Geometry Driven Statistics

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 Geometry Driven Statistics

A timely collection of advanced, original material in the area of statistical methodology

motivated by geometric problems, dedicated to the influential work of Kanti V. Mardia This
volume celebrates Kanti V. Mardia's long a...

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Geometry Driven Statistics
Geometry Driven Statistics

edited by

Ian L. Dryden

Book Space Hub

administra des coups de bâton en pleine rue. Ne pouvant obtenir ni
justice ni réparation, Rousseau chercha l’auteur des couplets, et sur
des indices vraisemblables, crut le trouver dans Saurin qui fut
emprisonné. On produisit un exemplaire des couplets écrit de sa
main; l’accusation y vit un brouillon; suivant Saurin c’était une copie.
Il composa pour sa défense un mémoire considéré par Voltaire,
malheureusement fort partial, comme un des ouvrages de cette
nature les plus adroits et les plus véritablement éloquents. Après
une détention préventive de plus d’une année, Saurin fut acquitté
faute de preuves, et il serait bien plus difficile encore d’en trouver
aujourd’hui dans un sens ou dans l’autre. Quant à J.-B. Rousseau, il
aurait pu se borner, comme Clément Marot, dans une circonstance
semblable, à répondre à ses accusateurs:
Si mentez vous bien par la gorge.
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Il ne sortit oncq de ma forge
Un ouvraige si mal limé.

