Doomsday

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Doomsday
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venuti, super Altare B. Petri manu propria posuit, come dice
Ostiense [281].
Anastasio Bibliotecario, come si è detto, molto ingrandisce questa
donazione di Carlo: oltre all'Esarcato di Ravenna e Pentapoli, vi
aggiunge l'isola di Corsica, tutto quell'ampio paese che da Luni
calando nel Sorano e nel monte Bordone abbraccia Vercetri, Parma,
Reggio, Mantova e Monselice, le province di Venezia e d'Istria, ed il
Ducato di Spoleti e di Benevento. La Cronaca del monastero di S.
Clemente narra, che Carlo aggiunse alla donazione di Pipino
solamente questi due Ducati. Sigonio poi, e gli altri più moderni
Scrittori, di ciò non ben soddisfatti, aggiungono il territorio
sabinense, posto tra l'Umbria ed il Lazio, parte della Toscana e della
Campagna ancora. Pietro di Marca [282], ciocchè dee recar più
maraviglia, tratto anch'egli da' vanagloriosi Franzesi, che cotanto
ingrandiscono questa donazione, per magnificar in conseguenza la
liberalità franzese, vi aggiunge tutta la Campagna, e con essa Napoli,
gli Apruzzi e la Puglia ancora, additando con ciò l'origine delle nostre
papali investiture. Altri vi aggiungono anche la Sassonia da Carlo
allora soggiogata; di più, che facesse anche dono di province non
sue, e che non acquistò giammai, cioè della Sardegna e della Sicilia;
e che sopra tutte queste province e Ducati s'avesse egli solamente
riserbata la sovranità. Ma, e gli antichi annali di Francia, e la serie
delle cose seguenti, ed il non averci potuto l'Archivio del Vaticano
dare l'istromento di questa donazione, dal quale n'escono tanti altri
d'inferior dignità, dimostrano per favolosi tutti questi racconti, e
convincono, che Carlo non fece altro che confermare la donazione di
Pipino dell'Esarcato e di Pentapoli. Ed intanto alcuni scrissero, che
l'avesse anche accresciuta, perchè molti luoghi dell'Esarcato e di
Pentapoli, che da' Longobardi erano stati occupati, insieme co'
patrimonj, che la Chiesa romana possedeva nel Ducato di Spoleti e
di Benevento, nella Toscana, nella Campagna, ed altrove, ch'erano
stati parimente occupati da' Longobardi, fece egli restituire. Ed in
questi sensi Paolo Emilio [283], e gli altri Autori dissero, che Carlo non
solo avesse confermati i doni di Pipino suo padre, ma anche
accresciuti: ciò che si convince manifestamente dall'istoria delle cose
seguite appresso; poichè Carlo sotto il nome del Regno d'Italia si
ritenne la Liguria, la Corsica, Emilia, le province di Venezia e dell'Alpi
Cozie, Piemonte, ed il Genovesato, che avea tolti a' Longobardi, e
fatti passare sotto la sua dominazione: nè si legge che questa parte
d'Italia fosse stata mai posseduta da' Pontefici romani.
Molto più chiaro ciò si manifesta dal vedersi, che que' tre famosi
Ducati, del Friuli, di Spoleti, ed il nostro di Benevento mai non furono
posseduti da' romani Pontefici: come nel seguente libro di questa
Istoria si conoscerà chiaramente, cioè che questi tre Ducati ebbero i
loro Duchi, nè Carlo vi pretendeva altro, che quella sovranità, che
v'avevano avuti i Re longobardi suoi predecessori, anzi i nostri Duchi
di Benevento scossero affatto il giogo, e si sottrassero totalmente da
lui, negandogli qualunque ubbidienza, e vissero liberi ed
independenti; nè la città di Benevento, se non molti, e molti anni
appresso fu cambiata colla Chiesa di Bamberga, e conceduta alla
sede di Roma, ma non già il suo Ducato, che fu sempre posseduto
da' nostri Principi.
