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Onorio concedè loro anche l'immunità de' tributi e gabelle, come si
vede da quella sua costituzione [403], che sotto il tit. de indulg. debit.
leggesi nel Codice di Teodosio. E fin qui sia detto abbastanza della
Lucania e de' Bruzj, e suoi Correttori.
 §. IV. Del Sannio, e suoi Presidi.

Tiene l'ultimo luogo il Sannio, provincia ancorchè assai nota ed

illustre presso agli antichi Romani per la ferocia e valore de' suoi
Popoli, e per la felicità delle lor armi, che spesso ebbero il vanto
d'abbatter quelle de' Romani stessi, non fu però decorata ne' tempi
più bassi d'altri Magistrati, che de' Presidi, inferiori in dignità a tutti
gli altri Moderatori di province. Sortì per tanto la condizione di
provincia Presidiale, e perchè rade volte solevan gli Imperadori
indirizzar le loro costituzioni a' Presidi, perciò di essi, e de' loro nomi
è a noi affatto incerta ed oscura la memoria. Varj furono i suoi
confini, secondo il variar de' tempi. Paolo Diacono la ripone fra la
Campagna, il mare Adriatico, e la Puglia; e fuvvi tempo, nel quale
abbracciava molto più di ciò ch'ora comprendon l'Abbruzzi, il Contado
di Molise, e la Valle Beneventana. Le sue più rinomate città furon
Isernia, Sepino, Theate, oggi Chieti, Venafro, Telesia, Bojano,
Afidena, e Sannio, che diede il nome all'intera provincia.
Era questa provincia, oltre del Preside, da cui immediatamente
reggevasi, sotto la disposizione e governo del Prefetto P. d'Italia, e
del Vicario di Roma. Nè fu trascurata da Valentiniano il Vecchio, il
quale, essendo pervenuto a sua notizia, che veniva infestata da'
ladroni, pensò tosto al riparo, mandando per quest'effetto al Prefetto
suddetto d'Italia quella costituzione [404], che oggi ancor si legge nel
C. Teodosiano.
Non fu eziandio trascurata da Onorio, il quale nell'anno 413 concedè
a questa provincia non mediocremente aggravata, alcun rilascio di
tributi, come dalla costituzione [405] di quest'Imperadore che
dirizzata al Prefetto suddetto d'Italia leggiamo nel Codice di
Teodosio. Nè mancan altre leggi, per le quali diedesi dagli altri
Imperadori providenza a gli affari di questa provincia, dirette a'
Prefetti d'Italia, a' quali era sottoposta.
 CAPITOLO IV.
Prima invasione de' Vestrogoti a' tempi d'Onorio.

Non sentirono queste province nel Regno di Costantino, nè degli altri

suoi sucessori, infin ad Onorio, que' mali e quelle calamità ch'avevan
già cominciato a portare i Goti nell'altre province dell'Imperio. Questi
Popoli, usciti dalla Scandinavia ne' tempi di Costantino M. e prima
ancora, vissero in comune fortuna, quantunque sotto un sol Capo
militassero, fino a Ermanarico, che si fece loro Re, ma morto costui,
fra di loro si divisero, e ne' tempi di Valente Imperadore, quelli, che
chiamavansi Vestrogoti s'elessero per lor Capitano Fridigerno, e poi
per loro Re Atanarico. Teodosio il Grande, amator della pace, seppe
sì ben contenergli ne' loro limiti, che con essi non pur ebbe continua
pace, ma gli ridusse in tale stato, che morto Atanarico loro Re, senza
prendersi essi cura di eleggerne un altro, tutti si sottoposero al
romano Imperio, e fecero della milizia un sol corpo, militando sotto
l'insegne di Teodosio, che gli ebbe per suoi confederati ed ausiliarj.
