Literacy Trends Among Tribal Women in India
Literacy Trends Among Tribal Women in India
Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to highlight the differences in literacy and
schooling attainment among the Scheduled Tribe women in India.
Findings – The high status of women among the tribal groups in the northeastern states
has important effects on the literacy rates, enrollment ratios and dropout rates of girls in
that region. High poverty rates pose to be significant obstacles in attaining literacy and
education among tribal women in India. However, large differences in literacy rates in
the various states in India show that social and cultural norms, proximity to the
mainstream Hindu culture, and the role of women are also important determinants in
achieving literacy among tribal women.
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I. Introduction
minority, they constitute about 8.2 % of the total population in India (Census of India,
2001), or 85 million people in absolute number. The Scheduled Tribes are not
discriminated against in the same way by the mainstream Hindu population as the
Scheduled Caste population in India. While the latter group belongs to the lowest
hierarchy of social order and is often considered impure or unclean, the Scheduled Tribes
have, for the most part, been socially distanced and living outside the mainstream Hindu
society. The areas inhabited by the tribal population constitute a significant part of the
underdeveloped areas of the country. About 93% of the tribal people live in rural areas
There are more than 400 tribal groups among the scheduled tribe population, each
with their distinct cultures, social practices, religions, dialects, and occupations. Thus,
the different tribal groups are highly heterogeneous, and their differences are a function
of the environment in which they live, the degree of exposure to the mainstream Hindu
population, government involvement in their daily lives, their economic status, and past
history. The tribes are scattered in all States and Union Territories in India except for the
states of Haryana, Punjab, Delhi, and Chandigarh. The tribes are heavily concentrated in
although they constitute a small percentage of the total tribal population in India.
2
Literacy and educational attainment are powerful indicators of social and
economic development among the backward groups in India. During the British rule
there was no organized method to educate the tribal communities except for the work
the tribes lag behind not only the general population but also the Scheduled Caste
population in literacy and educational attainment. This disparity is even more marked
among Scheduled Tribe women, who have the lowest literacy rates in the country
(Maharatna, 2005). The male-female gap in literacy and educational attainment among
the scheduled tribes is significant although this is a common trend among both the
Scheduled Castes and the general population. This trend reflects the social and cultural
This study attempts to describe the literacy and educational attainment of tribal
women by focusing on factors such as literacy rates, gross enrollment ratio, and drop out
rates of tribal women. While the overall literacy rates and educational attainment of
tribal women are significantly lower than the national average, this study will show that
there are vast differences in human capital attainment among tribal women in the
different regions of India. The tribal literacy rate among women is significantly higher in
the northeastern states such as Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Nagaland, where tribal groups
constitute a large percent of the general population. On the other hand, tribal literacy
rates are much lower in the states of Rajasthan, Orissa, and Madhya Pradesh. In these
states the tribal population constitutes a small percent of the total population although
they represent a very large proportion of the total tribal population. Thus, general
statistics that portray the dismal state of education and literacy among tribal groups
3
ignore important demographic, social, cultural, and economic differences among the
various tribal groups. Such differences are crucial in understanding the differential
literacy rates and human capital attainment of tribal women in India and should form the
population in India. In section III, we will discuss some factors contributing to the
generally low literacy rates and educational attainment of tribal women. In section IV,
we will incorporate some current statistics showing the literacy rates, gross enrollment
ratios, and drop out rates of the tribal population. We will supplement the statistics with
some discussions of the social and cultural trends among the tribal groups in order to
understand the differential nature of literacy and educational attainment among tribal
indigenous people or original inhabitants of the country. The tribes have been confined
to low status and are often physically and socially isolated instead of being absorbed in
experience passive indifference that may take the form of exclusion from educational
opportunities, social participation, and access to their own land. All tribal communities
are not alike. They are products of different historical and social conditions. They belong
to different racial stocks and religious backgrounds and speak different dialects. As a
result of being distanced by the Hindu population, many tribes have retained their social,
4
religious, and cultural practices, as well as their distinctive languages. Discrimination
social ordering that characterize the predominant Hindu culture are generally absent
among the tribal groups. Though there was trade between the Adivasis and the
mainstream society, any form of social intercourse between the two groups was
discouraged by the Hindus. Adivasis are not as a general rule regarded as unclean or
polluted in the same way as the Scheduled Caste population is perceived by the
mainstream Hindus. However, the mainstream Hindu population considers the general
tribal population as primitive, technologically backward, and illiterate. Since the 16th
century, the tribes have been perceived as sub-humans who live under primitive
conditions (Xaxa, 2005). They have often been portrayed as “daityas,” “rakshasas”
(94.5%), Meghalaya (85.9%), and Nagaland (89.1%). Tribal men and women in
Mizoram, Meghalaya and Nagaland are isolated from the mainstream Hindu population
and their cultures and practices. Although tribes comprise a large proportion of the total
population in the northeastern states, they account for a small (12%) percent of the tribal
population in India. Numerically, the tribal population is very high in the central state of
Madhya Pradesh and the western states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra.
