

1953

1963

1973

1983

1993

Figure 16.2 TALC for the Opatija Riviera (1883
/2001)

Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 275

to 1995. Thus, in this area tourism has developed from almost zero
activity four times and, not surprisingly, each phase is characterised by a
different nature of tourism development. The turning points of particular
significance are: (a) the transition from an exclusive, winter resort to the
summer holiday destination which occurred between 1915 and 1940; (b)
development of a mass holiday destination after World War II and,
finally, (c) the attempt to manage the maturity and differentiate the
destination through the introduction of new products. The tourism
history of the Opatija Riviera provides also an impetus and a source of
inspiration for crafting its future tourism development. At the same time
its history acts as a constraint, given that the history does not necessarily
provide all the solutions to the dilemmas faced when planning future
tourism development.

Tourism development and growth (1883 /1914)

The first phase of tourism development on the Opatija Riviera was
marked by a slow but steady growth of visitor arrivals. Construction of
the road connecting the main port town in Croatia (Rijeka) with the
seaside resort (Lovran) facilitated better communication between these
two localities, influencing Mr. Scarpa’s decision to build his villa
‘Angiolina’, named after his wife. The attractiveness of the villa was
further enriched by the lush landscape dotted with exotic plants that
thrived in the mild climate of Opatija, the centre of the Riviera. As
mentioned earlier, Opatija became the favourite excursion spot for the
wealthy citizens of Rijeka, while Scarpa himself hosted an array of
friends, among whom were some of the leading figures of the public life
of the time. The arrival of the Empress, Maria Anna, the wife of the
Austrian Emperor, Ferdinand I, in this area in the 1860s marked another
turning point when Opatija started to be considered a health retreat. The
Empress stayed there on the recommendation of her doctors and this
‘royal confirmation’ generated much interest for visiting this place within
the boundaries of her monarchy. This was followed by the construction
of the first sanatorium and the important transport connection of the
railway line between Vienna and Rijeka, built by the South Railway
Company.
Tourism development of Opatija accelerated when the area was
officially declared a health winter resort (on the basis of climate and
spa) and the first hotel, a pavilion with a warm seawater pool, a beach
pavilion and a coastal walking path were constructed in 1883. From the
very beginning of Opatija’s development great attention was given to the
construction of buildings, their design and the equipment of the
sanatoria. Newly built hotels offered additional services and accommo-
dation, in particular massage and warm sea baths. Finally, when hotels
276 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

were electrified in 1896 and running water installed, conditions for even
more accelerated growth were provided. The growth in popularity of the
resort was further fuelled by the official meeting there between the
Emperor, Franjo Josip I, and the German Emperor, Vilim I. This event
ensured Opatija the status of a first-class elite health retreat and
fashionable gathering spot. The fact that Opatija was the first resort to
host an international conference on thalassotherapy in 1908 testified to its
reputation as a health resort. After the meeting of the emperors, Opatija
was visited by the heads of many European monarchies and the Austria-
Hungarian aristocracy, to industrial elite and many writers of repute. In
the records of the time it could be found that the Romanian royal couple
donated a significant sum of money for construction of walkways, a
forest path and a viewing platform, which still carry the king’s name
/
Karol I today.
At that time the health tourism product dominated. The main season
had different characteristics from the main summer season, as we know
it today in Opatija. The largest number of guests was in the wintertime,
as visitors were drawn to the mild climate in their desire to avoid the
severity of the winters in the North. Historical records indicate that, at
the beginning of the 20th century, Opatija Riviera had 10 large hotels, 44
pensions, 83 villas and five baths. Given the steady increase in popularity
and accommodation capacity, the number of tourists grew continuously
(Figure 16.3).
The best results were recorded in 1912 when there were almost 55,000
overnight guests. The jobs generated by such demand could not be met
by the local population, therefore many Austrians with experience in
hospitality and trade were attracted to Opatija to take advantage of the
growing opportunities that tourism development offered. At that time a

Arrivals in 000
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1883

1886

1889

1892

1895

1898

1901

1904

1907

1911

1914

Figure 16.3 Arrivals to the Opatija Riviera (1883
/1914)

Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 277

regional tourism association with its headquarters in Opatija was

established, while a weekly tourist newspaper was published to update
visitors on events and attractions. Transport connections were also
improved by regular bus line between Trieste and Opatija, while an
electric tram operated along the Riviera.
Opatija in that era was a lively and vibrant destination with
continuous special events. Apart from the beautiful villas built mostly
in secession style, the Austrian Tourist Club ‘Abbazia’ started construc-
tion of the 12-km long coastal walkway, called lungomare , which is still
one of the Riviera landmarks today. Its numerous meticulously main-
tained parks further enhanced the exclusive atmosphere of the place.
Historical documents include some information on the construction of
the park around the villa ‘Angiolina’ between 1845 and 1860, where
exotic plants from Japan, China, South America, Australia and other
parts of the world were planted. Among them is the Camellia japonica that
has also become the flower symbol of Opatija. In this period the vision of
a few enthusiastic individuals that pictured Opatija as an exclusive
health resort was fully achieved. It could be assumed that tourism would
continue to grow, but it was halted abruptly with World War I in 1914, an
event that stopped all tourists flows for several years.

The changing tourist product (1919
/1940)

The next phase in the tourism development of the Opatija Riviera was
characterised by the weakening of the quality of the entire tourism
product. The absence of a tourism development vision had an adverse
effect on tourism activity in the period between the two world wars and
as a consequence, great fluctuations in tourism demand were recorded.
In this period the area was under Italian rule and with the introduction of
the Italian government the number of visitors declined significantly.
While the former Austria-Hungarian rulers had stimulated development
of tourism in the Opatija Riviera, seeing it as part of their own territory,
the newly established Italian government did not have the same attitude.
For them the region was simply an occupied territory to be exploited
(Miskulin, 1994). With such an attitude, they perceived Opatija as a
strong competitor to their own resorts and therefore introduced
measures degrading Opatija from an official health resort to firstly, a
health and bathing place (stazione climatica e balneare), and then further
degrading it in 1933 to simply a tourism destination (luogo di soggiorno ).
By losing the status of health centre, converting sanatoria into hotels,
letting the existing hotels go into decay and not investing in new
facilities, the Opatija Riviera quickly lost its noted reputation. Conse-
quently, this led to changes in market demand turning to less demanding
clientele. From being initially a winter destination, Opatija became a
summer holiday resort. The tourist season was shortened and hotels
278 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

operated for only three summer months. The largest number of arrivals
during the period of Italian rule, of about 43,000, was recorded in 1925,
but soon the economic depression that hit Europe between 1929 and 1933
adversely affected tourism flows again (Figure 16.4).
The change in tourism orientation that was most noticeable in the
change of the main tourist product and the nature of visitors attracted to
this area led to the decrease in the visitor numbers, so that the peak
performance from 1912, when almost 55,000 arrivals were recorded, was
never repeated between the two world wars. A particularly vivid
illustration of the drop in tourism numbers could be found in the daily
papers of the time and various chronicles. There, for example, one could
read an article from 1930 which noted that Opatija had only 45 taxis and
four horse carriages, in comparison to hundreds of these that were
cruising the town at the beginning of the century (Blazevic, 1994). In this
phase, political decisions adversely affected tourism development,
leading to a lowering of the product quality and an unsuccessful
reorientation to a different tourist product. Thus, in the period between
the two world wars tourism development in Opatija stagnated. This
phase, just like the earlier one, finished with the beginning of another
world war.

Transition to mass tourism (1946 /1990)

For the third time, the Opatija Riviera was back on the tourist map and
with the available resources attempted to create an interesting tourism
product. Tourism started to grow more intensely after 1948 when
numbers of 50,000 bed-nights were reached again. The 1950s continued
to witness a sharp increase in visitations levels, when the travel agency
‘Kvarner Express’ opened and particularly in the late 1950s with the

Arrivals in 000
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1919

1921

1923

1925

1927

1929

1931

1933

1935

1937

1939

Figure 16.4 Arrivals to the Opatija Riviera (1919
/1939)

Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 279

opening of the Institute for Thalasso-Therapy, specialising in curing

respiratory and heart diseases. At the same time the College for Tourism
Studies was established, and was later upgraded to University level.
This was the era of mass tourism with the ‘sun and sea’ product
prevailing internationally. This product was developed largely un-
planned and lacked development controls along the entire Croatian
Adriatic coast (Weber, 1998), and the Opatija Riviera was not spared.
Tourism development in Croatia was affected by two factors: the demand
of the citizens of Western and Northern Europe for a holiday in the sun
and a warm, clean sea, and the country’s proximity to the main
generating markets. The practically continuous growth in tourism
demand over a period of 30 years (1957
/1987) illustrates the attractive-
ness of the Opatija Riviera as a summer holiday destination (Figure 16.5).
Its tourism product has occupied a relatively stable market position,
mainly relying on exploitation of the natural and ecological components
of supply that consumers of that era preferred. Following growth that
only occasionally fluctuated during the 1980s (1982), there were no
noticeable trends of the stagnation that characterised tourism demand in
other Adriatic destinations.
Throughout the 1960s and 1970s several large up-market hotels with
congress facilities were constructed in an attempt to introduce new
products and diversify demand. However, these were only sporadic
efforts, which did not demonstrate expected financial returns although
the number of visitors and bed-nights were still on the increase. In that
period the quality of the entire tourism industry of the area was well
below the quality of the destination itself. A more detailed examination
into the tourism supply indicated a decline in quality of service and a
loss of identity of accommodation facilities, as architecturally the new

Arrivals in 000
450
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1946

1951

1956

1961

1966

1970

1974

1978

1982

1986

1990

Figure 16.5 Arrivals to the Opatija Riviera (1946
/1990)

280 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

hotels were not in harmony with their surroundings. There was also a
lack of inventiveness in creating the various activities and services. This
‘mediocracy’ of supply and standardisation of individual elements of
supply lead, for example, to identical forms of entertainment and menus
in restaurants. This resulted in a decline in tourism numbers, an
increased discrepancy between declared and achieved average prices,
large price reductions outside the main season and loss of any real
relationship between price and quality of supply. Destination marketing
did not exist as a business philosophy. Suppliers relied mainly on
infrequent and uncoordinated promotional efforts and there was a
complete lack of a consistent and innovative product policy.
This was the period when Croatia was part of the former socialist
Republic of Yugoslavia when the entire tourism development was
characterised by unplanned activities, and when the success of the
tourism sector was measured only superficially in terms of tourist flows
and not the income generated from tourism. Nevertheless, there were
attempts over that period to diversify the product and extend the
summer season from three months. Thus, in addition to the classical ‘sun
and sea’ product, congress tourism was stimulated (10% of all over-
nights). Likewise, the hotels introduced new health services in an
attempt to revive Opatija’s century-old reputation as a health retreat
destination. The entire product was enriched by the construction of a
marina, which is still one of the best in Croatia. However, the quality of
product offered was still well below the product that was offered in the
previous eras. For the third time the growth phase was abruptly
interrupted by external factors.

Differentiating the tourist product (1991 /. . .)
Although the War of Independence did not directly affect the area, it
did nevertheless result in a drastic reduction of tourism activity for
several years (see Figure 16.6). Tourism in the area has been rejuvenated
again, although affected by both positive and negative consequences of
the rich tourism history. Although the Riviera has an indisputably
valuable architectural and urban heritage, long tourism tradition,
favourable geographical location and good accessibility, it has to face
numerous problems associated with a mature tourism product. Although
this area is already recognisable as the ‘Riviera’ product, the old-
fashioned concept of accommodation facilities and entire tourism
infrastructure necessitated relatively unfavourable market positioning,
despite the fact that growth of visitors was still recorded (Figure 16.6).
While the Opatija Riviera can match competitors in Italy and France in
terms of physical attractiveness, it falls behind in many other aspects,
such as restaurants, shopping, entertainment and recreation and even
Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 281

Arrivals in 000
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001
Figure 16.6 Arrivals to the Opatija Riviera (1991
/2001)

hotels. To a large extent these are problems inherited from the past as
over the long period there was little investment in maintaining and
upgrading existing hotels, and these were further degraded when
refugees were housed in them for four years of war. The last 10 years
have witnessed also significant residential development that, coupled
with the poor standard of the wastewater treatment, has resulted in
marine pollution. A permanent problem also has been the lack of parking
spaces in the town centre, while beaches and public spaces have not been
maintained at the appropriate standard.
In this period the Riviera, in addition to maintaining the classic
summer tourism, has continually strived to develop congress tourism.
Attempts have also been made to upgrade and innovate the traditional
health product to modern standards. To this end a few hotels are
developing ‘wellness’ centres with a variety of services
/ fitness,
massage, baths, beauty treatments and a variety of specialised health
products, ranging from thalassotherapy to aromatherapy. It is still
customary that most hotels sell half and full-board packages instead of
offering the variety of services and experiences necessary to suit current
demand. The Opatija Riviera is currently positioning itself as a non-stop
event destination, packed with festivals and carnivals that are slowly
becoming a symbol of Opatija. These events also provide an impetus for
maintaining and reviving historical traditions and are, as such, important
for the local community. There are also two casinos in the area and
attempts are currently being made to improve the range of entertainment
opportunities.
Overall, the marketing efforts of the Opatija Riviera could be assessed
as insufficient and poorly targeted. However, in the current circumstances
intensive tourism development and improvement in accommodation
282 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

facilities are obstructed by the lack of development capital and a slow

privatisation of hotels. It is encouraging though that the development
plan for the Riviera, which defines development vision, market position-
ing and mix strategies is near to completion. The future of tourism
development now depends mostly on the extent to which the main
stakeholders of the area
/ the tourism industry, local government and
the local community
/ will endorse this plan.

Applicability and Modification of the TALC Model

The aim of this chapter is to evaluate the manner in which the TALC
model could be used in the case of the life cycle of the Opatija Riviera
/
an area with specific features of tourism development. The long tourism
life of this destination was abruptly halted three times by wars so that the
destination has not followed the classic development curve of the
original TALC model. The main departure from the original model has
been that in each era several life-cycle stages could be identified, as
illustrated by Table 16.1.

Period I: ‘Exploration and involvement’

Applying Butler’s life-cycle stages, it is clear that the first period of
tourism development on the Riviera could be identified as going through
the exploration and involvement stages if the entire period is analysed as
the part of the development cycle. In this first era the destination partly
experienced a development phase, although it is, because of the time and
data available, difficult to assess with a degree of certainty. Consolidation
and stagnation were not experienced as tourism development was halted
under the influence of external factors. This first period of the tourism
history was also marked by a clear vision of its development driven by
several actors who, sensing the area’s attractiveness and its potential
including its favourable geographical location, developed the infrastruc-
ture and built capacity necessary for tourism development. As health
tourism dominated in this period it could be said that the destination
product was homogeneous and thus it is relatively easy to apply the
TALC model. Recommended strategies for this stage of tourism devel-
opment were selling new products/services to new markets (Ansoff,
1965) and building market share (Heath & Wall, 1992). According to the
data available it could be safely concluded that the area successfully
applied the latter strategy. Key development directions of this period
were quality of services, hotel accommodation, care for the environment,
and product exclusivity that enabled it to attract tourists with a high
spending power and to develop unique product features.
Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 283

Table 16.1 Phases of destination development: The experience of the Opatija

Riviera

Phase Period I Period II Period III Period IV

(1883 /1914)

(1919 /1940)

(1946 /1990)

(1991 /)
Exploration Completely Partly Partly Partly
Involvement Completely Partly Partly Partly
Development Partly Skipped Almost Completely
completely
Consolidation Skipped Skipped Partly Partly
Stagnation Skipped No No Partly
Decline Complete Several Completely No (can be
times expected)
Rejuvenation No No No No (can be
expected)

Period II: ‘Involvement and decline’

The second period was characterised by the development of new
products and thus health tourism ceased to dominate. The development
features lead to a conclusion that the destination was at this time in the
involvement phase with some characteristics of the decline stage. The
destination product was no longer homogeneous; the destination used
the risky strategy of new product development, including orientation to
new markets and new market segments. However, this reorientation was
mostly driven politically, rather than by the stakeholders involved in
tourism development. The consequence of such repositioning was a
fluctuation in tourist numbers while the product itself suffered degrada-
tion in quality. The growth of demand in certain years could be attributed
mostly to the area’s inherent attractiveness and uniqueness.

Period III: ‘Development’

Following several years of war, when all tourism activity ceased, the
Opatija Riviera again experienced initial stages of tourism development

/ exploration and involvement, but this time it relatively quickly entered
the development phase. However, that time was marked by the
nonexistence of a tourism development plan. The principles of the
market economy were applied only partially and, therefore, tourism
development was not a subject of strategic decisions. There was some
evidence that the overall cost leadership strategy was applied rather
intuitively. Such a strategy, in general, can return a profit even from
284 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

consumers at the lower end of the market who are those mostly attracted
to a destination. That was not achieved at the Opatija Riviera for several
reasons, primarily because of insufficient marketing, unsophisticated
promotional efforts and at best a confused development vision. In this
phase, congress tourism was developed as a new product and slowly
introduced to the market. However, this product was still not accom-
panied by the necessary investments in infrastructure, research, custo-
mer service and marketing. In this period an opportunity to better utilise
the area’s attractiveness and to build on the experiences gained from past
successes was lost.