Dall'aver Carlo fatti restituire i patrimonj, che la Chiesa romana
possedeva nell'Alpi Cozie, nel Ducato di Spoleti, e di Benevento,
nacque l'errore di quegli Scrittori, i quali confondendo il patrimonio
dell'Alpi Cozie colla provincia, il patrimonio di Benevento col Ducato
beneventano, dissero che Carlo donò a S. Pietro que' Ducati, e quella
provincia. Così ciò che nell'epistole d'Adriano si legge de' Ducati di
Spoleti, e di Benevento donati a S. Pietro, non d'altro, se non di
questi patrimonj si dee intendere; siccome quando l'Imperador
Lodovico Pio, Ottone I. e l'altro Ottone Re di Germania confermorono
a Pascale I, ed a Giovanni XII, i patrimonj beneventano, salernitano,
e napoletano, siccome anche fece l'Imperador Errico IV. a Pascale II,
non altro intesero se non di quelle terre e possessioni, che la Chiesa
romana, come patrimonio di S. Pietro possedeva in queste nostre
province, che anche i nostri antichi chiamarono justitias
ecclesiae [284]. Solo dunque l'Esarcato di Ravenna, Pentapoli, ed
alcuni luoghi del Ducato romano passarono nel dominio della Chiesa
di Roma, riserbandosi il Re Carlo la sovranità; anzi in Roma stessa, e
nel Ducato romano eran ancora in quelli tempi rimasi vestigi della
dominazione degli Imperadori d'Oriente, i quali tuttochè deboli vi
tenevano tuttavia i loro Uficiali, ed erano ancora riconosciuti per
Sovrani, infinochè a' tempi di Lione III, successor d'Adriano, non si
pose il Popolo romano sotto la sede, e soggezione del Re Carlo, che
vollero anche da Patrizio innalzare ad Imperador romano. Niente
dico dell'isole di Sicilia e di Sardegna non mai da Carlo conquistate,
le quali furon lungamente possedute dagl'Imperadori Greci, infinchè i
Saraceni non gliele rapirono.
Carlo adunque, dopo aver in cotal guisa soddisfatto il Papa ed i
Romani, fece ritorno al campo appresso Pavia, nè restandogli altra
impresa, che di ridurre quella città sotto la di lui ubbidienza, pose
ogni sforzo per impadronirsene, perchè quella presa, essendo capo
del Regno, non restasse altra speranza a' Longobardi di ristabilirsi
nelle città perdute. La strinse perciò più strettamente, e togliendole
ogni adito di poter esser soccorsa, Desiderio che sin all'estremo
proccurò difenderla, essendo la gente afflitta non men dalla fame
che dalla peste, che tutta la consumava; finalmente in quest'anno
774 fu costretto di render la Piazza, se stesso, sua moglie, e i di lui
figliuoli alla discrezione di Carlo, che fattigli condurre tutti in Francia,
finirono quivi i giorni loro in Carbia, senza che mai di loro si fosse
inteso più parlare. Così Carlo in una sola campagna si rendè padrone
della maggior parte d'Italia, ma non già di quelle province ond'ora si
compone il nostro Regno, non del Ducato beneventano, nè di quel di
Napoli, nè dell'altre città della Calabria, e de' Bruzj, che lungamente
si mantennero sotto la dominazione degl'Imperadori d'Oriente, come
vedremo nel seguente libro.