Together the four states account for about 50% of the total tribal population in India.
However, in these states tribes constitute a small percent of the total Hindu population
5
Due to the lack of exposure to the mainstream Hindu population, the tribes in
northeastern India have not been influenced or pressured to adopt Hindu social and
cultural practices and have maintained their heritage and social practices. On the other
hand, many tribes in central and western India who are in close proximity to the
mainstream population have adopted many Hindu practices in order to be accepted by the
higher caste population. Differences in tribal religions also affect their educational
attainment and attitudes towards female literacy. The vast majority of the tribal
encouraged the tribal population in these states to pursue education and emphasized the
importance of becoming literate. On the other hand, the literacy rates among the Hindu
and Muslim population in India are relatively lower. The vast majority of the tribes in
women in general, high literacy rates lead to lower infant mortality rates (Kingdon, 1999;
World Bank, 1997), reduce the number of pregnancies and enhance the status of women
both in domestic life and society. Additionally, the mother’s literacy status and
educational attainment have significantly positive effects on the child’s human capital
(grades I-V) in India. As a result, both literacy rates and gross enrollment ratios of boys
6
and girls across the general population have increased substantially during the past 50
years. The tribal population, in general, lags behind the Hindus and the Scheduled Caste
capital attainment between the mainstream population and the tribes is particularly
marked among tribal women. However, the literacy rates for scheduled tribes in India
have also improved substantially from 1961 (8.54%) to 1991 (29.60%) for both males
“take in Table I”
Factors contributing to the low literacy rates among tribal women in India
educational attainment among women in rural and urban areas. The Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe population have been discriminated against and confined to the lowest
rungs of social and economic hierarchies. As Dreze pointed out, “educational disparities,
which contribute a great deal to the persistence of massive inequalities in Indian society,
also largely derive from more fundamental inequalities such as those of class, caste and
gender,” (Dreze, 2003: 982). High poverty rates and dependence on agriculture call for
increasing rates of child labor force participation among many of the tribes in India. The
tribal dropout rate is extremely high relative to the mainstream population. Children
often enroll in primary education and then drop out of school in order to help the family.
This applies more to females than males both among the mainstream Hindu population
and the tribal groups because girls are expected to help out with domestic chores more
than boys at a very early age (Nambissan, 2000; Vasavi 2002; Jha and Jhingran, 2002).
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Traditionally, the Hindu society has demonstrated its preference for sons and has
treated boys and girls differently based on social and cultural norms. Parents often
allocate their scarce resources towards the schooling of their sons. For the poorer
sections of the population, it is worthwhile investing in the son’s education, as that would
generate income for the family in the future. Daughters are expected to get married early,
and parents have to save money for dowry payments. Further, parents do not want to
invest in their daughters’ schooling because the latter have limited labor market
opportunities and earning potential (Sathar and Lloyd, 1994). For the poorer sections of
the Indian community, education for girls is often considered to be a consumption good
rather than an investment good. This perception is partly justified in light of the poor
labor market prospects for women in many states and especially in rural areas. This leads
show that wealthy and educated families in urban areas are allocating resources equally
women, and tribal women participate in all spheres of economic and social lives. This is
particularly true among the matrilineal tribal groups in the northeastern states of
Mizoram, Nagaland, and Meghalaya. Unlike Hindus, most tribal societies value girls, as
shown by the high female sex ratio (females per 1000 males) among the vast majority of
tribes in India (Census of India, 2001). The negative relationship between poverty and
part of society and if the social and cultural norms are in favor of women’s human capital
attainment.
8
Some unique obstacles faced by tribal women in addition to the high poverty rates
are insufficient numbers of schools in many tribal areas, lack of resources in tribal
schools, significant language barriers in schools where the teachers are not fluent in tribal
languages (Srivastava, 1997), and the problems in social adjustment faced by many tribal
boys and girls who are often discriminated against by upper-caste children.
