El Programa Bracero

The Bra cero Program

t
 El Programa Bracero

CANDIDO GONZALEZ PEREZ

Universidad
Intercultural
Sde CH IA PA S
Pot un Chiapas Jgua ;rano 1' Mural
Guano UNTIVERSRARIO Snatr101.6...Cms•
DE Los Amos
Primera edicion, 2010

C 2010, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico

C 2010, Universidad Intercultural de Chiapas

C 2010, Universidad de Guadalajara, Los Angeles California

C 2010, Universidad de Guadalajara

Centro Universitario de Los Altos
Centro Universitario de Ciencia Sociales y Humanidades
Guanajuato #1045, Col. Alcalde Barranquitas,
C.P. 44260. Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico

ISBN: 978-970-27-2026-3

Impreso y hecho en Mexico

Printed and made in Mexico
 Contenido

PrOtago. El sueno americano que pudo ser mexicano 9

Jose de Jesus Herndndez Lopez

Introduccion 15

Las anexiones 17

Inicia la migracion 25

La Ley de Exclusion de Chinos 27

Se firma el primer convenio 31

La Proposicion 187 de California 65

La etapa ilegal 67

[Link] una organizaci6n 71

Conclusiones 81

Bibliografia 85
 Prologo

El suetio americano
que pudo ser mexicano

Jose de Jesus Herncindez Lopez

En este document° Candid° Gonzalez aborda el fen6meno de la migra-

ciOn hacia Estados Unidos centrandose en el Programa Bracero, y a
semejanza de la tradiciOn braudeliana, recurre a una explicaciOn que
considera la media& y la larga duracion.
El centro de interes se ubica en la segunda mitad del siglo xx, pero
el autor transporta al lector hasta los origenes del fenomeno migratorio,
que con las caracteristicas que aqui se describen se remonta a los primeros
afios de vida del Mexico independiente, en el periodo presidencial encabe-
zado por su "Alteza Serenisima" don Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana.
Conviene destacar varios aspectos relevantes que atraviesan el ma-
nuscrito de Candido: la identificaci6n de algunos de los actores que han
formado parte del fenomeno migratorio, dandole voz de manera inte-
resante a algunos de los "braceros"; el senalamiento de la construed&
de espacios, en especifico las ciudades fronterizas —sobre todo del lado
mexicano—; o la recuperaci6n que lleva a cabo de algunas de las expre-
siones creadas como lenguaje propio por quienes se incorporan en esas
redes sociales, siempre anunciando al lector el contexto preciso en el cual
emergieron: "bracero", "mojado", "secado de mojados", "ilegal", "es-
paldas mojadas", etcetera. Estos terminos refieren a practicas culturales
en momentos historicos a los cuales debe recurrirse para entenderlas a
cabalidad.

9
 Desde su origen, la relacion entre mexicanos y estadounidenses ha
pasado por periodos hist6ricos de bonanza y evidentes beneficios para
los participantes, pero tambien por otros lapsos tormentosos y desventu-
rados, como el que constituye el punto de partida de esa misma relaci6n:
la anexi6n de territorio mexicano por parte de Estados Unidos y la fiebre
del oro que "casualmente" se desatO al poco tiempo de esa incorporacion
de casi la mitad del territorio mexicano.
El "suetio americano", consistente en colonizar tierras practicamente
despobladas en las cuales ademas podia encontrarse oro y que en aquella
epoca y hasta bien entrado el Porfiriato, con la construed& de lineas
ferroviarias se evidenciaba que todos los caminos conducian a Califor-
nia, hicieron patente la interconexion mundial que existia en diferentes
latitudes del orbe. InterconexiOn que, dicho sea de paso, no comenzo con
la globalizacion de la economia en los Ultimos tiempos, sino como han
demostrado Andre Gunder Frank, Emmanuel Wallerstein y Eric Wolf,
entre otros, al menos se viene sucediendo desde el siglo xv. Australianos,
ingleses y chinos, ademas de mexicanos y de contingentes cuya proceden-
cia podia ubicarse en cualquier continente, fueron arribando a la costa
Oeste de Estados Unidos atraidos por la fiebre del oro o expulsados por
las condiciones en las cuales se encontraban en su lugar de origen.
Otra historia hubiera acontecido si el oro hubiera sido descubierto
mientras los territorios seguian perteneciendo a la Republica Mexicana.
Entonces estariamos hablando de inmigraci6n, o de procesos migrato-
rios internos. Empero, el autor se detiene en otros aspectos por demas
relevantes: la participacion del Estado mexicano en esas circunstancias,
anos mas tarde en el periodo de las dos guerras mundiales y en la fuer-
za que cobra el Programa Bracero en la segunda posguerra. Durante
los 150 anos que cubre el documento se dibuja un Estado rebasado que
pierde territorio y gradualmente poblacion, mismo que luego es relevado
por otro con capacidad de negociaci& con el vecino gobierno del Norte,
mismo que da paso a uno mas actual que debe enfrentar el pago de las
retenciones realizadas a los braceros en otras epocas y que, desde cierta
perspectiva, con su ausencia como gestor y/o garante de cierto tipo de
procesos migratorios, contribuye a la construed& de la vulnerabilidad
social y laboral de muchos mexicanos.
El autor da importancia a la ley de exclusion de los chinos y ciertos
beneficios que tuvo para las colonias de inmigrantes mexicanos. En el
camino va mostrando los diferentes tipos de animadversiOn, racismo y
formacion de "clase" o de grupos que se sucedieron a partir de las dife-

10
rencias &Incas. Ciertas constantes pueden establecerse entre to sucedido
desde hace siglo medio hasta la actualidad; entre ellas puede destacarse
la discriminaci6n y racismo que reciben los migrantes del sureste mexi-
cano en los Altos de Jalisco, a donde acuden a trabajar en los campos de
agave para la elaboracion de tequila.
Debe mencionarse que las descripciones presentadas por el autor su-
gieren una realidad poco conocida hasta la fecha: las estrategias imple-
mentadas entre pares para evitar la competencia econOrnica. De acuerdo
con la teoria marxista, siempre se ha pensado y se ha escrito respecto a
las ventajas que representa para el sector empresarial, los capitalistas o la
clase dominante, contar con un ejercito de trabajadores de reserva como
estrategia para contener la resistencia e inconformidad de los trabajado-
res, asi como para mantener los sueldos y prestaciones en los niveles mi-
nimos posibles para garantizar la sobrevivencia de los obreros. Empero,
la informaciOn presentada profundiza en otras realidades, a saber, otro
tipo de practicas entre los inmigrantes, quienes a pesar de pertenecer al
mismo grupo etnico o proviniendo del mismo pals, utilizan expresiones
racistas y excluyentes, como se dijo al principio, como estrategia para
evitar la competencia por el acceso a mejores condiciones econ6micas,
sea a traves del acceso a la tierra o de algan puesto de trabajo. Tal vez sin
pretenderlo, Candido abre aqui una puerta para discutir sobre los nexos
de solidaridad y las practicas discriminatorias entre nacionales al encon-
trarse en el extranjero.
Lo mismo puede pensarse respecto a la construcci6n de espacios
fronterizos como lugares donde se facilita la contrataci6n o se alarga el
via crucis de algunos de los migrantes. Si bien se trata de lugares ubica-
dos justo en el limite de un pals, la zona fronteriza ha sido un punto de
encuentro para contratistas, enganchadores, migrantes, maquiladoras y
"coyotes", entre muchos personajes mas que han contribuido a dar for-
ma a ciudades como Tijuana, Ciudad Juarez, Mexicali y Nogales, y cuya
actividad depende del movimiento legal e ilegal de personas.
Desde el punto de vista de quien incentiva la migraci6n, aunque no
siempre sea quien la provoque, tres momentos historicos son distingui-
bles: a) cuando la colonizaciOn y los anhelos de riqueza impulsaban el
desplazamiento, sea para colonizar o para trabajar en esas tareas; b)
cuando el Estado mexicana en acuerdo con el Estado receptor, dieron
vida al Programa Bracero para trabajos temporales; c) cuando las em-
presas transnacionales y los empresarios en particular requieren de la
mano de obra mexicana para hacer producir con mayor rentabilidad sus

11
campos o fabricas. Es decir, en diferentes periodos histericos han sido
muy distintos los factores, asi como los actores que movilizan y desplazan
la fuerza de trabajo en una u otra direcci6n. Y tambion la forma como
han sido concebidos los migrantes y su actividad productiva: a) como
agentes que participan en la expansi6n de la agricultura y de la presen-
cia del Estado "norteamericano" en suelos recien adquiridos; b) coma
trabajadores con ciertas caracteristicas que los vuelven id6neos para el
apalancamiento de un importante sector productivo pero en otro pals; c)
como mano de obra barata. Es decir, parece que en la historia de la mi-
gracion existe un transit° de una concepci6n de migrante como alguien
capaz de hacer producir la tierra (concepci6n fisiocrata), a otra mucho
mas pobre al considerarsele como mano de obra barata y no especializa-
da (concepcion capitalista).
Lo argumentado hasta ahora da pie para pensar en las caracteristicas
de los actuales flujos migratorios, donde despunta el exodo por motivos
individuales, propio del contexto histOrico actual, asi como de una de
las caracteristicas de periodos postindustriales: la construcciOn de indivi-
duos con capacidad para ir y venir voluntariamente en busca de oportu-
nidades laborales.
Cualquiera sea el periodo historic° a que se haga referencia, no pile-
de obviarse la presencia o ausencia del Estado mexicana asi como las
condiciones que privaban en el campo y en la industria mexicana. Se in-
fiere que si a pesar de todo se acepta trabajar "asi" en Estados Unidos,
teem° estaran las cosas en Mexico? Se emigra para obtener mejores in-
gresos, pero tambien para huir de alga.
Cierto es que al inicio del Programa Bracero destac6 el papel activo
del gobierno mexicano como gestor, hasta cierto punto, de la emigraciOn
de contingentes de ciudadanos meiiicanos a los campos agricolas de te-
rritorios otrora pertenecientes al pals. Un papel que contrasta con lo que
sucede en la actualidad, cuando las gestiones precisamente son respecto
a mercancias como el tequila, el aguacate o la fresa, que representan ges-
tiones cuyos beneficiarios directos son empresarios, y no siempre mexi-
canos. Esto debe leerse no como una critica dirigida hacia esa forma de
actuar de los aparatos gubernamentales, sino precisamente a la omision
en cuanto a politicas migratorias. Ojala el Estado gestionara para todos.
En ese tenor, llevando los argumentos hasta sus animas consecuencias y
respecto al Programa Bracero mediante el cual se provey6 de mano de
obra mexicana al sector primario estadounidense durante buena parte
del siglo xx, puede pensarse en el subsidio involuntario que realizaron

12
los braceros al gobierno mexicano al desconocer o encontrar toda una
serie de trabas para recuperar 10% de retenci6n forzosa que se les hizo a
quienes trabajaron en el programa en los arias comprendidos entre 1943
y 1949.
Recuerda el autor que el Programa Bracero debe dejar de verse
como la estrategia seguida por el gobierno estadounidense para sustituir
la mano de obra local que se enfilo hacia la guerra, ya que justo cuando
mas se consolido el programa fue durante la segunda posguerra. Si se
trataba de un programa de sustituci6n, debia haber sido cancelado al
termino de la guerra; sin embargo, el hecho de que se incrementara y
consolidara entre las decadas de 1940 a 1960 demuestra que tal como
sucediera en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y buena parte del xx, los tra-
bajadores mexicanos contribuyeron a la expansi6n de la frontera agricola
y a su intensificaciOn; de esta forma se desmitifica la creencia de que los
braceros fueron a ocupar espacios que antes de la guerra correspondian
a ciudadanos estadounidenses.
Varias de las virietas correspondientes a las entrevistas con ex bra-
ceros, siempre hombres, testimonian la explotacion y precariedad de
las condiciones en las que laboraban los paisanos del otro lado de la
frontera, sobre todo en el periodo en que los Estados (estadounidense
y mexicano) dejaron de participar en las gestiones y acuerdos relativos
a la contratacion de trabajadores temporales. Lo parad6jico es que aun
en esas circunstancias las condiciones laborales eran mucho mejores de
las que se podian alcanzar trabajando en Mexico. Asi, la migracion, en
cualquiera de sus diferentes etapas sirve para analizar las politicas pübli-
cas, exhibir la existencia de cacicazgos regionales, de intermediarismos
y burocracias que se convierten en cuellos de botella e impiden que en
caso de existir apoyos, estos lleguen a los destinatarios finales.
La migracion, y en especifico el Programa Bracero no deben pen-
sarse solo como procesos de proletarizaciOn debido a que muchos de
quienes eran enganchados para el trabajo fabril habian sido agriculto-
res en Mexico; sin embargo, muchos otros continuaron trabajando en la
agricultura estadounidense enriqueciendo con las propias practicas tanto
la agricultura "de alla" como la "de aca". Los migrantes han sido agentes
polinizadores que han enriquecido las practicas agricolas de ambos lados
de la frontera.
Resta agradecer a Candid° la frescura de su documento, que refleja
un interes genuino por darle voz y visibilidad a las historias de braceros
quienes residen hoy en ambos lados de la frontera. Que el esfuerzo de

13
difusion de esta investigacion alcance a las noveles generaciones de alte-
fios para tomar conciencia de la contribucion de varias generaciones de
mexicanos a la construed& de dos naciones.