Ecco come cominciarono i romani Pontefici a trasferire i Regni da
gente in gente: quindi avvenne, che calcandosi con maggior
espertezza e desterità le medesime pedate da' loro successori, si
rendessero ai Principi tremendi: i quali per avergli amici, poco
curando la sovranità de' loro Stati, e la propria dignità, soggettavansi
loro insino a rendersi ligi e tributarj di quella sede. Ecco ancora il fine
del Regno de' Longobardi in Italia: Regno ancorchè nel suo principio
aspro ed incolto, pure si rendè da poi così placido e culto, che per lo
spazio di ducento anni che durò, portava invidia a tutte l'altre
Nazioni. Assuefatta l'Italia alla dominazione de' suoi Re, non più
come stranieri gli riconobbe, ma come Principi suoi naturali; poichè
essi non aveano altri Regni, o Stati collocati altrove, ma loro proprio
paese era già fatta l'Italia, la quale per ciò non poteva dirsi serva e
dominata da straniere genti, come fu veduta poi, allorchè sottoposta
con deplorabili e spessi cambiamenti a varie Nazioni, pianse
lungamente la sua servitù. Questa era veramente cosa maravigliosa,
dice Paolo Varnefrido [285], e con esso lui l'Abate di Vesperga, che nel
Regno de' Longobardi non si faceva alcuna violenza, non sortiva
tradimento, nè ingiustamente si spogliava, o angariava alcuno: non
eran ruberie, non ladronecci, e ciascuno senza paura andava sicuro,
dove gli piaceva. I Pontefici romani, e sopra tutti Adriano, che mal
potevano sofferirgli nell'Italia, come quelli che cercavano di rompere
tutti i loro disegni, gli dipinsero al Mondo per crudeli, inumani e
barbari; quindi avvenne che presso alla gente e agli Scrittori dell'età
seguenti, acquistassero fama d'incolti e di crudeli. Ma le leggi loro
cotanto sagge e giuste, che scampate dall'ingiuria del tempo ancor
oggi si leggono, potranno esser bastanti documenti della loro
umanità, giustizia e prudenza civile. Avvenne a quelle appunto ciò,
che accadde alle leggi romane: ruinato l'Imperio non per questo
mancò l'autorità e la forza di quelle ne' nuovi dominj in Europa
stabiliti: ruinato il Regno de' Longobardi, non per questo in Italia le
loro leggi vennero meno.
 CAPITOLO V.
Leggi de' Longobardi ritenute in Italia, ancorchè da quella ne
fossero stati scacciati: loro giustizia e saviezza.

Le leggi de' Longobardi, se vorranno conferirsi colle leggi Romane, il

paragone certamente sarà indegno, ma se vorremo pareggiarle con
quelle dell'altre Nazioni, che dopo lo scadimento dell'Imperio
signoreggiarono in Europa, sopra l'altre tutte si renderanno
ragguardevoli, così se si considera la prudenza e i modi, che usavano
in istabilirle, come la loro utilità e giustizia, e finalmente il giudicio
de' più gravi e saggi Scrittori, che le commendarono. Il modo che
tennero e la somma prudenza e maturità, che praticarono i Re
quando volevan stabilirle, merita ogni lode e commendazione. Essi,
come s'è veduto, convocavano prima in Pavia gli Ordini del Regno,
cioè i Nobili e Magistrati; poichè l'ordine Ecclesiastico non era da essi
conosciuto, nè avea luogo nelle pubbliche deliberazioni, e nè meno
la plebe, la quale, come disse Cesare parlando de' Galli, nulli
adhibebatur consilio: si esaminava quivi con maturità e discussione
ciò che pareva più giusto ed utile da stabilire: e quello stabilito, era
poi pubblicato da' loro Re negli editti. Maniera, secondo il sentimento
di Ugon Grozio [286], forse migliore di quella, che tennero
gl'Imperadori stessi romani, le cui leggi, dipendendo dalla sola
volontà loro, soggetta a varj inganni e soggestioni, cagionarono
tant'incostanza e variazioni, che del solo Giustiniano vediamo d'una
stessa cosa aver tre, e quattro volte mutato e variato parere e
sentenza. Presso a' Longobardi prima di pubblicarsi le leggi per
mezzo de' loro editti, erano dagli Ordini del Regno ben esaminate e
discusse; onde ne seguivano più comodi. Il primo, che non v'era
timore di potersi stabilire cosa nociva al ben pubblico, quando
v'erano tanti occhi e tanti savj, a' quali non poteva esser nascosto il
danno, che n'avesse potuto nascere. Il secondo, ch'era da tutti con
pronto animo osservato ciò che piacque al comun consentimento di
stabilire. E per ultimo, che non così facilmente eran soggette a
variarsi, se non quando una causa urgentissima il ricercasse: come
abbiam veduto essersi fatto da que' Re, che dopo Rotari successero,
i quali se non facto periculo, e dopo lunga esperienza conoscendo
alcune leggi de' loro predecessori alquanto dure ed aspre, e non ben
conformarsi a' loro tempi, renduti più docili e culti, le variavano e
mutavano col consiglio degli Ordini. Il qual sì prudente e saggio
costume lodò anche e commendò presso a' Sueoni, popoli del
Settentrione, quella prudente e saggia donna Brigida, a cui oggi
rendiamo noi gli onori, che non si danno se non a' Santi.
