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Russia is exploiting AI chatbots to spread disinformation, creating a model that other bad actors could replicate. This manipulation is exacerbated by the rapid deployment of chatbots without adequate safeguards against sophisticated propaganda, leading to a significant number of false responses. Experts warn that as reliance on these AI systems grows, so does the risk of misinformation being accepted as fact, particularly in the context of the Ukraine conflict.

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Shreyansh Mangla
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
13 views7 pages

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Russia is exploiting AI chatbots to spread disinformation, creating a model that other bad actors could replicate. This manipulation is exacerbated by the rapid deployment of chatbots without adequate safeguards against sophisticated propaganda, leading to a significant number of false responses. Experts warn that as reliance on these AI systems grows, so does the risk of misinformation being accepted as fact, particularly in the context of the Ukraine conflict.

Uploaded by

Shreyansh Mangla
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

Russia seeds chatbots with lies: Any bad actor could game AI the same

way

Russia seeds chatbots with lies. Any bad actor could game AI the same way.
In their race to push out new versions with more capability, AI companies
leave users vulnerable to “LLM grooming” efforts that promote bogus
information.

Russia is automating the spread of false information to fool artificial


intelligence chatbots on key topics, offering a playbook to other bad actors
on how to game AI to push content meant to inflame, influence and
obfuscate instead of inform.

Get concise answers to your questions. Try Ask The Post AI.
Experts warn the problem is worsening as more people rely on chatbots
rushed to market, social media companies cut back on moderation and the
Trump administration disbands government teams fighting disinformation.

Earlier this year, when researchers asked 10 leading chatbots about topics
targeted by false Russian messaging, such as the claim that the United
States was making bioweapons in Ukraine, a third of the responses repeated
those lies.

Moscow’s propaganda inroads highlight a fundamental weakness of the AI


industry: Chatbot answers depend on the data fed into them. A guiding
principle is that the more the chatbots read, the more informed their
answers will be, which is why the industry is ravenous for content. But mass
quantities of well-aimed chaff can skew the answers on specific topics. For
Russia, that is the war in Ukraine. But for a politician, it could be an
opponent; for a commercial firm, it could be a competitor.

“Most chatbots struggle with disinformation,” said Giada Pistilli, principal


ethicist at open-source AI platform Hugging Face. “They have basic
safeguards against harmful content but can’t reliably spot sophisticated
propaganda, [and] the problem gets worse with search-augmented systems
that prioritize recent information.”
Early commercial attempts to manipulate chat results also are gathering
steam, with some of the same digital marketers who once offered search
engine optimization — or SEO — for higher Google rankings now trying to
pump up mentions by AI chatbots through “generative engine optimization”
— or GEO.

As people use AI engines to coach them on how to produce more


attention-grabbing chatbot content, the volume of that content is
expanding much faster than its quality is improving. That may frustrate
ordinary users, but it plays into the hands of those with the most means and
the most to gain: for now, experts say, that is national governments with
expertise in spreading propaganda.

“We were predicting this was where the stuff was going to eventually go,”
said a former U.S. military leader on influence defense, speaking on the
condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive issues. “Now that this is going
more towards machine-to-machine: In terms of scope, scale, time and
potential impact, we’re lagging.”

Russia and, to a lesser extent, China have been exploiting that advantage by
flooding the zone with fables. But anyone could do the same, burning up far
fewer resources than previous troll farm operations.

One of the early beneficiaries is Russia’s long effort to convince the West
that Ukraine is not worth protecting from invasion. Debunked accounts of
French “mercenaries” and a nonexistent Danish flying instructor getting
killed in Ukraine show up in response to questions posed to the biggest
chatbots, along with credulous descriptions of staged videos showing
purported Ukrainian soldiers burning the American flag and President
Donald Trump in effigy.