'tos desnudaban a todos para Lego fur

14
 Introduccion

La historia de Mexico no puede contarse si Ilegara a faltar la inclusion de

to que significO el convenio de trabajadores migrantes durante el periodo
de 22 altos comprendido entre 1942 y 1964. La migraci6n de trabajadores
se inicio durante el mismo afio en que el gobierno estadounidense adqui-
rio por 15 millones de &Mares los territorios de la Alta California y Nuevo
Mexico (ya antes se habfa anexado el de Texas) en 1848 mediante el Tra-
tado Guadalupe Hidalgo, por el cual Mexico se rendfa ante la guerra
iniciada dos afios antes; no obstante, el movimiento de inmigrantes a Cali-
fornia es mas conocido por la "fiebre del oro" de 1849, cuando llegaron
trabajadores de todas panes del mundo: de Europa por la ascendencia
de los estadounidenses, de Asia porque llegO una cantidad considera-
ble de chinos, y de Oceania porque fueron atrafdos muchos australianos
que hablaban el mismo idioma y profesaban la misma religion que los
nuevos duefios de esa regiOn, ya que habfan sido conquistados tambien
por Gran Bretafia. Para hablar de la migracion, entonces se debe iniciar
por el principio: los mexicanos emigraron a otro pals cuando las partes
que pertenecfan at nuestro cambiaron de duefio. Asi, la primera seccion
de este trabajo trata de las anexiones de lo que fueron Texas, Nuevo
Mexico y la Alta California a Estados Unidos. Luego se hace referencia
al inicio de la migraci6n y en particular a un grupo de varios miles de
sonorenses que cruzaron la nueva frontera para trabajar en las minas
de oro descubiertas en un principio en el poblado de Coloma, ubicado a
50 kilometros al noreste de Sacramento, la actual capital del estado de
California. En tercer lugar, se habla de la Ley de Exclusion de Chinos
porque mare() una etapa de apertura para el ingreso de mexicanos a los
trabajos que mas requerian de mano de obra en el desarrollo del pals,
que se estaba conformando en esa epoca (1882) como el mas importante
del mundo economicamente hablando; los asiaticos habfan incursionado
en el trabajo de las minas en un principio, luego en la agricultura y en la
instalacion de vfas del ferrocarril que exigia el pujante crecimiento de
Norteamerica; no obstante tratarse de un grupo caracterizado por su gran
dedicacion al trabajo, fueron segregados paulatinamente hasta llegar a la
15
ignominiosa promulgacion de una ley que prohibia la presencia de ese
grupo etnico en Estados Unidos, al grado de negar la nacionalidad de
los nacidos en su territorio por ser hijos de chinos; paradojicamente, su
exclusion abri6 las puertas para que entraran gran cantidad de connacio-
nales, favorecidos ademas por otro aspecto no menos importante: la exis-
tencia de transporte por tren desde la ciudad de Mexico hasta la frontera
(Ciudad Juarez) en 1884. En cuarto lugar, se realiza una descripcion de
lo que significo para los dos paises la firma del convenio que dio inicio a
lo que se c,onoce ampliamente como el Programa Bracero; se hace refe-
rencia a las ventajas y desventajas que ello significO, las caracteristicas de
los trabajos que realizaban y se incluyen testimonios de trabajadores de
la epoca para hacer mas realista la informaciOn y que el lector tenga una
imagen Inas cercana de to que represent6 el haber trabajado a media-
dos del siglo pasado en un pals que habia entrado a la Segunda Guerra
Mundial y que las personas en Mexico obligadamente debian alejarse de
su familia durante largos ciclos de tiempo para tener la posibilidad (tal
vez la (mica) de adquirir un predio pequeno o algo de ganado, ya que la
gran mayoria de los braceros procedian del empobrecido medio agrario.
Despues se detalla un aspecto que pudo haber sido muy perjudicial para
los inmigrantes indocumentados: la aceptaci6n de la Proposicion 187 de
California, que tenia por objetivo la prohibici6n de otorgar servicios de
salud y de educaci6n a los hijos de inmigrantes que no tuvieran residen-
cia legal; la medida legal, que aun cuando fue aprobada, se detuvo por
orden de un juez ya que iba en contra de la legislacion federal del vecino
pals y puede considerarse como un precedente de la famosa Ley sa1070
que se aprob6 en el Congreso de Arizona y que parece seguir la misma
suerte de la Proposici6n 187 de California. La "etapa ilegal" es el nombre
del siguiente apartado, y tiene por objetivo describir las caracteristicas
de la emigracion de mexicanos hacia Estados Unidos una vez cancelado
el Programa Bracero en 1964y que, contrario a lo que se podria pensar,
ha aumentado en cifras exponenciales el flamer° de trabajadores en el
vecino pals. Finalmente, se relata to que significo la creaci6n de una
asociacion de braceros para reclamar el porcentaje de descuentos a sus
salarios que les hicieron hace siete decadas y que el gobierno mexicano
destin6 para otros rubros. El autor agradece a los representantes de las
instituciones que hicieron posible la publicacion de esta obra, a la aso-
ciaciOn de ex-braceros y en especial a su representante Baldomero Lapiz
que facilitaron las fotografias de sus exposiciones itinerantes, ofrecieron
valiosos testimonios y porque son el motivo principal de sacar a la luz
estas lineas.

16
 Las anexiones

llas la independencia de Espana, en Mexico se confrontaban dos grupos

con influencia social: los conservadores que pugnaban por instaurar un
sistema politico con antecedentes aristocraticos europeos, y los liberates
que luchaban por implantar un modelo parecido at establecido en Esta-
dos Unidos con su independencia de la Gran Bretana (Pletcher, 1999:
92) y ante la adopciOn de la Constituci6n de 1824, que declaraba el fede-
ralism° como el sistema politico vigente, en la realidad y durante cuatro
decadas posteriores de altemancia entre unos y otros prevalecio el cen-
tralismo, aunque en ocasiones en los documentos se le llamara federa-
lismo. El none del pals se encontraba despoblado, no pudieron lograr
que se establecieran grupos numerosos de habitantes, ni los espanoles
cuando su colonizacion, ni los franc,eses en la pane de Texas que !leg() a
formar pane de la antigua Luisiana, ni los mexicanos reel& independi-
zados. Debido a su cercania con el pujante nuevo pals que hacia osten-
sible un sistema politico de avanzada y un sorprendente crecimiento
economic°, los territorios del norte fueron siendo habitados lentamente
por personas con diferente idioma y costumbres respecto de los anti-
guos mexicanos, sentando con ello las bases de una pronta e inminente
separaci6n del gobierno revoltoso, perplejo y corruptible que no hacia
sino pedir prestamos internacionales y no pagarlos por lo cambiante de
los grupos en el poder. El territorio de Texas se separo del estado de
Coahuila porque constituian uno solo, y a tray& de colonizadores veni-
dos del norte solicit() y obtuvo por medio de las armas su independencia
en 1835, formando un nuevo pals.
En 1836, un ailo despues de la independencia de Texas, el gobiemo
estadounidense envio un agente a inspeccionar la nueva republica; en
el informe se decia que la nueva nacion era tan debil de poblacion y de
economia, que requeria de ayuda extranjera. Habitaban el lugar 30,000

17
 personas, y en 1840 ya se habia duplicado la cantidad. En septiembre de
1841 el gobierno de Texas realiz6 una alianza formal con su similar, el se-
cesionista Yucatan; el Ultimo pagaba una mensualidad al primero por la
existencia de tres buques de guerra que patrullaban el Golfo de Mexico
para la defensa de ambos. El gobierno de Texas buscaba la anexion con
Estados Unidos, y al no lograrse intent6 crecer en territorio por voluntad
propia: aspiraron a invadir la importante ciudad de Santa Fe, que todavia
formaba parte de la Republica Mexicana en el territorio de Nuevo Mexi-
co; trataron de ampliar su frontera hasta el nacimiento del Rio Bravo,
muy cerca del actual estado de Colorado (Pletcher, 1999: 156-166). En
1843 el gobierno mexicano aim no reconocia la independencia de Texas y
mantenia las expectativas de recuperar el territorio perdido; Sam Hous-
ton, uno de los heroes mas famosos de la nueva republica manifest6 pU-
blicamente que Si Mexico reconocia la independencia, else comprometia
a que Texas nunca aprobaria la anexion a Estados Unidos; un aspecto
que se tornaba inconveniente en la polftica del nuevo pals, era sin duda
la existencia de esclavos: en Estados Unidos existian cada vez mas voces
a favor de su eliminacion y era uno de los principales obstaculos que
en el dominio pUblico estadounidense existia en relacion con anexar un
territorio donde florecia esa actividad; Houston, en el mismo y famoso
discurso en el cual negaba la praima anexion a Estados Unidos, afirm6
que con la existencia de esclavos se "podia hacer progresar al pals ocho
veces mas rapid° que el de los granjeros libres". Sin embargo, contra-
riamente a su enfatico discurso antianexionista, un aflo despues, en un
escrito enviado a Jackson, a la sazon diplomatico de Estados Unidos, le
decia que Texas era "la novia engalanada para sus esponsales [y] que no
fuera a quedarse plantada ante el altar" (Pletcher, 1999: 246, 247 y 254)
En 1844 tuvieron lugar nuevas elecciones federales en Estados Unidos,
de las que se vio favorecido Polk por 170 votos electorales contra los 105
de Clay; se reabri6 el expediente de la anexion de Texas, misma que habia
sido rechazada por el senado estadounidense por una amplia cantidad de
votos; en la mesa estaban aspectos tan importantes, que algunos tiraban
para un lado, otros para el opuesto; se vela en la anal& de Texas un
problema porque los estados del norte eran desafectos a la esclavitud, y
en 'Texas se seguia practicando en forma floreciente; los estadounidenses
veian una posible intromisi6n de su enemigo: la Gran Bretatia, porque en
intercambios diplomaticos se habian enterado de que sus antiguos colo-
nizadores estaban dispuestos a intervenir militarmente a favor de Mexico
si Estados Unidos buscaban ampliar su influencia al adquirir un nuevo

18
territorio plagado de esclavos; el gobierno mexicano buscaba los apoyos
de los gobiernos frances y britanico para que una vez intervenida militar-
mente Texas, volviera a pertenecer a nuestro pals; el gobierno frances, al
igual que su hom6logo en Inglaterra, pretendia influir para evitar la ex-
pansiOn de Estados Unidos; sin embargo, un aspecto que le impedia apo-
yar a Mexico era que estaban molestos porque nuestro gobierno no habia
actuado con rapidez en cuanto al pago de resarcir (Janos a comerciantes
franceses que habian sufrido perjuicios en su patrimonio por revueltas
sociales y sobre todo por la suspensiOn del pago de la deuda, que habia
anunciado recientemente el general Santa Anna. En un diario frances se
afirm6 que "con la eleccion de Polk comenz6 el reinado de las personas
que yen como Unica frontera de Estados Unidos el mismo horizonte"
(Pletcher, 1999: 314).
La situaci6n politica en Mexico se complico con el pronunciamiento
que hiciera el general Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, quien comandaba
un numeroso ejercito en el norte del pals, mediante el cual denunciaba
el increment° de impuestos y el dispendio que ejercia de ellos el general
Santa Anna. Este Ultimo said) en su bUsqueda hacia el norte y tanto el
Congreso como la Suprema Corte de Justicia declararon anticonstitucio-
nales las acciones que ejerciera el presidente; la poblacion en general,
sin ninguna motivacion militar ni injerencia de instituci6n alguna, sali6 a
la calle, derrib6 los monumentos de Santa Anna que habia en la capital
del pals, exhume, la pierna que el dictador habia sepultado previa porn-
posa ceremonia religiosa y posterior procesion hasta el panteon, para
sepultarla como si fuera un cadaver; la desenterraron y la arrastraron con
una soga por las calles de la populosa ciudad; Santa Anna tuvo que salir
subrepticiamente al exilio hacia La Habana, Cuba (Pletcher, 1999: 317 y
318). Estas acciones favorecieron la formalizacion de la anexion de Texas
y la imposibilidad de que el gobierno mexicano la defendiera o incluso
insistiera sobre su reincorporacion a nuestro pals. Los diplomaticos es-
tadounidenses en Mexico obtuvieron informacion fidedigna en cuanto a
que Gran Bretaiia apoyaria las intenciones del general Santa Anna (en
otro mas de sus regresos a la obtenci6n del poder, lo que logrO en 11
ocasiones) para recuperar el territorio perdido a cambio de que se le
cediera al imperio el estado de California para impedir la expansion es-
tadounidense hacia el Ocean° Pacifico. El territorio de Oregon, al norte
de California, en ese entonces era propiedad de ambas naciones: de los
britanicos y de los estadounidenses.