Se si voglia poi riguardare la loro giustizia ed utilità, e prima di quelle
leggi accomodate agli affari e negozj de' privati, ed alla loro sicurità
e custodia, come sono i matrimonj, le tutele, i contratti, le
alienazioni, i testamenti, le successioni ab intestato, la sicurezza del
possesso, non potremo riputarle se non tutte utili e prudenti.
Per li matrimonj molte provide leggi s'ammirano nel libro secondo di
quel volume [287]. L'ingenuo non s'accoppiava con la libertina, nè il
nobile coll'ignobile; quindi essendo i Re collocati sopra la condizione
di tutti; quelli morti, le loro vedove non si collocavan poi con altri, se
non eran di regal dignità decorati. Ma Giustiniano prese Teodora
dalla scena con gran vituperio del Principato. Quelli che non eran
nati da giuste nozze, non si creavano Cavalieri: non eran ammessi al
Magistrato, anzi nè meno a render testimonianza. Le profuse
donazioni tra' mariti e mogli eran vietate: prudentissima fu perciò la
legge di Luitprando, colla quale fu posto freno al dono mattutino,
che solevan i mariti fare alle mogli il mattino dopo la prima notte del
loro congiungimento, che i Longobardi chiamavano morgongap [288];
solevan sovente i mariti d'amor caldi, allettati da' vezzi delle novelle
spose, donar tutto: Luitprando [289] proibì tanta profusione, e stabilì
che non potessero eccedere la quarta parte delle loro sostanze. E
per gli esempj che rapporta Ducange, si vede che per tutto
l'undecimo secolo fu la legge osservata. Ed è veramente nuovo e
singolare ciocchè l'Abate Fontanini nel suo libro contra il P. Germonio
rapporta di alcuni atti, che pubblicò d'una notizia privata dell'anno
1162, nella quale si legge, che un tal Folco da Cividale del Friuli dona
a Gerlint sua moglie tutto il suo, omnia sua propter pretium in mane
quando surrexit de lecto. Gli adulterj erano severamente puniti; le
nozze fra' congionti, secondo il prescritto, non men delle leggi civili,
che de' canoni erano vietate; e Luitprando [290] istesso rende a noi
testimonianza, che fu mosso a vietarle anche con sue leggi: Quia,
com'e' dice, Deo teste, Papa Urbis Romae, qui in omni Mundo caput
Ecclesiarum Dei, et Sacerdotum est, per suam epistolam nos
adhortatus est, ut tale conjugium fieri nullatenus permitteremus.