Period IV: ‘Development and consolidation’

In this period, after the War of Independence, the area was again on
the tourist market but this time really carrying the burden of the
inherited problems. It went through initial and development phases. It
can be argued that the Opatija Riviera also entered a phase of
consolidation and partly stagnation according to some parameters such
as slowing growth rate, low occupancy rate, heavy reliance on repeat
trade and reaching the limits of carrying capacity. Along with the
dominant holiday tourism product, congress and health tourism were in
a growth phase. Although tourism continued to grow, because of several
problems with infrastructure and an aging product, the decline stage
began to emerge slowly. Thus if the area fails to increase investments and
does not apply appropriate strategic measures that would enable it to
enter the rejuvenation phase, decline is inevitable. Some commentators,
such as Gilbert (1990), suggest that one of the recommended strategies in
this case would be to move from a position of ‘commodity area’ to a
position of ‘status area’ by differentiating its products from competitors.
Extending existing products/services for sale to new markets as
suggested by Ansoff (1965) would also help the Opatija Riviera to
enhance its attractiveness and competitiveness.

Conclusions
Assuming that the Opatija Riviera opts for a successful expanded
tourism future, development should not be left to uncontrolled, sporadic
activities, as has been the case in the past. A planned approach to
tourism, which identifies and evaluates the optimal development
options, should be applied.
The most important benefits derived from the application of the TALC
model are:
. Identification of the phases in the life cycle of a destination indicate
different characteristics of tourism development, of which the most
Modification of the TALC for (Re)inventing a Destination 285

important in this case is the reorientation from a winter health

tourism to a mass summer holiday destination. That, in turn, led to
an overall decrease in destination attractiveness and associated
unsatisfactory financial returns.
. Tourism development was successful in the periods when a clear
vision existed (mostly in the first phase), when the product
responded to market demand and when the entire destination’s
development was in harmony with the specific products that were
dominant at the time.
. Identification of the positive and negative effects of tourism, as it is
worth remembering that the ‘exclusivity and quality’ achieved in
the first phase positioned the Riviera on the tourist map of Europe,
while this reputation was quickly lost in the period between the two
world wars due to the absence of a planned approach.
. Although most of the turning points to date depended on the
external factors and not on destination planning and management,
further growth of tourism, in the face of strong market competition,
will depend on the ability of the Opatija Riviera to reposition itself
and reinvent its products. This could be achieved only if develop-
ment is planned and the appropriate destination management tools
applied. The planning options are partly determined by the
specificities of the development to date (i.e. several introduction
phases, simultaneous existence of two phases), where the measures
characteristic of the rejuvenation phase should be applied, such as
combined efforts from government and private bodies or the
construction of artificial attractions such as theme parks.
The case study of tourism development on the Opatija Riviera illustrates
how extrinsic factors can influence the evolution of a destination and
make it unique. It can be concluded that several phases existed
simultaneously and this was a result of tourism activities being halted
several times due to the armed conflicts, creating a necessity to start
tourism development from scratch each time. The TALC model is fully
applicable in the situation where a single tourism product dominates a
destination. In the case of the Opatija Riviera, where the latest phase of
development is characterised by several products, the model should be
applied to each product separately. Development of a tourism destina-
tion database and continuous market research into tourist motives will
make it possible to test the applicability of the TALC model at this
destination in the future.
Although in the tourism literature there are many case studies
demonstrating the conformity/validity of Butler’s model (e.g. Cooper
& Jackson, 1989; Hovinen, 1982; Meyer-Arendt, 1985; Strapp, 1988), there
are also cases demonstrating deviation from the model (Agarwal, 1997;
286 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Choy, 1992; Getz, 1992). Regardless of the outcome, all derive conclusions
and evaluate past and expected developments of a destination under
study. The applicability of the TALC model in the case of the Opatija
Riviera lies in its ability to identify development phases according to the
stipulated characteristics and recommended strategies and not solely in
their succession according to the classical model. A relatively simple
model such as the TALC also assists a combination with other methods
such as market share analysis, portfolio management model and various
planning indices to determine what could be a direction for future
research.
Chapter 17
The Rejuvenation of
Atlantic City: The Resort
Cycle Recycles
CHARLES STANSFIELD

Introduction
Geographers and other scholars long have been intrigued that it might
be possible to better comprehend the apparent waxing and waning of a
region’s economic or political fortunes as evidence of a predictable
sequence or cycle. Economists study, interpret and try to predict a variety
of business activity cycles. Climatologists seek to understand possible
climate cycles. Noted political geographer Samuel Van Valkenburg
compared the state’s ‘life cycle’ to a human life cycle, noting that the
organism of the state could repeat, or recycle, this sequence.
Stansfield appears to have been the first to use and exemplify the term
‘resort cycle’ in a publication in 1978 (Stansfield, 1978). Butler was the
first to define, structure, and generalize the specific stages of this cycle
(Butler, 1980). Can the resort cycle ‘recycle’ or repeat, as in the manner of
Van Valkenburg’s age cycle of states? Atlantic City’s ‘rebirth’ as a world-
class, successful resort seems to be evidence that it can.

Why Atlantic City?

An important question about Atlantic City’s spectacular renaissance
through the agency of legalized gambling is, why Atlantic City? Why
was Atlantic City the first jurisdiction in the USA to break Nevada’s long
monopoly on legalized gambling? The answer lies in the resort cycle as
exemplified by Atlantic City’s history, its sad decline, and in political
solutions to economic problems. Politics
/ lots of politics
/ are involved.
The old Atlantic City, ‘B.C.’ (Before Casinos) suffered from a
combination of economic and social problems. Chief among them were
seasonality, obsolescence of tourism infrastructure and changing life-
styles and vacation habits. To be sure, this list applies to all aging resorts;
in Atlantic City’s case, though, it was the scale and intensity of those
problems that contributed to a bold move to use legalized gambling as a
tool of urban renewal.

287
288 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Gambling on Renewal: Background to the Legalization

of Gambling
By the 1970s, Atlantic City was in deepening trouble. Approximately
120 years after Atlantic City was founded on a then desolate offshore
sandbar, the city’s economy, social health and reputation all were in
desperate condition. The once glamorous, fabled ‘Queen of the Jersey
Shore’ had sagged into a frayed and peeling version of its glory days.
Atlantic City’s appeal, its crowd-attracting formula combining natural
and created attractions, no longer encapsulated the extravagant and
fantastic illusion on which great resorts flourished. In his landmark
study of Atlantic City, Charles Funnell concluded
ultimately, changing modes of transportation practically destroyed
the resort’s ability to attract patronage across class lines, threatened
the physical appearance of the city, and sapped the illusion
/
creating potential the town once so vigorously exploited. Atlantic
City did not ‘fall’
/ it was abandoned. It persevered in formulas
which had been highly successful, but though a large part of its
patronage continued to respond eagerly to what it offered, an
important minority left it behind, to return no more. (Funnell, 1975:
154)
Atlantic City’s plight by the 1970s explains much of its determination to
seek revitalization through legalized gambling. Some of Atlantic City’s
problems can be viewed as yet another instance of the urban cancer
affecting virtually all aging cities in America. Other aspects of the resort’s
decline are related to causes unique to resorts. Atlantic City’s sad decay
is illustrated by data from the 1970 census. The city’s census tract
(neighborhood) with the lowest mean income had less than half the
county mean, while only two tracts of 21 in Atlantic City exceeded the
county mean. The percentage of families below the official poverty level,
slightly under 10% for the entire county, varied within Atlantic City from
3.5% to 46% in the north end urban renewal area. Some neighborhoods
reported as much as 80% of the population over 65, and old age and
lower incomes often go together. Two-thirds of the housing occupied
year-round had been built before 1940, and looked it. This was a city that
had 40 pawnshops, but not a single supermarket or movie theater (if we
don’t count porno).
Basically, the people of New Jersey felt sorry for Atlantic City and its
citizens. It had been such a great place in memory; now it needed help. If
Atlantic City couldn’t help itself
/ and evidently it couldn’t
/ how could
the state help the old resort to once again rise to success? What to do?
The road to renewal first needed an answer to the question, what went
wrong? For one thing, owners and operators of hotels, restaurants,
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 289

and entertainment businesses had failed to keep up with changing

tastes. Aging buildings weren’t kept fresh and up-to-date, typical of the
decline stage in the resort cycle. New facilities just were not being built.
The places that attracted, accommodated, and entertained visitors
had become shabby and old-fashioned. Profits were being drained
away without making necessary reinvestments in modernization or
replacement.

Early success: The period of rapid expansion

Obviously, all the facilities in Atlantic City’s early days were new, and
new commonly equals desirable for American tourists. The early success
of Atlantic City is illustrated by the size and plush nature of its hotels.
For example, the United States Hotel, which occupied an entire city
block, was described in a contemporary account as having rooms for 600
guests which were
large, airy, comfortable, carpeted and furnished in walnut, with gas
in every room and in every respect will compare with a first class city
hotel. There are also attractive billiard rooms, ten pin alleys and
shooting galleries and daily morning, afternoon and evening open air
concerts are given by a celebrated orchestra. (Rose, 1878: 42)
Host to President Grant in 1874, the hotel was one of the most successful
ventures of the railroad company which had literally created the resort.
By 1894 it had been torn down, an example of the energetic drive to ‘keep
up to date’. New resorts as summarized and generalized in Butler’s
landmark study on resort cycles (Butler, 1980) are characterized by
intensive real estate speculation, and rapid construction of new, plush
accommodations, restaurants, and transport facilities of the latest design.
The reputation of the resort, carefully nourished by enthusiastic public
relations efforts, is at its height. It is an ‘in’ place with a magnetic appeal
to the trend-followers.
As leisure time and disposable income were democratized, succes-
sively lower income groups arrived to sample Atlantic City’s well
publicized delights. This trend toward a broadening of the social strata
patronizing the resort is closely related to the progressive lowering of the
time and money cost of travel to the resort.

At the apex: Triumph and decline

By World War I, Atlantic City had reached a plateau. It appeared that
all was well, that the tried and true formulas still worked, but by that
time, most of the resplendent and extravagant seafront hotels had been
built; few more on the truly grandiose scale would be added. The
railroad was still fulfilling its dominant role although motorists were
290 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

beginning to clog the highways in summer. The costs of reaching Atlantic

City were decreasing. The railroad, whose speed made day-trips feasible,
was carrying progressively lower income groups to Atlantic City. The
entertainment complex increasingly reflected their tastes and disposable
incomes. This shift in emphasis towards working class tastes was both a
cause of and a consequence of the upper middle class’s declining
allegiance to Atlantic City. As observed of Coney Island at the same
period, ‘The working classes, those most effected by the increasing
pace and increasing mechanization of life, accepted mechanized
Coney most readily. . . they did not see close contact with nature as a
‘‘spiritual necessity’’. . . mechanized, time structured leisure may simply
reflect mechanized, time structured lives.’ (Snow & Wright, 1976:
960
/975).
The mechanical amusements, cheap vaudeville theaters and garish
entertainments which so thrilled the working classes helped to drive
away the upper middle class from the ornate hotels and high-class
restaurants. The ‘takeover’ of a resort by a lower-income group than had
originally dominated it may be partially explained, however, by the
upper-income group’s desire for new recreation environments. Tourism
is an industry in which fashion and the search for the new and different
plays an important role.
The physical complex of hotels, restaurants, and the more expensive,
higher-class entertainments was allowed to slowly deteriorate. No new
investment was attracted due to diminishing patronage, at least of the
higher-priced facilities. Unfortunately, the fact that Atlantic City’s
fortunes were tied to trains was both good and bad news. Trains had
created, and built, Atlantic City. The last excursion trains were phased
out after World War II, leaving Atlantic City with only minimal,
commuter-oriented train service. The two replacements for trains in
vacation travel, limited-access, high-speed highways and jet airplanes,
both favored other resorts over Atlantic City. Atlantic City was the loser
under these new rules. Although Atlantic City’s Bader Field, the first
municipal airport in the nation, is convenient to downtown and nearby
Atlantic City, Pomona can accommodate large jets, the air age has not
greatly benefited Atlantic City. Other than convention trade, few visitors
arrived by air until after the casinos were built. The time in the air from
most of the neighboring cities of the northeast Megalopolis to other
resorts such as those of southern Florida is not all that much greater than
that to Atlantic City. Also, economical operation of fast jets on a regularly
scheduled basis requires termini in busy markets. A short-haul service to
Atlantic City from Philadelphia has continued, and a longer-distance jet
service has a bright future.
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 291

Obsolescence of infrastructure
The individual mobility of automobile vacations led to a quite
different style of vacation from that of the old railroad resorts. The
railroad had provided only point-to-point mobility for its users. Whether
for a day or a month, the Victorian vacationer was tied to that one city,
perhaps even to the vicinity of a particular hotel. The vacationer’s dollars
were spent mostly within the confines of that resort. Private automobiles
had two major impacts upon recreation patterns, neither of which really
benefited Atlantic City. Vacationers arriving in cars wanted to be able to
park their cars conveniently and, preferably, free of charge. Crowded,
densely built-up Atlantic City was friendly to pedestrians but not to cars.
By the auto age, most of the city’s buildable land was occupied by multi-
story structures packed tightly together. The narrow streets of an earlier
era could not accommodate both heavier traffic and curb parking on both
sides. Relatively few new, large motels were constructed in a city where
many hotel rooms were empty even in peak season. Cost-conscious
vacationers could stay at cut-price motels constructed along the high-
ways and drive daily to the beaches, crowding Atlantic City’s beaches
and streets, but leaving little money behind. The much sought-after
middle class ‘family trade’ increasingly preferred the smaller, less
crowded, less expensive, less noisy towns along the coast. The new
highways that brought vacationers to Atlantic City also facilitated their
going to other resorts, or their commuting into Atlantic City from less
expensive locations. Highway improvements ever increased the distance
that day-trippers could travel from home to resort to home in one day.
Proof of Atlantic City’s decline and obsolescence was the loss of about
3500 hotel rooms (to demolition, mostly) between 1964 and 1969,
accompanied by a loss of 2500 ‘guest house’ rooms. While motels did
add approximately 1000 rooms during this period, the net decrease in
transient rooms available was nearly 20% of the total in just five years. In
this last stage of the resort cycle, the natural amenities that led to the
founding of the resort were of deteriorated quality, with environmental
pollution a serious and intensifying problem. Commonly, declining
resorts attempt to modify and rejuvenate their appeal to vacationers.
Due in some measure to uncontrollable or unforeseeable changes in
leisure patterns, transport technology, and fashion, and through envir-
onmental pollution and plant obsolescence, the resort can no longer rely
on its original set of attractions. The resort may choose to emphasize its
historical and cultural uniqueness rather than its deteriorated, less-
attractive physical site amenities. In other words, superior climates,
lower costs, relatively comparable degrees of accessibility resulting from
changing transport technology, more modern and glamorous facilities,
less crowded beaches
/ all of these assets may characterize other and
292 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

newer resorts. Some unique quality of the artificial or human-created

environment can, conceivably, be emphasized to lure tourists, for
example, the huge stock of accommodations and entertainment facilities
which are available at lower rates in attracting conventions.
A notable example of capitalizing upon the historic cultural landscape
is nearby Cape May’s largely successful preservation of its Victorian
townscape. Cape May’s stock of 1850s through 1890s architecture helps
draw visitors to an otherwise out of the way site with relatively narrow
beaches. By the 1970s, Atlantic City’s architecture, while flamboyant and
varied in the remaining great hotels of the turn-of-the-century through
1920s period, was not quite old enough to yet draw the full interest of the
preservationists and nostalgia buffs who had made a pet of Cape May. At
that time, great gaps in Atlantic City’s oceanfront skyline, the product of
demolition of antiquated hotels, resembled broken or missing teeth in a
smile
/ a reminder of old age and neglect. While small town Victoriana
at Cape May is charming, Atlantic City’s seafront, what there was left of
it, seemed more isolated in a sea of slums and consequently dreary.
Atlantic City simply could not become another, larger Cape May.
Atlantic City was beginning to show its age. No major new hotels had
been built for decades. The all-too-short ‘season’ left many locals on the
unemployment rolls for about eight months a year. For the first time,
local business and political leaders publicly discussed the possibility of
legalized gambling as an economic stimulus. Major hotel owners were
split on the controversial proposal. The owners of the Chalfonte-Haddon
Hall Hotel, for example, who were Quakers, strongly opposed legalizing
casinos. The year? 1956. Twenty years later, a referendum question
approving casinos in Atlantic City was successful. The first casino to
open, in 1978, was Resorts International, the new owner of the Chalfonte-
Haddon Hall property.