Table II shows the literacy rates among the Scheduled Tribe men and women for
selected states in India for 2001. The literacy rates among the tribes are shown separately
for rural and urban males and females. Table II demonstrates that the literacy rate among
the scheduled tribes in India varies significantly by different regions and states. These
variations are a function of the differences in economic, social, cultural, religious, and
demographic characteristics of the different tribes and their exposure to the forces of
Among the Scheduled Tribe population, the literacy rate is highest in the state of
Mizoram in northeastern India (86.95%), and the disparity in literacy between males and
females is about 4%. The female literacy rate is lowest in the states of Bihar (15.54%),
followed by Orissa (23.37%) in eastern India, Rajasthan (26.16%) in northern India, Uttar
Pradesh (20.70%) in northern India, and Andhra Pradesh (26.11%) in south India.
The tribes in the northeastern state of Mizoram had the highest overall literacy
rates for both males (91.71%) and females (86.95%) whereas the state of Bihar in eastern
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India had the lowest literacy rates for males (39.76%) and females (15.54%). The literacy
rates among urban females was the highest in Mizoram (96.01%) followed by Nagaland
(85.60%). It was the lowest in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh (39.54%). Among the
rural population, the female literacy rate was the highest in Mizoram (77.71%) and
In rural areas, the demand for education among the poorer sections of the
population is much lower than it is in urban areas. Poor women in rural areas have to
work in order to cope with their daily living and do not place a high value on education
unless it is linked to vocational training. Additionally, in remote rural areas where a good
infrastructure is lacking, tribal women find it difficult to have access to schools. Many
are not even aware of the existence of schools in their areas due to lack of
Meghalaya show high literacy rates even among women in rural areas, along with
Himachal Pradesh in north India and Kerala in south India. The rural literacy rate is
All the states listed in table II show significant gender gaps in literacy rates except
for the state of Mizoram where tribal women in urban areas have higher literacy rates
than men. The literacy rates among tribal women in the states of Mizoram, Nagaland,
and Meghalaya far surpass the average literacy rates among all Scheduled Tribes in India.
The literacy rate among tribal women in urban areas in Mizoram is the highest in the
country and even surpasses the literacy rates of tribal urban women in Kerala, which is
considered to be a model state in literacy rates of women in the country. Some contend
10
that since the northeastern states are isolated and not exposed to the social and cultural
norms of the Hindu population, the former do not follow the common trend of
downplaying the importance of literacy attainment among girls. Thus the “convergence
effect” of following (Dreze and Sen, 2002: 244) the mainstream norm of encouraging
gender inequality in education is absent among the tribal women in some of the
northeastern states of India. The influence of Christianity in the northeastern states also
played a significant role in encouraging high literacy rates among tribal women.
Conversely, in the central state of Madhya Pradesh and the western states of
Gujarat and Rajasthan, as well as the eastern states of Bihar, Orissa, and West Bengal,
female literacy rate is significantly lower than in the northeastern states. Unlike the
northeastern states, the tribal population in the central, eastern, and western states
constitutes a minority as a percentage of the total Hindu population. In these states, tribal
groups are regularly exposed to the social and cultural practices of the mainstream
Hindus and their discriminatory practices against women. Many scheduled tribes imitate
the practices and traditions of Hindus in order to gain acceptance in larger society.
Next to the northeastern states, the state of Kerala shows relatively high literacy
rates among tribal women in urban areas. Kerala ranks the highest in the country in
terms of women’s literacy rates and gender development index. Although the tribal
population is very small in Kerala, their exposure to the general trend of high female
literacy rates in the state and the high status of women in Kerala may have partially
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Gross Enrollment Ratio and Drop-out Rates for Scheduled Tribes in India
levels of education (whether or not they belong in the relevant age group for that level),
as a percentage of the population in the relevant age group for that level.