19
20
 Una vez mas, puesta sobre la mesa la discusi6n en las Camaras de
Representantes y de Senadores en Estados Unidos la posible anexion de
Texas, los argumentos que se esgrimian en contra enfatizaban: que las
fronteras del territorio en cuestion no estaban bien definidas; la existen-
cia de la esclavitud que ponia en mayores riesgos la tranquilidad de la po-
blacion porque cada vez eran mas quienes se oponian respecto a quienes
aprobaban esa medida; la necesidad de pagar las deudas economicas que
habian contraido los diferentes gobiernos desde su separacion de Mexico
y tambien el interes de los texanos por convertirse en un estado y no en
un simple territorio. El 25 de enero de 1845, con 120 votos a favor y 98
en contra, la Camara de Representantes admitio a Texas como estado,
dejando pendiente anicamente lo referente a la delimitacion territorial
que, como ya se sabe, habia generado algunas diferencias. El Senado,
despues de discusiones acaloradas por el factor imposible de ignorar: "el
esclavismo", aprob6 por 27 votos a favor contra 25 la anexion; durante
las discusiones, una de las posibilidades que se tom6 en cuenta fue que
se dividiera en dos el estado y que en la parte del sur se aceptara la exis-
tencia de esclavos y en la del norte se prohibiera. La votacion fue muy
parecida a la existencia de estados (votos) esclavistas, que eran 14, y los
libres que eran 13.
Mexico requeria de apoyo internacional ante la inminente guerra con
Estados Unidos provocada por la anexion formal de Texas, de la cual
nuestro pals no habia renunciado a sus aspiraciones de reincorporaci6n;
luego se presento un hecho pueril que nos llevaria al rompimiento de
relaciones con Francia: su ministro, el baron Mleye de Ciprey, personaje
muy conocido en la ciudad de Mexico por su mezquindad e impopulari-
dad, fue atacado por un pequeno grupo de mexicanos con quienes tuvo
diferencias en un lugar de esparcimiento conocido como el "Bario de las
Delicias"; el diplomatico exigi6 disculpas pablicas del gobiemo mexica-
no; luego, unos meses despues, al solicitarle una entrevista un periodista
en el vestibulo de un salon de Opera, De Ciprey le escupio en la cara y
esta situaciOn oblige) al inmediato retiro del bar6n. Mexico rompio re-
laciones diplomaticas con el pals europeo, que tanto necesitaba como
apoyo al inminente desenlace de las hostilidades con Estados Unidos
(Pletcher, 1999: 366).
El gobiemo britanico tambien opto finalmente por el apoyo a la
anexiOn. Previo al desenlace, la disyuntiva se debatia, por una parte, por-
que tenian mucho interes en comerciar con Texas, de ahi podian obtener
algodfin crudo a muy buen precio, y ademas no querian iniciar otra gue-

21
 rra con los estadounidenses despues de haber perdido cuando la Guerra
de Independencia; por otra, no concebian dare apoyo a un pals nuevo
por el consabido hecho de que promovia el esclavismo y no querian tam-
poco que sus adversarios se expandieran y fueran creando un imperio
tat como ellos y otros paises como Francia y Espana ya to habian hecho:
por tanto, velan con buenos ojos la posible prosperidad de Mexico para
que obstaculizara en sus fronteras el crecimiento desbordado de la nueva
republica con la que, paradojicamente, mantenian lazos naturales como
el idioma, la religion y sus costumbres, que eran diferentes a las de los
mexicanos. Lo que motive a elegir el apoyo a la anexiOn fue, al final de
cuentas, sus reclamaciones al gobierno mexicano por sus moratorias a la
deuda, por su inseguridad originada por conflictos internos y porque no
cumplian con la solicitud de no imponer prestamos forzosos a los corner-
ciantes britanicos asentados en Mexico (Pletcher, 1999: 373 y 374).
Al mismo tiempo que se hacian los tramites para la anexion de Texas
a Estados Unidos, Gran Bretafia no desechaba la idea de apropiarse de
California: su vicecOnsul en Monterrey (California), James A. Forbes
habia informado que los lideres de la regi6n estaban en disposici6n de
levantarse en armas para lograr la independencia de Mexico, pero para
formar un protectorado britanico (Pletcher, 1999: 384 y 385). Estados
Unidos, por su parte, empez6 a poblar la region occidental al igual que
habia hecho en Texas; despues habria la oportunidad de que sus propios
habitantes lucharan por su independencia para posteriormente anexarse
por voluntad propia al pals rico del norte; entre 1841 y 1845 aumente
el ntimero de pobladores estadounidenses en Oregon, al pasar de 400 a
mas de cinco mil. En 1844 ya se habian vendido 1'747,158 acres, es decir,
la colonizacion muy al estilo estadounidense; i,se mantendria como una
reptiblica autonoma o estaria haciendo lo mismo que Texas para despues
anexarse? Cuando los migrantes iban rumbo a Oregon, eligieron lideres
que mantuvieron superpuestos en la practica a los formalmente e)dsten-
tes entre los canadienses, mestizos e indigenas, que eran quienes se po-
drian considerar como los ciudadanos hist6ricos. Para que no hubiera
dudas, el onceavo presidente de Estados Unidos, James K. Polk, en su
mensaje de toma de posesiOn en 1845 dej6 muy claro que Oregon debe-
rIa habitado por estadounidenses, lo que significaba una contundente
negacion a continuar poseyendola en conjunto con Gran Bretafia;' en

1. "Nuestro derecho al territorio de Oregon es 'claro e indiscutible', y nuestra gente ya esti pre-
parada para ejercerlo, ocupandolo con sus esposas e hijos [.. .] el mundo contempla los triunfos

22
la 6poca, las voces menos apresuradas afirmaban "dejemos que Oregon
siga como hasta hoy los proximos 50 anos. Cuando este maduro caera
donde tenga que caer" (Pletcher, 1999: 390, 391, 424 y 430).
La guerra entre los dos paises, que se vela inminente desde afios
finalmente se inici6 al invadir territorio meicicano el ejercito esta-
dounidense hasta los hordes del Rio Bravo, y es que en los Tratados de
Velasco mediante los cuales el general Santa Anna habia reconocido la
independencia de Texas al perder una batalla, se habia establecido como
la frontera el Rio Nueces, que se ubica al sur y muy cercano a la ciudad
de San Antonio de Bejar; no obstante, como una actitud intimidatoria
y de franca provocacion, las tropas recibieron la orden de "proteger" el
estado de Texas recientemente anexado, patrullando hasta los limites del
Rio Bravo, que se ubican aproximadamente a 200 kil6metros al sur de lo
que era la verdadera frontera; esto dio comienzo a las hostilidades al de-
clarar el gobiemo de Estados Unidos la guerra el dia 13 de mayo de 1846,
ya que el primer enfrentamiento tuvo lugar en el "rancho Carricitos",
localidad ubicada a 30 kik:metros at oeste de la actual ciudad de Browns-
ville el dia 25 de abril de ese alio; un general estadounidense, Omar Bra-
dley, como responsable de incursionar por la parte de California para
luego proclamar la anexi6n, se habia referido a la accion del Rio Bravo
como un error porque habia iniciado "la guerra equivocada en el lugar
incorrecto, en el momento mas inoportuno y contra el enemigo equivo-
cado" (Pletcher, 1999: 482). Aun con los riesgos senalados por el militar,
el ejercito estadounidense, en respuesta a la dedaracion de guerra incur-
siono en los territorios de Alta California, Nuevo Mexico e incluso en
Puebla, Nuevo Leon y el Distrito Federal hasta la toma del Castillo de
Chapultepec, lugar de residencia del presidente de la Republica.

pacificos de la industria de nuestros colonos. Es nuestro deber protegerlos adecuadrunente

donde quiera que se hallen sobre nuestro suelo. La jurisdiction de nuestras leyes y los bene-
ficios de nuestras instituciones republicanas deben extenderse hasta ellos en las lejanas re-
giones que han escogido para establecer sus hogares. Las oportunidades cada vez mejores de
comunicaci6n, cuyo desenvolvimiento en esa parte de nuestro territorio no puede demorarse
mucho, Ilevaran facilmente a los estados a incorporarse a la esfera de nuestra Union federativa.
Mientras tanto debera respetarse como algo sagrado cualquier obligaciOn impuesta por algUn
tratado o por las estipulaciones convencionales".

23
24
 II
Inicia la migraci6n

La migraci6n de trabajadores mexicanos hacia el norte inici6 el mismo

ario en que nuestro pals cedio el territorio en 1848. Con el Tratado Gua-
dalupe Hidalgo, que no fue otra cosa que la rendici6n de Mexico en
la guerra ante Estados Unidos, California y Nuevo Mexico pasaron a
formar parte del vecino pals y en ese mismo ano se descubri6 oro en el
area cercana a Sacramento, capital de California, con lo que dio inicio
al famoso hecho historic° conocido coma golden rush (fiebre del oro).
La fecha registrada como el inicio del descubrimiento en Coloma, Cali-
fornia, ubicada a 58 kilennetros al noreste de Sacramento, es el 24 de
enero de 1848 por el minero James W. Marshall, y la firma del tratado
Guadalupe Hidalgo tuvo lugar ocho dias despues: el 2 de febrero; enton-
ces, la inmigraciOn de trabajadores de todas partes del mundo ante el
descubrimiento del oro, fue en territorio mexicano. Vinieron en calidad
de inmigrantes: chinos, australianos, europeos y, unos &las despues del
descubrimiento, tambien mexicanos porque California ya era territorio
extranjero. De acuerdo con estimaciones de la opoca, en 1849 inmigra-
ron a las minas califomianas mas de tres mil sonorenses;2 en la tradici6n
minera que pronto se fue confeccionando, los trabajadores extranjeros
eran los mas exitosos y quienes se iban convirtiendo en exitosos muy
pronto eran impopulares; eso sucedio con los sonorenses: fueron mine-
ros muy exitosos y por esa razon pronto fueron mal vistos y delatados
con la irrisoria acusacion de que iban a sacar el oro del pals porque eran
extranjeros. Dado que la mayoria de los inmigrantes hablaban ingles por
su origen britanico (ingleses, irlandeses, escoceses, australianos) o por

2. El gobemador del estado de Sonora, Manuel Maria Grandara, informo al Congreso local el dia
18 de enero de 1849 que varias poblaciones se habian despoblado debido a la emigracion de
trabajadores alas minas de California.

25
Lo menos se podian comunicar con facilidad, como el caso de los alema-
nes, los mexicanos eran presa facil al ser reconocidos por su fenotipo
y su idioma: el castellano; pronto fueron objeto de discriminacion, les
llamaban genericamente greasers. Los malos tratos se vieron reflejados
incluso a nivel de la legislacion: una ley de impuestos de abril de 1850
hacia referencia especificamente a que las personas que trabajaran en las
minas y fueran originarias de Mexico o de cualquier pals sudamericano,
deberian pagar un gravamen especial de 20 &Mares al mes. El grado de
animadversion hacia los latinos y mexicanos en particular, era tanto, que
en julio de 1850, cuando se reportaron numerosos robos y alrededor de
20 asesinatos en un espacio de 25 dias, les fueron atribuidos a mexicanos
y chilenos. Otros empresarios decidieron sacar provecho de la situacion
en lugar de perseguir y acusar a los sonorenses; por ejemplo, en la mina
Mariposa fue contratado un grupo de 50 mexicanos, a quienes les pro-
pusieron obtener 50% del oro que llegaran a obtener, aceptaron y al
termino de las excavaciones estuvieron satisfechos tanto los trabajadores
como los propietarios; los sonorenses regresaron a su pals y los benefi-
cios fueron amigablemente divididos, tal y como habia sido estipulado
en el contrato. A finales de ese mismo ano de 1849, de acuerdo con esti-
maciones conservadoras habian regresado a Sonora 2,400 trabajadores,
quienes habian obtenido mas de dos millones de pesos en oro; con esta
inyeccion de dinero, la economia sonorense, que durante muchos anos
habia estado deprimida, aumentO sustancialmente y no solo regresaron
los trabajadores sino que se pudo observar incluso que habia nuevos
inmigrantes. Los mineros exitosos que regresaron invirtieron sus ganan-
cias en el comercio, la industria yen el campo (Standart, 2001: 3-21).

26
 III
La Ley de Exclusion de Chinos'

Atraidos por la fiebre del oro, en 1850 llegó una gran oleada de inmi-
grantes chinos a California; de 4,000 que se contaron en 1852,1a mitad se
localizaban solamente en San Francisco. Habia organizaciones de origen
chino que traian inmigrantes con todas las caracteristicas de esclavismo;
la gran mayoria eran varones, porque las pocas mujeres que tralan se
dedicaban a la prostitucion en su mayor parte;4 la ciudadania estadouni-
dense veia con malos ojos estas circunstancias y esto fue el motivo de
que pronto los discriminaran. Quienes los traian les cobraban el boleto
del viaje con trabajo futuro, por eso las caracteristicas de esclavismo, y
porque la gran mayoria ingresaban de manera ilegal; los chinos emigran-
tes se jugaban la vida literalmente, puesto que el Articulo 225 del C6digo
Penal de la Dinastia Qing (1644-1691 d. C.) establecia la pena de muerte
a quienes lucraran con la emigracion hacia otros paises.
Un dato muy esclarecedor consiste en que segan historiadores esta-
dounidenses de la epoca, los chinos fueron bien recibidos en todo mo-
mento que habia necesidad de mano de obra barata y de buena calidad
en las minas, la agricultura y la instalacion de vias de ferrocarril (lo mis-
mo sucedio con los primeros braceros). Es de hacerse notar que la discri-
minacion y malos tratos hacia los mexicanos se registraron en los mismos
lugares de trabajo, puesto que estas tres areas de gran necesidad para el
desarrollo econ6mico de la epoca fueron las mismas, que al ir despla-

Para este apartado se recomienda leer el trabajo de Narayana Velazquez Monttifar (2006)
El Mho de la comunidad china de San Francisco coma consecuencia de la Ley de Exclusion
de Chinos de 1882, tesis profesional para obtener el titulo de Licenciatura en Relaciones
Intemacionales. Puebla: Universidad de Las Americas Puebla. Es un excelente resumen de lo
acontecido en la comunidad china residente en San Francisco California desde 1850, durante
el inicio de la llamada "fiebre del oro", y hasta la epoca de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
En 1870, 7.20% de los inmigrantes eran mujeres y el porcentaje disminuy6 a 3.60% en 1890.