The Beginning of a New Beginning: Recycling

the Resort Cycle
The problems of Atlantic City spurred a variety of governmental
efforts to revitalize the city by the 1960s. A new high-speed toll highway,
the Atlantic City Expressway, was built to the aging resort. A new state
college was built on the mainland nearby. There was talk of extending a
suburban high-speed commuter railway from Philadelphia all the way to
Atlantic City. The most intriguing (and, initially, controversial) sugges-
tion was to legalize gambling. Legalization was at first opposed on the
grounds that it might attract organized crime. A referendum on
gambling casinos, which appeared on the November 1974 ballot, was
resoundingly defeated, three to two. The defeat was achieved by well
organized opposition (‘no dice on casino gambling’), particularly from
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 293

church groups. The 1974 proposal, however, while supposedly designed

to help Atlantic City, would have made casinos a matter of local option
anywhere in the state. Clearly, the possibility of a casino in everyone’s
hometown was unpopular. The 1976 ballot proposal was restricted to
legalized casinos in Atlantic City only. This time, state revenues from
casinos were to be devoted to property tax and utility bill relief for the
elderly poor
/ a maneuver which attracted many votes. The sugar
coating of charitable impulse helped ease the pill of legalization of casino
gambling down the throats of the voters. Popular ambivalence toward
casino gambling has characterized Americans long before the 1976
referendum, and it continues. The campaign of the ‘Committee to
Rebuild Atlantic City’ succeeded.
But, would casinos thrive by the sea? Would the new industry bring
prosperity to the old resort? New Jersey’s governor helped open the first
casino, Resorts International, on the Memorial Day weekend of 1978. It
was a winner
/ an instant hit. Local legend has it that this pioneer casino
took in so much money in those first days that the ‘counting room’
couldn’t handle the volume of cash. It is said that supermarket bags full
of bills accumulated on the floor until the accounting staff caught up.
Resorts’ seven-month-long first year of operations earned a gross income
of $156 million, representing a 200% return on equity (Hawkins, 1982:
120
/128).
Here is a snapshot of the casino industry 19 years after Resorts
International first opened its doors to the crowds lined up on the
boardwalk. This is Atlantic City about midway from the first legalized
gambling to the present:
On an average day in Atlantic City, nineteen years into the casino era,
110,000 visitors and non-resident workers joined the city’s 37,000
residents. Over 82,000 people visited the city’s twelve casinos and
gross winnings in casinos amounted to about 6.5 million dollars. At
the same time, 1,452 charter buses arrived in town. Gamblers
dropped over 46 million quarters in slot machines.’ (Russell, 1987: np)
By the dawn of the new century, Atlantic City had become America’s
most popular resort destination, with over 37 million visitor-days per
year. In comparison, Walt Disney World hosts about 18 million visitor-
days per year. Hotel/casino industry wages topped $700 million a year,
employing over 46,000 people directly in an industry that did not exist
until 1978. Between 1976, the year in which the casino referendum was
approved by New Jersey voters, and 1984, per capita income in the US
doubled. In the same period, New Jersey’s per capita income increased
faster, 109%, while Atlantic City’s grew by 134%. In 1976, Atlantic City
had one-tenth as many visitors as it had by 1987. The state’s 8% tax on
gross revenues of casinos already had transferred over $1 billion to the
294 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

state treasury. Indirect taxes
/ sales taxes and the city’s luxury tax paid
by casino patrons
/ generated another $20 million per year.

Early impacts of casinos

The visible impacts of the casino industry on Atlantic City can be
compared to a growing snowball, or maybe it was more like an
avalanche filmed in slow motion. At first, little seemed to be happening,
at least for the better. In her book about Resorts International, owners of
the first casino to open in Atlantic City in May 1978, author Gigi Mahon
described the scene in the summer of 1977
/ a year after the voter
approval of legalized gaming in Atlantic City, but a year before opening
day.
Up at the Chalfonte-Haddon Hall, a handful of construction men
labored through the heat, a renovation under way. But for that, the
facades of the old hotels remained as they had for years, sagging,
gray, like the faces of the people who sat on the Boardwalk day after
day. It was the same Atlantic City, long ago duchess of resorts, now
an arthritic and dowdy dowager trying desperately to cling to her
past. A bag of worn-out bricks on splintered pilings. (Mahon, 1980:
prologue)

Did legalization of gambling work?

In a word, yes. Look at the skyline of Atlantic City, then consider this:
$60 billion dollars. That is the total brought to the State of New Jersey’s
treasury by casino revenues from 1978 to the present. That is enough
money that the state could have written a check for over $7200 to every
one of the state’s estimated 8,359,000 citizens and it is 60 billion dollars
worth of state services that New Jersey taxpayers didn’t have to pay for
directly.
The legalization of casinos in Atlantic City has created almost 50,000
jobs directly in the casino industry, and an estimated additional 50,000
jobs in industries within New Jersey that supply and service the casinos.
This creation of approximately 100,000 jobs in the state did not cost the
state, or any of its municipalities, anything directly.
In contrast, other states and local governments have not hesitated to
spend millions in efforts to attract new jobs into their economies.
Pennsylvania spent a quarter of a billion dollars to secure a Volkswagen
assembly plant near New Stanton, PA. Tennessee paid for $15 million
worth of site improvements and issued $450 million in bonds to build a
facility in order to lure a Nissan assembly plant; Nissan also was given a
substantial tax exemption, all to add 6000 jobs to the state’s economy
(Sternlieb & Hughes, 1983: 3).
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 295

Gambling on the future, gambling in the future

Atlantic City’s present and future depends on Americans’ attitudes
toward gambling. The industry itself prefers the term ‘gaming’
/ it
sounds classier and less controversial than ‘gambling.’ Americans have
changed their attitudes several times about permitting, encouraging, or
criminalizing gambling, er, gaming. Colonial America openly tolerated
lotteries. Such upright citizens as Benjamin Franklin printed lottery
tickets, which were sold to support good causes, much as ‘chances’ today
are sold on new cars to raise money for volunteer fire departments. Many
a colonial college and church were built with lottery proceeds. Then, in
the mid-19th century, Americans evidently decided that gambling was
undesirable and should be officially frowned upon. By the 1890s, though,
state lotteries again were common and gaming was widely tolerated. The
notoriously crooked Louisiana State Lottery, however, caused a national
scandal and by the early 20th century, public opinion had once again
swung in favor of criminalizing gambling.
Using legalized gaming as a tool for urban renewal in Atlantic City
was not the first time that gambling was used to revitalize a depressed
economy. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, Nevada was particularly
hard hit. Mining and ranching jobs were declining. With the important
exception of the Sierras along the California border (such as at Lake
Tahoe), Nevada had no natural landscapes of special appeal to tourists.
Plenty of people crossed Nevada, to or from San Francisco and the rest of
the country, but few planned to stay. Nevadans decided to legalize all
forms of gambling anywhere in the state, and the modern gaming
industry was born. Until 1978, when New Jersey’s first casino opened,
Nevada enjoyed a national monopoly on legal gaming.
If gaming could rescue a whole state’s economy, maybe it could also
rescue Atlantic City.
Gambling industry expert Jerome Skolnik (1978: 8) has observed,
Vice is a fascinating social phenomenon. Leading dictionaries define
it as immoral or evil conduct. But the dictionary definition is
incomplete. The term vice suggests pleasure
/ and popularity
/ as
well as immorality. Murder, robbery, and theft are generally regarded
as immoral, but not much fun. In contrast, gambling, illicit sex and
drug use are vices because they combine pleasure with ‘‘evil.’’ The
whole point about the phenomenon of vice is its duality: it is conduct
that can be enjoyed and deplored at the same time, sometimes by the
same people.
It is this duality that, combined with the charitable destination of a
portion of the revenues, helps explain the geographic pattern of casino
gambling in the USA.
296 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Easy money: Gambling as voluntary taxation

By 1984, 17 states and the District of Columbia had legal, government-
run lotteries; these lotteries had total sales approaching $7 billion.
Typically, states keep about 30
/40% of ticket sales, after paying out
prize money and administrative costs. As with legalized casinos in
Atlantic City, some portion of revenues is allocated to projects that appeal
to social consciousness
/ to a conservation trust fund in Colorado, aid to
the elderly in Pennsylvania, and funds for the arts in Massachusetts.
State lotteries tend to spread geographically as the government and
citizens of a state without a lottery, but adjacent to one with one, see their
own residents buying lottery tickets from their neighbor. Now 48 states
have some form of state-sponsored gaming
/ lotteries, off-track betting,
casinos, or a combination of these. Utah and Hawaii are the only
exceptions to this relatively recent trend.
Lotteries, and now casinos, are seen as a painless form of voluntary
taxation. Legalized casino gambling is most attractive to states when
most of the gamblers are from out-of-state. In this way, most of the
gambling losses are ‘exported.’ After all, revenues from gambling are
based entirely on net losses by gamblers. This ‘export’ of gambling losses
is the factor that makes Nevada’s legalized gambling so lucrative to that
state. State lotteries, while serving as tax collectors from volunteer
taxpayers, are non-basic economic activities; they do not expand the
state’s economic base to any significant degree. As long as legal casinos
serve largely out-of-state gamblers, they contribute to basic economic
growth within that state.
Nevada’s nationwide monopoly on legalized gaming ruled until
Atlantic City became a competitor. Still, at least the Western half of the
country was closer to Nevada than Atlantic City. But, Atlantic City had
not only become a competitor to Nevada. Its success served as a role
model for depressed regions elsewhere. Gambling came to many
reservations as Native Americans (the poorest of the Census-tabulated
minorities) sought economic growth. Riverboat gaming came to many of
the Midwest’s depressed old industrial cities, and to Mississippi,
America’s poorest state.

Expansion of the casino industry

Expectations for legalized gaming in Atlantic City ran from strongly
negative to equally strongly positive. Just exactly why did the 1974
public question on the ballot (legalizing casinos anywhere in the state)
lose but the 1976 question, legalizing casinos only in Atlantic City, win?
Richard Lehne pointed out that public opinion polls showed little change
in attitude from 1974 to 1976 (Lehne, 1986).
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 297

Table 17.1 Opinion poll results

Month, Year Yes on casinos (%) No on casinos (%) No opinions (%)

1, 74 59 34 7
9, 74 56 38 6
9, 76 59 36 5

Source: Lehne, 1986

Voter turnout in 1974 was less than 2 million. But in 1976, a

presidential year, voter turnout was over 2.7 million. It seems that the
legalization of casinos was a ‘hot button issue’, highly motivating those
opposed, but when more voters showed up, the ‘yes’ votes prevailed. An
analysis of who voted how summarized the yes vote as favored by males,
inner city residents, and Catholics. Those opposing tended to be females,
Protestants, and suburban residents.
Expansion of the casino industry in Atlantic City has not been one of
continuous growth at a steady pace. Instead, as shown in Table 17.2, the
early success of Resorts International produced a boom between 1978
and 1981, in which the number of casinos jumped from one to nine. In
those first three years, casino square footage multiplied almost eight
times, casino employees increased from 3226 to almost 28,000, and hotel
rooms in casino hotels went from 724 to 4781. The legalization
authorizing casinos in Atlantic City stipulated that casino hotels must
have a minimum of 500 rooms. To guarantee more construction jobs, each
hotel room had to be of sufficient square footage that old hotels, with
their characteristically smaller rooms, would have to be substantially
renovated. The annual increase in casino gross revenue or ‘winnings’
remained in the double digits until 1985. Between 1981 and 2002, only
three more (net) casinos opened, and growth rates slowed noticeably. The
increase rate of the gross ‘win’ stayed below 10% per year after 1984.
During the 1990s decade, the number of casino employees fluctuated
between about 44,000 and 49,000.
However, both casino floor areas and number of hotel rooms were
higher by 2001 than they had been in 1991. Casino floor area, which since
1993 has included simulcast horseracing rooms, has gone from 773,000
square feet in 1991 to 1,230,000 square feet by 2001, a percentage increase
of just under 60%. What is even more impressive is the growth in casino
hotel rooms, from 9419 in 1991 to 11,466 by 2001, a somewhat surprising
and healthy 22%.
The increase in the number of hotel rooms is significant because it
points to a new trend that few had predicted. Atlantic City clearly is
moving from a largely ‘daytrip’ resort towards a destination resort, in
Table 17.2 Expansion of casino gaming in Atlantic City
298

Year No. of Casino floor sq. footage Casino Gross revenues % Increase in No. of hotel
casinos (000s) employees (000s) win rooms
1978* 1 52 3226 134,073
/ 724
1979 3 160 11,301 325,480 42.7 1572
1980 6 281 21,351 642,693 97.4 3257
1981 9 412 27,842 1,099,799 71.1 4781
1982 9 425 28,093 1,493,164 35.7 4770
1983 9 422 30,958 1,770,941 18.6 4779
1984 10 510 35,356 1,951,766 10.2 5503
1985 11 577 38,686 2,138,651 9.5 6342
1986 11 593 37,251 2,281,206 6.6 6351
1987 12 664 39,336 2,495,728 9.4 6835
1988 12 696 41,205 2,734,775 9.5 7314
1989 12** 648 39,603 2,806,990 2.6 7584
1990 12** 770 43,399 2,952,582 5.1 8828
1991 12 773 41,473 2,991,562 1.3 9419
1992 12 777 44,240 3,215,968 7.5 8961
1993 12 854*** 44,111 3,301,366 2.6 8946
The Tourism Area Life Cycle
 Table 17.2 (Continued )
Year No. of Casino floor sq. footage Casino Gross revenues % Increase in No. of hotel
casinos (000s) employees (000s) win rooms
1994 12 928 43,900 3,422,614 3.7 9227
1995 12 959 46,513 3,748,158 9.5 9404
1996 12 1081 48,956 3,813,598 1.7 10,533
1997 12 1173 49,123 3,879,651 1.7 11,891
1998 12 1211 48,542 3,991,612 2.8 11,880
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City

1999 12 1170 47,366 4,119,507 3.2 11,361

2000 12 1198 47,426 4,275,783 3.8 11,361
2001 12 1230 45,592 4,279,034 0.07 11,466

Source: Compiled from the annual reports of the New Jersey Casino Control Commission, 1978
/2001
*220 days
**Eleven casinos from 22 May 1989 to 4 April 1990
***From 1993 forward, figure includes simulcast-racing room
299
300 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

which vacationers stay longer and to which they travel increasing

distances. In 1979, Economic Research Associates made the following
predictions, based on an analysis of trends in the overall economy,
legalized gaming in general, and Atlantic City’s casino industry in
particular. By 1990 there would be: 26 casinos (compared to 1979’s three);
a permanent population of 75,000 (there were 41,322 in 1979); 24 million
visitors a year (7,500,000 in 1979), and 55,000 hotel rooms by 1990 (as
against 1572 in 1979).
So much for scientific predictions, especially those made during a
period of rapid expansion with the assumption that expansion will
continue at a frantic pace. However, the 22% increase in hotel rooms,
1991 to 2001, is a respectable achievement, and one trend that will
continue. ‘By the summer of 2004, Atlantic City should have an
additional 3,200 hotel rooms
/ an increase of approximately 33 percent
over what currently exists.’ (Casino Control Commission, 2001: 4).
Since the 2001 figure of 11,466 rooms was reported, Harrah’s has built
another 452-room addition; Resorts is adding another 459-room tower;
Tropicana is adding 502 rooms; and Showboat is adding 544 rooms. The
Borgata, opening in 2003, will contribute another 2010 rooms. The
Sheraton Atlantic, a new, non-casino hotel next to the $268 million
Convention Center, has 502 rooms. A Boardwalk non-casino hotel,
Atlantic Palace, has 302 units, many of them two-bedroom suites.
Atlantic City seems poised for another period of fast growth despite
the miniscule increase in win reported for 2001
/ a year of deepening
recession, falling stock markets, and, of course, the tragedy of September
11, which considerably slowed the entire tourism and travel industry.
Indeed, the disasters of September 11, which had a strongly negative
impact on air travel, may have actually helped Atlantic City in the long
run by increasing tourism at resorts that can be reached by road and rail
rather than by air. Atlantic City’s casino industry enjoyed a remarkable
fourth quarter, with gross operating profits up almost 25% over the
October
/December period of 2000 (Casino Control Commission, 2001: 4).