Table III shows the gross enrollment ratio for the Scheduled Tribe population for
grades I-V and VI-VIII for 2002-2003. In general, we find that as the level of education
increases, the GER decreases for both boys and girls. This clearly demonstrates that
poverty is a significant deterrent to enrollment as both boys and girls are needed in
household and family work, and families cannot afford to send their children to schools
because these families do not have the economic resources. It is also interesting to note
that the GER of boys and girls are comparable in classes I-IV but the gender gap
increases significantly with higher levels of education. This may be indicative of the
conservative social fabric of the Hindu society, where girls are expected to get married
early and boys are given preference over girls in a family’s decision to allocate resources
We find that the northeastern states show a different trend in GER of girls and
boys than some of the other states in India. In the northeastern state of Meghalaya, the
GER of girls is higher than boys in both levels of schooling. In Mizoram, the GER of
girls is higher than boys in classes I-V and comparable in grades VI-VIII. In Nagaland,
more girls than boys are enrolled in classes VI-VIII. The GER for tribal girls in Mizoram
in both classes I-V and VI-VIII far surpasses the GER for girls in the general population
in both categories.
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In contrast to the northeastern states, the eastern state of Bihar shows a dismal
picture. Here, the enrollment ratio for girls in higher levels of education is only 8.53%
for the tribal population and 18.77% for the general population. Orissa and West Bengal
also show a low GER for girls in classes VI-VIII among tribal women.
The state of Kerala in South India shows a very high GER for girls in higher
classes both among tribal women and the general population. Kerala is an outlier in India
in terms of its literacy and educational attainment of women, and clearly this has a
In general, table III shows that there are vast differences in the enrollment patterns
of tribal women across the different states in India. Some of the differences can be
attributed to poverty and lack of resources among various tribal groups; however other
factors such as the social and cultural fabric of the society and the status of women
among various tribal groups also account for the differentials in the enrollment patterns
Table IV shows the dropout rates for the tribal population for 2002-2003. The
dropout rates for both boys and girls increase sharply as their educational level increases.
Among the general population, the drop out rate in classes I-V during 2002-2003 was
35.85% among boys, while it was 33.72% among girls. Among all tribal groups, the
dropout rate in classes I-V was 41.13% among boys and 41.91% among girls. At lower
levels of education when the children are relatively young, there is no significant gender
discrepancy in the dropout rates among all groups. However, as the level of education
increases, the gender gap becomes much more pronounced among the tribal groups. The
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dropout rate among tribal boys in classes 1-VIII is 66.86% while it is 71.17% among
girls. The dropout rate among boys in the general population is 50.82%, while it is
The high costs of providing education and the need for children to work
contribute to the high dropout rates in higher levels of education. This is particularly true
for girls as poor families with limited resources would rather invest money in their son’s
education rather than in their daughter’s education for reasons discussed earlier. While
education at the lower level is free, there are other costs, including books and learning
(Ramachandran 2003). Thus, the supply of human capital is constrained by poverty, lack
education, especially in rural areas. The demand side of the labor market also has a
feedback effect on the investment decisions of tribal groups in education. The vast
majority of Scheduled Tribes rely on agriculture and forestry for their livelihood, and few
Table IV demonstrates a great deal of variation in the tribal dropout rates in the
different states in India. The gender discrepancy in the dropout rate is relatively lower in
the northeastern states of Mizoram, Nagaland, and Meghalaya. The dropout rate among
tribal girls in classes I-VIII is the lowest in the states of Himachal Pradesh and Uttar
northeastern India. Interestingly enough, the dropout rates among tribal girls in the above
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states are far below the national average among the general population in this category
(53.45%).
Poverty is an important factor contributing to the low literacy rates, low GER, and
high dropout rates among the Scheduled Tribe population in general. Table V shows the
human poverty index and the poverty rates among the tribal groups in rural and urban
areas for all the states in India for 1991. The human poverty index is constructed by
taking a composite of variables that reflect the economic, educational, and health aspects
of human development (see table). From the table we can see (column 2) that Bihar ranks
very high in the poverty index, followed by Orissa, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya,
Assam, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan. On the other hand, some of the relatively affluent
states are Kerala and Himachal Pradesh. The northeastern states of Meghalaya and
Nagaland exhibit a fairly high level of poverty while Mizoram falls somewhere in
between. Yet, the literacy rate among tribal women is highest in the state of Mizoram,
and the literacy rates among tribal women in Meghalaya and Nagaland are comparable to
“take in Table V”
If we attempt to correlate poverty with the dropout rates, we find that (tableV)
both Himachal Pradesh and Kerala rank very low in the human poverty index (8 and 4
respectively); however Uttar Pradesh and Nagaland rank relatively high in the poverty
index (26 and 22 respectively). Yet the dropout rate among girls in those two states is
much lower than some of the other states that are not so poor. The dropout rate among
15
both boys and girls in grades I-VIII is highest in the states of Andhra Pradesh in south
India, followed by Bihar in eastern India and Meghalaya in northeastern India. The
poverty indices for the above three states are 19, 32 (highest), and 28 respectively.