27
zando a los chinos se les fue sustituyendo por mexicanos. Hubo incluso
linchamientos de chinos en algunos pueblos mineros, como en Gibsonvi-
Ile, La Porte y Rocklin. Uno de los pretextos para su persecuciOn fue la
costumbre de fumar opio, porque socavaba "la tradicional forma de vida
del pais".5
La historia de los ciclos econamicos en su fase de desaceleracion cas-
tigO a los chinos en esa epoca, y ha repetido la escena a los mexicanos;
siempre que la economia entra en recesion, los primeros en padecerla
son los grupos inmigrantes; fue el caso de los chinos, luego los mexica-
nos, y posteriormente los latinos en general. En 1873 tuvo lugar una baja
en la producciOn nacional y se tomaron las primeras acciones contra los
chinos en San Francisco; una de ellas atentando directamente hacia sus
expresiones culturales, puesto que fueron obligados a cortar su cola de
caballo (la ley se denomin6 Pig Tail Ordinance, que en sentido literal
significa "cola de puerco"), y es que la inmensa mayoria de los chinos
dejaban crecer su lacia cabellera, y tan sus trenzas sobre su espalda;
otra les forzaba a pagar un impuesto especial de 15 &Mares por cada la-
vanderia que no usara caballos para el transporte de mercancias, y es que
los chinos siempre llevaban los productos a pie para ahorrar y obtener
mayores ganancias; y una tercera norma: se multaba con 10 a 15 &dares
o encarcelamiento a toda persona que habitara un espacio menor de 500
pies ctibicos; por supuesto que los anicos que vivian en estas circunstan-
cias eran ellos.
Otro dato esclarecedor por la gran similitud que cobni muchos ailos
despuos, lo constituye el hecho de que se crearon varios clubes violentos
contra los chinos, en este caso eran irlandeses' iracundos, porque fueron
reemplazados en su trabajo por personas mas trabajadoras y que reciblan
menores sueldos; el grupo reuni6 cientos de seguidores y hubo ocasiones
en que quemaron negocios en el centro de la ciudad, violaron mujeres
chinas y golpearon a los hombres. Hasta que en 1882, mas que eliminar
la violencia, fue legalizada: promovida por un momento electoral ideate°,
los dos partidos, el Republicano y el Democrata coincidieron en que el
dia 6 de mayo de ese alio se promulgara la Ley de Exclusion de Chinos
en notoria violacion a los derechos humanos, a su propia Constitucion y a

[Link]/[Link].
"The Workingmen's Party", digamos, el primer antecedente de los caza-inmigrantes actuales.

28
 un tratado particular suscrito con el gobierno chino.' Esta fue la primera
ocasi6n que los estadounidenses legislaron contra un grupo etnico en
especifico.
En particular, esa Ley prohibia la entrada de chinos a Estados Uni-
dos, multaba a cualquiera que ayudara a un chino a entrar al pals e incluso
negaba la ciudadania a los chinos que nacieran en suelo estadounidense.
Para distinguir si algtin inmigrante era legitimo o no, dado que existian
dudas en los documentos que utilizaban y ademas porque el Imperio chi-
no se habia quejado con las autoridades estadounidenses de maltratos,
se aplico por un tiempo el Matodo de Identificacion BertiHon en 1903,
el cual consistia en medir el cuerpo desnudo de las personas; este tipo de
antropometria ponia anfasis en comparar las partes huesudas del cuerpo,
en especial las del oido; este tipo de actividades fue abandonado porque
fue desacreditado en todas las partes del mundo en que se utilizo, al
demostrar su ineficacia. Despuos de gran cantidad de modificaciones a
las leyes de inmigracion, las mas importantes se aplicaron durante los
primeros 25 altos del siglo xx y en especial una de 1924 que prohibi6 la
entrada definitiva de mujeres chinas; el objetivo de esta ley en particular
era aceptar la entrada a todos quienes vinieran de Europa Occidental,
restringia la de Europa Oriental y prohibia la entrada a cualquier mujer
nacida en todo el Asia, incluidas quienes fueran esposas de estadouni-
denses.s
Durante los primeros 50 aims de inmigracion china, las normas no les
permitian testificar en juicios como cualesquier otra raza podia hacerlo,
no tenian derecho a voto, no podian naturalizarse los nacidos en terri-
torio estadounidense. La tinica posicion ventajosa que pudieron obtener
los chinos tuvo lugar en el terremoto de 1906, en el cual se incendiaron
los archivos y fue posible que una cantidad considerable de ellos alegara
haber obtenido la nacionalizaci6n cuando las leyes migratorias no eran
draconianas. Esta documentado que una ruta utilizada para la entrada de
chinos fue la frontera norte de nuestro pals (Lawrence y Hansen, 2002).

El tratado Burlingame firmado en 1867 establecia que existia el compromiso de preservar la

protecciOn de sus ciudadanos, la libertad de religion, el derecho de residir en cualquiera de los
dos paises con todos los privilegios de sus naciones. Los chinos en particular tenian el derecho
de ser admitidos en las escuelas
En 1930 hubo una enmienda, mas no para mejorar, ya que establecia que cualquier mujer
estadounidense perderia su ciudadania si es que era extranjera inelegible a la ciudadania esta-
dounidense, es decir, no podria obtener la ciudadania per el matrimonio ningnin tipo de mujer
asiatica.

29
 La Ley de ExclusiOn de Chinos tuvo gran repercusiOn en la inmi-
graci6n de mexicanos, porque por primera ocasi6n se legalizo la depor-
tacion; de hecho, el Servicio de Inmigracion y NaturalizaciOn, las green
cards y las politica de inmigracion tuvieron origen en esta Ley, y los
conceptos como el que esta en boga actualmente como alien,9 que tiene
dos acepciones: una, como persona nacida en otro pals que no ha sido
naturalizada, y otra despectiva que significa habitante de otro planeta.
Una forma de defensa cultural y que ha sido utilizada por los mexicanos,
consisti6 en adoptar nombres ingleses y adecuarse a la cultura anglosajo-
na, renunciando paulatinamente en los hechos a su lengua y tradiciones.
Otros grupos defendian celosamente sus costumbres y buscaban por to-
dos los medios regresarse a su pals. Ambas en alto grado coincidentes
con nuestros paisanos.

9. El politico antichino Denis Kearny utilizaba este y otros conceptos no menos peyorativos,
como undesirable, illegal y unwellcome invasions.

30
 IV
Se firma el primer convenio

Desde luego que la migraci6n a finales del siglo xtx estaba restringida a
los estados fronterizos, ya que era imposible recorrer distancias mayores
a mil kilometros por personas buscando trabajo, cuando el taco medio
de transporte era proveido por tracci6n animal. La situacion cambi6 dia-
metralmente cuando el gobierno porfirista en Mexico instal6 vias ferreas
que atravesaron virtualmente todo el pals; en 1884 Hegel el primer tren a
Ciudad Juarez, iniciando su travesia desde la ciudad de Mexico. Ello fue
posible principalmente debido a las facilidades que otorg6 el gobierno
mexicano durante la administracion del general Diaz, que se perpetuo
por tres acacias; estas consistieron en proporcionarles grandes facilida-
des a las tristemente celebres "empresas deslindadoras" con capital de
origen estadounidense y que consistieron en otorgarles, en beneficio de
propiedad, las tierras y los recursos necesarios que se encontraran adya-
centes a la instalacien de las Was, tales como madera, carbon y grandes
extensiones de tierra, de las que se convirtieron en duenos.
La estaci6n Paso del Norte en Chihuahua y sus propios vagones po-
dian trasladarse a cuatro destinos diferentes ya dentro de Estados Uni-
dos. A finales del siglo lux se contrataban a 85 mil trabajadores en los fe-
rrocarriles y la gran mayoria eran campesinos mexicanos, que cambiaron
su forma de trabajo por las necesidades laborales generales en Estados
Unidos y particulares en Mexico. Ciudad Juarez era un poblado pequeno
de apenas 10,621 habitantes en 1910'° y ya para 1920 contaba con 19,457
(Durand y Arias, 2000: 42-45 y 66). El aumento de la poblacion debe ubi-
carse muy bien en la epoca, ya que nuestro pals se encontraba inmerso

10. Pam ese mismo alio otras dos ciudades fronterizas que el dia de hoy son verdaderas metro-
polis, son Tijuana y la capital del estado, Mexicali, con 733 y 462 habitantes, respectivamente
(Durand y Arias, 2000: 94).

31
en la Revolucion Mexicana, durante la cual de 20 millones de habitantes
que habia en 1910, la cifra se redujo a 19 millones en 1920.
El Programa Bracero inici6 en 1942, en principio como una gran ne-
cesidad de mano de obra en Estados Unidos debido a su entrada a la
Segunda Guerra Mundial. Como antecedentes, se puede hablar de que
en 1909 los presidentes Taft de Estados Unidos y Diaz de Mexico habian
suscrito un convenio mediante el cual fueron contratados mil trabaja-
dores mexicanos para ir a Nebraska y a Colorado para laborar en los
campos de azacar; en 1917,11 durante la Primera Guerra Mundial se con-
trataron 27,000 trabajadores; a este Ultimo se le ha considerado como el
primer "Programa Bracero" no reconocido como ta122 (Migration News).
En solo cuatro arios, de 1917 a 1921" se localizaban 72,867 trabajadores
mexicanos en Estados Unidos a quienes no se les cobraban impuestos
porque laboraban en espacios que requerian un alto grado de esfuerzo,
como lo fueron las actividades propias del ferrocarril,I4 la agricultura, la
construccion y las minas; se tiene informacien que de ellos, regresaron la
mitad: 34,922, de otros no se supo el rumbo que tomaron, pero Si de 494
porque solicitaron su residencia permanente. Estos migrantes eran ori-
ginarios de la regi6n que durante el Programa Bracero se caracterizaria
por representar los mayores flujos de trabajadores: Jalisco, Guanajuato,
Michoacan, Zacatecas y San Luis Potosi. El destino principal era Texas,
con 52.19%, quienes inexplicablemente durante el Programa Bracero
se mostraron contrarios a la contrataci6n de mexicanos; California con
18:11% y Arizona con 12.62%. El decenio de los arios veinte fue positivo
en la balanza del empleo para Mexico, ya que la poblacion expulsada

Ese alio tuvo lugar la conocida Ley Burnett, que prohibia textualmente el ingreso de migrantes
menores de 16 atios que no supieran leer ni escribir; ademas se exigia el pago de ocho d6lares
por el ingreso a Estados Unidos. Pronto pudo observarse la inoperancia de lo estipulado, ya
que fue objeto de buena cantidad de deportaciones (Durand, 2007a: 32y 33).
De acuerdo con otras fuentes, entre 1917 y 1921 habian sido aceptados cerca de 73,000 tra-
bajadores (Bickerton, 2001: 33). Jorge Durand y Patricia Arias estiman que en 1910 habil
en Estados Unidos un total de 200 mil inmigrantes mexicanos, y para 1920 la cantidad habia
ascendido a 478,383 (Durand y Arias, 2000: 60). Otros autores refieren que no puede consi-
derarse como "el primer Programa Bracero" por la sencilla razor' de que nunca se !Irmo an
convenio (Durand, 2007a: 34).
El alio de 1921 fue contradictorio, porque ademas de haber empleado a una cantidad conside-
rable de trabajadores mexicanos, se repatriaron a 30,000 personas debido a la tertninacifin de
la Primera Guerra Mundial, y con el regreso de los combatientes hubo cierta influencia sobre
el empleo (Durand y Arias, 2000: 134 y 135).
Los trabajadores de la epoca se referian al trabajo en Estados Unidos como "el traque" o "es-
melda", per referirse al track de las vias del ferrocarril y a American Smelting alas fundiciones
(De Alba, sit 253).

32
por la Revolucion Mexicana fue bien recibida en el norte: en 1923-24
se emplearon a 102,215 personas (69,323 hombres y 32,892 mujeres) y
se estima que para 1930 habia 1'422,533 trabajadores (Durand y Arias,
2000: 42-63).

Yo me enrole a los 17y empece a trabajar con un contrato de nueve meses; le entre
a todo, yo pizcaba pepino; comenzamos a desvainar los chicharos en unas maquinas,
12 horas cada tumo; ya se miraba la guerra, cuando nos cruzaban los trenes, iban
llenos de soldados, el equipo de tanques y camiones pasaba para todas partes. Las
vias de ferrocarril estaban ocupadisimas como no se tiene una idea, iban diariamente
alrededor de tres ferrocarriles pero en esa fecha cruzaban como 30: para arriba y
para bajo, con pertrechos, con munici6n, con armamentos, con marinos, con sol-
dados, troques, camiones. En ese entonces la Chevrolet y la Ford no hicieron carros
para los civiles.
De 1941 hasta 1946 se dedicaron a producir nada mas para la guerra, aviones,
troques, jeeps, carros, tanques y armamento, todo lo que se necesitaba para el ejer-
cite. Todo hasta el desembarco en Normandia (don Pablito).