Les dernières années de Saurin furent consacrées à la science et

au développement des idées de Descartes sur la physique; mais
quoique destinées à disparaître bientôt sans retour, personne ne les
attaquait dans le sein de l’Académie, où elles n’avaient pas besoin de
défenseur.
Il mourut en 1737, à l’âge de soixante et dix-huit ans, après avoir
obtenu depuis six ans le titre de vétéran, qui le dispensait des
travaux réguliers imposés aux pensionnaires.
Les travaux nombreux et variés de de Lahire, auraient pu faire la
célébrité d’un nom que son père, peintre habile, avait déjà porté
avec honneur.
De Lahire était un savant universel, géomètre, astronome,
physicien, mécanicien, ingénieur, anatomiste et naturaliste parfois,
en même temps que très-habile artiste; capable des spéculations les
plus hautes comme de la pratique la plus délicate, et curieux de
toutes les sciences, il a fait preuve dans toutes d’un esprit distingué,
mais n’a excellé dans aucune. Pendant cinquante ans il s’associa
avec une inconcevable activité à tous les travaux de l’Académie.
Orphelin à l’âge de dix-sept ans, il se rendit en Italie pour y
compléter ses études d’artiste; quatre ans après il revint géomètre.
L’étude de la perspective, en l’initiant aux mathématiques, lui avait
montré sa véritable voie: il ne cessa plus de la suivre.
Quelques écrits rédigés à la manière des anciens sur les sections
coniques et la cycloïde, et qui, sans apporter un grand progrès à la
science, révélèrent son secret au public, lui ouvrirent les portes de
l’Académie. Attaché bientôt avec Picard aux travaux de la carte de
France, il dirigea vers les applications ses connaissances théoriques
déjà très-profondes, et vit avec une sorte d’indifférence la face des
mathématiques se rajeunir et se renouveler par les découvertes de
Leibnitz et de Newton, qu’il n’entendit jamais bien parfaitement;
toujours passionné pour la géométrie des anciens, il en resta un des
représentants les plus habiles.
Son Traité sur les épicycloïdes, publié en 1692 dans les Mémoires
de l’Académie, lui assure un rang estimable parmi les géomètres, et
l’application ingénieuse qu’il en fit à la construction des roues
d’engrenage est aujourd’hui devenue classique.
L’uniformité de mouvement, nécessaire dans un grand nombre de
machines, est précieuse dans toutes, parce qu’elle diminue la fatigue
des organes. Les variations de vitesse exigent des efforts
proportionnés à leur rapidité et à la grandeur des masses en
mouvement; il convient donc d’ajuster un engrenage de telle sorte
que le mouvement uniforme de l’une des roues assure à l’autre une
vitesse différente mais toujours constante, malgré le changement
continuel des points de contact par lesquels les dents se poussent.
Tel est le problème dont de Lahire, en le rattachant, il est vrai, à des
principes moins simples et moins clairs, a donné plusieurs solutions
élégantes, que les constructeurs soigneux adoptent encore
aujourd’hui.
De Lahire fut, à l’Observatoire, le fondateur des observations
météorologiques; de 1689 jusqu’à sa mort en 1718, les Mémoires de
l’Académie contiennent, chaque année, le résumé de ses
observations sur la température et sur la quantité de pluie tombée
mensuellement à Paris. Son seul but est d’ailleurs de satisfaire ceux
qui, comme lui, ont de la curiosité «pour connaître les variétés qui se
rencontrent dans les saisons.» Ce travail fort pénible, qu’il ne
discontinua jamais, l’obligeait à s’occuper de physique; mais quoiqu’il
y ait appliqué, à plusieurs reprises, l’activité incessante de son esprit,
ses idées sur plusieurs points ne peuvent être citées que comme une
preuve frappante de l’incertitude des esprits les plus distingués de
l’époque. De Lahire regarda toujours comme impossible la
construction de deux thermomètres comparables en des lieux
différents. Les points fixes qu’il adoptait étaient en effet les
températures extrêmes des saisons exceptionnelles et celles des
caves de l’Observatoire, et il ne fallait pas songer à les retrouver
dans d’autres climats.
Amontons ayant reconnu, après Hooke et Newton, que la
température de l’eau bouillante ne s’élève jamais au-dessus d’une
certaine limite, de Lahire, en voyant plusieurs années de suite la
température maxima de l’été correspondre au même degré de son
thermomètre, se demanda si l’air n’a pas comme l’eau une
température maxima, qui serait précisément celle à laquelle il
s’arrête pendant les étés les plus chauds?
On est surpris également de voir de Lahire contredire, dans les
Mémoires de l’Académie, une opinion émise par Mariotte, dont la
vérité semble aujourd’hui trop évidente pour que l’on ose en faire
honneur à aucun savant en particulier. D’où provient l’eau qui coule
dans les rivières? Exclusivement de la pluie et de la fonte des neiges.
Telle était la réponse de Mariotte, dont de Lahire conteste
l’exactitude pour supposer de grands réservoirs intérieurs dont la
chaleur terrestre élève les vapeurs, qui se condensent près de sa
surface et coulent sur le premier lit de tuf ou de glaise qu’elles
trouvent jusqu’à ce qu’une ouverture les jette hors du sein de la
terre.
En signalant les lacunes des connaissances de de Lahire sur la
physique, qui presque toutes sont, il ne faut pas l’oublier, celles de
son époque, il n’est pas hors de propos de mentionner un curieux
travail sur la réfraction, dans lequel il croit démontrer que les rayons
lumineux décrivent dans l’atmosphère des arcs de cycloïde.
Admettant pour la compression de l’air une loi très-différente de
celle de Mariotte et déduite de raisonnements fort vagues, fondés