The casinos
Before the first casino opened in Atlantic City, the size of the legalized
gambling market was unknown. The ‘convincer’ that a huge, formerly
unserved market existed in the Northeast was the success of Atlantic
City’s first casino, Resorts International. Resort’s seven-month long first
year generated a gross income of $156 million, which was a 200% return
on equity. In its first full month of operation, Resorts’ ‘win’ was $16
million.
When Resorts had the only game in town during the summer of 1978,
the only ‘marketing’ problem was one of security and crowd control.
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 301

Lines of people four or five abreast waited on the Boardwalk for

hours before being admitted, and once a patron got inside his most
lucky break of the day might be finding a spot of play! But as each
new casino opened, patrons began to choose their casino, and the
market was shared even though it continued to grow. (Smith, 1982:
116)
‘Casino fever,’ a belief that there would be no end to the boom, prevailed
among otherwise sane people.
As more and more casinos opened, they began to develop marketing
strategies to differentiate themselves and establish unique identities.
James Smith (1982) pointed out that Nevada’s casinos generally fell into
one of two categories: ‘premium’ or ‘grind joints’. Premium casinos
strove for an upscale image. Lavishly decorated, they emphasized table
games with fairly high minimum wagers. Premium casinos rely heavily
on ‘high rollers’ who may stay several days and gamble large sums. For
their select clientele, premium casinos are happy to ‘comp’ them with
complimentary luxury suites, preferred seating at shows featuring big-
name entertainment, and any other services that will keep the high
rollers coming back. These wealthy players routinely risk many
thousands of dollars. Typically, they stay for days, not hours, and expect
elegant and impeccable service. They play table games in which
experience and familiarity with the rules count in their favor, they
hope. Premium houses’ showrooms feature top name entertainment (it is
said that the late Frank Sinatra was the champion ‘draw’ for high-rollers)
(Smith, 1982).
In contrast, ‘grind’ houses (also known as ‘sawdust joints’ in contrast
to ‘carpet’ or premium casinos) prospered on a high volume of gamblers
who bet less individually, a lot less, than the high rollers. Grind houses
typically featured many slot machines, with relatively fewer table games.
Grind houses thus rely on large numbers of low-rollers who, individu-
ally, wager modestly but who as a group, are highly profitable. Senior
citizens arriving by chartered bus, prepared to lose little more than the
$10 roll of quarters that is part of their daytrip package, are the main
patrons of the grind houses. Food is often buffet-style, most patrons do
not stay overnight, and the showrooms feature revues rather than
renowned stars. While premium houses offer tickets to boxing matches
and other special events to their high-rolling clientele, grind houses offer
meal coupons, chances to win cars and discounted revue tickets to their
clients. Many patrons of grind houses have too little experience to
confidently play table games where skill counts; instead they prefer the
no-skill slot machines.
Historically, Nevada’s casinos were mostly grind houses. Ben ‘Bugsy’
Siegel’s ground breaking ‘Flamingo’, opened at Las Vegas in 1946, not
302 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

only pioneered the Vegas Strip (as opposed to downtown’s Fremont

Street) but was a true premium house. High rollers arrived by chartered
planes; dealers wore tuxedoes.
Smith (1982) illustrated the premium
/grind contrast by comparing
the MGM Grand in Las Vegas with Atlantic City’s Resorts International.
The MGM Grand was the largest hotel in the state when it opened (1973)
and boasted the largest casino. In addition to 2100 rooms, it featured a
shopping arcade, two large showrooms and a jai alai fronton. Resorts,
Atlantic City’s first casino, and its largest in 1981, had little more than a
third of MGM’s hotel rooms, and a very different mix of games.
MGM versus Resorts offered a strong and obvious contrast. However,
contrasts among Atlantic City’s casinos in 2001 are much less obvious or
consistent. The table on ‘premium
/grind characteristics’ lists number of
slot machines, number of (all) table games, the ratio of gaming tables to
slots, and the percentage of slot machines that are nickel slots. Premium
houses would be expected to have lower ratios of slots to tables, and
lower proportions of nickel slots. The table shows that Showboat, at 56
slots per gaming table, has a much higher ratio of slots to tables than
Tropicana, with a 1 to 24 ratio, or Trump Taj Mahal (1 to 23). Harrah’s,
another high slots to gaming tables operation, suggesting a possible
‘grind’ classification along with Showboat, has less emphasis on nickel
slots (which are surely an indicator of ‘grind’ appeal) than five other
casinos, including the more prestigious Hilton and Bally’s. All of Atlantic
City’s casinos seem to be aiming at as broad a market segment as
possible. Economic survival requires satisfying all varieties of gamblers.
Atlantic City operations may emphasize their appeals to premium or
grind clienteles, but they are determined to discourage no one.
Atlantic City seems to have pioneered a hybrid premium
/grind
operation. These premium
/grind operations seek distinctive identities

Table 17.3 Contrasts between casino characteristics

MGM (1973 data) Resorts (1981 data)

Hotel rooms 2100 723
Slots 930 1698
Blackjack tables 61 82
Crap tables 10 20
Roulette wheels 6 14
Big 6 wheels 3 4
Baccarat tables 3 3
Table 17.4 ‘Premium
/grind’ characteristics of Atlantic City casinos

No. slots No. table games Ratio of table/slots Nickel slots as % slots
Atlantic City Hilton 2024 84 1/24 24
Bally’s Park Place* 4316 155 1/28 24
Caesar’s 3856 123 1/31 19
Claridge 1777 63 1/28 20
Harrah’s 3171 69 1/49 20
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City

Resorts 2583 74 1/35 18

Sands 2060 79 1/26 19
Showboat 3390 61 1/56 22
Tropicana 4114 171 1/24 21
Trump Marina 2528 78 1/32 22
Trump Taj Mahal 4825 207 1/23 17
Industry 37,483 1247 1/30 20

*Includes Bally’s Wild, Wild West

All data calculated from New Jersey Casino Control Commission Annual Report, 2001
303
304 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

through ‘themes’, which are shaped and expressed by architecture,

interior decoration, costumes of dealers, bartenders, waitresses, etc., and
even names of lounges, showrooms, and restaurants. The most obvious
example of theme operations include Showboat’s ‘New Orleans Mardi
Gras,’ Taj Mahal’s Oriental
/Arabian nights fantasy and Caesar’s
Imperial Roman orgy.
Atlantic City’s 13th casino, the Borgata, at the time of writing is under
construction in the Marina District. The $1-billion, 480-foot high casino
will open in the summer of 2003. The Borgata will add 135,000 square
feet to Atlantic City’s casino floor space, will house 11 restaurants, and
will employ 4700. Plans are firming for a $1.5 billion MGM Mirage to be
located next to the Borgata on what was, until recently, the city dump. A
recent expansion of Harrah’s Atlantic City will (temporarily) make it the
state’s largest hotel at 1626 rooms. Gaming industry insiders predict that
Atlantic City will be home to 17 casinos within five years. Atlantic City
will continue to reign as the Queen of the Jersey Shore as it moves to
more closely resemble its original model, Las Vegas.
The revitalized resort draws more visitors than any other single locale
in the USA, more than 37 million visitor-days per year. About 7 million
were overnight guests. At 94% occupancy year-round, Atlantic City has a
much higher occupancy rate for hotels than the US average. The casinos
are a big draw, but not the only attraction.
Atlantic City’s casinos pay 70% of all property taxes collected by the
city. There are now over 1 million square feet of casino ‘floors’ (including
simulcast rooms), over 10,000 rooms in casino hotels, and nearly 50,000
casino employees (compared to Atlantic City’s resident population of
some 38,000).

Conclusions: The Coming Megaresorts

The casino industry has big plans for Atlantic City. Huge new
‘megaresorts’ are planned for vacant land on the bayside. These future
mammoth hotels will out-glitz the city’s existing casinos
/ no small
challenge there. They will feature ‘total resort environments’, more
family-oriented, with amusement rides, video games, shopping areas,
lavish showrooms, continuous entertainment and, of course, a slot
machine or two. Sound familiar? As in the ‘New’ Las Vegas? Atlantic
City has consciously imitated Las Vegas since New Jerseyans authorized
casinos at the beach in 1976. Las Vegas’ fantastic success made it Atlantic
City’s role model.
The success formula for Las Vegas’ incredible expansion (the city grew
by 86%, 1990
/2000) has been Bigger! Better! More extravagant! More
fantastic buildings! Set new standards of size, design, and flamboyance
The Rejuvenation of Atlantic City 305

and blow away the competition! And when the competition begins to
catch up, raise the stakes again.
Las Vegas, which has featured gambling joints since the 1930s, has
witnessed several escalations in investment and the scale and lavishness
of casinos. When gangster Bugsy Siegel built the ‘Flamingo’ in 1946, its
glitz set new standards. When Caesar’s Palace opened in 1966, its
fabulous blend of fantasy theme park and casino was hugely popular;
there was a new game in town, again. Then came the first mega resort,
the $630-million Mirage in 1989. Again, the challenge to the competition
was clear: match it or fold.
Atlantic City certainly will soon enter the era of megaresorts.
Increasing competition from riverboats and Amerindian reservation
gambling leaves little choice. Besides, when did Atlantic City shrink
from a little more glitz and hype? Clearly, the resort cycle is well into its
second sequence; the cycle recycles.

Note
Some of this material has been adapted from Charles A. Stansfield, Jr.,
‘Atlantic City and the Resort Cycle’, published in Annals of Tourism
Research 5 (1978): 238
/251. Reprinted by permission, Pergamon Press.
Discussion of more recent developments in Atlantic City is adapted from
Charles A. Stansfield, Jr. (1998) ‘From East Coast Monopoly to Destina-
tion Resort: The Geographic Content of Atlantic City’s Transformation’ in
K. Meyer-Arendt and R. Hartmann (eds) Casino Gambling in America:
Origins, Trends, and Impacts . Elmsford, NY: Cognizant Communications.
Reprinted by permission.
Chapter 18
Rejuvenating a Maturing
Tourist Destination: The Case
of the Gold Coast, Australia
BILL FAULKNER and CARMEN TIDESWELL

Introduction
In an increasingly competitive global environment, strategic planning
has become a fundamental element of business survival. The lead times
involved in effectively responding to market trends mean that an on-
going environmental scanning and strategic assessment process is
necessary. This is no less so in the tourism industry than in any other
area of economic activity. As Ritchie and Crouch (2000) have observed,
while tourism has been growing over the last 50 years, it has been
relatively easy for most tourist destinations to maintain a healthy rate of
growth despite declining market shares. They add, however, that this is
changing as growth in the total market size is slowing down and more
destinations are emerging to compete within this market. Competitive-
ness in this setting requires the establishment of a more strategic focus at
both the individual enterprise level and for the destination as a whole.
Indeed, planning at these two levels needs to be an integrated process.
The tourism product in any setting is a composite of services and goods,
and the quality of the visitor’s experience depends, to some degree, upon
the extent to which the range of providers involved coordinate their
efforts and have a common sense of purpose. A ‘whole of destination’
approach is therefore required in the development of the strategic focus
and it has been the recognition of this imperative that has underpinned
the creation of tourist destination marketing organisations.
In assessing the competitive position of a tourist destination and
extrapolating this assessment to the consideration of future directions of
development and the strategic measures necessary to ensure competi-
tiveness within the emerging environment, consideration needs to be
given to how the destination has evolved. An understanding of the
sequence of events or phases that have marked the history of the
destination can assist in bringing its inherent potential and the impedi-
ments to achieving this into sharper focus. Also, it enables comparisons
with general patterns of destination development as an aid to under-
standing the dynamics of destination development and predicting what

306
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 307

might happen in the future. In this latter regard, in particular, Butler’s

(1980) Tourist Area Life Cycle (TALC) has proven to be a useful
organising framework for interpreting the stage of development of a
destination and canvassing scenarios regarding its potential future.
This paper looks at the specific case of Australia’s Gold Coast as an
example of a maturing and potentially stagnating destination to illustrate
the methods being developed in that context to avert stagnation. These
methods are discussed in the context of the Gold Coast Visioning (GCV)
project, the overall aim of which was to construct a vision for the future
of Gold Coast tourism. More specifically, the objectives of this project
were:
. To provide a systematic and comprehensive overview of the current
status of Gold Coast tourism, covering such considerations as
market position, competitiveness and a variety of tourism impacts.
. To develop scenarios for future global, national and local socio-
economic, technological and environmental conditions and assess
the implications of these trends at the Gold Coast destination level.
. To combine insights from the above with the principles of sustain-
able tourism development to produce a shared vision for the Gold
Coast’s tourism future.
. To utilise the shared vision as a framework for generating a set of
issues, core values and principles for evaluating future development
options.
. To arrive at a consensus on preferred tourism development options
consistent with the vision and the actions/approaches necessary for
this to become a reality.
Given that the GCV project was essentially concerned with establishing
directions for tourism development in the longer term, the principles of
sustainable tourism development were adopted as a fundamental
philosophical foundation for the planning process. That is, only those
options for the Gold Coast’s tourism future that satisfy the needs of
residents and visitors alike, preserve the cultural and natural assets of the
region, and are economically viable were considered (Bramwell & Lane,
1993; Twining-Ward, 1999). There are two basic implications of this
caveat, which are reflected in the approach described below. Firstly, the
achievement of sustainable tourism objectives hinged on the adoption of
a participatory model (Murphy, 1985), involving the meaningful engage-
ment of the community, along with industry stakeholders and relevant
government agencies. Secondly, the ‘whole of destination’ approach
referred to earlier was necessary, encompassing the integration of
tourism with other sectors of the economy along with an understanding
of the inter-relationships and synergies between sociocultural and
environmental dimensions. A shift from a ‘destination marketing’ to a
308 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

‘destination management’ approach was therefore advocated (see

Cooper, other volume, editor’s comment).
The paper begins with an overview of the status of the Gold Coast as a
tourist destination, with particular reference to the indicators of
impending stagnation. Background on the methodological foundations
of the GCV project is then provided, with specific attention being given.
Finally, the translation of these principles into the approach to rejuvenat-
ing the Gold Coast is described.

The Gold Coast at a Turning Point

The Gold Coast has long been acknowledged as one of Australia’s
premier tourist destinations (Gold Coast City Council, 2000). In 1999 it
was the third most popular tourism region visited by Australia’s
international visitors, behind the key arrival ports of Sydney and
Melbourne (Bureau of Tourism Research, 2000). This position has been
established because of a fortunate combination of natural assets and a
sequence of visionary entrepreneurs whose initiatives ensured that this
destination was always at the cutting edge of many innovations in
Australian tourism development (Russell & Faulkner, 1999). This history
is reflected in the destination’s international market performance in
particular, as indicated in Figure 18.1, which reveals strong growth in the
number of international visitors to the Gold Coast from the mid-1980s,
when Australia’s appeal as an international destination first began to
gain momentum (Faulkner, 1990), through to the late 1990s. The profile
also reveals a strong resemblance to Butler’s scenario, to the extent that
the rate of growth is declining in later years and, indeed, suggests that
the Gold Coast had already entered the stagnation stage. The dramatic

1200

1000
V is i t o r s '0 0 0

800

600

400

200

0
1984

1985

1986

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

Year
Source: Bureau of Tourism Research (2000a)

Figure 18.1 Trends in international visitor numbers to the Gold Coast

Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 309

decline in international visitors in the late 1990s, however, is a reflection

of the impact of the Asian financial shock, rather than a long-term trend
that might suggest the destination is already in decline. While this
market has recovered more recently, the dramatic impact of this event
highlights the destination’s vulnerability arising from its heavy depen-
dence on a narrow band of the market. As illustrated in Figure 18.2, the
Gold Coast’s performance in the domestic market had been somewhat
erratic and less conclusive in terms of any interpretations regarding the
Butler model.
While trends in visitor numbers have been the most commonly used
indicator of the stage reached in a destination’s evolution, a number of
authors have identified a more comprehensive range of indicators of
stagnation (Butler, 1980; Cooper, 1990; Haywood, 1986; Morgan 1991).
These are outlined in Table 18.1. Preliminary analysis of the Gold Coast’s
position with respect to some of the indicators contained in Table 18.1 is
useful for the purposes of highlighting the rationale underpinning the
objectives of the GCV Project.
An examination of data from the Australian International Visitors’
Survey (IVS) and the Domestic Tourism Monitor (DTM) reveals a
consistent downward trend in the duration of stay of both international
and domestic visitors to the Gold Coast over the last decade
/ from 7 to
4.5 days in the former and from 5.5 to 4.5 in the latter (Bureau of Tourism
Research, 2000a,b). The IVS also reveals an increased emphasis on
‘organised mass tourism’ within the international market, with the
proportion of visitors on package, all-inclusive tours increasing from 48
to 75% over the last decade. The plateauing of the international visitor

3500

3000
D om e st ic Visit s ( ' 0 0 0 )

2500

2000

1500

1000

500

0
1984

1985

1986

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

Source: Bureau of Tourism Research (2000b)

Figure 18.2 Trends in domestic visitor numbers to the Gold Coast

310 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 18.1 Indicators of stagnation and their potential relevance to the Gold
Coast

Area of destination Indicators

performance
1. Changing markets . Growth in low-status, low-spend visitors and
day visitors;
. Overdependence on long-haul market, and lack
of penetration of short-stay market;
. Emphasis on high-volume, low-yield inclusive
tour market;
. A decline in visitors length of stay;
. Type of tourists increasingly organised mass
tourists;
. A declining proportion of first-time visitors, as
opposed to repeat visitors;
. Limited or declining appeal to overseas
visitors;
. Highly seasonal.

2. Emerging newer . Competition from emerging newer destinations;

destinations . The destination is well known, but no longer
fashionable.

3. Infrastructure . Outdated, poorly maintained accommodation

and amenities;
. Older properties are changing hands and newer
properties, if they are being built are on the
periphery of the original tourist areas;
. Market perceptions of the destination
becoming overcommercialised, crowded
and ‘tacky’;
. Tourism industry over capacity;
. Diversification into conventions and
conferences to maintain numbers;
. Large number of man-made attractions, which
start to outnumber the more natural attractions
that made the place popular in the first place.

4. Business . Declining profits of major tourism businesses;

performance . Lack of confidence in the tourism business
community;
. A decline in the elasticity of advertising (lower
return in terms of increased visitors per
advertising dollar investment) and an increase
in process elasticity;
. Lack of professional, experienced staff.
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 311

Table 18.1 (Continued )

Area of destination Indicators
performance
5. Social and . Visitor levels approaching or exceeding social
environmental and environmental carrying capacities;
carrying capacities
. Local opposition to tourism as the resort’s
residential role increases;

6. Institutional . Local government reorganisation

environment (amalgamation) diluting the political power
of resorts in larger authorities;
. Demands for increased operational efficiency
and entrepreneurial activity in local government;
. Short-term planning horizons in local
government owing to financial restrictions
and a low priority given to strategic thinking;
. Shortage of research data.