Yo bien mocoso, flui con dos de mis tios que tenfan dinero, les dije que si me presta-
ban, pero me mandaron por un tubo. Mi papa busco por su lado, no se corn° le hizo
pero me consigui6 algo y con eso me vine la primera vez. Me vine de compailero
con mi fib, pero Ilegando, el entre primero y yo despuos; estabamos en Empalme y
habia varias listas, lo llamaron a el primero y a ml al siguiente dia. Ma ya no nos toc6
juntos, nos anotaron en la misma lista, pero al Ilamamos, la dividieron y a una parte
le toc6 un dia donde venia ml tio y luego a ml al otro dia en el resto de los nombres.
Me mandaron a Stockton, cerca de Sacramento, trabaje en la pizca del tomate, que
es uno de los mas pesados que he conocido, de todos en los que he trabajado, para
ml el mas dificil es ese del tomate; digo, cuando se trabaja como es, porque cuando
se hace por contrato, se puede it despacio, pero cuando se paga por el Ilenado de las
cajas, ahi si que es muy pesado.
—Cantle para alla, correle para aca —nos ordenaban, y ahi supe lo que es
amar a Dios en tierra de indios.
Puede set que esten las cajas cerca de lo que ellos le dicen "la calle" y alli no as
tan duro, pero cuando estan al final, hay que it corriendo por ellas y Ilenarlas, subir-
las al cami6n y asf todo corriendo, si que es muy laborioso y cansado: todo es andar
corriendo, a tract una vacia, Ilenarla y a cotter a subirla, a cotter por otra vacia, a
Ilenarla y a cotter a subirla; es una cosa de mucho pero mucho esfuerzo. Y eso por
10 horas diarias, inclusive, hubo dias que hasta de a 12; sale uno molido, muy dolido.
—Esta pesado pero nos va air bien, vamos a juntar mucho dinero —nos platica-
ba uno nuevo, igual que nosotros, pero lo escucho otro que ya tenia mas experiencia
y nos dijo:
—Wan a juntar que? No van a juntar nada, ahi vienen las Iluvias y se va a acabar
todo—. Pues asi como nos lo dijo, sucedi6 (Carlos Comparan).

33
34
Durante los aiios treinta, periodo conocido por la profunda crisis econ6-
mica que se denomin6 "la Gran Depresion", el producto interno bruto y
el empleo descendieron a niveles insospechados; Estados Unidos nunca
habia sufrido los estragos de lo que fue la crisis mas profunda que el
mundo haya conocido; como valvula de escape, repatriaron a un millón
de trabajadores mexicanos;" incluso algunos de ellos que ya habian obte-
nido la nacionalidad, al no poderla comprobar al momento de las reda-
das, fueron expulsados a Mexico y posteriormente pudieron regresar a
Estados Unidos cuando pudieron comprobar que habian obtenido su
nueva nacionalidad (Migration News).
El decenio de los aims treinta fue complicado entre Mexico y Esta-
dos Unidos, no solamente por la expulsiOn de connacionales sino por un
hecho muy particular: la expropiaci6n petrolera por parte del gobierno
cardenista durante el sexenio de 1934-1940; al verse desfavorecidas al-
gunas empresas extranjeras, el gobierno estadounidense habia mostrado
su preocupacion y desacuerdo por una accion tomada con tintes socialis-
tas; sin embargo, con la entrada a la Segunda Guerra Mundial por parte
de Estados Unidos, Mexico tambien declaro la guerra y eso contribu-
y6 enormemente para un acercamiento de amistad y cooperacion; unos
meses antes el gobierno estadounidense ya habia tornado la iniciativa
cuando el 15 de julio de 1941 se firma un tratado comercial para que
Estados Unidos exportara a nuestro pals todo lo que Mexico necesitara
(Bickerton, 2001: 10-22).
El 4 de abril de 1942 dio inicio formalmente el Programa Bracero"
tal y como se le conoce actualmente; se firm6 el convenio hasta el 23 de
julio pero se hizo efectivo hasta un intercambio de notas diplornaticas en
agosto de ese ario: por la parte mexicana to sign6 la Direcci6n General
de Servicio Consular primero, y luego en los alios cincuenta la DirecciOn
de Asuntos de Trabajadores Agricolas Migratorios de la Secretaria de
Relaciones Exteriores; los presidentes municipales se convirtieron en los
responsables de expedir el documento que los acreditaba formalmente
como solicitantes; por la parte de Estados Unidos se involucraban las
areas de Justicia, Agricultura, Estado y Trabajo (Garcia, 2001: 45-49 y

La cifra contrasta con infonnacion aportada por otros autores; hay quienes afirman que de
1929 a 1935 fueron deportados 415 mil mexicanos (Alarcon et aL, 2009: 197).
Véase Durand y Arias, 2000: 147. De acuerdo con fuentes del decenio de los cincuenta, el princi-
pal promotor por parte del gobierno de Estados Unidos fue el subsecretario del Departamento
de Estado, el senor Summer Wells, y por parte de Mexico el ministro de Relaciones Exteriores
Ezequiel Padilla (De Alba, sif: 254).

35
 52). Se considera que de un total de 4.6 millones de trabajadores con-
tratados durante los 22 aims en que se firma ininterrumpidamente el
convenio," fue entre 1955 y 1964, es decir, en poco menos de la mitad del
periodo completo que se contrato a 72% del total de migrantes. Llama
mucho la atenci6n que si bien las necesidades de mano de obra extranje-
ra fueron muy sentidas durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, no fue sino
una docada despues cuando se amplio y consolid6 el programa antes de
desaparecer. Lo anterior significa que si bien el convenio naci6 aparen-
temente como una gran necesidad de sustituir a los jovenes enlistados,
en realidad lo que hizo fue cubrir los espacios laborales de los cuales
el crecimiento econOmico del vecino pals estaba necesitando, fuera ello
durante o despues de la guerra. En la mayoria de los documentos exis-
tentes sobre la materia se habla del Programa Bracero como el acuerdo
entre los dos paises para proveer mano de obra que Estados Unidos ge-
nero por su incursion en lo que era al principio la guerra de Europa; si
hubiera sido traicamente para sustituir a quienes dejaron el empleo y se
fueron a la guerra, al terrain° de la conflagraci6n se hubiera cancelado

17. Veanse Durand y Arias, 2000: 153; Garcia, 2001: 50; Leite e. al., 2003: 99; Durand, 2007a:
19. El Programa Bracero fue una especie de contrato colectivo de trabajo entre dos naciones
(Durand, 2007a: 22).

36
 Cuadro IV1
Indicadores de la emigracion de trabajadores mexicanos
a Estados Unidos, 1942-196

Arlo Trabajadores contratados Trabajadores contratados de Personas deportadas

de acuerdo con las acuerdo con las autoridades
autoridades mexicanas estadounidenses
1942 4,152 4,203 No esp.
1943 75,923 52,098 8,189
1944 118,059 62,170 26,689
1945 104,641 49,454 63,602
1946 31,198 32,043 91,456
1947 72,769 19,632 182,986
1948 24,320 35,345 179,385
1949 19,866 107,000 278,538
1950 23,399 67,500 458,215
1951 308,878 192,000 500,000
1952 195,963 197,100 543,538
1953 130,794 201,380 865,318
1954 153,975 309,033 1'075,168
1955 398,703 398,650 242,608
1956 432,926 445,197 72,442
1957 436,049 436,049 44,451
1958 432,491 432,857 37,242
1959 444,408 437,643 30,196
1960 319,412 315,846 29,651
1961 296,464 291,420 29,817
1962 198,322 194,978 30,272
1963 189,528 186,865 39,124
1964 179,298 177,736 43,844
Total 4'591,538 4'646,199 4'872,731
Fuente: Garcia y Griego, 2001: '19y 50.

el Programa y fue, paradojicamente, en la epoca de posguerra cuando se

incremento y consolid6. En Mexico, cuando eran llamados los jovenes
para irse a trabajar, representaba una gran noticia para la familia, que
forzosamente implicaba sentimientos encontrados: el gusto de tener la
posibilidad de trabajar en mejores condiciones para que su familia que
se quedaba viviera mejor, la tristeza de la esposa y los seres queridos al
separarse por grandes periodos.
37
 Cuando solicitabamos que nos anotaran como braceros, a los que mostrabamos
interes nos apuntaban y luego Ilevaban el listado con todos nuestros nombres at
consulado a la ciudad de Merida y nos decian que en dos o tres meses iba a salir la
lista definitiva. Than aceptando de a tres o cuatro por municipio y les tenfa que tocar
a todos, entonces por eso era el atraso de que fueramos Ilamados. Ya cuando nos
avisaban, venia el siguiente problema, porque ahora debiamos conseguir el dinero
para irnos. La primera ocasi6n que yo vine, mi papa querfa vender una novillona
para mis gastos.
LCuanto vale? —le preguntaban, la vaca grande, bonita.
Quinientos pesos.
—No, esta muy cara —siempre le decian porque ya sabian de su necesidad de
venderla para que yo me viniera a trabajar. De algfin modo le tenian que hacer para
podernos mandar, por eso malbarataban sus poquitos bienes. Anduvo rogando con
La vaquita por tres dfas y no habfa dinero, nadie se la queria comprar. Ya no iba yo a
venir, estaba por cancelar todo cuando se acerc6 un senor que se Ilamaba don Mateo
Cash', el no era rico, pero era pariente de mi papa:
LPor que andas vendiendo tu vaquita tan barata?
Es que Rafael se me quiere ir de bracero pero no la puedo vender para pa-
garle su viaje.
No vendas tu vaquita. LCuanto es lo que necesitas?
—Quinientos pesos.
—No la vendas —sac() un papelito y se puso a escribir y me pregunto a mi:
—LA que horas te vas?
—Pues si hubiera dinero, me tendrfa que ir como a las doce —eran las 10 de la
mafiana.
Ve a bafiarte y si ya tienes lista tu ropita, te la traes.
Luego le dijo a mi papa:
—No vendas tu ganado, Si tu hijo gana dinero de bracero, que me pague antes
de diciembre y no hay intereses, pero si te pasas de ese tiempo, te voy a cobrar el
dos por ciento.
Me dieron el dinero, lo escondf y fui a la casa corriendo, me bane, junte mis
cositas que iba a Ilevar y para despedirme de mi mama, tuvo que ser ahi mismo en el
autobtis, ya no habia tiempo para echar carreras a despedirme de todos.
—LPuedes ir? —todavia me preguntaba mi mama.
Claro, por supuesto que puedo ir —yo ya estaba casado (Rafael Cabrera).

Otra de las paradojas que encerr6 el convenio, fue que a la par que
se contrataban trabajadores en Mexico, se aceptaban asalariados en los
campos estadounidenses, es decir, una cantidad entraba a Estados Uni-
dos con un contrato en la mano, y otra, que fue incluso mayor que los
formalmente aceptados, ingresaban de forma ilegal al pals y de manera
individual establecian convenios de trabajo con los empleadores. Ha-
blando del total de personas que fueron deportadas durante los 22 altos,
ascendi6 a 4'872,731 que al compararse con el conjunto de los que fueron

38
contratados, es mayor con mas de 200,000 (vease cuadro), y eso al consi-
derar anicamente a los trabajadores que fueron regresados con la inter-
mediacion de las autoridades estadounidenses, porque en realidad hubo
una cantidad imposible de conocer su flamer() de quienes vivieron, tra-
bajaron y regresaron a Mexico por su propia voluntad, e incluso muchos
se quedaron a residir y obtuvieron la nacionalidad estadounidense. Es de
Hamar la atenci6n que desde el periodo de inicio del Programa Bracero
se deportaba una cantidad muy considerable, tanto, que desde 1946 y
hasta 1954 fueron muchos mas los trabajadores deportados que la canti-
dad de contratados; en el cuadro anterior se puede observar que aun y a
pesar de que no existe coincidencia entre los datos aportados por uno y
otro gobiemos respecto al total de trabajadores contratados por año, Si
es palpable el gran contraste que existe entre la cantidad de empleados
y la de expulsados. En algan momento la situaci6n genero tension entre
las relaciones de los dos gobiemos; los de Estados Unidos exigian que el
mexicano deberia hacer algo para detener el flujo de ilegales, y el mexi-
cano aseveraba que el control deberia residir del otro lado de su fronte-
ra, que los empleadores no deberian contratar indocumentados; muy al
principio, en 1949, las autoridades estadounidenses "regularizaban" la
situaci6n: a los trabajadores que se les contrataba sin documentos, se les
llevaba hasta la frontera, pisaban de forma simbolica la tierra mexicana y
luego eran admitidos de manera legal; a estas acciones se les denomina-
ba "secado de mojados" (Durand, 2007a: 48 y 49).