Ma estinto questo Principe nell'anno 395 e succeduto all'Imperio
d'Oriente Arcadio suo figliuol maggiore, e reggendosi l'Occidente
dall'altro suo figliuolo Onorio, cominciaron questi Principi,
lussuriosamente vivendo, a turbar la Repubblica, ed a togliere a'
Vestrogoti lor ausiliarj que' doni e quelli stipendj, che Teodosio lor
padre, per contenergli sotto l'Imperio romano e sotto le sue insegne,
largamente avea loro assegnati. Del che malcontenti i Vestrogoti, e
dubitando, che per sì lunga pace potesse nell'ozio snervarsi il lor
valore e fortezza, deliberarono far di presente, ciò che avean
trascurato ne' tempi di Teodosio, creandosi un Re, che fu Alarico,
uomo che per la sua bizzaria aveasi appo i suoi acquistato
soprannome d'audace; e come quegli, che traeva sua origine
dall'illustre stirpe de' Balti, lo riputaron abilissimo a poter con decoro
e magnificenza sostenere la regal dignità. Questi considerando, che
di sua maggior gloria e della sua nazione sarebbe stato acquistar con
proprj sudori i Regni, che viver oziosi e lenti in quelli degli altri,
persuase a' suoi di cercar nuovi paesi per conquistargli; onde
raccolto, come potè il meglio, un competente esercito, avendo
superata la Pannonia, il Norico e la Rezia, entrò in Italia, che
trovatala vota di truppe ed in lungo ozio, con molta celerità cominciò
ad invaderla, e presso a Ravenna fermossi, sede allora dell'Imperio
d'Occidente [406].
Avea già Onorio, lasciato Milano, in quest'anno 402 trasferita la sua
residenza in Ravenna, da lui destinata sede dell'Imperio, acciocchè
potesse con più facilità opporsi all'irruzione, che per questa parte
solevan tentare le straniere Nazioni. Ma gli venne cotanto improviso
ed inaspettato quest'insulto degli Vestrogoti, che trovandosi
sorpreso, nè potendo con quella celerità, che sarebbe stata
necessaria, ragunar eserciti per reprimergli, fu obbligato a prestar
subitamente orecchio a' trattati di pace da Alarico offertigli, il quale
se bene proccurasse co' suoi fermarsi in Italia, nulladimeno fu
accordato, che dovessero i Goti abbandonarla, dandosi loro in
iscambio l'Aquitania e le Spagne, province quasi che perdute da
Onorio; poichè da Gizerico Re de' Vandali erano state in gran parte
occupate. Consentirono i Goti, e lasciata l'Italia, alla conquista di
quelle regioni erano tutti i loro animi rivolti; nè per questo lor primo
passaggio patì l'Italia cos'alcuna di male. Ma furon irritati da poi per
gl'ingannevoli tratti di Stilicone, il quale presso a Polenzia, città della
Liguria, mentr'essi a tutto altro pensavano, gli attaccò
improvisamente; e quantunque dissipati e vinti [407], nulladimeno
ripreso da poi tantosto animo e raccolti insieme, dall'inganno e
dall'ingiuria stimolati, furiosamente si rivolsero, e lasciando la
destinata impresa, posero in fuga Stilicone col suo esercito, e nella
Liguria ritornati, proseguirono a devastar con quello l'Emilia, la
Flaminia, la Toscana, e tutto ciò che altro lor veniva tra' piedi, fin a
Roma trascorrendo, ove tutto il circostante paese similmente
depredarono e saccheggiarono: alla fine entrati in Roma, la
spogliarono solamente, non permettendo Alarico che s'incendiasse,
nè ch'alcuna ingiuria a' tempj si facesse.
Non pur Roma più volte, e le province sopraddette patirono questi
travagli e questi mali, ma non molto da poi l'istesse calamità
sostennero l'altre ancora, che oggi compongon il nostro regno. La
Campagna, la Puglia e la Calabria, la Lucania ed i Bruzj, ed il Sannio
soffersero lo stesso destino. Scorrevano i Goti portando in ogni parte
flagelli, e ruine, nè si fermarono se non arrivati nell'ultima punta
d'Italia, ove trattenuti dallo stretto Siciliano, ne' Bruzj posero la lor
sede: e quivi mentre a nuove imprese della Sicilia, e dell'Affrica si
dispone Alarico, essendosi in quello stretto naufragate le navi, che
per ciò aveva disposte, dall'avversità di sì funesto accidente toccato
amaramente nell'animo, finì suoi giorni con morte immatura presso a
Cosenza, e non mai abbastanza pianto da' suoi, fu nel fondo del
fiume Busento con molte ricchezze depredate in Roma
seppellito [408].