Indicators in bold apply to the Gold Coast on the basis of existing data (based on Butler,
1980; Cooper, 1990; Haywood, 1986; Morgan, 1991; Russell & Faulkner, 1999)

numbers shown in Figure 18.1 suggests that the destination was losing
some of its appeal in the international market, while the shift-share
analysis contained in the Vision Project’s Market Analysis Report
(Faulkner & Tideswell, 2002) indicated that newer destinations, such as
Tropical North Queensland, had eroded the Gold Coast’s market share in
both the international and domestic markets. It appeared possible that
the destination had become ‘well known, but no longer fashionable’.
Furthermore, even though there had been no marked or consistent
decline in hotel occupancy rates, it is arguable that this is only so because
of aggressive price cutting in room rates, which has produced a
persistent profitless volume problem. The high volume/low yield
syndrome is also a reflection of the heavy reliance on the inclusive
tour market and the tight margins associated with this market. Finally,
while it cannot be claimed that the Gold Coast’s tourism infrastructure is
aging and in need of refurbishment generally, the Visioning Project’s
Infrastructure Audit study indicated there were pockets of decay that
presented a real prospect of an ‘infrastructure time-bomb’ (Moore, 2002).
The symptoms of stagnation that appear to apply to the Gold Coast have
been highlighted in bold in Table 18.1.
The destination’s heavy reliance on built attractions (theme parks) and
the increasing emphasis on the convention sector that will follow the
completion of the convention centre which was under construction in
2002/03 could be cited as symptoms of stagnation according to the
312 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

literature. However, it might be equally argued that such developments

are manifestations of rejuvenation strategies.
On the basis of this overview of the current status of the destination, it
is reasonable to at least conclude that the Gold Coast is a mature
destination showing some early signs of stagnation. Given this, it is clear
that a fundamental shift in the approach to destination planning and
management is necessary if the region is to rejuvenate and remain
competitive in the longer term. In short, a reorientation from destination
marketing to a more encompassing destination management approach
was necessary. One of the Gold Coast’s major competitors (at least, in the
Japanese market) had recognised this and adjusted its approach to
tourism development and marketing accordingly, as the following
excerpt from an Hawaii Tourism Authority (1999: 9) report reveals.
Destination tourism management is increasingly becoming more
sophisticated worldwide. The success of many tourism destinations
has been driven by an integrated tourism management structure,
including effective integration of tourism policy, long-term planning,
product development and marketing. This successful tourism man-
agement approach has also led to strong and mutually supportive
private/public sector partnerships that have been driven by a
common tourism strategy and policy.
Apart from the tourism development and marketing considerations
emphasised above, it is also arguable that the challenge confronting the
region was heightened by the need to reconcile the demands of tourism
with those of urban growth currently being experienced and likely to
continue in the future. With a population of over 400,000 residents, the
Gold Coast has been one of the fastest growing urban areas in Australia
over the last 10 years. The same assets of the area that make it as a
pleasant place to visit also make it an attractive lifestyle choice for new
residents and the quality of life of these residents in the future will
depend to a large extent on how effectively the potentially competing
demands of tourism and urban growth are managed.

Steps Towards a Rejuvenation Strategy: Methodological

Issues
Any meaningful strategic assessment of a destination’s tourism
development future must involve at least the basic ingredients of the
traditional strategic planning approach recognised in the literature (Getz,
1986; Gunn, 1988; Heath & Wall, 1992; Inskeep, 1991). It is envisaged that
refinements of the strategic planning model are applicable to maturing
destinations in general. Each of the key refinements considered in the
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 313

GCV Program are now discussed in turn and elaborated on in relation to

the TALC Model.

The sustainable tourism development framework

Since sustainable tourism development principles were formally
recognised as a goal for modern tourism development, initially in the
Manila Declaration (WTO, 1980) and later in the Hague Declaration
(WTO, 1989), this set of guidelines has become, in principle at least, the
universally accepted basis for destination management and planning.
The emerging sustainable tourism development philosophy of the
1990s can be viewed as an extension of a broader realisation that a
preoccupation with economic growth without due regard to its social
and environmental consequences is self-defeating in the longer term.
Within this perspective, tourism can be construed as essentially a
resource-based industry, where the integrity and continuity of the
tourism product in a region is inextricably linked with the preservation
of its natural, social and cultural assets (Murphy, 1985).
The impediments to the implementation of sustainable tourism
development principles go beyond simply a question of awareness
levels and intentions among decision makers at the destination level.
Noting the tendency for socioculturally and environmentally pristine
locations to be degraded once they become too popular as mature tourist
destinations, Twining-Ward (1999: 187) asks ‘why is it that despite
knowledge of the risks, as well as increased understanding of conserva-
tion issues, destinations continue to make the same mistakes?’ She
offered three basic reasons:
. Ecologically and culturally sensitive areas that are most vulnerable
to deterioration are also the most attractive to tourists.
. Many of the resources that are so important for the tourism product
are ‘common pool’ resources which the private sector taps free of
charge and over which no single company or authority has
responsibility for management. They therefore suffer from the
‘tragedy of the commons’ syndrome, with over-use and a lack of
investment in management ultimately degrading the resource
(Healy, 1994).
. A reluctance on the part of government to regulate economic
activity and thus control levels of activity within sustainable limits.
Earlier interpretations of sustainable tourism development have been
criticised on the basis of their focus on ecological sustainability, at the
expense of sociocultural and economic, and for the fixation of alternative
tourism as the route to sustainability (Farrell, 1999; Twining-Ward, 1999).
Farrell (1999) has noted how the sustainable development agenda was
314 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

captured by the environmental movement and how this has distorted

policy and planning practice in a manner that tends to overlook the social
and economic dimensions of the ‘three dimensional sustainability
trinity’. He referred to this trend as a form of ‘environmental funda-
mentalism’, which produced a tendency for those responsible for this
agenda to resist change of all kinds irrespective of the bigger picture
issues re longer-term sustainability. This agenda also encouraged a belief
that only alternative forms of tourism (Krippendorf, 1987) (i.e. alter-
natives to organised mass tourism) were consistent with sustainable
tourism objectives. This assumption has since been challenged by many
authors, who have pointed out that alternative forms of tourism can have
an equally devastating effect, especially where this involves the disper-
sion of tourists to environmentally or culturally fragile areas (Butler,
1990, 1992; Cater, 1993; Javiluoma, 1992; Wheeler, 1993; Zurick, 1992).
Alternatively, if managed properly, mass tourism can be instrumental in
controlling tourist movements more effectively, thus enabling them to be
contained within ‘site hardened’ areas where their impacts can be
managed.
Farrell (1999: 91) advocated an interdisciplinary and more encom-
passing approach to sustainable tourism development, involving ‘a
commitment to provide healthy long-term tourism thoroughly integrated
with other elements of the economy, and with the environment and
society in such a manner that a policy change in one does not unduly
interfere with the optimal functioning of any of the others.’ Drawing on
this and other insights referred to above for the purposes of the Gold
Coast strategy, the objectives of sustainable tourism development are
summarised in Table 18.2.
There are several general implications raised by Ritchie (1999) that had
a particular bearing on the proposed approach to the GCV Program.
Firstly, the need for ‘long term planning horizons’ and an ‘integrated

Table 18.2 Sustainable tourism objectives for the Gold Coast

. To enhance visitor satisfaction and the competitiveness of the destination
within the tourist market;
. To improved profitability and the return on investment of the industry;
. To maximise economic benefits to the region;
. To protect and enhance natural environmental assets;
. To provide a foundation for enhancing the host community’s quality of life
and life opportunities;
. To ensure that development is consistent with the local community’s
sociocultural values.

Source: Faulkner, 2002

Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 315

cumulative perspective’ highlight the need for a shift from the destina-
tion marketing orientation. Secondly, Ritchie (1999) refers to the need for
the meaningful involvement of the community, with industry stake-
holders, in the development of a consensus on the directions of future
development and the actions necessary for the preferred outcomes to be
realised. This consensus might be expressed through ‘the sharing of a
common destination vision’.

Shifting from a destination marketing to a destination

management perspective
As emphasised by Ritchie’s (1999) initial two points, one of the more
obvious implications of the sustainable tourism development agenda is
the need for a more comprehensive, integrated and holistic approach that
goes beyond the traditional focus on destination marketing to take into
account a broader range of environmental, social and economic issues.
The fact that the necessity of such an approach is beginning to be
recognised by major tourism destinations has been referred to earlier in
the reference to the Hawaii Tourism Authority’s (1999) latest tourism
plan.
The failure of more traditional tourism development plans, with their
‘top-down’, market-oriented approach, has been observed in several
settings (e.g. Alipour, 1996; Choy, 1991, King et al. , 2000). Choy (1991:
329) has suggested that, given that ‘tourism plans have little probability
of influencing market forces to achieve economic success, government
planning efforts might be better spent on resolving issues invol-
ving. . .market failure, leaving the private sector to assume the planning
and financial risk of tourism projects.’ Areas of market failure he referred
to include: public interest in products and services which are consumed
collectively (parks, beaches, historic sites); external effects (positive and
negative) that affect people not directly involved in tourism activity (e.g.
construction of a resort may restrict local’s access to the beach); and costs
and benefits not reflected in market prices (value of open space, costs of
social impacts, benefits from environmental preservation). However,
while there are obvious differences in the focus of public and private
sector interest, the demarcation of their involvement in this way loses
sight of the inter-relationships and synergies that need to be developed.
A demarcated, as opposed to a truly integrated, approach will produce
the sort of ‘dysfunctionality’ in tourism plans observed by Butler (1991).
Thus, for instance, it might produce a conflict between policy mechan-
isms aimed at limiting environmental impacts by minimising tourist
numbers, at one level, and elements of policy at a higher level that
encourage increases in visitor numbers in order to improve economic
benefits.
316 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

An approach that gives due consideration to the various dimensions

of the sustainability agenda, while at the same time avoiding the
dysfunctionality trap, hinges on a process involving participation by a
broad range of stakeholders within a framework that fosters the
development of a consensus on preferred directions of future develop-
ment and the building of collaborative relationships. The key issue
related to the desire to rejuvenate a destination following maturity is that
continuing growth should not be attempted by merely chasing larger
numbers of tourists through increased marketing initiatives, but rather it
should be pursued through better management of the industry as a
whole.

Community participation and the building of collaborative

relationships
One of the seminal works on community participation in tourism
development planning is Murphy’s (1985) book, Tourism: A Community
Approach. Murphy proposed an ecological/systems-based model for
community involvement in tourism planning and in the process
anticipated many of the elements of sustainable tourism development
principles described above. In particular, he argued that:
Residents must put up with the physical development, but have little
say so in the decision-making process that will inevitably affect their
community and way of life. Development and planning on isolation
from the community at large cannot continue if the industry is to
develop in harmony with the capacity and aspirations of destination
areas. To become self renewable resource industry and agent of
hospitality will require more citizen participation in the develop-
ment, or non-development, of a destination. (Murphy, 1986: 163)
The above rationale for community involvement is largely based on
ethical considerations, in the sense that it emphasises the resident’s stake
in the process in terms of the potential impacts of tourism on their way of
life. Emphasis is therefore placed on the need to ensure that changes
associated with tourism are both within the bounds of their adaptive
capabilities and consistent with the retention or enhancement of their
quality of life. There is, however, another perspective, which has a more
pragmatic orientation. Kotler and Armstrong’s (1984) societal marketing
concept has been invoked to highlight that members of the host
population are simultaneously consumers of product and beneficiaries
or victims of the effects of production (King et al. , 2000; Mill, 1996). Thus,
if the industry can be construed as using the community itself as part of
the product it sells to the market, then a planning and management
regime that becomes insensitive to community interests will undermine
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 317

the quality of the product, to the extent that this will precipitate a
community backlash. From the perspective of the TALC model, a
destination which has reached maturity and may be experiencing some
of the traditional tensions between local residents and supporters of
further tourism development cannot hope to resolve these issues and
move forward towards rejuvenation without the support and involve-
ment of community members.
While the rationale for a community-based approach to tourism
planning is compelling, how extensively and effectively this approach
has been adopted is another question. As Joppe (1996) has observed,
despite the rhetoric about community participation in tourism planning,
most instances of this are driven by government (and business) agendas,
rather than community interests. Part of the problem arises from the
difficulty of defining the community and assumptions made about the
homogeneity of interests within it. While to some the notion of
community implies a coherent entity with a shared identity and common
sense of purpose, in reality communities generally consist of an
agglomeration of special interest groups who are often antagonistic
towards each other and competing for scarce resources or power
(Manning, 1999). Thus, for example, it is not uncommon for residents
to favour options that will benefit them personally in some manner (e.g.
product based on parks, outdoor recreation, restaurants) regardless of
market conditions or the potential of the area (Andereck & Vogt, 2000). In
such circumstances, the task of building a consensus or shared vision on
the future of tourism in the destination is a major challenge that is
compounded by the need to reconcile a diversity of views and interests.
The need for such an approach is illustrated by Backman et al. ’s (2001)
reference to how planning in the ecotourism context involves over-
lapping agendas of various stakeholders. The distinction between public
and private sector involvement has therefore become blurred and, as
observed by Backman et al . (2001: 454), this provides the opportunity for
previously unrecognised synergies to be developed:
Whether the motivation is economic or stewardship, organisational
missions and strategies are beginning to coalesce around the idea of
ecotourism, capitalising on public interest in the environment.
Therefore the need for collaboration, cooperation cooperation and
synergy among this multitude is as obvious as it will be challenging.
In the past, economics have often run counter to protection and
preservation interests. But ecotourism, perhaps for the first time,
provides a feasible mechanism to align economic incentives with
stewardship of the environment.
The specifics of the above argument apply to the Gold Coast situation to
the extent that the natural environment is an integral part of this
318 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

destination’s tourism product. There are a range of potential synergies

between the tourism sector and various avenues of economic develop-
ment recognised in the Gold Coast’s economic development strategy.
Significantly, many of these synergies hinge on the potential of tourism
development to enhance the lifestyle of residents.

Building a shared vision

The articulation of a shared vision among stakeholders was envisaged
as being the initial and most critical step in the consultative process that
would lead to the development of the Gold Coast’s tourism strategy. In
its simplest terms, a vision can be construed as a shared view on a
preferred future. Alternatively, as described by Senge et al. (1994: 302), a
vision can be construed as ‘. . .sense of shared purpose and destiny. . .’,
‘. . .a picture of the future we want to create. . .that gives shape and
direction to the organisation’s future’.
The visioning exercise was critical in two respects. Firstly, a well
designed visioning exercise had the potential to provide a ‘circuit-
breaker’ and a ‘call to action’, to the extent that it was instrumental in
galvanizing opinion on the need for a fundamentally different approach
from that which had prevailed in the past to allow rejuvenation to occur.
Secondly, a well articulated vision that has been constructed in a
manner that ensures it represents a consensus among primary stake-
holders provides a focus for the strategic planning process and a vehicle
for mobilising cooperative action. Here, the word ‘cooperative’ is used
very deliberately as an alternative to ‘coordinated’ action. The former
implies a group of equal stakeholders working together towards the
same end, while the latter implies one party exerting control over others
to ensure that all their activities contribute to a mutually agreed outcome.
The distinction is subtle and, in reality, one cannot be achieved without
the other. However, the emphasis on the equality of stakeholders in the
achievement of mutually agreed outcome and the reciprocity implied by
the word ‘cooperation’ makes this a more meaningful concept in this
context. The nexus between the visioning process and action is funda-
mental, as implied in the following popular quote from Joel Barker
(1992).
A vision without action is merely dream. Action without vision just
passes the time. Vision with action can change the world.
A vision provides a framework for choosing appropriate responses and
for cooperative action. External events (including changes in government
policy agendas at all levels, international developments and random
disasters) have the potential to profoundly affect the competitiveness of
the Gold Coast as a tourism destination, and thus the direction of tourism
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 319

development. While we have little control over these events, a long-term

shared perspective (a vision) is necessary for not only determining how
we respond, but also for ensuring that we respond in a coordinated and
effective way. Without a vision, we will become locked into the past. That
is, an incremental approach, where the focus is on responding to
immediate contingencies in a piecemeal fashion, leads us to a position
where the options available for us to cope with longer-term eventualities
are progressively reduced.
Like most elements of strategic analysis and planning, it might be said
that the route taken in constructing a vision is as important as the
destination. The meaningful engagement of the community, with
industry stakeholders and relevant public sector agencies, in the
development of a consensus on the directions of future development
and the actions necessary for the preferred outcomes to be realised is an
essential ingredient in the visioning process. Such engagement of
stakeholders is essential if the vision that eventuates is to provide an
accurate reflection of a truly shared position of all concerned and if it is to
provide a relatively stable reference point for future action. The
importance of this has been emphasised by Senge et al. (1994, 313):
A vision is not really shared unless it has staying power and evolving
life force that lasts for years, propelling people through a continuous
cycle of action, learning and reflection.
The following comment by Mintzberg (2000: 209
/210) provides a useful
summary of the main point regarding the role of a vision and, in
particular, it alludes to linkages with the learning organisation concept,
which is explored further below:
The visionary approach is a more flexible way to deal with an
uncertain world. Vision sets the broad outlines of a strategy, while
leaving the specific details to be worked out. In other words, the
broad perspective may be deliberate but the specific position can
emerge. So when the unexpected happens, assuming the vision is
sufficiently robust, the organization can adapt
/ it learns. Certain
change is thus easily accommodated. Of course, when even vision
cannot cope, then the organization may have to revert to a pure
learning approach
/ to experiment in the hope of capturing some
basic message and converging behaviors on them.