En 1948, de los trabajos que mas recuerdo, es que estuve en Woodland en la pizca
del tomate. Cuando se tenninaba eso, le seguiamos en algo que le Haman el happy,
que son las rakes que se sacan para procesar la cerveza; tambien a desahijar betabel,
pizcar algodon; en 1945 trabaje 18 meses en el traque, flue la primera y la Unica oca-
skin que estuve en labores que tenfan que ver con el tren; no es que no me hubiera
gustado ese trabajo, lo que pasa es que uno venfa contratado a lo que le dijeran y ya
no nos volvieron a hablar para ayudar en el traque.
Yo tuve la gran fortuna de ser invitado para trabajar en lo que le decfan "los
especiales", que consistfan en que terminandose el contrato, nos sac,aban a Tijuana o
a Mexicali, para estar en Mexico durante una noche, y at otro dia nos volvian a meter
y nos daban trabajo con otro contrato. En eso consistia lo de "especial" y dependia
del patron; cuando veian que le convenfa quedarse con algunos por su comporta-
miento o simplemente porque veian que si les rendiamos a to mejor mas que otros
ellos mismo nos decian:
—i,Quieres quedarte conmigo mas tiempo con un contrato especial?
Y ya cada uno de los que nos invitaban, claro, cuando nos invitaban, les decia-
mos si querfamos quedarnos otro tiempo o si queriamos regresar aver a la familia un
tiempo y luego volver a pedir que to anotaran en alguna lista alla en Mexico. A ml sf

39
40
 me gustaba que me invitaran a esos especiales, podiamos ahorrar mas dinero aunque
tuvieramos que dejar de ver a la familia por un tiempecito mas.
Si —les decia yo siempre que me invitaban.
Saliamos por un dia y regresabamos al otro ya con otro contrato de 18 meses,
igual que el primero con el que habiamos sido contratados. La verdad es que la gente
que tenia muchas ganas de trabajar, nunca tuvo problemas; yo podia haberme ido a
Mexico y regresar cuando quisiera, siempre tenia trabajo, ya no tenia que ir a con-
tratarme; si me pasaba la frontera, nada mas venia directamente con el patron con
el que me habia contratado la Ultima vez y me volvian a dar trabajo; no era dificil.
Es la verdad. Y habia mucho trabajo: en el limen, en la naranja, en el betabel; nadie
se quedaba fuera Si esos eran sus piensos. Ni siquiera habia que pasar a escondidas
la frontera, porque con el papelito que nos dieron desde la primera vez, con eso era
suficiente para volver a entrar. Yo he escuchado que dicen:
Siempre nos han tratado mal, eran muchos trabajos para cruzar la frontera.
Pues yo no, a ml desde la primera ocasion que vine en 1945 me dieron este
papelito y con el he pasado las veces que he querido (Jorge Picazo).

Para las hostilidades Estados Unidos enlisto a 12.5 millones de jovenes

a finales de 1941 y nuestro pals declaro la guerra en junio de 1942; ya en
esa 8poca se habia cambiado totalmente la polftica de deportaciones que
ejercian los estadounidenses y se formalizo con el programa de contra-
taciones. Desde el principio el gobierno y los empleadores pagaban el
transporte y la manutencion cuando los braceros ya se encontraban en
Estados Unidos; llegaban a una ciudad fronteriza despues de haberse
enlistado y eran llamados en la frontera, donde los subian a un tren y los
llevaban a los diferentes destinos de trabajo, donde les proporcionaban
alojamiento y alimentacion a bajo costo, en la mayoria de los casos de
manera simbolica.'s El salario minim° en 1942 era de 30 centavos la hora
e incluia un seguro de desempleo; en la primera oleada de trabajadores
salieron 4,203 braceros de las oficinas de la Secretaria del Trabajo en el
Distrito Federal, el destino fue la ciudad de Stockton, California, el 29 de
septiembre. Los recibimientos eran amables en la mayoria de los espa-
cios de trabajo, y en algunos en particular, eran acogidos como verdade-
ros heroes.i9 Dos altos despues y por la necesidad de ampliar el grupo

Existen versiones encontradas, seguramente por la vastedad del programa, que se extendi6 a
muchos atios y a muy diversos espacios; por ejemplo, de acuerdo con informacion de Durand,
los lugares donde habitaban los trabajadores eran bastante precarios (Durand, 2007a: 47).
"Cada hora que pasen en los campos de cultivo sera una aportaciOn directa a la causa por la
que todos luchamos. Los granjeros y hacendados de Dakota del Norte se enorgullecen de su
hospitalidad. Desplegaran sus mejores esfuerzos para que puedan gozar de comodidad y para
hacer placentera y memorable su visita (Durand, 2007a: 40). "Ciertos informes eran halaga-
dores; en pueblos de Estados de California, Nevada, Utah y Colorado los antiguos habitantes

41
de contratados, se abrieron centros de contratacion en Guadalajara y en
Irapuatom (Durand y Arias, 2000: 134-149; Durand, 2007a: 37); luego se
paso a Empalme, Sonora, y se halt corrido tanto la voz y era de tanta
atraccion el saber los salarios que se podian devengar, que importaba
mas eso que dejar la familia en el desamparo por largas temporadas;
durante ese afio de 1944 los espacios solicitados por los empresarios esta-
dounidenses eran menos que los que podrian ser cubiertos por los agri-
cultores mexicanos pobres o por trabajadores no calificados de la ciudad.
En los famosos centros de contratacion se observaban hechos insolitos:
el gobiemo mexicano fue rebasado con mucho y los postulantes sufrian
graves calamidades, maxime cuando se alargaban los espacios de entre
haber obtenido su contrato y ser llamado por las autoridades estadouni-
denses para ser trasladados hasta sus lugares de trabajo.

En los primeros anos del bracerismo eramos bien recibidos, yo tengo un document°
el que dice que nos felicitan a los que trabajamos en el traque y en el campo. Mi pri-
mer contrato fue en el afio de 1944, cuando habia iniciado ese fen6meno; conservo
todavia uno en papel de 1949; es copia, el original se fue para Mexicali, yo tuve la
precaucion de sacarle dos o ties copias.
Desde que salimos de Irapuato fuimos hasta la frontera de Nogales y de ahi
comenz6 el repartidero de braceros, unos en Yuma para comenzar, otros en el Valle
Imperial, otros aca para el desierto, otros para el Valle de San Joaquin. Nosotros
atravesamos todo el Valle de San Joaquin por el lado de Santa Barbara y recorri-
mos toda la costa en tren. Ibamos maravillados de ver lo bonito de Estados Unidos;
lo americano, la gente bien vestida, gente con trajes y sombreros, las mujeres con
sombreros, nos admirabamos mucho; se veian las ciudades, las escuelas en los pue-
blitos; la escuela era el principal edificio en un pueblito, era lo nth bonito que habia;
muy bien organizados los Estados Unidos. Las calles limpias; no habia mexicanos,
habia mexico-americanos que venian de muchas partes de Mexico, tal vez desde
la RevoluciOn Mexicana; nosotros les deciamos pochos. A nosotros nos decian na-
cionales los pochitos y vestian al modo de los americanos; nos admiraba mucho el

de la regi6n se daban cuenta de que los trabajadores mexicanos les estaban haciendo un gran
servicio para levantar sus cosechas o mantener la marcha de sus industries; se les proporciona-
ron buenos alojamientos, se les buscaban recreaciones para sus hares libres, se les empez6 a
ensenar ingles o materias de culture general y hasta solia haber festividades en que concurrian
las families de la localidad juntamente con nuestros braceros. Esa experiencia pudo haber sido
fecunda y saludable" (De Alba, 0: 263).
20. En chihuahua, Irapuato y Aguascalientes, durante los primeros altos del convenio, funcio-
narios mexicanos vieron con desolachfin cOmo una cantidad importante de trabajadores del
campo venian en tren de pie desde lugares muy distantes y se establecian en cobertizos en los
Ilanos, sailer' a la eluded en busca de alimentacion por medio de la caridad de los vecinos, que
les daban algo por lastima; "fue ese uno de los especticulos mas desoladores que hayamos
contemplado en los tiltimos tiempos" (De Alba, sif: 260).

42
 verbs bien vestidos. Habia muchos, gran cantidad de soldados mexicanos, todo Los
Angeles se Ilenaba de soldados mexicanos, muy bonitos que se veian con su unifor-
me (don Pablito).

La situaci6n en aquellos albs de los cuarenta y hasta los sesenta era triste, habia
mucha pobreza entre nosotros, el dejar la familia para ir a lugares tan lejos, descono-
cido, con otro idioma, con otras costumbres; algunos dejaban hijos pequenos. Se Ile-
garon a dar casos de gente que moria de hambre o de deshidratacion; en Empalme,
Sonora hace un calonfm de 120 grados y toda la gente que venia del sur, de muchas
poblaciones donde no habian Ilegado a conocer temperaturas tan altas, las sufrian
mucho y se deshidrataban. Siempre se ha comentado de casos de muertes porque la
gente era muy pobre, no tenia para corner.
Cuando ya los citaban para venirse a trabajar, esos ya la "tenian hecha", como
se dice, entonces recibian un lonchecito y como ya estaban asegurados, lo agarraban
y se los aventaban a los que seguian afuera esperando su turno. Esos eran gestos de
buena voluntad y los hacian todos porque se formaba una hermandad, ellos habian
pasado pot esas, entonces, sabiendo lo que habian sufrido, con esa actitud hacian po-
sible que no la pasaran tan mal los que no eran todavia requeridos (don Baldomero).

La venida era muy pesada, los de Yucatan nos veniamos en autobos; habia tren pero
era mas rapid° el cami6n, en 28 horas Ilegabamos de Merida a la ciudad de Mexico, y
de Mexico a Empalme, Sonora nos Ilevaba otras 46 horas. El contrato era para llegar
a Empalme, luego de alti nos recogian y nos traian aqui a la calle Spring en el centro
de Los Angeles y luego nos distribuian de acuerdo a las necesidades de cada patr6n,
de cada rancho. Cada Mb nos acomodaban en diferente Lugar, pero gracias a Dios
que siempre nos tocaron buenos patrones, yo nunca Ilegue a tener dificultades, lo
mio era el trabajo y nada mas, nunca vivi un conflicto.
Nosotros hacemos a los patrones —asi nos comentaba un amigo, decia que
ebbs son como uno los hada, si se portaba uno conflictivo y buscaba come no hacer
el trabajo, el patron era malo, pero en los lugares en que trabaje, los grupos de com-
pafieros se dedicaban como yo a hacer lo que nos correspondia y luego entonces,
teniamos patrones buenos.
Si nos portamos mal, el patron nos tiene que hacer mala cara, pot eso andan
correteando a algunos, porque no quieren hacer las cosas bien —asi platicaban los
amigos cuando se trataba lo relacionado con los patrones, y yo digo que tenian raz6n.
Nos juntabamos en las tardes ya cuando terminaba un turno; habia muchos
patrones de los que a ml me tocaron que nos decian:
LA d6nde quieren ir muchachos, a descansar un into o a echarse unos chu-
pes? —nos decian, y luego si nosotros deciamos que nos gustaria ir a tomar, le orde-
naba al mismo mayordomo que nos Ilevara. Asi de bien nos fue siempre a nosotros
que nos entendiamos a las buenas con los patrones (don Rafael Cabrera).

En particular, de los braceros que se contrataron en el programa para tra-

bajar unicamente en el ferrocarril, fueron 6,000 de la ciudad de Mexico

43
en 1943; la cantidad fue aumentando y los lugares de captaci6n fueron,
ademas de la capital, San Luis Potosi y Queretaro, hasta Ilegar a una can-
tidad de 80,137 trabajadores; luego el flamer° fue disminuyendo porque
inici6 el auge de las carreteras a lo largo y ancho de la naci6n (Durand
y Arias, 2000: 70 y 71). Una de las poblaciones fronterizas que a raiz del
Programa Bracero crecio de manera excepcional fue la ya citada Ciudad
Juarez, la cual en 1940 contaba con 48,881 habitantes y 10 afios despues
ya habia ascendido la cantidad a 122,566; pocas ciudades en el mundo
han presentado un indice de crecimiento como este: mas del doble en un
decenio. El hecho fue que por haberse convertido en un centro impor-
tante de cruce y reclutamiento de migrantes cuando el Programa Bra-
cero, muchos de ellos se quedaron ahi; no es que sean originarios de
Ciudad Juarez sino que la adoptaron como su ciudad de residencia obli-
gados por las circunstancias migratorias (Limas, 2007: 28); incluso una
vez terminado el Programa Bracero en 1964 y aproximadamente hasta
1980, el increment° de la poblacion continuo aun cuando en menores
proporciones; a esto influyo la creaciOn de las famosas empresas maqui-
ladoras (twin plants) que se instalaron en este lado de la frontera.

Nos invite) a varios amigos, me conocia a mi y a otros que trabajabamos ahi cerca
del mercado, pero por las mismas actividades de las yentas donde mi mama primero
y luego mi abuelita vendian. Nos fuimos, de los amigos: Antonio, Santos, Felipe,
varios camaradas, todos bien chavalos, pero de todos yo era el mas joven. Eramos
vecinos, mas bien, ellos tenian su puestecito ahi en el mercado. Ademas de vecinos
eramos amigos. Ellos fueron finalmente los que me alborotaron.
Vamonos animando, vamonos al forte, Raul es buena gente, no ha de ser
malo eso.
Ese Rani Jimenez nos dio la aplicacion.
—Tienen que ir a la Ciudadela —nos dio las indicaciones—, anal es donde estan
registrando.
La aplkacion era un papelote, grandote que tenia el nombre, donde nacimos
y quo haciamos, coin° estabamos de salud y todo lo que se necesitaba. Grandote el
panel pero sencillo en su Ilenado.
Yo no les dije la edad, pero de todos modos no me quisieron; el licenciado que
estaba dando el permiso be dio el okey a Antonio, a Felipe, a Santos que estaba mds
akote, mas fuerte, y a mi me dijeron:
No la vas a hacer cuate, ipara que vas?
Yo, flaco, prieto, chaparro y todo eso, pues total; Antonio se be quedo viendo a
ese licenciado y le dijo:
El sabe trabajar, el hace de todo lo que be pongan; sabe de albafill, de todo.
Entonces se me qued6 clavado y me acuerdo muy bien que me dijo:
Te voy a dar mi firma nomas para que te vayas a pasear a Estados Unidos.