Alcuni s'offendono, che in questo secondo libro delle leggi de'
Longobardi [291] si legga permesso il concubinato, vietandosi
solamente, che in un istesso tempo si possa tener moglie e
concubina, non altrimente, che due mogli, essendo anche presso a'
Longobardi vietata ogni poligamia. Ma tralasciando che quella legge
fu di Lotario, non già d'alcuno de' Re longobardi; questa maraviglia
nasce dal non sapere che presso ai Romani il concubinato fu una
congiunzione legittima [292], non pur tollerata, ma permessa, ed era
perciò detto semimatrimonium, e la concubina era chiamata perciò
semiconjux [293], e lecitamente l'uomo poteva avere per sua
compagna o la moglie o la concubina, non però in un medesimo
tempo e moglie e concubina insieme, perchè questa era riputata
poligamia, non altrimente se tenesse due mogli [294]. Questo istituto
fu continuato anche dappoichè per Costantino Magno l'Imperio
abbracciò la nostra religione, il quale ancorchè ponesse freno al
concubinato, non però lo tolse; ed appresso i Cristiani di più Nazioni
d'Europa, per molti secoli fu ritenuto; di che fra gli altri ce ne rende
certi un Concilio di Toledo, ove fu parimente stabilito, che l'uomo sia
Laico, sia Cherico d'una sola debba contentarsi o di moglie o di
concubina, non già che possa ritenere in uno stesso tempo tutte
due [295]. Ma vietatosi poi nella Chiesa latina a' Preti affatto di aver
moglie, ed in conseguenza di tener anche concubine, poichè gli
Ecclesiastici per la loro incontinenza non potevan vivere soli, si
ritennero le concubine: fu per isradicar questo costume in varj
Concilj severamente proibito loro di tenerle: non ebbero queste
proibizioni gran successo, e furon di poco profitto: rada era
l'osservanza; ed i Preti non potevano a patto alcuno distaccarsene:
furono perciò replicati i divieti: non vi era Concilio che si convocasse,
che con severe minacce non inculcasse sempre il medesimo,
detestandosi il concubinato, e predicandosi peggior dell'adulterio,
dell'incesto, e più grave d'ogni altro vizio. Quindi nelle seguenti età il
nome del concubinato, che prima era riputato una congiunzion
legittima, fu renduto odioso ed orrendo in quella maniera, ch'oggi si
sente. Nel Regno d'Italia non pur presso a' Longobardi, ma anche
quando passò sotto la dominazione de' Franzesi, durava ancora
l'istituto de' Romani. Appresso alcune altre Nazioni d'Europa era
anche il concubinato riputato legittimo, e Cujacio testimonia, che
anche a' suoi tempi era ritenuto dai Guasconi, e da altri popoli
presso i Pirenei [296]. In Oriente per le Novelle di Basilio
Macedone [297], e di Lione, fu il concubinato proibito; ma quelle non
ebbero alcun vigore nelle province d'Europa, come quelle ch'erano
state sottratte dall'Imperio, ed ubbidivano a' loro Principi
independentemente dagl'Imperadori d'Oriente: ciocchè meriterebbe
un discorso a parte, ma tanto basterà per ciò, che riguarda il nostro
istituto.
Intorno alle tutele, furon dati savj provvedimenti: eran i pupilli
raccomandati ugualmente agli agnati, che a' cognati: ma de' pupilli
nobili il principal tutore era il Re [298]. Quindi appresso noi nacque
l'istituto di darsi dal Re il Balio a' Baroni, e prendersi da lui le lettere
del Baliato. Davano ancora alle donne per la loro imbecillità un
perpetuo tutore, ch'essi chiamavano Mundualdo, il quale
s'assomigliava in gran parte al tutore cessizio de' Romani antichi,
sotto la cui autorità eran sempre le donne di qualunque età fossero,
ed ancorchè a nozze passassero: ond'è che ancor oggi in alcuni
luoghi del nostro Regno sia rimaso di loro alcun vestigio.
Ne' contratti, l'equità e la giustizia fu unicamente ricercata: i contratti
de' maggiori, diffinendo la maggior età nell'anno decim'ottavo, eran
ben fermi, nè alle restituzioni soggetti. I creditori, ed i compratori
erano sicuri di non esser fraudati e delusi per le tacite ipoteche, e
per gli occulti fedecommessi; imperocchè si facevan passare tutti i
contratti, le vendite, i pegni, i testamenti stessi sotto gli occhi, ed
avanti i Magistrati, ed al cospetto del Popolo. L'ordine di succedere
ab intestato era semplicissimo: colui ch'era più prossimo in grado,
era l'istesso che l'erede, eccetto solamente che i figliuoli, e' lor
descendenti erano preferiti a' genitori.