Learning organisations and organisational change

The notion of learning organisations has been developed as a tool for
assisting commercial organisations to adjust to change primarily in the
North American context (Senge et al ., 1994). In one sense, a tourist
320 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

destination represents a more complex situation, at least to the degree

that it involves an amalgam of separate public and private sector
organisations, along with a loose array of community-based interests
and alliances, all pursuing separate agendas that both overlap and
conflict with each other to varying degrees. However, as Senge et al .
observe, these characteristics are not uncommon within large corpora-
tions and the art of developing a learning organisation approach involves
reconciling the tensions, finding common ground for collective action
and channelling rivalries into creative energy that benefits the organisa-
tion as a whole. It follows that elements of the learning organisation
philosophy may be applicable to the development of a strategic approach
to destination management.
As defined by Senge et al . (1994: 4), a learning organisation is one that
is ‘. . .able to deal with the problems and opportunities of today, and
invest in its capacity to embrace tomorrow, because its members are
continually focused on enhancing and expanding their collective aware-
ness and capabilities.’ It would become integral to the planning and
management process, rather than, as is too often the case, a marginal
activity restricted to a few specialist researchers.
The introduction of the learning organisation approach to the Gold
Coast setting required a fundamental shift in mindsets and organisa-
tional approaches in that setting. The Gold Coast had grown and
flourished in a relatively benign regulatory regime, which had fostered
a combative private enterprise mentality driven by market forces and a
fiercely competitive business culture. Public sector engagement in
aspects of tourism development had been minimal and regarded with
suspicion by the business community. One of the consequences of this
had been a policy and planning void, whereby the lack of a tourism
agenda within the state and local government bureaucratic structures
had meant that the tourism implications of various policy and infra-
structure initiatives have not been adequately addressed. Despite this,
the laissez-faire environment provided a fertile setting for a range of
flamboyant entrepreneurs to introduce innovations that have rejuve-
nated the destination at various points in its history (Russell & Faulkner,
1999). However, the scale and complexity of tourism development in the
region had reached a point where it was increasingly difficult for the
actions of individual entrepreneurs to initiate major shifts in the fortunes
of the destination as a whole. A more collaborative and cooperative
approach, involving the private, public sector agencies and other
stakeholder groups within the community, was necessary if the chal-
lenges of the future were to be effectively addressed. This implies that the
Gold Coast’s problem was essentially one of organisational change.
Like organisations in general, the Gold Coast can be envisaged as
having evolved towards a point where internal rigidities associated with
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 321

hierarchical structures, specialisations and demarcations have impeded

internal communication, and the inertia of established values and
approaches threaten to constrain responsiveness to changing conditions
(Hurst, 1995). This makes the destination both less adaptive and more
prone to disaster. In an observation that perhaps encapsulates the ‘catch-
22’ predicament of many maturing destinations, Hurst (1995: 139)
suggested that many organisations were caught by the ‘renewal process
paradox’, whereby ‘the change process cannot begin until the failure of
the old order is manifest, but the process is likely to be more successful if
it gets underway before too much damage is done.’ Given the symptoms
of stagnation evident in the Gold Coast case, as demonstrated in the
analysis in earlier sections of this paper, it could be argued that ‘the
failure of the older order’ was clearly manifest. While it may be
overstating the case to suggest that too much damage has already been
done to make the situation retrievable, it was certainly evident that any
delay in the reassessment of future directions and approaches, such as
that proposed in the GCV process, would make the eventual demise of
the destination inevitable.

Scenarios and the art of strategic conversion

Visions can be construed as ‘complexity reducers’, which provide a
common frame of reference for organising information. They provide the
signpost for signals for navigating against a noisy background. Scenarios,
on the other hand, are ‘shared and agreed upon mental models of the
external world. . .created as internally consistent and challenging de-
scriptions of possible futures. . .’ (van der Heijden, 1997: 5). They
complement the visioning process through their value as a basis for
exploring possible futures and the opportunity they provide for
stakeholders to see the world through different lenses. Scenario-generat-
ing exercises help participants to see things they may not have otherwise
been disposed to look for, thus dislodging them from established
mindsets.
Scenario planning is distinct from the more traditional approaches to
strategic planning by virtue of its more specific focus on ambiguity and
uncertainty in the strategic issues being examined. The affinities of this
approach to the learning organisation perspective are explicit in the
following observation:
The most fundamental aspect of introducing uncertainty into the
strategic equation is that it turns planning for the future from a once-
off episodic activity into an ongoing learning proposition. In a
situation of uncertainty planning becomes learning and never stops.
(van der Heijden, 1997: 7)
322 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Recognising that we operate within a turbulent environment which

makes our efforts to predict the future with any degree of certainty a
futile endeavour, scenario planning instead aims to identify and consider
multiple, equally plausible futures. Scenarios are helpful in assisting
organisations to cope with future events in three ways. Firstly, they help
organisations to understand the environment, and allow many decisions
to be put into perspective through them being seen not so much as
isolated events, but as part of a process of ‘swings and roundabouts’.
Secondly, they highlight the inherent uncertainty of the environment
and, in the process, foster an appreciation of exposure to ‘accidents’ and
undue risk. Finally, they help organisations ‘to become more adaptable
by expanding their mental models and thereby enhancing the perceptual
capabilities needed to recognize unexpected events’ (van der Heijden,
1997: 86).
To add one final clarification of the nature of scenarios, it is useful to
consider the distinctions between scenarios and forecasting. Forecasting
assumes that the future can be accurately predicted and is usually carried
out be ‘experts’ who are detached from decision makers, whereas
scenario planning is process oriented and accepts that uncertainties
invariably restrict the extent to which the future can be predicted. But by
involving decision-makers in the process, rather than the latter abdicat-
ing responsibility to detached experts, the planning process is more
attuned to the risks and variety of possibilities involved. In short,
scenario planning is more consistent with the type of informed decision-
making identified with learning organisations.
The use of scenarios was incorporated into the GCV project to provide
a set of ‘what if’ situations for stakeholder groups to consider in relation
to their potential impact on the future movement of the region along the
destination life cycle mode.

The Gold Coast Visioning (GCV) Project Approach

In order to ensure that the stagnation stage of the TALC did not
become engrained in the Gold Coast region, the approach adopted in the
GCV project involved a combination of the methods employed in
traditional strategic planning with refinements involving the concepts
of visioning, organisational learning and scenario-based strategic con-
version. The approach adopted included the following components.
. An ‘audit’ process involving an integrated series of research projects
aimed at overviewing the current status of Gold Coast tourism in
terms of social, economic (including tourism marketing) and
environmental considerations has been carried out as ‘front-end’
inputs to the process.
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 323

. A survey of tourism industry stakeholders (Tourism Industry

Barometer) was conducted to provide an indication of industry
perceptions on the status of tourism development on the Gold
Coast, individual visions of the future and preferred options for
tourism development.
. A one-day futures workshop, involving representatives of key
stakeholder groups, was planned with the aim of producing a
consensus on likely future scenarios affecting the Gold Coast.
. A two-day workshop aimed at constructing the vision and strategy
for the Gold Coast’s tourism future was to be convened.
The above activities were carried out in five stages as identified in
Figure 18.3. As the figure suggests, the approach involved a systematic
examination of the Gold Coast situation at the time (Destination Audit);
an analysis of the implications of this audit and the future prospects for
tourism on the Gold Coast (Destination Barometer and Megatrends
Analysis) and, finally, it culminated in the development of a shared
vision for the future via the ‘Visioning Workshop’. The last four of these
steps are described in more detail in Table 18.3.

Outcomes
The Visioning Program produced a number of significant outcomes,
known as the ‘Visioning Statement’ that linked the past, present and
future position of the Gold Coast tourism industry. The generic outcomes
of the process are highlighted in Table 18.4. Beginning with a historical
overview of what had occurred within the region’s tourism environment
to date, the process was concluded with the formulation of an ultimate
‘vision’ of how the industry should progress in the future in order to
ensure not only that rejuvenation of the destination continues, but also
that the needs of both residents and tourists alike are managed in an
optimal manner.
In terms of specific outcomes of the GCV Project, a series of reports
were produced and disseminated to key stakeholders involved in the
industry for consideration. A summary of the key issues raised in these
documents is contained in Table 18.5.

Related Initiatives
The outcomes of two other initiatives that had a bearing on the
examination of strategic directions for the Gold Coast tourism industry
were also taken into account in the approach outlined above. These
initiatives include the 1999 Edward de Bono Workshop organised by the
Property Council of Australia’s Gold Coast Chapter (PCAGC) and the
324 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Schedule
1
1. A series of inter-
Planning disciplinary research
Destination Audit Product Quality
1998 (Scoping Study)
Markets
projects on the current
status of aspects of
Infrastructure Gold Coast tourism.
Environment Social Impacts
Economic Impacts
Hinterland

2
3
Gold Coast Megatrends Analysis 2. A survey of
Destination Barometer stakeholders aimed at
canvassing perceptions
of the health of the
4 destination.
Futures Workshop

5
Visioning Workshop 3. A consolidation,
review and synthesis of
published
Sustainable Tourism
scenarios
April 2001 Development -
regarding longer
Principles
term social,
economic, political,
technological and
environmental
Core Vision trends; and
(where the G.C. wants
to be in 2020) tourism
-
demand/supply
implications.

The The Tourism Tourism The Planning

environ community Market Infrastru urban and
ment cture setting Policy 4. Development and
assessment of
scenarios aimed at
establishing a
consensus among
stakeholders on the
most likely future
SWOT Analysis and Options environment for Gold
Coast development.

Tourism Industry Policy & Planning

Consumer markets Community
Products Environment 5. The visioning
Distribution systems Economic Development workshop will provide a
Tourism infrastructure Infrastructure/urban planning vehicle for engaging
Government/planning
stakeholders in a
systematic and focused
process for
(Distillation of Issues) - Articulating a
vision for the Gold
Coast's tourism
future; and
Values/Principles
- Evaluating options
Planning Objectives/Goals
and actions for
(Guide to the future)
achieving this
vision.

Figure 18.3 The Gold Coast Visioning approach

Source: Faulkner, 2002
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 325

Table 18.3 Method of the GCV Process

Phase Method Objectives/desired

outcomes
1. Gold Coast Survey of key stakeholders . To encourage
Destination aimed at gauging perceptions participants to reflect
Barometer of the health of the destination on the health of the
destination and begin
in terms of:
focusing on the issues
. Image and positioning; that were eventually
. Competitiveness; addressed in the
. Market trends; workshops;
. Yields and profitability; . To highlight indicators
. Aging and condition of of the Gold Coast’s
infrastructure; stagnation and thus
. Community reactions. reinforce the need for
challenges confronting
the destination to be
addressed.

2. Mega- Consolidation, review and . To ensure that the

trends synthesis of: development of
Analysis scenarios and
. Scenarios regarding consideration of their
longer-term social, tourism implications in
economic, political, the futures workshop
technological and were informed by
environmental trends; analyses carried out
and elsewhere.
. Tourism demand and
supply-side implications
of these trends.
3. Futures A one- or two-day workshop . Long-term scenarios
Workshop involving panel discussions on regarding social,
long-term trends in each economic, political,
technological and
dimension followed by break
environmental trends
out groups aimed at at the macro level;
constructing most likely . The general tourism
scenarios and considering implications of these
their tourism demand and trends;
supply side implications. . A consensus on the
Key issues covered include: most likely general,
global and domestic
a. Panel discussion on scenarios on
socioeconomic and socioeconomic,
political/policy technological,
(global and domestic) environmental and
scenarios. political/policy trends
b. Panel discussion on in 2020 and their
technological, tourism implications.
326 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 18.3 (Continued )

Phase Method Objectives/desired
outcomes
environmental and
urban/regional planning
scenarios, followed by
break-out groups and
plenary session.

4. Visioning A two-day workshop aimed . A shared view among

Workshop at construction of a vision for stakeholders on a
Gold Coast tourism in 2020. preferred future for
Gold coast tourism;
Key components of the work- . An appreciation of the
shop included: importance of the
. A reiteration of the need project and an
for, and objectives of, the understanding of the
visioning process, with approach among
reference to the linkages participants;
between this and the . A draft core vision
previous workshop; comprising a brief
. A guide to sustainable statement
tourism development encapsulating the
principles in the future; essential ingredients
. Where do we want to be of the desired tourism
in 2020? future of the region;
. Future Scenarios . To refocus participants’
Revisited. A briefing on minds on the likely
the outcomes of the emerging environment
Futures Workshop; in which the preferred
. Issues and actions. Key future identified in the
planning, policy and vision statement was to
management issues be achieved;
emerging were . A synthesis of threats,
addressed. challenges and
opportunities affecting
the achievement of the
vision was produced;
. A consensus view on
key planning, policy
and management
issues associated with
the vision and the
actions required to
achieve the vision.

Source: Faulkner, 2002

Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 327

Table 18.4 Indicative format of the GCV Statement

Component Description
Executive summary A one-page outline indicating the purpose of the
visioning process and summarising key outcomes
produced by the process.
Introduction A concise statement addressing the following points:
. The history of the Gold Coast as a growing urban
conurbation and tourist destination;
. The current status of the Gold Coast as a tourist
destination and place to live;
. The challenges confronting the destination in
terms of the achievement of sustainable tourism
development objectives;
. Why a vision is necessary;
. The nature of, and approach to, constructing a
vision; and
. A ‘mud map’ indicating the format and contents
of the document.

The core vision and A brief statement encapsulating the essential

elements of the ingredients of the desired future of the region.
vision
This was supplemented by a series of more detailed
statements, articulating principles and benchmarks
for preferred outcomes in specific dimensions of
tourism development:
. The environment (ecological impacts);
. The community (social impacts);
. Tourism markets and visitor experiences (tourism
demand);
. The tourism sector (supply side development);
. The urban environment (infrastructure and urban
planning);
. Governance and urban planning/policy frame-
works.

Future scenarios and A summary of outcomes of the futures and SWOT

their implications for analysis, structured in terms of the dimensions
the Gold Coast identified above:
. Future scenarios;
. SWOT analysis;
. Core issues vis-à-vis the dimensions of the
vision.
328 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 18.4 (Continued )

Component Description
Conclusion The visioning exercise, and the documents that record
its outcomes, aims to provide a framework for
developing a tourism strategy for the region, rather
than being a strategic plan in its own right. This
document will therefore fall short of providing explicit
guidelines for implementation. Within the conclusion,
however, recommendations will be provided on how
the visioning process might be carried forward to the
development of the strategy.

Source: Faulkner, 2002

Gold Coast City Council’s (GCCC) Draft Economic Development

Strategy (2000).

The de Bono Workshop

A workshop organised by the PCAGC in October 1999 engaged
Edward de Bono to assist business leaders and other stakeholders to
focus on issues associated with setting some strategic directions for the
refurbishment and rejuvenation of the Gold Coast. Initially concerned
primarily with the Surfers Paradise precinct of the Gold Coast, it was
recognised that issues affecting the rejuvenation of Surfers Paradise
could not be examined in isolation from the rest of the Gold Coast. A
‘whole of Gold Coast’ approach was therefore advocated, and it was also
realised that this implied that a diverse range of stakeholders needed to
be engaged in the process (The Property Council of Australia Gold Coast
Chapter, 2000).
What was of particular interest to the process of averting the onset of
the stagnation stage of the TALC model was the realisation of the need to
counteract negative perceptions of the Surfers Paradise precinct through
cooperation and education. Here it was recognised that the business
community could play a lead role in this by ‘adopting a broader all-
encompassing view’ and not allowing personal agendas to distract them
from an approach that leads to benefits for the whole community. The
remainder of the recommendations focused on the measures necessary to
reinvigorate Surfers Paradise specifically and these generally amounted
to the presentation of a case for additional local government support to
strengthen the role of the public sector subsidised Surfers Paradise
central management association.
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 329

Table 18.5 Core issues generated by GCV research projects

Research project Issues

Issues, policy and . A tourism policy and planning void exists on the
Planning Audit Gold Coast (GC): the actions of the various (state
(Scoping Study) and local) government and quasi-government (GC
Tourism Bureau) agencies who have a role to play
in tourism development are not well coordinated,
and the tourism implications of their policy and
planning agendas are not taken into account.
. The ad hoc, incremental approach to tourism
development of the past will not work in the
future: the scale and complexity of tourism
development in the region means that a more
holistic, strategic approach is necessary in the
future.
. The region suffers from a major image and
positioning problem in the domestic market in
particular: this problem is compounded by the
dominance of Surfers Paradise as a visual icon,
and the perception of this precinct as ‘glitzy’ and
deteriorating.
. The lack of tourism industry involvement in
environmental planning needs to be remedied: the
natural assets of the region, encompassing
the beaches, waterways and hinterland areas,
remain as fundamental ingredients of the
area’s attractiveness.
. A purpose-built convention centre is essential if
the GC is to build on it natural advantages as a
MICE destination and retain its pre-eminent
position.

Market Audit . While the GC has consistently exceeded national

average growth rates in inbound tourist numbers
over the last 15
/20 years, its performance in the
domestic market has been patchy: there have been
periods where GC domestic tourism growth have
both exceeded and lagged behind national levels.
. The strength of the GC in the inbound market has
been particularly attributable to its performance in
Asian markets: with two-thirds of all international
visitors coming from Asian countries, however, the
vulnerability of the Gold Coast to potentially
crippling impacts of external shocks was
highlighted during the Asian financial crisis.
. Far North Queensland (FNQ) and Sydney are the
main competitors in the inbound market, while
Victoria, FNQ and, to a lesser extent, the ACT,
have been the main competitors in the domestic
market.
330 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 18.5 (Continued )

Research project Issues
. The core attractions of the GC revolve around four
elements: beaches/relaxation; theme parks/
excitement; nightlife/action; and nature and
wildlife. The main market segments associated
with these attractions are families, midlife and
older couples and younger singles/couples.
. The GC has consistently performed well in the
young families and younger solos markets, but its
younger and older couples markets have
stagnated.