La morte d'Alarico fu cagione, che le cose d'Italia, e di queste nostre
province, ripigliando sotto l'imperio dello stesso Onorio qualche
tranquillità, assai pacifiche ritornassero: poichè se bene Ataulfo [409],
che ad Alarico suo parente succedè, ritornato in Roma, avesse a
guisa delle locuste raso ciò che in quella città dopo le tante prede e
saccheggiamenti era restato ed avesse da capo miseramente
spogliata l'Italia, ed Onorio esausto di forze non potesse
contrastargli; nientedimeno, essendosi da poi Ataulfo congiunto in
matrimonio con Galla Placidia sorella d'Onorio, potè tanto l'amor, che
portava a questa Principessa, ed il vincolo del nuovo parentado
appresso lui, che racchetatosi con Onorio, tutta libera lasciogli
l'Italia, ed egli co' suoi nelle Gallie fece ritorno, contro a' Franchi ed
a' Borgognoni, che quelle infestavano, portando le sue armi; donde
si gittarono in quelle regioni i primi semi del loro Reame, imperocchè
dopo la morte d'Ataulfo ed indi a poco di Rigerico, essendo
succeduto Vallia, gli fu da Onorio stabilmente assegnata l'Aquitania
con molt'altre città della provincia di Narbona, ove fermata la
residenza in Tolosa, si dissero Re de' Vestrogoti, cioè de' Goti
Occidentali, a differenza degli Ostrogoti, che le parti orientali, e
l'Italia da poi signoreggiarono, come più innanzi diremo.
Onorio adunque, morto Alarico e purgata di Goti l'Italia, per la pace
indi fatta con Ataulfo, volendo ristorar de' passati danni queste
province, nell'anno 413 promulgò quella costituzione [410], ch'oggi
ancor leggiamo nel C. di Teodosio. Erano la Campagna, la Toscana, il
Piceno, il Sannio, la Puglia e la Calabria, la Lucania e' Bruzj, in istato
pur troppo lagrimevole ridotte, e perciò risedendo egli in Ravenna,
sede allora dell'Imperio d'Occidente, dirizzò a Giovanni Prefetto P.
d'Italia quella legge, nella quale a tutte queste province concedè
indulgenza di non potere i suoi provinciali esser astretti a pagare
interamente i tributi, ma contentossi, che pagando solamente la
quinta parte di ciò, ch'essi solevano, tutto il resto lor si rimettesse.
Nè minore ne' seguenti anni fu la cura, che prese Onorio di queste
province; poichè risedendo, come si disse, in Ravenna, molte leggi
per la buona amministrazione di esse promulgò. Sua parimente fu
quella data in Ravenna [411]; per cui passato il decennio si tolse a'
testamenti ogni vigore, la qual oggi pur abbiamo nel Codice di
Giustiniano. E nell'anno 418 nuovo indulto di tributi concedè alla
Campagna, al Piceno, ed alla Toscana; e sinchè visse al riparo delle
cose d'Italia fu tutto inteso e pronto.
Ma essendo egli in Ravenna, nell'anno 423 finì i giorni suoi; onde
Teodosio il Giovane, che nell'Imperio d'Oriente era succeduto ad
Arcadio suo padre [412], quantunque per breve tempo avesse e' solo
governato l'Imperio, fece tantosto dichiarar Augusto, ed Imperador
d'Occidente Valentiniano III. figliuolo di Costanzo, e di Placidia, la
quale dopo la morte d'Ataulfo, restituita ad Onorio, a Costanzo fu
sposata. Valentiniano portatosi in Ravenna, ed indi a poco in Roma,
rassettò molte cose di quella città, e a dar riparo alla giurisprudenza,
ne' suoi tempi già caduta dall'antico splendore, pose ogni cura;
mentre nello stesso tempo Teodosio pensava in Oriente a ristabilirla
nell'Accademia di Costantinopoli; ed alla fabbrica del nuovo Codice,
che dal di lui nome fu detto Teodosiano, avea rivolti i suoi pensieri.