I giudicj, che appresso i Romani eran tratti in immenso con grave
dispendio delle proprie sostanze, e cruccio dell'animo, appo i
Longobardi eran brevi e meno travagliosi. La temerità de' litiganti era
frenata da' pegni, e dalle pieggiarie. A' Giudici niente era più facile e
spedito: nelle quistioni di fatto portava l'attore i suoi testimoni, ed il
reo i suoi, e colui guadagnava, che dal suo canto avea di lor maggior
numero ed autorità. Nelle cose dubbie ed ambigue si ricorreva alla
religione de' giuramenti; questo si dava al reo, ma con molto
riguardo, cioè se produceva testimonj di provata fama, che
deponessero ed attestassero della di lui probità e religione, e che
essi volentieri crederebbero al suo giuramento [299]. Rade eran le
quistioni di legge, e se pur accadevano, non dagli infiniti volumi
degl'Interpetri, ma da' semplici e piani detti delle lor leggi, dal giusto
e dal ragionevole prestamente eran decise. Pronto era il remedio
nelle perturbazioni di possesso, e subita la restituzione, andando il
Giudice co' testimonj in sul luogo a conoscer dello spoglio, e ad
immantenente ripararlo.
Nella cognizion criminale de' delitti erano due cose saggiamente
osservate. La violazione della ragione e società pubblica, e di quella
del privato. Per questo due multe furono introdotte: coll'una si
riparava al danno del privato, che chiamarono Vedrigeldium, cioè
quel che si dava per lo taglione; coll'altra si riparava alla pubblica
pace, che dissero per ciò Fedra, e si dava al Re, o al comune di
qualche città. Commenda Ugone Grozio [300] questo lor istituto di
non spargere il sangue de' Cittadini per leggieri cagioni, ma solo per
gravissime e capitali. Ne' minori delitti bastava, che per danaro si
componessero, ovvero che il colpevole passasse nella servitù
dell'offeso, in cui s'era peccato.
I beni de' condannati erano salvi a' loro figliuoli, nè stavano soggetti
a confiscazioni. Nelle cause criminali non ammettevano appellazioni,
nè questo portò a Grozio alcuna maraviglia, come non debbono altri
averla; poichè i Pari della Curia con somma religione e clemenza de'
lor pari giudicavano. Quindi presso di noi nacque l'istituto, che le
cause capitali de' Baroni non potessero decidersi senza quelli, che
diciamo Pares Curiae.
I riti e le solennità ch'essi usavano nelle manumissioni, e
nell'adozioni eran conformi a' lor costumi feroci e guerrieri. Le
manumissioni come c'insegna Paolo Varnefrido si facevano per
sagittam, le adozioni per arma, siccome le alienazioni per glebae
festucaeve conjectionem in sinum emptoris.
Dispiacque a molti quell'antica consuetudine dei Longobardi, che in
alcune cause dubbie ed ambigue e ne' gravi delitti se ne
commettesse la decisione alla singular pugna di due, che chiamiamo
duello. Fu veramente il duello antica usanza de' Longobardi, che poi
passata in legge, fu per molto tempo praticata non pur da loro, ma
da molte altre Nazioni, le quali da' Longobardi l'appresero. In fatti
l'istorie loro sono piene di questi duelli; e memorando fu quello di
Adalulfo, che di adulterio aveva tentata la Regina Gundeberta [301],
ed avutane ripulsa, per vendicarsene, ricorse al Re Arioaldo suo
primo marito, al quale accusandola falsamente, che insieme con
Dato Duca della Toscana gl'insidiasse la vita ed il Regno, fece
imprigionare quella infelice Principessa. Di che offeso Clotario Re di
Francia, dal cui sangue discendeva, mandò Legati ad Arioaldo con
gagliarde richieste di dover tosto liberarla; al che avendo il Re
risposto, ch'egli aveva cagioni giustissime di tenerla prigione, e
negando i Legati ciò che s'imputava alla Regina, affermando che
mentivano gli Autori di tal impostura; finalmente Ansoaldo uno di
essi richiese al Re, che per duello il dubbio dovesse terminarsi.
Vennero alla pugna Cariberto per la Regina, e l'impostore Adalulfo
pel Re, nella quale restando l'ultimo vinto, fu la Regina liberata, e
restituita al suo antico onore. Questo genere di purgazione fu
cotanto commendato presso a tutte le Nazioni, che Cujacio [302] dice,
che anche fra' Cristiani, così nelle cause civili, come nelle accusazioni
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