A man places flowers at a playground to commemorate victims of the


Russian ballistic missile that hit in Kryvyi Rih, Ukraine, on April 4, killing at
least 20 people, including nine children, and injuring 90. (Oksana
Parafeniuk/For The Washington Post)
Many versions of such stories first appear on Russian government-controlled
media outlets such as Tass that are banned in the European Union. In a
process sometimes called information laundering, the narratives then move
on to many ostensibly independent media sites, including scores known as
the Pravda network, after references to the Russian word for truth that
appears in many of the website domain names.

In a twist that befuddled researchers for a year, almost no human beings


visit the sites, which are hard to browse or search. Instead, their content is
aimed at crawlers, the software programs that scour the web and bring back
content for search engines and large language models.

While those AI ventures are trained on a variety of datasets, an increasing


number are offering chatbots that search the current web. Those are more
likely to pick up something false if it is recent, and even more so if hundreds
of pages on the web are saying much the same thing.

“Operators have an incentive to create alternative outlets that obscure the


origin of these narratives. And this is exactly what the Pravda network
appears to be doing,” said McKenzie Sadeghi, an AI expert with NewsGuard,
which scores sites on reliability.

The gambit is even more effective because the Russian operation managed
to get links to the Pravda network stories edited into Wikipedia pages and
public Facebook group postings, probably with the help of human
contractors. Many AI companies give special weight to Facebook and
especially Wikipedia as accurate sources. (Wikipedia said this month that its
bandwidth costs have soared 50 percent in just over a year, mostly because
of AI crawlers.)

Because the new propaganda systems are highly automated by their own AI
efforts, they are far cheaper to run than traditional influence campaigns.
They do even better in such places as China, where traditional media is more
tightly controlled and there are fewer sources for the bots.

Several members of Congress, including now-Secretary of State Marco


Rubio, said in June that they were alarmed that Google’s Gemini chatbot
was repeating the Chinese government line on its treatment of ethic
minorities and its response to the coronavirus pandemic. Analysts said
Gemini probably relied too much on Chinese sources. Google declined to
comment.
Some experts said the faulty answers on chatbots reminded them of
misplaced enthusiasm more than a decade ago for Facebook and what was
then Twitter as unbeatable means for communicating and establishing
truth, before countries with vast budgets and ulterior motives harnessed
themselves to the platforms.

“If the technologies and tools become biased — and they are already — and
then malevolent forces control the bias, we’re in a much worse situation
than we were with social media,” said Louis Têtu, chief executive of Quebec
City-based Coveo, an AI software provider for businesses.

The Pravda network has been documented in European reports since early
2024. Back then, the French government and others identified a network
based in Crimea, a Ukrainian region on the Black Sea that was illegally
annexed by Russia in 2014, created by a local company, TigerWeb, with ties
to the Russian-backed government. French government agency Viginum
said the system used pro-Russian sources, amplifying them with automation
through social media and an array of sites that aimed first at Ukraine before
moving on to Western European countries after the 2022 invasion.

In an AI-driven information environment, the old and costly efforts at


gaining credibility through influencers and manipulating social media
algorithms are no longer essential, said Ksenia Iliuk, whose LetsData start-up
uses AI to spot influence operations. “A lot of information is getting out there
without any moderation, and I think that’s where the malign actors are
putting most of their effort,” Iliuk said.

Top Kremlin propagandist John Mark Dougan, an American in Moscow, said


in January that AI amplification was a critical tool for getting into chatbots.
“By pushing these Russian narratives from the Russian perspective, we can
actually change worldwide AI,” he said in a discussion uploaded by Russian
media to YouTube.

Red Square in Moscow. (Pavel Bednyakov/AP)


The Pravda network expanded into new geographies and languages and by
early this year was churning out as many as 10,000 articles a day, according
to the nonprofit American Sunlight Project. In a February report, Sunlight
concluded that the most likely goal of the operation was infiltrating large
language models, a process it called LLM grooming. “The combined size and
quality issues suggest a network of websites and social media accounts that
produce content not primarily intended for human users to consume,” it
wrote.

Last month, other researchers set out to see whether the gambit was
working. Finnish company Check First scoured Wikipedia and turned up
nearly 2,000 hyperlinks on pages in 44 languages that pointed to 162 Pravda
websites. It also found that some false information promoted by Pravda
showed up in chatbot answers.