Infrastructure Audit . There is an ‘infrastructure time-bomb’ on the GC,

with there being a number of potential black spots
arising from concentrations of high-rise
accommodation of similar age: refurbishment or
replacement of buildings in these areas will be
inhibited by mixed ownership and associated
unrealistic expectations regarding capital
appreciation.
. There is a substantial high-volume, low-yield
(‘profit-less volume’) problem in GC
accommodation infrastructure: this has emerged
as a consequence of the over-reliance upon
inclusive tour markets and the erosion of
margins associated with this.
. An unresolved question concerns the extent to
which a large holiday flat/unit rental sector
exacerbates or ameliorates this problem.

Product Quality . Satisfaction levels among visitors regarding the

Audit quality of services and experiences associated with
the GC’s accommodation, theme parks,
restaurants and beaches are generally high.
. The main negative perception among visitors
concerns value for money from theme parks.
. The major danger for the GC regarding service
quality is the prospect of high satisfaction levels
encouraging complacency: regular monitoring of
satisfaction levels is essential so that lapses in the
quality of services can be promptly detected
and remedied, while the competitiveness of
the environment necessitates a more
systematic approach to the continuous
improvement of services in all areas.
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 331

Table 18.5 (Continued )

Research project Issues
Social Impacts Audit . GC residents are generally positively disposed
(preliminary) towards tourism and its impact on the
community: tourism is seen to have a positive
effect on the economy, job opportunities lifestyle
and aspects of amenity, although costs associated
with noise and congestion are also recognised.
. At the aggregate level, perceptions about the
impacts of tourism do not appear to vary among
major demographic groups: older residents
appear to be no more or less vulnerable to negative
impacts of tourism and, indeed, appear to benefit
from the same features of the GC that make it an
appealing destination for visitors.
. Supplementary work needs to be carried out to
canvas resident reactions to alternative approaches
to tourism development in the future and
the impacts of tourism in specific situations, such
as in areas where permanent resident and visitor
accommodation are integrated.

Source: Faulkner, 2002

Draft Gold Coast 2010: Economic Development Strategy

This document also reinforced the theme that the Gold Coast was at
‘the cross-roads’, with the vulnerability of the region associated with its
dependence on the narrow economic base provided by tourism and
construction being emphasised (Gold Coast City Council, 2000).
The strategy document acknowledged the inescapable
/ that is,
whether we like it or not, tourism would have a continuing and
significant role in the economy. However, the report appeared to imply
this was a liability, rather than a potential strength. That is, the
dominance of tourism (and the associated sunbelt migration phenom-
enon) may provide some resistance to the diversification agenda to the
extent, for instance, that this produces employment and demographic
patterns that are not consistent with the development of ‘clever’, ‘new-
age’ industries. Reference was made to the Gold Coast as a city of
‘experiences’, but it did not give sufficient emphasis to this theme. It is a
distinctive feature of the Gold Coast that separates it from a myriad of
other regions that are probably putting together similar arguments for
the development of a knowledge-based focus for regional development
at this time, and would, therefore, serve as a useful platform from which
to launch the destination into the rejuvenation phase of the TALC model.
332 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Table 18.6 Tourism synergies associated with key industry strategies identified
in the draft economic strategy

Key industry Tourism synergies

strategy
Communication . Lifestyle implications of tourism’s enhancement of
and information leisure opportunities have the potential to play a
role in locational decisions of IT firms/
entrepreneurs.

Education and . Educational tourism: educational services attract

training international students who, with visiting family
members, also become tourists.
. Lifestyle factors in student choice: the
attractiveness of the Gold Coast as a tourist
destination also makes this region an attractive
place to live while studying.
. Alumni networks: former international students
become ambassadors for Gold Coast tourism
and the Gold Coast generally upon their
return home.
. Tourism management and planning research
capabilities of the CRC and Griffith University are
elements of the ‘knowledge industry’ development

Environmental . Adoption of ‘Green Globe’ as a framework for

benchmarking tourism-related environmental
management on the Gold Coast, along with the
identification of this concept with the CRC for
Sustainable Tourism, provides an opportunity for
the Gold Coast to promote both its environmental
management technical capabilities abroad and its
environmental tourism destination assets.
. A stringent environmental management regime is
essential for protecting environmental assets that
are central to the region’s sustainability as a
tourist destination.

Film and interactive . Film and interactive media applications to

media entertainment technology underpin the continual
renewal of theme parks such as Movieworld.
. Reinforcement of the leisure theme, which is
central to the Gold coast’s image as a tourist
destination.

Food, beverage and . Restaurants and fine food are essential elements of
aquaculture the range of services that make the Gold Coast an
attractive destination.
. There are potential synergies between the
marketing of the Gold Coast as a tourist
destination and the marketing of its food products.
Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 333

Table 18.6 (Continued )

Key industry Tourism synergies
strategy
Health and medical . There are tourism sector spin-offs from the
provision of medical services to international
markets (families accompanying patients and
patients themselves during recuperation may
engage in tourist activities).
. For the reasons alluded to in the previous point the
Gold Coast’s attractiveness as a tourist destination
can give its medical providers a competitive edge
in international markets.

Marine . The marine environment constitutes a major

tourism asset in the area and potential synergies
exist between the marketing of pleasure craft
manufactured in the area and the recreational
boating opportunities available to tourists.
. The proposed cruise shipping terminal would
provide access to an additional tourism market.

Urban development . Urban development capabilities will support the

enhancement of existing tourism infrastructure
and the construction of new quality infrastructure,
such as resorts, mariners, etc.

Source: Faulkner, 2002

There are many synergies between tourism and the key industry
strategies identified in the report. Some examples are provided in
Table 18.6, which are also useful in analysing the prospect of rejuvenation
and growth of the tourism industry in the region.

Conclusion
As with any industry, a tourism destination must keep pace with the
growing pressures of increasing competition for the tourists’ attention
and, as a result, must continually reassess its position and ensure that
sufficient change and improvement takes place to maintain its attraction
to key markets. It must also maintain a quality of life for its local resident
population which is not hindered by further tourism growth. The
ultimate challenge, faced by a mature destination such as the Gold
Coast, is to avoid becoming too locked into strategies used in the past to
develop tourism within the region. Change and new directions are often
required to ensure that stagnation does not occur and that the area
follows the rejuvenation path of the TALC model.
334 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

In the Gold Coast setting, the need for a more focused strategic
approach to destination management and planning is accentuated by a
history that has been distinctively ad hoc and piecemeal. At the outset of
the GCV Program, many of the key indicators suggested the destination
may have already entered the stagnation phase. This chapter has
provided an example, based on the GCV Program, of how an agreement
on a shared vision among stakeholders represents the first step towards
developing a strategy for rejuvenating the destination. In this context, the
relevant stakeholders were broadly defined to include tourism and other
businesses, industry organisations, public sector agencies at the local and
state government levels, and representatives of the resident community.
Such a broad spectrum of involvement reflects the necessity of a holistic
approach, which recognises that social and environmental considerations
warrant equal consideration with the economic dimension in the
mapping of a course toward a sustainable tourism future.
The difficulties apparent in rejuvenating a mature tourist destination
such as the Gold Coast were highlighted through the GCV Project.
Growth and continual change to ensure the destination meets the ever-
changing needs of both visitors and residents cannot be achieved merely
by adding new attractions or increasing marketing exposure for the
destination. The GCV Project was founded on the acknowledgement that
a shared vision had to be achieved by industry stakeholders including
tourism developers, industry managers, government departments in-
volved in the region and local residents of the region. The process of
developing the vision was instrumental in developing an informed and
considered dialogue among stakeholders, to such an extent that the
destination will represent not only a consensus among this group, but
also it will reflect a thorough and rigorous analysis of the issues. Such

Table 18.7 Why a vision and a plan are so necessary for Gold Coast tourism
. By creating a more structured, strategically focused and shared framework
for individual enterprises and organisations to operate within, we can
ensure that decision makers at all levels take longer-term considerations
into account in their day-by-day decisions.
. A modest up-front investment in planning avoids the need to think
through every crisis situation from scratch. It creates a readiness for the
unexpected.
. Appropriate planning facilitates the transition from individual insights to
collective/institutional action.
. Well developed planning systems create an institutional learning and
memory system.
. Reduce the prospects of repeating past mistakes and/or reinventing the
wheel.

Based on van der Heijden, 1997

Rejuvenating a Maturing Tourist Destination 335

support and involvement of a wide range of stakeholders is essential to

ensuring the path taken to rejuvenation of the destination is not only
agreed upon, but is the ultimate vision towards which those involved in
the community will work towards achieving.
The Visioning exercise itself was used as a catalyst for bringing about
the permanent changes in the structure of the destination planning and
management process that were necessary for the Gold Coast to become a
‘learning organisation’ at the destination level. That is, the visioning
project was instrumental in establishing a systematic planning regime
that was supported by a strong research base and a rigorous evaluation
system. Such a regime will underpin the institutional learning process
and memory that is so essential for creative adaptation to the challenges
of the future and reducing the prospect of repeating past mistakes or
reinventing the wheel (van der Heijden, 1997).
Strategies for rejuvenation of tourism in the Gold Coast region were
developed in a strategic and comprehensive manner through the GCV
Project. The integration of sustainable tourism principles into the shared
vision for the future direction of the industry was the lynchpin to the
future success of the region’s tourism potential. Rejuvenation of
the destination life cycle was the ultimate goal, and, as summarised in
Table 18.7, the creation of a suitable industry ‘vision’ was the key to
developing a platform from which this objective can be pursued.
Part 6
Conclusion
RICHARD BUTLER

One of the common problems with edited books is that there is often no
final chapter that provides a conclusion to the often widely differing
contributions from the set of authors. It had been my intention to write
such a chapter for this volume to avoid that problem. It is not an easy
task, as, having written the links to the sections, it would have been
redundant to make similar summarising comments in the conclusions.
Given that the focus of this volume is on the application and modifica-
tion of the TALC as demonstrated in the previous chapters, it would not
have been appropriate either to write a general conclusion to the TALC
and therein discuss some of its relevance for the future in terms of
conceptual development. That is dealt with in the final chapter to the
other volume that deals with theories and concepts relating to the TALC,
particularly with respect to the nature of future development in tourism
and its implications for destinations.
The preceding chapters have provided some excellent examples of the
settings in which the TALC has been applied, and some of the ways in
which it has been modified to better fit specific destinations and their
unique situations. Clearly no destination is exactly the same as another,
despite the best efforts of many tour companies, their marketing agencies
and developers. Each one represents a unique mix of geography, politics,
economics and ethnography at least, along with elements such as
individual behaviour and chance. To model the infinite variety of
pathways that development can take is unrealistic except at a general
level, and that is what the TALC attempted to do. It would be amazing,
indeed impossible, to produce a ‘one size fits all’ practical model, but it
may be possible to produce such a conceptual model. Whether the TALC
really fits each and every destination to a reasonable and acceptable
degree is yet to be determined, and probably never will be. It does
remain intuitively appropriate and after the large number of applications
discussed earlier in this book in the specific chapters, it still appears to be
generally accurate. Refinements which make the fit better in one location
may make it worse in another, and whenever trying to fit a line to data,
compromise has to be made to obtain the best overall fit. It is clear that
more than one cycle may be in operation at any one time in many
destinations, as most locations cater to more than one market segment.
The TALC is an attempt to model the overall pattern and process of

337
338 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

development for destinations and the existence of multiple cycles does

not invalidate that. In the future, further application and subsequent
modification of the TALC may result in a more accurate and more widely
applicable curve, a more precisely defined set of stages and a better
explained process of development for destinations. At the end however,
they are still products and will have a pattern of development and
ultimately decline. The most we can do is intervene and manage
appropriately in order to maximise the successful period of operation
for residents and visitors.
In looking for a chapter, therefore, to close this volume, the solution
emerged fortuitously. Those who have read his works, and particularly
those who have heard Brian Wheeller present his views on tourism
development and on rock and roll in person, will realise that it is next to
impossible to follow him at a podium or in a volume (and to follow Elvis
Presley is something which no-one has dared try to do since 1954). In his
chapter Wheeller takes the unlikely pairing of Elvis Presley and
sustainable tourism and manages to make sense of their seemingly
impossible relationship in the context of the TALC. He argues effectively
that what may seem like deterioration and reduced appeal to one
‘market’ is not always that to all markets. Perhaps more importantly, he
links spatial location and stage of development in the context of
ecolodges that are likened to the King of Rock and Roll. He also focuses,
unlike most of the other authors, on the analogy of the TALC to the
population life cycle of wildlife, again, with comparisons to Presley.
Apart from containing many images that are poignant and relevant to
those of us who grew up with real rock and roll, it is both a perceptive
and thought-provoking chapter with which to end this volume.
Chapter 19
The King is Dead. Long Live
the Product: Elvis, Authenticity,
Sustainability and the Product
Life Cycle
BRIAN WHEELLER

Introduction
In the welter of references to, and articles on, Butler’s Tourist Area Life
Cycle model (TALC) there has, to my knowledge at least, been no
mention of Elvis Presley. So far.
Clearly, there are a number of ways Elvis, and the Elvis phenomenon,
can be seen as a part of tourism and the tourist industry
/ manifesting,
most obviously, as a generator of tourism trips. Evidenced in the
pilgrimages to Graceland, to locations featured in his dubious backlog
of films, even to Prestwick Airport in West Scotland, site of Elvis’s only
/
recent sightings apart
/ visit to the UK, there can be no doubt that Elvis
is big tourism business. Appearing regularly in the travel pages
of contemporary newspapers and magazines, he remains a huge
attraction
/ Graceland is second only to the White House for tourist
visits to US Historic Places (Davis, 1997).
But there are other, somewhat more tenuous, links between Elvis and
tourism. It is these that are, perhaps ambitiously, suggested and explored
in this chapter. Just how he fits in with the TALC model might at first
sight seem tangential
/ and with ecolodges, obtuse. And yet ‘sustain-
able’ tourism developments in the Amazon jungle seem to me an
admittedly quirky, yet appropriate, environment in which to locate Elvis.
The parallels drawn in this chapter then, call for considerable flexibility
and (vivid?) imagination on the part of the reader. What is more,
although traditionally set in a linear/temporal, evolutionary framework,
the intention here is to tentatively explore a spatial dimension to the life
cycle concept. It is recognised that adopting a two-tier analytical
framework on which to hang unconventional empiricism, further
complicates the picture. Hopefully, however, it is considered neither
irreverent nor irrelevant, but simply seen as an attempt at an unorthodox
take on the TALC.

339
340 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

Of the two fundamental supports underpinning Butler’s model, the

concept of the life cycle of animal species in the wild appears to be
relatively unexplored (although discussed earlier in this volume, Coles,
and Ravenscroft & Hjihambi, editor’s comment). Relative that is, to the
considerable attention afforded the other pillar
/ namely the concept of
the life cycle of the product. If the sheer volume of subsequent written
material on the subject reflects the relative importance of the two
founding concepts, one is left with the suggestion of somewhat uneven
foundations and (possibly) an unbalanced structure. However, I suspect,
it could simply be the result of unbalanced critique rather than lop-sided
edifice.
Going some way to addressing this imbalance, initial attention is
focussed here on the animal/nature perspective
/ though clearly the
notion of ‘the product’ remains crucial to any discussion or, indeed,
analysis. Elvis, it could be argued, bridges these two concepts. He was
the wild animal that became the managed, domesticated, cultivated
product. He metamorphosed from a feral, wild cat
/ a hip, hep, hell
cat
/ to the big, flabby, neutered pet pussy cat of his later years. His rise,
decline
/ from erotic to neurotic, demise and then subsequent
rejuvenation (resurrection might be more apposite here) mirrors, and
serves as metaphor for, the well researched phases of the resort life cycle.