Questo fu dunque lo stato delle province ch'oggi forman il nostro
Regno, da' tempi di Costantino fino a Valentiniano III., ne' quali
tempi furon dominate da quelli Cesari, a' quali, secondo le varie
divisioni dell'Imperio, l'Italia appartenne: questi sono Costantino M.,
Costante e Costanzo suoi figliuoli, Giuliano, Gioviniano, Valentiniano
I., Valentiniano II., Onorio e Valentiniano III. Furono parimente sotto
la disposizione e governo de' Prefetti d'Italia, e de' Vicarj di Roma.
Ed ebbero in oltre altri più immediati Moderatori: un Consolare, due
Correttori, ed un Preside, da' quali, risedendo nelle province a loro
commesse, eran più da presso rette e governate.
Secondo le leggi romane, e le costituzioni di questi Principi venivan
amministrate; nè il nome d'altre leggi s'udiva. Toltone alcune città,
nelle quali essendo ancor rimaso qualche vestigio dell'antiche ragioni
di Municipio e di Città Confederata, conforme a' loro particolari
istituti si vivea; in ogni provincia non si riconobbero altre leggi, che
quelle de' Romani, alle quali solevan quest'istesse città in mancanza
delle loro municipali, aver ricorso, siccome a' fonti d'ogni umana e
divina ragione. Nè quel primo turbamento, che sotto Alarico
portarono i Vestrogoti a queste nostre province, recò verun oltraggio
alla politia ed alle leggi de' Romani; poichè questo Principe in mezzo
all'armi non potè pensare alle leggi; non fece, che scorrere queste
regioni; e quantunque per qualche tempo si fosse fermato ne' Bruzj,
nuove leggi da lui non furon introdotte. Nè tampoco dopo lui, dal
suo successore Ataulfo, il quale pacificatosi finalmente con Onorio,
tutta libera lasciò a costui l'Italia, la quale egli poscia, e Valentiniano
III. resse ed amministrò, come avean fatto gli altr'Imperadori
d'Occidente loro predecessori.
 §. I. Non furono queste province ad altri cedute, o donate.

Nella considerazione delle quali cose se si fossero pur un poco

fermati i Scrittori di questo Regno, e massimamente i nostri
Giureconsulti, non sarebbon certamente incorsi in quelli così gravi e
sconci errori de' quali han riempiuti i lor volumi: nè cotanto
leggiermente sarebbonsi lasciati persuadere a creder quella favolosa
donazione di tutt'Italia, che voglion supponere fatta da Costantino
nell'anno 324 a Silvestro romano Pontefice, quattro giorni da poi,
che fu da costui in Roma battezzato. Errore, che sparso negli
Scrittori italiani, e più ne' libri de' nostri Professori, toltone un solo
Bartolo, fu cagione d'infiniti altri abbagliamenti, anche in cose di più
perniziose conseguenze: imperciocchè alcuni di essi si son avanzati
fino a porre in istampa, che dopo questa donazione gli
altr'Imperadori succeduti a Costantino non ebbero ragione, o diritto
alcuno sopra queste nostre province, come quelle che
s'appartenevano a' Pontefici romani ed erano del patrimonio di San
Pietro: e quindi esser nata la ragione dell'investiture date poi da essi
ad altri diversi Principi: aggiugnendo che fin da tali tempi il nostro
Regno fosse stato distaccato dall'Imperio, e perciò non mai più
sottoposto a gl'Imperatori d'Occidente, e molto meno a quelli
d'Oriente. Il nostro Consigliere Matteo degli Afflitti [413] arrivò a tal
estremità, che non si sgomentò di dire, che dopo questa donazione,
tutte l'altre costituzioni promulgate dagli altr'Imperadori succeduti a
Costantino, per difetto di potestà, non ebbero in queste nostre
province forza, nè vigor alcuno di legge scritta. I Reggenti [414] stessi
del nostro C. Collaterale non arrossiron eziandio di scrivere, che
dopo questa donazione, i successori di Costantino non ebbero
giurisdizione alcuna di far leggi sopra queste province, e che perciò
dovea ricorrersi alla ragion canonica, e non alla civile. Merita
pertanto che qui non si defraudi della meritata lode Marino
Freccia [415] nostro Giureconsulto; egli, fra' nostri fu il primo, che per
avere avuto buon gusto dell'istoria, rimproverò a' nostri Scrittori
error sì grave: nè 'l perdonò tampoco al Consigliero Afflitto, di cui
professava esser congiunto per affinità: nè con altra difesa seppe di
tal errore scusarlo, se non col dire, affinis meus historicus non est.