NewsGuard tested false Russian narratives that were promoted by the


network against 10 chatbots and found that they got the wrong answer a
third of the time, though some chatbots performed better than others. Four
of the bots, having swallowed descriptions of a staged propaganda video,
falsely reported that a Ukrainian battalion burned a Trump effigy.

Less structured experimenting by The Washington Post recently brought


similar results. Asked this month whether Ukrainian soldiers had burned a
Trump effigy as reported through the Pravda network, Microsoft Copilot
responded: “Yes, there were reports of a video showing Ukrainian soldiers
burning an effigy of former U.S. President Donald Trump. In the video, the
soldiers allegedly criticized Trump for actions they believed impacted
Ukraine’s ability to receive weapons. However, some viewers questioned the
authenticity of the video.” For more information, it referred users to an article
on a site called American Military News, which in turn cited far-right
influencer Ian Miles Cheong, who writes for Russia’s [Link].

OpenAI’s ChatGPT did much better: “No, Ukrainian soldiers did not burn an
effigy of Donald Trump. A video circulated online purportedly showing
Ukrainian military personnel burning a Trump mannequin and labeling him
a ‘traitor.’ However, this video has been debunked as a piece of Russian
disinformation.”

Microsoft declined an interview request but said in a statement that


employees and software “evaluate adversarial misuse of Copilot for
misinformation, phishing, and other scams, and train our models to avoid
the generation of those and other types of harmful material.”

Elon Musk’s Grok, which leans heavily on its sister company X for
information, said of the nonexistent, purportedly killed pilot that there had
been “conflicting reports regarding the fate of Jepp Hansen, who is
described as a Danish F-16 pilot and instructor allegedly involved in training
Ukrainian pilots.” Grok did not respond to a request for comment.

The more specific a query is about a misinformation topic, the more likely it
is to return falsehoods. That is due to the relative absence of truthful
information on a narrow subject defined by propagandists.

AI companies OpenAI, Anthropic and Perplexity did not respond to interview


requests.

Biden administration officials spoke to AI companies about the issues, said


the former military officer and another official, speaking on the condition of
anonymity to discuss nonpublic activity.

“Chatbots use something and the user takes it as fact, and if there isn’t
fact-checking surrounding that, that’s a problem,” said a former White
House expert. “We were talking to AI companies about how they were going
to be refining their models to ensure that there is information integrity. But
those conversations have really dried up because of their fear of it being
misinterpreted as censorship.”

Current officials are also aware of the problem and Russia’s early steps to
take advantage. “Moscow’s malign influence activities will continue for the
foreseeable future and will almost certainly increase in sophistication and
volume,” Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard warned last month
in her office’s first annual global threat report.

Yet it is hard to find signs of a public response.

The State Department’s Global Engagement Center, long charged with


countering foreign propaganda, was closed in December after top Trump
funder Musk accused it of censorship and the majority-Republican Congress
stopped funding it.

Attorney General Pam Bondi shut down the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task
Force, which among other duties warned social media companies of
campaigns on their networks. Republicans in Congress and elsewhere
assailed that practice, claiming it amounted to censorship, although the U.S.
Supreme Court upheld the right of officials to tell companies what they were
seeing.

While consumer demand in the market could produce better solutions, for
now companies are rushing out services with vetting as lacking as the
propaganda sites from which they draw, said Miranda Bogen, director of the
AI Governance Lab at the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology.

“There’s absolutely a backsliding in tech developers’ thinking about trust


and safety,” she said. “This is why folks are advocating for the creation of
institutions that can help develop methods to spot and mitigate risks posed
by AI.”

NewsGuard said collaboration among the AI companies and with


researchers on reputation systems would be a better way forward than
regulation, but Hugging Face’s Pistilli said it would be difficult for companies
to agree on standards.

“Companies will likely face increasing pressure after embarrassing failures,


but competitive pressures to deliver fresh information may keep outpacing
verification efforts,” she said. “The economic incentives remain poorly
aligned with information integrity.”

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