Ecolodges and The Jungle Cycle

Given some poetic licence, Butler’s reference to ‘the life cycle of
animal species in the wild’ (Butler, 2000: 288) could be interpreted loosely
and widely (though not necessarily wisely) to embrace all species
including man in the wild. Now, it would seem, modern man trapped
in the ‘urban jungle’ yearns, ostensibly at least, to escape from civilisation
by going back to nature and experiencing the wild.
Where better to engage with nature at its most sublime, and encounter
wild animals, than the jungle? And where more evocative than the
mythical Amazon jungle? Fabled for its golden roofed opera house,
Manaus, the city in the jungle, is the tourist gateway into the Amazon.
Once there, tourists partake to varying degrees in the jungle experience.
In the mid 1990s I was afforded the wonderful opportunity and
experience of several field study visits to the Amazon to explore the
developing eco-lodge phenomenon. Somewhat surprisingly it was there,
during those forays into the jungle, that the relationships and parallels
between Elvis, ecotourism, sustainability and the life cycle first struck
me
/ as did the relevance of incorporating a linked spatial/temporal
perspective to the analysis.
To establish a sequential profile of change, the tendency is to view the
resort development through a linear time frame. To actually achieve this
Elvis, Authenticity, Sustainability 341

we mentally, and instantaneously, leap back
/ usually to the time when

the resort was created/born
/ and begin our analysis there and then.
Tracing, as we do, the resort’s progress from its inception, we move to the
present day and on to predictions of future options. When we ‘read’ the
resultant graph, our eyes glide from left to right, taking in and absorbing
chronologically the life cycle from birth
/ youth
/ maturity
/ old age;
from A 0/B0/C etc. Although how we leave the present and arrive
mentally at the birth of the resort is ignored and may be of more
significance than we think, once there at the origin, the process, and our
analysis, appears to flow naturally and chronologically.
While travelling, against the current, back in time up the Amazon
(more precisely, the tributary River Negro), I experienced this process in
reverse. The 40-hour boat trip (in effect the often overlooked, neglected
and, for me up until then, instantaneous, ‘leap back’ stage of the TALC)
furnished me with time for literal
/ and littoral
/ reflection. Time to
reflect on the passing of time, of, for example, the realisation of distant
childhood dreams of the jungle. But only now venturing there (both
childhood and jungle) from the vantage
/ or disadvantage-of middle
age. And time to realise that the subjectivity inherent in where one is in
terms of one’s own personal life cycle must surely have some relevance
to any analysis one attempts.
It was this journey up the river from Manaus that made me aware of
going back in time. This spatial/temporal dimension was later reinforced
when reading Winchester’s The River at the Centre of the World. A Journey
up the Yangtze, and Back in Chinese Time. ‘The Yangtze flows for 4,000
miles from the pristine glaciers of the pre-industrial Tibetan plateau to
the polluted, extended mouth in Shanghai. As it flows it traces China’s
history’ (Winchester, 1997: 17). A graphic account of journeying up the
Yangtze (a slow boat in China?), as the title suggests travelling upstream
from Shanghai was to Winchester, searching for China’s heart and soul,
like retreating from civilisation
/ like going back in time. Similarly in the
Amazon, the further the distance up river by boat from Manaus then,
generally speaking, the wilder, the more primeval the environment/
ambience. This, in turn, is reflected in the ‘nature’ of the ecolodge
situated on the banks. The further up river they are then, as a rough
indicator, the more ‘primitive’ the ecolodge, and concomitantly the more
natural, the more supposedly authentic the visitor experience. Conver-
sely, those lodges in close proximity to Manaus offer the tourist a safer,
sanitised environmental bubble. Generally speaking then, the distance
from the tourist gateway influences/determines at what stage each
ecolodge is at in terms of the overall life cycle of the generic Eco-Lodge.
To me, each successive individual ecolodge I encountered on my
journey up river epitomised a different stage in the life cycle of the still
growing and evolving generic Eco-Lodge. Logistically the picture
342 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

unfurled in reverse. The isolation of the ecolodges in the Amazon makes

it possible to establish their respective characteristics in a cross-sectional
analysis and to locate their comparative position in the overall life cycle
of the Eco-Lodge
/ as opposed to a conventional time-series analysis of
an individual resort. Different stages of the product life cycle can, in
these circumstances, be determined therefore not by tracing the life cycle
of one single ‘resort’/product over time but rather by identifying at what
stage of the generic life cycle model the particular lodge is at. Here
space/distance represent time. Consequently we can view each indivi-
dual ecolodge as a manifestation of a different life cycle phase, in this
case chronicling the process in reverse sequence from the luxurious to the
primitive.
For this purpose, the Ariau Tower, situated approximately three hours
by boat from Manaus, serves as an example of the lodge where
ecotourists are pampered, in a protected environment offering the
relative luxuries of air-conditioning, swimming pool and, perhaps the
ultimate convenience, flush toilets. At the other end of the spectrum, for
those prepared to penetrate further in their quest for the authentic, is the
small Xixuau Nature Reserve. This basic ecolodge, bereft of creature
comforts, is some 40 hours by boat from Manaus. Put rather simplisti-
cally, the sizeable Ariau Tower was catering for the mass ecotourist, the
Xixuau for the would-be intrepid traveller.

The Life Cycle from Memphis to Las Vegas

Now superimpose on this profile Elvis’s earthly life cycle, from youth
to premature death at 42. The Xixuau reserve then equates to the raw
teen idol Elvis circa 1956 and the Ariau tower to the commodified,
bloated, idle Elvis of later years.
Distanced from civilisation, the wildness of the Xixuau lodge
/ its
primitive, unpretentious, no frills, natural authenticity
/ represents the
unconstructed Elvis from his early days. Aptly monikered ‘King of the
Cats’, he was then both the Lion and Loin King. Roar/raw sex. Via the
racially slurred, nastily labelled ‘jungle music’ of rock’n’roll (itself jazz
terminology for sex) he brought black music to a white audience
/ the
dark, the dangerous and the forbidden. Effortlessly mimicking the
‘primitive’, King not by birthright but by revolution, he brought
rebellion. And he was sex, animal sex. The impact was cataclysmic.
‘Elvis was electric, when he sang ‘‘Turn me Loose’’ that was the feeling.
And he spat out his songs and shook and murmured with the bottled up
emotion we felt. When he moved we knew it was sex. Rock’n’roll was a
euphemism for sex, but not the girl next door. We wanted to fuck the
world’ (Gosling, 1980: 39) This Elvis was not for the fainthearted.
Elvis, Authenticity, Sustainability 343

But already there were problems. How to maintain, and sustain, the
momentum of success? ‘By 1958, Elvis had ruled for two years solid . . .
He had racked up twenty world-wide million sellers. Still, he had some
long term problems. He was already twenty three, he could not go on
being a teen idol for ever. The difficulty was how to turn him from an
adolescent rebel into a respectable established figure . . .’ (Cohn, 1973: 26).
His manager, the enigmatic impresario, Colonel Parker, had the
answer ‘The King of the Cats’ was to be emasculated, tamed and
domesticated: turned from beast to cuddly toy. Initially, Elvis seemingly
acquiesced in this transition. ‘Put a chain around my neck and lead me
anywhere’ (Mann & Lowe, 1956) proved painfully prophetic. ‘I don’t
want to be your tiger, cos tigers play too rough. I don’t want to be your
lion, cos lions aren’t the sort your lovin’ of
/ I just want to be your teddy
bear.’ (Mann & Lowe, 1956). The lyrics say it all.
Already the wheels had been set in motion. Elvis had moved from Sun
Records to RCA, from specialist to mainstream; from small to mass
market, from local to national to international. Moulded to take full
advantage of market opportunities, Elvis was stage managed.
Some might see Elvis’s commodification and concomitant democra-
tisation as a positive, not negative evolution/development
/ simulta-
neously becoming more acceptable and accessible to a far wider
audience. To others though, the taming of the wild, dangerous Elvis,
his sanitisation and commodification marked the beginning of the end.
Are there specific pivotal moments to which decline can be attributed?
Or, being evolutionary, is the process slow and defining moment
indecipherable? For John Lennon it was Elvis joining the army, and the
haircut; for Gambacini it was the contrived television appearance where
Elvis, in tuxedo, sang ‘Hound Dog’ to a lugubrious Basset hound
(Gambacini, 2002). To them the ‘true’, ‘authentic’ Elvis has been
irretrievably lost. This is assuming that there was such a thing in the
first place. But what was the ‘real’ Elvis, and the ‘authentic’ Elvis
experience? At his wildest while performing, apparently off stage he was
just a Bible reading country boy from the backwoods who loved his
mother. Frontstage
/backstage authenticity epitomised? (A perfect para-
digm for a cross-sectional analysis.) So was the ‘real’ Elvis the one
performing on stage or was it the shy, polite Elvis backstage?
To find out, Dunk (2002: 63), in his newspaper article ‘Discovering the
real Elvis in folksy Tupelo’ suggests distancing yourself from the gaudy
Graceland and commercialisation of the big city, and going (backwards?)
to the backwoods to discover the home-spun country boy
/ his private
persona.
Even on stage though, things were not necessarily all they seemed.
Decoding early Elvis appearances, Cohn believes ‘. . . it was sex in a
vacuum. He looked dangerous but ultimately he was safe and clean. That
344 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

is what young girls have always wanted from their idols, an illusion of
danger, and Elvis brought a new thrill of semi-reality to the game’ (Cohn,
1973: 26). The girls in the audience were uninhibited, shouting,
screaming, fainting, whatever, while Elvis was performing on stage
because that precisely was where he was
/ on stage. There was always a
safety belt because he was unreachable, unreal and nothing could
actually happen.

From Natural to Comfortable

The audience desires excitement and danger, but only from afar. Like
viewing caged creatures in the zoo, or perhaps a tamed circus act. Or,
from the safely strapped sanctuary of a Land Rover, the ‘wild’, exotic
animals at a safari park. While fostering our delusion of wanting the
authentic, in reality we much prefer a sanitised, safe and commodified
version of nature
/ the staging of the wild.
So too with tourism. According to Dunn (1998: 38), ‘MacCannell (1976)
draws on Goffman’s (1959) recognition of the division between public
and private to suggest that tourists seek out the authentic in the private
back regions in places which they visit’ (Shades of the ‘real’ jungle
adventure of the Xixuau compared with the staged Ariau Tower
experience). He continues ‘Much of MacCannell’s The Tourist is con-
cerned with deliberate staging of authenticity and whether tourists are in
a position to differentiate between staged and actual’ (Dunn, 1998: 38).
With the ecolodge, the jungle adventure is experienced from the safety
of the environmental bubble. Even at the edge, as tourist/travellers in the
most ‘authentic’ ecolodge we, of course, don’t experience the ‘true’
experience of the wild. We are protected, cocooned. We have the safety
(and mosquito) net of Mosiguard and malaria tablets, our purified water
tablets. We have our tampons and suntan lotion. And our indefatigable
illusion/delusion of being at one with nature.
Further down river, in close proximity to the tourist gateway, we have
the ‘staged authenticity’, the sham experience of the Ariau tower, the
commodified ecolodge ‘hotel’, representing the kitsch, Graceland Elvis of
the mid 1970s. Pseudo-ecotourists cosseted in the comfort zone of the
Ariau tower lounge; Elvis, corseted, lounge lizarding in the jungle room
at Graceland.
Certainly, the décor of this jungle room is more pseudo experience
than real. Graceland is, in effect, the mummification of 1970s garish Elvis
(should that be mummyfication? He did, after all, originally purchase
Graceland partly for his adored, and adoring mother, Gladys). Equally, it
could be argued, by that time Elvis had himself become a pseudo-
experience. A far cry from his own younger self, he was reliant on
artificial stimulants and drugs to generate the energy and vitality that in
Elvis, Authenticity, Sustainability 345

his youth had come naturally to him
/ a contrived effort to maintain his
younger unspoiled, uncultivated persona, to prolong his success and
avert decline. When exactly did Elvis become the first Elvis imperso-
nator? And which of them was ‘real’?
Not easy. As Harry Chapin says, ‘Reality is only just a word’ (Chapin,
1976). Adopting a time series rather than cross-sectional perspective,
should we be looking at a youthful Elvis or the Elvis approaching middle
age? Both were ‘real’ and both had their own frontstage/backstage
personas. Latter day impersonators of Elvis usually opt for mimicking
his rhinestoned, jump suited days/daze. Yet the purists unequivocally
see the early Elvis, before he was corrupted by commodification, as being
the ‘real’, ‘authentic’ Elvis. Ironically though, it was this early Elvis that
was seen by many as a, if not the, corrupting influence
/ more the devil
incarnate than in disguise. In much the same way, to aficionados of
travel, the traveller and the travel experience are held in high esteem,
above reproach, whereas the tourist and mass tourism are worthy of only
ridicule and scorn. But isn’t the very same traveller the vanguard of the
tourist, the harbinger of change/decline? Isn’t there a familiar inevitable
process
/ that inextricably links conspicuous consumption (Veblen,
1970), successive class intrusion (Pearce, 1982) and the pleasure periph-
ery (Turner & Ash, 1975)? And, at the macrolevel, isn’t tourism surely
beyond co-ordinated management (Wheeller, 1991)?
However, it would appear that (at the microlevel?) Butler is more
positive
/ if only in the sense that he believes management can avert the
otherwise inevitable decline. To Butler, the process of development,
unless managed appropriately, is invariably linked with decline. In order
to stave off deterioration he calls for ‘responsibility and control over
development’ (Butler, 2000: 294) and consequently views management as
the means of sustaining the product and ensuring its long-term survival.
This seems optimistic. To me, too optimistic. It calls, on the part of
management, for the replacement of short-term profit maximisation
blinkers by unimpeded vision, imagination, integrity and compassion.
(However, one might argue that the Rolling Stones have survived four
decades as the greatest rock and roll group in the world through
‘sustainable change’ and still sound as good on stage as in the 1960s, so
perhaps I am not being too optimistic, editor’s comment).
Certainly with Elvis, the role of management seemed somewhat
dubious, less altruistic. Parker had control, but whether he matched this
with responsibility is another matter. Lacking in integrity, his prime
agenda appears to have been procurement of maximum cash flow. Short-
term this managerial approach had paid dividends. Mid-term, fuelled by
industrial quantities of drugs, gluttony and indolence, Elvis’s decline
was exacerbated further by those perhaps initially responsible. First by
rapacious management,
346 The Tourism Area Life Cycle

If he had held control of his own life, he might have chosen to lock
himself away in Graceland and never come out again. That wasn’t an
option. Tom Parker was a compulsive gambler and needed Elvis to
keep working. So the King was dispatched to Vegas again, and then
on tour, zig-zag-ing across America, with ever decreasing breaks,
until he finally imploded. (Cohn, 2002: 23)
And then secondly by leeching friends. Desperate to sustain their milch
cow, his immediate ‘friends’
/ whose sobriquet the ‘Memphis Mafia’
seems so apposite
/ fed him a potent cocktail of drugs. Rejuvenation/
regeneration at all costs. Rather than taking care of Elvis, their motto
‘Taking care of Business’, attested to their priorities and true loyalties.
This potent cocktail progressively took its toll. Elvis the Pelvis became
Elvis the Product. The cost? Elvis the Person. Local boy made god, his fall
from grace was one of tragic proportions. ‘It is a sad and salutary tale: the
beautiful prince, kissed by Fate, who turned into a toad’ (Melly, 2002: 15).
But as in all true tragedies it was one of overwhelming irony. Because of
course, long term for the Elvis phenomenon death proved the ultimate
career move. Elvis the idle idol becomes Elvis the icon.

Conclusion
Does it matter if the product ‘deteriorates’ and is ‘ruined’ in the
process? If the prince turns into a toad? If the proverbial goose is cooked?
As sustenance to the masses, maybe it is easier to digest that way. The
venerated golden goose may, after all, be a dispensable luxury. While the
product undergoes physical decline and decay, the assumption that the
utility derived simultaneously declines seems a little doubtful. Indivi-
dual utility might, or might not, decline. But given the increased
accessibility to, and acceptance of, the product by a wider (less
discerning?) market, then even though the product deteriorates, the
aggregate pleasure/utility may very well increase.
Simple common sense
/ surely? But maybe, in a sense, simply
because it is ‘common’ it is conveniently ignored, indeed eschewed, by
the ‘sophisticated’. We need only look at the huge tourist numbers to Las
Vegas, Niagara or the Blackpools of the world to realise this. Comparing
these figures with visitor numbers to the niche, ecodestinations of say,
Costa Rica and Belize, confirms the fact that despite its prominence in
tourism academic research, and gushing rhetoric from politicians and the
tourism industry, eco/sustainable tourism is still only a small, very
minor segment of the overall tourism market. Like it or not, mass tourism
demand reigns supreme. When it suits, the ‘informed’, the ‘educated’,
the ‘sophisticated’ again choose to ignore this too.
And so with Elvis. Because of, rather than despite, commodification
and ‘inauthenticity’, the number seeing the King
/ live or on film
/ in the
Elvis, Authenticity, Sustainability 347

1960s and 1970s far exceeded the rock’n’roll aficionados of his mid-1950s,
early ‘authentic’ years. What to some constituted Elvis’s decline to others
was, perversely, the very reason for his continued success. His transition
from rebel outsider to mainstream good guy and the subsequent pathos of
the ultimately sad, suffering tragic hero ensured his enduring popularity

/ albeit with an (arguably) less discerning market. Beauty is in the eye of
the beholder
/ what to some is ugly and degenerate to others appeals.
Content with kitsch, for many this is beauty.
Pilgrims to Graceland:
are not the cool or the hip. Like Elvis himself, they come from the
great amorphous white millions, who scuffle to get by, who blunder
through lives filled with mess and waste and odd moments of joy,
untouched by changing fashion. Small wonder Elvis is their once and
future king. They love him, not in spite of his excesses and his
grotesque end, but in large part because of them. He suffered so
much. He is their martyr. (Cohn, 2002: 23)
And this is the conundrum possibly at the heart of the life cycle/
sustainability model
/ Is (perceived) deterioration in quality necessarily
synonymous with decline?
To some
/ often the pretentious and condescending
/ be they
academic experts, pseudo-travellers or music connoisseurs, the answer
invariable is ‘yes’. But the majority
/ the mass market
/ maybe see
things from a different, less privileged, more prosaic angle. To them, the
supposed decline may appear merely as a shift in focus, a change that
brings the product within their economic and cultural compass. Happily
wrapped in their safety blanket, it is suggested here that many don’t
feel the need or even want to see beneath the surface, beyond the
immediate
/ particularly if that necessitates any potential discomfort or
danger. They prefer the staged to the actual, the superficial to the real.
Similarly, with the ecolodges. While changes to facilities may make the
product more attractive to the wider market, do they enhance the jungle
experience? The introduction of air-conditioning dilutes the experience
of the wild but simultaneously makes it more bearable and, therefore,
acceptable to more tourists
/ who without the decadence of incongruous
luxury would not be prepared to experience the jungle at all. And, of
course, because it maintains cash flow, the modification is, in a sense,
‘sustainable’ (Wheeller, 1994). So changes determined by market forces/
entrepreneurial intervention do not necessarily enhance the soul of the
product
/ indeed they may remove the essence, the very heart. But does
it really matter as long as it keeps the customer satisfied? The supposedly
progressively less discerning customer, that is.
The King is Dead. Long Live the Product.
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