Ma se questi Scrittori per l'ignoranza de' tempi, ne' quali vissero,
meritan qualche scusa, e a loro non già, ma al vizio del secolo si
volessero questi difetti imputare: non meritano però compatimento
veruno i nostri moderni, i quali dopo tante riprove, dilettansi per
impegno tener chiusi gli occhi, acciocchè non ricevan un poco di
lume, che tanto basterebbe per isgombrare le lor tenebre, nelle quali
si compiaccion di vivere. È oggi mai stato dimostrato abbastanza per
tanti chiari e valent'uomini [416], che quel finto istromento di
donazione fu opera, che non sorse prima dell'ottavo, o nono secolo,
come che da poi siasi proccurato di farlo anche inserire ne' decreti di
Graziano [417], quando negli antichi, secondo attestano S.
Antonino [418], ed il Cardinal Cusano [419], non si leggeva: nè prima
di quel tempo s'ebbe di lui notizia alcuna: ora disputasi solamente
fra' Scrittori, qual abbia potuto essere l'Autore, che da prima diede
corpo e moto a questa larva. Alcuni contendono, che fosse stata
opera di qualche greco Scismatico, il quale, o per rifondere tutta la
grandezza della Chiesa in Roma agl'Imperadori d'Oriente, ovvero per
aver campo da declamare e burlarsi della Chiesa latina e de' romani
Pontefici, secondo il costume della nazione a quelli avversissima,
avesse proccurato, coll'iscovrimento poi di cotal falsa invenzione, di
discreditargli e rendergli odiosi al Mondo; siccome imputavan ad essi
parimente molt'altri fatti strani e portentosi, eccedenti la lor potestà.
E conforme nel progresso di quest'Istoria vedremo, i Greci di
Gregorio II. scrissero, ch'avesse scomunicato l'Imperador Lione,
depostolo dall'Imperio, ordinato a' sudditi di non pagargli tributi, e
perciò assolutigli dal giuramento, e mille altri eccessi narrati nelle
loro storie, non per altro, che per rendergli esosi e per mostrargli al
Mondo usurpatori dell'altrui ragioni; ancorchè poi i più impegnati per
la Corte di Roma, di ciò che i Greci scrissero per un fine, se ne
valessero per un altro.
Altri, fra i quali è Pietro di Marca [420], scrissero, che quell'istrumento
fosse stato finto e supposto non già da alcun Greco, o Scismatico,
ma da Latino e Fedele: tutti però concordano esser favoloso; e tanto
più se ne persuasero, quanto che molti esemplari veggonsene tutti
infra loro varj e difformi. D'una maniera si legge questa donazione
nel decreto di Graziano [421]: di un'altra è quella trasferita dal greco
in latino, rapportata da Teodoro Balsamone [422], e trovata nella
libreria Vaticana: di diverso tenore la riferiscono l'istessi R. Pontefici,
Nicolò III. e Lione IX. [423]; d'altro modo Pier Damiano [424], Matteo
Blastare, Ivone di Chartres, e Francesco Burfatto [425]: ed altrimente
la rapporta Alberico [426]: in brieve sin a dodici, e più esemplari se ne
leggon tutti infra loro varj e differenti.