44
 Yo sabia que trabajaba, que no me iba a rajar de nada, pero en ocho horas de
jomada. En Mexico eran las ocho horas porque desde chiquillo se acostumbraba la
gente a laborar, desde los 120 13 altos; de 15 ya está uno acondicionado a cualquier
trabajo; entonces, le dio lastima al licenciado y me dio la firma.
En los afios de 1943 y en 1944 ya regresaban los braceros muy presumidos, ha-
blaban y decian que ellos y que la fregada; muy bien vestiditos. Presumidos los ca-
brones. Lo bueno the en 1944 y 1945, cuando el trabajo era mas duro; ibamos a los
campos y teniamos jomadas de a 12 y hasta de 13 horas diarias; nunca vimos 10 ho-
ras, siempre 12, 13, muy pesado.
Yo estaba muy chavalo y tal vez por eso me acuerdo mucho y de todo; recuerdo
hasta de la fecha en que cumpli &los, por ejemplo mis 18 los festeje en Wala Wala,
Washington. Contento, les presumia a los que tenth cerca:
—Hoy cumpli mi mayoria de edad (don Pablito).

Cuando fui a California a pizcar la fresa, ahi rumbo a San Pedro, estuve como tres
o cuatro meses. Se terminaba un contrato y se regresaba la gente a Mexico; tambien
se usaba mucho que volvieran a contratar cuando terminaba una pizca, porque em-
pezaba otra. A mi me recontrataron muchas ocasiones ahi mismo donde estaba uno
terminando; ya no regresaba nadie a Irapuato, alla eran las primeras ocasiones, a
veces salia la gente a Ciudad Juarez; contrataban tambien donde habia migrantes
trabajando en los ranchos y sin documentos (don Joaquin).

Soy originario de Cenotillo, Yucatan, una poblacion que esta ubicada a dos horas de
Merida y dirigiendose hacia el centro de la peninsula, cerca de Chichen Itza; vine a
Estados Unidos como bracero en el alio de 1959. Mi pueblo era muy pequetio en esa
epoca, podriamos decir que era mas bien un rancho, contaba con unas 10 esquinas
alrededor de la plaza principal, unas cuantas manzanas en total. La gente vivia en la
pobreza; en aquel aiio en que vine por primera vez a Estados Unidos, los trabajado-
res ganaban ocho pesos al dia; todo estaba relacionado con las actividades del campo
y podia haber trabajo una semana y las siguientes tres nada. Para poder comprar un
pantalfin era necesario invertir todas las ganancias de dos dias de trabajo: se necesi-
taba lo de un dia para comprar la tela y lo del otro dia para pagar la hechura. Los que
nos veniamos de braceros, lo haciamos por necesidad, si nos hubieramos quedado
ahi no habriamos tenido dinero ni para comer ni para vestirnos; nadie tenia centavos
y por eso nos enlistamos. Yo supe de una oportunidad, liege un senor que estaba ha-
ciendo una lista de braceros y lo seguimos, nos le pegamos para que nos anotara y ya
con toda la seguridad de venirnos y dejar el pueblo. Sali6 un peri6dico del gobiemo
donde decia que los que quisieran inscribirse en la lista de trabajadores que quieran
irse a Estados Unidos, que se anotaran con tal persona en tal fecha y asi the como
nosotros fuimos a dar con el fulano y ya bien decididos. Primero se favored() a la
gente de Merida; los primeros que se vinieron fueron de la capital y despues nos fui-
mos dando cuenta la gente de los pueblos mas retirados. De mi familia fin el primero
y tenia ya 28 atios cuando vine, ya estaba casado y tenia dos hijas muy pequefias, ellas
se quedaron; habia un muchachito mas grande pero tenia leucemia y andaba bien
peloncito, gastaba yo mucho en su salud (don Rafael Cabrera).

45
La gran mayoria de los puestos de trabajo requeridos fueron en el campo
y con jomadas laborales que reclamaban esfuerzos extraordinarios," y
en algunos pocos en comparaci6n con el total, fueron dirigidos al manta-
nirniento de las vias ferreas. Cuando dio inicio el convenio entre los dos
gobiernos, el estado de Texas" se negaba a aceptarlo y no les agradaba
recibir trabajadores en la producci6n en sus campos; los mexicanos que
lograban entrar eran denominados "espaldas mojadas" (wetbacks) por la
necesidad de cruzar el Ho Bravo a nado, que es la frontera fisica entre
Mexico y el estado sureno (Garcia, 2001: 52). El gobierno mmdcano se
vio obligado a elaborar una lista negra de lugares donde los mexicanos
no eran bien recibidos, como el caso de Texas, y promovia el que no se
destinaran trabajadores hacia esos lugares; el periodo de mayor inciden-
cia de discriminacion o atropellos tuvo lugar principalmente durante la
epoca de posguerra. En 1948 terrain() lo mas algido del conflicto, ya que
el gobiemo mexicano se negaba a enviar trabajadores a Texas porque no
se respetaban las condiciones y los estadounidenses abrieron la frontera
por cinco dias consecutivos durante el mes de octubre para resarcir agra-
vios y dejaron entrar a todos los trabajadores que asi lo quisieran, sin
restricciOn alguna (Durand, 2007a: 49)

En los anos cincuenta se dormia en barracas, unas galeras grandes; en un trabajo que
estabamos dos de Oaxaca, y nos veian como una basura, nos tildaban como gente
que no servia para nada. Discriminaban a los oaxaquetios porque habia muchos que
decian que solo a partir de la ciudad de Mexico para arriba eran gente que tenian
presentacien, andaban con botas; a nosotros nos decian: oaxaquetios, chaparros, tri-
guefios, cabeza negra. Y luego yo soy indio, hablo zapoteco. El pleito nos lo echa-
ban los mismos mexicanos, pura discriminaci6n. Actualmente los patrones prefieren
trabajadores de Oaxaca. No somos indios, nadie tiene por que decimos indios; se
nos debe de Ilamar nativos, porque cuando Cristobal Colon vino a America, en su
descubrimiento, el, en su tirada no era el c,ontinente americano, lo que buscaba era
La India. A veces, cuando discuto con la gente, les digo:

Aim durante el arm 2000 se estimaba que 85% de los trabajadores agricolas eran mexicanos
(Durand, 2007a: 23).
Para el decenio de los cincuenta la situacion ya habfa cambiado diametralmente, puesto
que Texas recibi6 27% de los braceros en 1952, y para 1957 el porcentaje ascendi6 a 43.30%
(Durand, 2007a: 42). Y podria pensarse que el lenguaje que utilizaban era muy cambiante,
porque tin multimillonario y que ademas fue diputado en el estado de Texas, liege a afirmar
respecto al Programa Bracero a manera de descalificarlo, que "Todo to que se refiere a esos
contratos es papeleo y tiempo perdido, yo he tenido durante muchos altos todos los trabajado-
res mexicanos que me han hecho falta. Los trato con aspirin' benevolente, pero no he contrai-
do ningtin compromiso y cuando ya no los necesito no tengo mas que despedirlos" (De Atha,
Of: 255).

46
 —No somos indios, no nos discriminen.
A nosotros, desde la primera contratacion cuando veniamos en el tren, nos ve-
nian jodiendo a los oaxaquefios. Nosotros, por mas atrasados que estemos, sabemos
leery sabemos donde andamos porque Ilevamos la idea de Juarez, porque tambien
fue indio y sabemos de donde salia, logra grandes puestos, hasta presidente de la
Republica; la gente de nosotros siempre se preocupa por leer un poquito. Muy raro
es de nosotros, el que no sabe leer. Asi nos tildaban a nosotros (don Joaquin).

Para Mexico, que oficialmente particip6 en la Segunda Guerra Mundial,

mas Onicamente de manera simbolica, el Programa Bracero en sus inicios
genera grandes expectativas, ya que result() ser un gran alivio contra el
desempleo de trabajadores no calificados que representaban la inmensa
mayoria del total del pals y sobre todo una invaluable fuente de ingre-
sos, ya que los salarios pagados en Estados Unidos eran hasta 10 veces
superiores a los devengados en Mexico; era imposible que un jornalero
mexicana pudiera adquirir propiedades o ganado con el miser() sueldo
que podria obtener; sin embrago, el trabajo en Estados Unidos le daba
oportunidad de hacerse de alguna propiedad, vestir bien y regresar a las
fiestas patronales de sus lugares de origen año tras atio. El motivo princi-
pal para emigrar fue la expectativa de mejorar los ingresos, y de acuerdo
con un resumen historic°, de la obtenciOn de recursos de los que una
parte fueron enviados a sus familiares a Mexico, destaca que fue solo
hasta el ultimo decenio cuando las cantidades fueron excepcionales; la
generacian de recursos para su envio esta intimamente relacionada con
la cantidad de migrantes mexicanos y aun a pesar de que durante el con-
venio de migraciOn fue una epoca con menores sobresaltos y de mayor
confiabilidad en las incursiones anuales, durante la epoca de los indo-
cumentados y aun posterior a ella, en la epoca actual es cuando nuestro
pals se ha convertido en el segundo a nivel mundial en obtener recursos
externos originados por sus trabajadores" (el primero lo tiene la India).

Mi papa tenia muchos toros y buen caballo, entonces yo regresaba a ml pueblo a las
fiestas y a los rodeos. Regresaba con mi buen dinero. Ahi en Valparaiso se celebra
el "dia del trago" ique se van a celebrar santos! Nunca se han celebrado, se festeja
el trago. El dia primero en Huejuquilla le rezan al "divino preso", en Mezquitic a la
Virgen del Refugio; yo andaba en todas esas fiestas, pero de celebracion, lo que se
llama celebracion, es al mero trago (don Juvenal).

23. El increment° inusitado que se ha observado, en particular durante el periodo comprendido

del alio 2000 a 2006, de acuerdo con algunas voces de academicos puede estar influido por
actividades illcitas (Canales, 2008: 6).

47
Asi lo veo en los tiempos de la fiesta, los muchachos agarran la banda de la mdsica y
La tomadera, luego pasa la fiesta y se andan arrimando con los que les prestan dinero
o que les compran los animales para pagar Las deudas, asi se han visto. Mi padre
nunca nos dio chanza de andar en esos brincos, mi herrnano el que me sigue como
que Si le gusto de eso, pero no igual a toda la gente.
Que si me prestas dinero para irme al norte —asi andan pidiendo varios de
los migrantes cuando se terminan las fiestas.
—Pero tO eres nortefio, mas bien deberias de prestarnos tO a nosotros.
Es para regresarme y juntar dinero con mi trabajo.
Pero en la fiesta traias la banda de musica y andabas contento en la bola to-
mando alcohol —parece historia repetida, generalmente con los jovenes (don Jorge
Picaw).

48
 Cuadro IV2
Estimacion del flujo de remesas procedente
de Estados Unidos, 1920-2008
(en naillones de Mares)

Alio EstimaciOn
1920-1928 4.9
1942-1945 63.0
1956 120.0
1959 163.0
1961 275.0
1975 317.6
1976 1,500
1980 1,262
1984 1,800
1985 2,300
1990 2,494
1991 2,660
1992 3,070
1993 3,333
1994 3,475
1995 3,673
1996 4,224
1997 4,865
1998 5,627
1999 5,910
2000 6,573
2001 8,895
2002 9,814
2003 15,041
2004 18,331
2005 21,689
2006 25,567
2007 26,076
2008 25,145
Fuente: Consejo Nacional de Poblacion (Conapo) hasta el alio 1998; de 1999 a 2008 las
cifras corresponden al Banco de Mexico publicadas el 27 de enero de 2009.

49
Los principales centros de distribuciOn de braceros se localizaban cerca
de la frontera, con la finalidad de abaratar costos; fueron las de Ciudad
Juarez, cerca de El Paso (Texas), Mexicali y Nogales (Sonora) de las mas
afamadas. En Mexico se establecieron centros de contrataci6n en dife-
rentes puntos de la Republica y los migrantes eran destinados a los luga-
res antes mencionados para dirigirlos a sus puestos de trabajo definitivo,
mismos que fueron variando los plazos de contrataci6n en los tiempos
que existio el Programa Bracero. Al inicio del convenio entre los dos
gobiernos, los centros de contrataci6n se ubicaban en las principales ciu-
dades y que por tanto no eran fronterizas: la ciudad capital, Guadala-
jara y una tercera con menor importancia: Irapuato en Guanajuato; los
estados que historicamente han aportado mayor ntimero de migrantes
son: Jalisco, Guanajuato, Michoacan y Zacatecas, en parte debido a los
primeros puntos de contrataciOn; durante 1947 y 1954 se incorporaron
siete ciudades mas que representaban a las mas importantes de la epoca
y ya encaminandose al norte24 (Garcia, 2001: 60 y 61).