Although economic constraints hinder tribal girls from getting educated, cultural,
social, and family structures also contribute to the tremendous variations in the dropout
rates among different tribal groups. The northeastern states have maintained their
identity and culture and are shielded from the practices and norms of Hindu culture.
Many of the tribal groups in the Northeast are characterized by a matriarchal family
structure, and women play an important role in social and economic decisions. Girls are
valued in such societies and the relatively higher literacy rate, higher GER, and lower
dropout rate among the northeastern groups in general can be partly attributed to such
factors. Apart from the northeastern states, tribal literacy rate is high in the state of
Kerala in south India. The state of Kerala ranks the highest in India in the gender
state. Although Scheduled Tribe women are disadvantaged economically in that state,
they are provided with the opportunities that are available to the general population.
V. Conclusion
conditions of the Scheduled Tribe women. This study shows that generalizations
regarding the educational and literacy attainment of tribal women fail to capture the
differential human capital attainment of and obstacles to schooling faced by the various
tribes in India. Thus, a broad study encompassing the social, culture, and economic
16
conditions of the tribes along with their proximity and exposure to the mainstream Hindu
culture would, to a large degree, provide policymakers with a better understanding of the
heterogeneity among the tribes. This, in turn, would help in formulating appropriate
policies in different states and regions in India in order to facilitate higher learning among
the tribes.
17
References
Dreze, J. (2003), “Patterns of Literacy and their Social Context,” in Das V. et. al (ed).
Dreze, J., Sen A. (2002), India: Development and Participation, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi.
Jha, J., Jhingran, D. (2002), Elementary Education for the Poorest and Other Deprived
Kingdon, G.G. (1999), “Gender Gap in India’s Schools: Is the Labour Market a
University Press.
Nambissan, G. (2000), “The Social Context of Learning and the Schooling of Dalit and
Whitefield, Bangalore.
European Commission.
18
Sathar, Z.A., Lloyd, C.B. (1994), “Who Gets Primary Schooling in Pakistan:
Inequalities among and within Families,” The Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 33
Sengupta, P., J. Guha. (2002), “Enrolment, Dropout and Grade Completion of Girl
Children in West Bengal,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37 No.17, pp. 1621-37.
Vasavi, A.R. (2002), Caste, Class and School. Tanjavur, Local Education Report,
19
Table 1: Literacy Trends for
Scheduled Tribes in India
(1961 to 1991)
(Figures in Percent)
Scheduled Tribes
Year
Male Female Total
1961 13.83 3.16 8.54
1971 17.63 4.85 11.39
1981 24.52 8.05 16.35
1991 40.65 18.19 29.60
2001 59.17 34.76 47.10
20
Table II: Urban & Rural Literacy rates of Scheduled Tribes by gender (2001)
21
Table III: Gross Enrollment Ratio for the Scheduled Tribe Population by Gender
(2002-2003)
22
Table IV: Drop out rates for Scheduled Tribes in India (2002-2003)
Source: Selected Educational Statistics 2002-03 (as on 30th September, 2002), Dept.
of Secondary and Higher Education, Ministry of Human Resource Development,
Govt. of India
23
Table V: State-wise Human Poverty Index
(Comparable with 1981, 1991)
State Combined for rural and urban areas
Value Rank
North East
Mizoram 32.2 14
Nagaland 42.07 22
Meghalaya 49.19 28
East
Bihar 52.34 32
Orissa 49.85 31
West Bengal 40.48 20
Central
Madhya Pradesh 43.47 23
West
Gujarat 29.46 13
Maharashtra 29.25 11
Rajasthan 46.67 25
North
Uttar Pradesh 48.27 26
Himachal Pradesh 26.21 8
South
Andhra Pradesh 39.78 19
Kerala 19.93 4
Tamil Nadu 29.28 12
India 39.36 -
Note: 1. The Human Poverty Index is a composite of variables capturing deprivation in three dimensions of human
development viz, economic, educational and health. These have been captured by proportion of population below
poverty line, proportion of population without access to safe drinking water/ sanitation electricity, medical attention at
birth/vaccination and proportion living in Kutcha houses; proportion of illiterate population and children not
enrolled in schools; and proportion of population not accepted to survive beyond age 40.
Source: National Human Development Report 2001, Planning Commission, Govt. of India.
24