sur l’analogie avec les ressorts d’acier, il croit la densité de l’air
proportionnelle à la racine carrée de la distance à la limite supérieure
de l’atmosphère. Cette loi de décroissement imposerait en effet aux
molécules lumineuses une trajectoire cycloïdale; mais de Lahire le
démontre par des considérations infinitésimales dont la forme
étrange, incompréhensible pour le lecteur le plus familier avec les
méthodes de Leibnitz et de Newton, peut servir d’excuse, sinon de
justification, à ceux qui, comme Rolle et Galois, s’obstinaient à en
nier la rigueur.
Citons enfin, pour donner une faible idée de la variété des
travaux de de Lahire, un mémoire sur la cause pour laquelle les tiges
des plantes s’élèvent verticalement, lors même que les graines sont
tournées à contre-sens, et pourquoi les racines se retournent d’elles-
mêmes pour s’enfoncer dans la terre. Il conçoit que, dans les
plantes, la racine tire un suc plus grossier et plus pesant, et la tige
au contraire un suc plus fin et plus volatil. En effet, dit-il, la racine
passe, chez tous les physiciens, pour l’estomac de la plante où les
sucs terrestres se digèrent et se subtilisent au point de pouvoir
ensuite s’élever jusqu’aux extrémités des branches; et il admet ainsi
que, dès les premiers jours de la vie de la plante, celle-ci se retourne
et se maintient verticale, comme le fait, dans certains jouets
d’enfant, un morceau de liége lesté de plomb à sa partie inférieure.
Tel est en abrégé le système, dont suivant Fontenelle, la simplicité
seule est une preuve. La physiologie végétale était peu avancée, on
le voit, au commencement du XVIIIe siècle.
Sauveur, nommé d’abord adjoint pour les mathématiques, entra à
l’Académie avec des titres scientifiques fort modestes. Absolument
muet jusqu’à l’âge de sept ans, il conserva toute sa vie une grande
difficulté d’élocution. Ses études chez les Jésuites de la Flèche ne
furent nullement brillantes, et Fontenelle, toujours bienveillant, sans
oser blâmer les professeurs qui désespéraient de lui, loue beaucoup
la perspicacité de celui qui sut prévoir ce qu’il vaudrait un jour.
Sauveur, que les écrits de Cicéron et de Virgile avaient laissé fort
indifférent, fut charmé par l’arithmétique de Pelletier du Mans. Tout
en étudiant les mathématiques avec ardeur, il se préparait à obtenir
le titre de médecin, mais on le dissuada de suivre cette carrière; ce
fut Bossuet, à qui on l’avait recommandé qui, le jugeant peu propre
à y réussir, n’hésita pas à le lui dire et sut le lui persuader; il jugea
qu’il allait trop directement au but en supprimant trop les paroles, et
que le peu qui en restait était dénué de grâce. Sauveur, faute de
trouver d’autres ressources, devint professeur de mathématiques, et
malgré sa difficulté d’élocution, les enseigna avec grand succès. Les
géomètres, dans ce temps-là, étaient rares, et vivaient, dit
Fontenelle, séquestrés du monde; Sauveur, au contraire, s’y livrait
complétement; quelques dames même aidèrent à sa réputation, et il
devint bientôt le géomètre à la mode et le professeur des plus
grands personnages; les enfants de France furent au nombre de ses
élèves. Plein de candeur et de franchise, il sut plaire à tout le
monde, et on put se demander, en le voyant si bien réussir même à
la cour, si Bossuet ne s’était pas trop hâté de trouver dans ses
manières un obstacle insurmontable à ses succès comme médecin.
Sauveur calcula pour Dangeau, l’avantage du banquier contre les
pontes au jeu de la bassette, qui étant fort à la mode, contribua à l’y
mettre lui-même et lui fut plus utile qu’aux joueurs les plus heureux.
Malgré la haute position qu’il avait su se créer, il désira longtemps,
sans oser la demander lorsqu’elle se trouva vacante, la chaire de
mathématiques du Collége royal, occupée d’abord par Ramus et qui
alors se donnait au concours; il fallait, suivant le règlement,
commencer les épreuves par une harangue, et cette nécessité, dont
il s’effrayait fort, écartait Sauveur de la lice. C’est en 1686 seulement
qu’il osa se présenter, mais devenu célèbre alors il lut sa harangue et
l’on s’en contenta.
Sauveur, qui malgré ses succès comme professeur, resta toujours
un géomètre médiocre à tous égards, devait cependant laisser un
grand nom dans la science, et ses recherches sur l’acoustique le
placent sans contredit au nombre des membres illustres de
l’Académie.
 Tandis que les disciples immédiats de Leibnitz et de Newton, les
frères Bernoulli, Moivre, Stirling, Taylor et MacLaurin suivaient les
voies nouvelles en les élargissant, les excellents écrits de L’Hôpital
ne portaient en France aucun fruit.
Les mathématiciens devenaient rares, même à l’Académie, et
tout l’usage des nouvelles méthodes était pour les compatriotes de
leurs créateurs. Sans grand succès comme sans grand talent,
Camus, Nicole et Lagny apportaient de temps à autre à l’Académie
quelques faciles problèmes de géométrie ou d’algèbre, et si les
frères Bernoulli n’avaient répondu par plusieurs pièces excellentes et
singulières à l’honneur d’avoir été inscrits les premiers sur la liste
des membres associés étrangers, la collection des Mémoires
antérieurs à l’élection de Clairaut mériterait à peine une mention
dans l’histoire des mathématiques.
On voit par exemple pendant plus de vingt ans, les géomètres de
l’Académie, non-seulement partagés, mais suspendus dans une
incertitude continuelle, affirmer et nier tour à tour des vérités
démontrées depuis longtemps par Huyghens et restées obscures
pour eux dans le grand jour où il les avait cependant placées.