Ma se a cotali rapportatori furon ignoti i fatti di Costantino, e niente
curaron d'Eusebio e degli altri Scrittori contemporanei, appo i quali
d'un fatto sì strepitoso e grande evvi un profondissimo silenzio;
almeno avrebbon dovuto disingannarsi dal solo Codice Teodosiano, e
dalle costituzioni dello stesso Costantino, che in quello si leggono.
Voglion comunemente costoro, che Costantino mentr'era in Roma
nella primavera di quest'anno 324 avesse usata questa cotanta
prodigalità con Silvestro, quattro giorni dopo il suo battesimo: ma
certa ed indubitata cosa è, che Costantino in questi stessi supposti
mesi del 324 mai in Roma non fu siccome colui, che di quel tempo
trovavasi in Oriente tutto occupato nella guerra contra Licinio; la
quale terminata con averlo sconfitto, e riportatane piena vittoria, è
noto altresì, che passato in Tessalonica quivi si fermasse, ed in
questi stessi mesi appunto di quest'istess'anno 324 non partissi da
quella città [427]: il che manifestamente si prova per due sue
costituzioni, che nel suddetto Codice Teodosiano ancor si leggono:
ciò sono per la l. 4. sotto il tit. de Naviculariis, la quale fu promulgata
da Costantino in quest'istesso tempo mentre era in Tessalonica, e
dirizzata ad Elpidio, sotto il Consolato di Costantino III. e Crispo III.
che porta questa data: Dat. VIII. Id. Mart. Thessalonicae. Crispo III.
et Constantino III. Coss. e per quell'altra sua famosa
costituzione [428] ove si prescrive la norma delle dispense dall'età
così a maschi, come a femmine, che alquanto guasta e tronca fu
inserita anche da Triboniano nel Codice di Giustiniano [429]. Questa
legge Costantino la fece quando in quest'istesso anno 324 era in
Tessalonica, come narra Zosimo [430] e porta la sua data: Dat. VI. Id.
Aprilis Thessalonicae, Crispo III. et Constantino III. Coss. come
emenda Gotofredo: e fu indirizzata a Lucrio Verino, il quale in
quest'anno era Prefetto della città di Roma, com'è manifesto dalle
parole della Notizia de Prefetti di Roma, ove si legge Crispo III. et
Constantino III. Coss. Lucr. Verinus Praefectus Urbi: ond'è che
scorrettamente si legga l'iscrizione di questa legge nel Codice di
Giustiniano: ad Verinum P. Praetorio.
Queste leggi convincono per favolosa non meno questa donazione,
che il battesimo di Costantino per mano del Pontefice Silvestro [431].
Nè dovean altri moversi per gli atti di questo Pontefice, i quali dallo
stesso Baronio non sono ricevuti, ma riputati per favolosi: e favola
certamente è ciò, che in essi si narra, che in quest'anno 324 fosse
stato Prefetto di Roma Calfurnio, quando dalle date delle riferite
leggi è manifesto, che fu Prefetto di quella città Lucrio Verino. Dovea
più tosto movergli l'istoria d'Eusebio di Cesarea [432] uom grave ed
ingenuo, che fiorì ne' medesimi tempi e che i gesti di questo Principe
minutamente descrisse: e dove fatti sì grandi e memorabili, se
fossero veramente accaduti, egli non è credibile, che dalla diligenza
ed accuratezza di sì fatt'uomo si fossero potuti tralasciare e
trascurargli in un'istoria, che pochi anni dopo la morte di Costantino
fu pubblicata alla luce del Mondo, e girava fra le mani di tutti, i quali
con molto scorno e biasimo d'Eusebio avrebbon allora potuto
rinfacciargli tant'ignoranza, e smentirlo ancora di ciò, ch'avea narrato
d'essersi Costantino battezzato in Nicomedia negli ultimi giorni di sua
vita, non già in Roma.
Ma di ciò, ch'ora alcuni dubitano, non ne dubitaron certamente gli
antichi Scrittori così greci, come latini. Teodoreto, Sozomeno,
Socrate, Fozio, ed altri greci Autori scrissero [433], Costantino aver
ricevuto il battesimo non già per le mani di Papa Silvestro in Roma,
ma in Nicomedia, essendo per morire: e fra' Latini, S. Ambrogio, S.
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