Huyghens avait trouvé très-exactement le temps d’une petite
oscillation sur un cercle de rayon donné. Galilée d’autre part, en
étudiant les lois de la chute, non sur le cercle mais sur une de ses
cordes, avait trouvé, comme il le devait, un temps tout différent et
parfaitement exact aussi. Parent, dans un journal scientifique qu’il
publiait, s’avisa de signaler ces résultats comme contradictoires.
Mariotte déjà, dans une lettre à Huyghens, avait fait la même
confusion et commis la même erreur. Saurin, prévenu, dit-il plus
tard, en faveur d’Huyghens, réfuta l’objection en maintenant
l’exactitude des deux théories. Parent là-dessus avoue qu’il s’est
trompé, mais réclame l’honneur de l’avoir reconnu seul avant les
démonstrations de Saurin. C’est le sujet d’une discussion fort aigre
pendant laquelle, changeant d’avis une seconde fois, il affirme,
toutes réflexions faites, que la formule d’Huyghens est inexacte
comme il l’avait pensé d’abord. Saurin se laisse convaincre, est élu
membre de l’Académie, et le chevalier de Louville, s’appliquant à la
même question et déconcerté par les raisons contraires, suivant lui
irrésistibles, les énumère sans oser conclure. Saurin, plus hardi,
démontre qu’il n’y a aucun doute et qu’Huyghens s’est trompé.
Aucun académicien ne réclame, et c’est dix-huit ans après la
première objection de Parent que la difficulté est enfin tranchée,
mais non par la voie la plus courte, et que le chevalier de Louville,
accordant enfin Huyghens avec Galilée, les déclare tous deux
irréprochables. Mais par compensation, Louville à la même époque,
réfutait une erreur prétendue de Leibnitz. La raison qui le détermine
mérite qu’on la rapporte:
«Tant que cette erreur, dit-il, n’a été que celle de M. Leibnitz, je
n’ai pas jugé à propos d’y répondre; mais le livre de mathématiques
de Wolfius m’étant tombé entre les mains où j’y ai trouvé le même
principe, j’ai cru qu’il était à propos de combattre ce faux préjugé.»
Est-il besoin d’ajouter que Leibnitz n’avait commis aucune erreur,
et que le faux préjugé est tout entier chez Louville qui suit en
mécanique les principes de Descartes?
Dans ces discussions, qui font si peu honneur à leur savoir,
Saurin, Louville et Parent, sans méconnaître l’évidence des principes,
s’embarrassent dans la seule discussion des conséquences. L’abbé
de Molières, professeur de philosophie au Collége royal et membre
de la section de géométrie à l’Académie, était moins avancé encore.
Son esprit court et confus refusait toute attention aux théories
nouvelles, et pour expliquer la nature se contentait des tourbillons.
Écouté et goûté même des écoliers, il fit plus d’une fois sourire ses
confrères; l’Académie refusa d’insérer dans ses Mémoires une
expérience pleine d’illusion qui devait, suivant lui, réduire ses
adversaires au silence. L’abbé réclama sans rien obtenir, et
l’Académie, en maintenant sa décision, lui causa un tel accès
d’impatience et de rage, que la fièvre le prit et qu’il en mourut sans
avoir consenti à recevoir Maupertuis chargé par ses confrères de lui
exprimer tout leur intérêt.
L’abbé de Gua, membre comme lui de la section de géométrie, lui
succéda dans la chaire du Collége royal. De Gua semble à l’Académie
le continuateur de Rolle. Attaché aux théories élémentaires de
l’algèbre et de la géométrie analytique, il les a cultivées avec un
esprit exact, mais peu inventif. Les mathématiques d’ailleurs ne
l’occupaient pas tout entier; il s’était formé une théorie sur les
phénomènes atmosphériques, en laquelle la témérité de ses
prédictions révèle une inébranlable confiance. Il avait annoncé du
tonnerre pour le 18 juillet 1756 et de l’orage pour le 22; la journée
du 18 s’étant passée sans tonnerre, de Gua ne se montre nullement
déconcerté. On lit au procès-verbal du 19 juillet: «M. l’abbé de Gua a
dit qu’il fallait reculer de treize heures sur les événements prédits, et
que comme le tonnerre prédit pour hier s’est passé en vent, le vent
prédit pour mardi se passera en tonnerre.» Nous ignorons
l’événement du mardi, mais l’abbé, pour s’expliquer, crut nécessaire
d’écrire une nouvelle lettre.
Clairaut et d’Alembert, admis à l’Académie, l’un en 1731, l’autre
en 1740, sont au nombre de ses membres véritablement illustres, et
la géométrie leur doit, aussi bien que la mécanique céleste,
quelques-uns de ses plus grands progrès. J’ai essayé ailleurs, en
esquissant les traits principaux de leur caractère, d’indiquer le sujet
et l’occasion de leurs principales découvertes. Ces études, quoique
fort courtes, dépasseraient ici notre cadre, et je me bornerai à en
extraire quelques pages où leur rôle est surtout celui de membres de
l’Académie des sciences.
Alexis Clairaut fut un enfant merveilleusement précoce. Son père,
pauvre professeur de mathématiques, chargé d’une nombreuse
famille et forcé à une grande économie, instruisait lui-même ses
enfants. Tout naturellement il leur enseignait de préférence ce qu’il
savait le mieux, et la géométrie occupait une grande place dans
leurs études. Les éléments d’Euclide servirent de premier alphabet à
Clairaut; il se trouva bientôt capable de les entendre et d’en
raisonner. Attiré par le charme des démonstrations abstraites qui lui
semblaient claires et faciles, il avait lu et compris à l’âge de dix ans
le traité des sections coniques du marquis de L’Hôpital. Vers le milieu
de sa treizième année, il composa un mémoire sur les propriétés de
quelques courbes nouvelles qui, présenté à l’Académie des sciences
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