Eso the de Cenotillo, ml pueblito, para it a la ciudad de Merida, luego de ahi, de la

capital, para it a la ciudad de Mexico, el boleto valfa en ese entonces 60 pesos ese tra-
mo. Alla, en la central camionera me encontre a muchos paisanos, a los que habian
conseguido dinero antes que yo y que habian agarrado la delantera. De Mexico a la
ciudad de Empalme, Sonora, el costo era de 90 pesos. Llegando a Empalme, para
esperar la Ultima Hamada, nos dijo un senor que ya tenia mucha experiencia en esto:
—De ahora y hasta que nos hablen, vamos a comer gallina con plumas.
Yo pensaba: pues no este mal la cosa, comer gallina es un buen alimento, pero
Las pelamos iipor que debe de ser con plumas? Nada, luego supe que corner diario
"gallina con plumas" era: arroz con frijoles, eso era mafiana, tarde y noche. Luego,
para irse uno a dormir nos cobraban:
—Caite con tu pesito —nos cobraban eso para darnos permiso de meternos
debajo de unas laminas, pero cada quien debia llevar su buena cobija, que consistia
en un buen purlo de perindicos. No habia excepciones, todos con nuestros peri6dicos
para acomodarnos en fila en el suelo; todos ibamos de paso, nadie tenia comodi-
dad, imposible que alguien fuera a buscar hotel, todos pagabamos nuestro pesito y
tenfamos derecho a acomodamos en el suelo unos junto a los otros. Luego, los que
fbamos por primera ocasidn les preguntabamos a los que veiamos que sabian ma's
de esto:
—i,Cuanto tardaran en Ilamarnos?
—Si tienes suerte, 15 dias, si no, hasta tres meses.

24. Monterrey, Chihuahua, Zacatecas, Tampico, Aguascalientes, Hermosillo y Mexicali (esta

Ultima ya como centro de contratacion y no solo de distribuci6n).

50
 Entonces, tres meses de a peso para el dormitorio y comiendo siempre gallina
con plumas. De todas maneras, ya acostumbrandose la gente, ni siquiera eso seria
tan penoso, pero lo que Si pude presenciar durante los dias que estuve haciendo
cola para que me llamaran, fueron varios casos, el primero, un accidente que cause)
mucho argtiende:
cay6 uno, se cay6 uno! —comenzaron a gritar de alla donde estaban los
bailos; se arremolinaron todos a ver.
—LQue pas6? —preguntabamos nosotros; no era normal eso, ni los gritos ni la
gente encimada.
—One se cay6 un paisano al sanitario.
Eran unos banos muy altos, de madera, un setior se cayo dormido y lo tuvieron
que sacar entre muchas personas ahi de entre el estiercol, pero lo sacaron muerto.
Hubo mucha griteria; lo sacaron y le echaron mucha agua, pero ya habia fallecido.
Otro accidente del que vivimos y sufrimos todos ahi, fue cuando otro bracero
falleci6 porque lo picaron con una bayoneta. Es que la gente se arremolinaba cuan-
do haciamos colas para nombrar a los enlistados y aunque uno no quisiera, los de
atras estaban siempre empujando, y seguramente a ese que iba adelante y con toda
la presiOn de los de anis, por accidente o por lo que hubiera sido, los policias lo
atravesaron con una bayoneta. De esos dos accidentes yo (iii testigo. Habia una linea
de donde no podiamos pasar hasta que nos fueran llamando; ellos, los gendarmes,
a no dejar que la cruzaramos, y el mont6n que esta arras de nosotros nos aventaba
para delante; asi fue como sucedid (don Rafael Cabrera).

Desde luego que las regiones al interior de la Republica Mexicana apor-

taban diferentes cantidades de migrantes; nuestro pals es desigual y las
concentraciones de poblacion han cambiado mucho en el siglo y medio en
que hemos aportado mano de obra a Estados Unidos. Para los analisis se
han utilizado diversas zonas que engloban a varios estados por sus rasgos
similares entre ellos y por sus marcadas diferencias respecto a otros. Uno
de los mas socorridos por los academicos, es el que define cuatro regio-
nes: la hist6rica, denominada de esta manera porque es la que ha apor-
tado la mayor cantidad de migrantes desde el inicio de la trashumancia, y
esta constituida por los estados de Jalisco, Michoacan, Guanajuato, San
Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Durango, Nayarit, Aguascalientes, Colima (vease
mapa); en 1927 aportaba 71% del total de migrantes y en el afto 2000
todavia mas de la mitad del total: 50.35%; durante este periodo las can-
tidades de trabajadores provenientes de esta zona que van hacia Estados
Unidos ha aumentado considerablemente; sin embargo, la disminucion
porcentual obedece a que las otras regiones, aun cuando representan
menores cantidades, su proporciOn ha aumentado con mayor vigor que
la historica. Esta regiOn se caracteriza por su concentracion de pobla-
cion desde principios del siglo xx y tambien porque desde finales del yux

51
 Mapa IV.1

tenia buena comunicacion por las vlas de ferrocarril hasta la frontera y

detras de ella. Se cree que tambien influy6 la eleccion de los trabajadores
de estas areas por parte de los contratistas por la existencia de pobla-
cion criolla con mayores semejanzas con los estadounidenses y porque la
revolucion cristera sent6 sus reales en la regi6n. En 1962, ya a finales del
Programa Bracero, la participaci6n porcentual de la migracion mexicana
por parte de la region historica fue de 62.21%, lo que nos hace supo-
ner que la disminuci6n proporcional ha sido paulatina, at observar los
porcentajes de los afios 1927 y 2000. La region fronteriza esta integrada
por las dos Californias, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo
Leen y Tamaulipas; en ese alio de 1962 aporto 23.93%. La region central
12.88%, que esta comprendida por los estados de Queretaro, Puebla,
Mexico, Distrito Federal, Tlaxcala, Morelos, Guerrero, Oaxaca y More-
los. Y finalmente, la region suroeste anicamente 0.95% y esta constituida
por Veracruz, Tabasco, Chiapas, Campeche, Yucatan y Quintana Roo.
Para el alio 2000 la regi6n central aument6 su participaciOn proporcional

52
a 31.7%, la fronteriza disminuy6 a 10.8%, la sureste aument6 a 7% y la
historica, como ya se habia sefialado, a 50.3% (Durand, 2005: 4-15). De
manera similar a como se conceptualizaron las regiones de origen de la
migraci6n mexicana, se pueden establecer las de recepcion, y una de las
mas concurridas es la que se denomina sudoeste, porque ha recibido la
mayor cantidad de migrantes y seria algo asi como la contraparte mexi-
cana llamada "historica"; esta compuesta por los estados de California,
Arizona, Texas, Nuevo Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Oregon, Washington e
Idaho; en 1920 ties de los primeros estados, que son precisamente los
fronterizos (California, Texas y Arizona), asi como Illinois (por el caso
especifico de la ciudad de Chicago) recibieron a 80% de los trabajadores
transnacionales, y en el alio 2000 mantienen 76%; poco ha cambiado en
casi un siglo en la concentraci6n de migrantes.

25. "A comienzos del siglo XX Texas concentraba 69% de la poblacian mexicana segtin el censo de
1900; consecuentemente, la ciudad de San Antonio era la capital migratoria de los mexicanos.
Los cuatro estados fronterizos conformaban la region de destino max importante de aquella
epoca y concentraban 96.6% de la poblaciOn migrante. Despot's del caso excepcional de Texas,
14% se concentraba en Arizona, 8% en California y 6% en Nuevo Mexico" (Durand, 2005: 14).

53
 Mapa IV2

1—t>
_name

New Hampthire
Massachusetts
Armee island
Connecticut

k rearyird
Washrigton,

fr—
Nee, leidahe
ft, lea' I Mnriacst"
ArkareaS------ C ---
Sou
c, Mexico
C,
Hawaii t> _ Texas abaml

—A los difuntos German, Ticho, Marcelo, los agarre el gobierno y los enlisto por la
fuerza —eso platicaba mi padre—, los hicieron soldados.
Esos eran hermanos de mi abuelo, pero ellos ya participaron en otra revolucien,
en la cristera; yo los conoci, pero mucho tiempo despues cuando iban nada mas de
vacaciones a San Miguel. than bien uniformados. A uno de ellos lo vine conociendo
aca en Estados Unidos en un lugar que se llama Carpinteria; aqui viven sus descen-
dientes.
La vida de mi padre the dificil; cuando mi abuela tenia tres meses de casada the
cuando enviud6. Mi padre tuvo varios hermanos pero hijos de otro padre, venian
siendo medios hermanos. A ella la recogi6 un hermano que se Ilamaba Trino Macias;
se vivia mucha pobreza. Se la Hey() a ViViT a un rancho que se llama La Pila. Mi padre
se crio con ese senor, su tio, y mi abuela se vino casando con un senor que se llamaba
don Jesus Valdivia, ahi nacieron otros cuatro hombres y una mujer. Luego mi papa,
desde muy chico, se fue a trabajar de gato, asi se decia entonces: de gab, porque le
ayudaba en todos los quehaceres a don Catarino, con el que se qued6 a ayudarle casi
toda su vida. Un hijo de mi tio Trino trabajo junto con mi papa ahi con don Catarino;
se veian como hermanos, no como primos (don Jorge Picazo).

A principios de los afios cincuenta ya habia terminado la Segunda Guerra

Mundial pero Estados Unidos incursion() en una nueva conflagracion:
Corea. En 1951 mando soldados a esa parte de Asia, con las complica-
54
ciones que hoy en dia se conocen; sin embargo, referido trnicamente al
aspecto de los trabaj adores mddcanos, se contrato a un namero mayor.
En ese mismo aim, el 11 de agosto el Congreso habia expedido la Ley
78, que buscaba limitar en diversos aspectos la captaci6n de trabajadores
extranjeros; sin embargo, en los hechos la cantidad fue mayor; con la
expedicion de la nueva Ley se buscaban cubrir varios aspectos: primero,
que se limitara la existencia de braceros en los estados donde se demos-
trara que habia trabajadores estadounidenses suficientes; segundo, que
la existencia de braceros no afectara en absoluto las condiciones de los
trabajadores domesticos. En los hechos pudo comprobarse que una can-
tidad importante de empleadores no tenian los muebles, camas, sabanas
y cocinas suficientes para ofrecer los servicios a los braceros, como estaba
establecido en el Programa signado entre los dos paises (Bickerton, 2001:
112426 y 132-134). En 1954 el gobierno estadounidense declaro un sus-
penso unilateral, lo que produjo efectos adversos entre las relaciones de
los dos paises; sin embargo, at poco tiempo reconsideraron la medida y se
volvi6 a firmar por un año mas el contrato y asi siguio hasta 1964, cuando
definitivamente se cancel() (De Alba, sif: 252).
La existencia del convenio para contratar trabajadores mexicanos
durante 22 atios ha tenido detractores y defensores; sus juicios en general
se refieren a los resultados, pero los hay algunos que hacen sus reflexio-
nes tambien sobre los origenes y hacen referenda a que el verdadero
motivo para su existencia fue para romper el sistema de redes familiares
que se estaban tejiendo en los afios veinte con la llegada de una cantidad
cada vez mas grande de inmigrantes: al establecerse con sus familias,
iba a ser muy dificil deshacerse de ellos, como sucedio con los chinos
desde mediados del siglo xix, cuando fue necesario expedir una ley para
expulsarlos, con todas las complicaciones que ello conllevo. Entonces si
se contrataba formalmente al trabajador pero en forma exclusiva, con un
plazo especifico, a trabajar en un rancho en particular y con la obligacion
de regresarse a Mexico en periodos cortos; le daba un cauce muy especial
a la idea de no permitir el arraigo de los trabajadores en las ciudades y
campos estadounidenses. Ademas, se elegian jOvenes que tuvieran expe-
riencia en las labores del campo, porque a esas actividades los trabajado-
res domesticos no eran muy afectos (Durand, s/f: 252 y 253). De forma
paradojica, si estas ideas fueron las que nutrieron las acciones del go-
bierno estadounidense, al final fue contraproducente, porque al terminar
el Programa Bracero se abrieron las puertas para hacer exactamente lo
contrario: el ingreso ilegal, el fortalecimiento de redes familiares porque

55
ya se conocia el espacio de trabajo y se podian establecer en las ciuda-
des para atraer a mas miembros familiares y salir y regresar con mayor
frecuencia hacia Mexico. El cruce de la frontera se hada atravesando
el desierto, cruzando el Ho a nado o haciendose pasar por otra persona
con un document° original pero perteneciente a otra persona; una vez
dentro del pais, muchos trabajadores compran documentos apOcrifos de
seguro social o incluso "micas" (documentos de residencia legal).

Desde el inicio cuando me contrataron me decian:

—Arregla tus papeles, te pueden dar la residencia legal.
Pero yo no podia porque aunque era poco lo que me pedian, 150 Mares, yo
tenia compromisos fuertes: necesitaba yo el dinero para gastarlo en la salud de ml
hijo, tenla leucemia. Con los adelantos de la ciencia, to recuperamos, vive todavia mi
hijo, tiene actualmente 52 aims de edad y esta muy saludable, tremendo muchacho.
Yo tenia 23 afms cuando el nada. Fue el primogenito, le sufri mucho, compraba
sangre, le ponfan medicinas de todas, ibamos a _Merida porque en ml pueblito no
habia de nada, era imposible que to atendieran. Ese, el mayorcito si se me cries, otro
se me murio a los 11 altos de edad, [ambler' de leucemia, the el cuarto de ml familia,
muri6 por falta de buen alimento, la leucemia le comenzel a dar a los cinco aims y
vivio sufriendo otros seis. Tengo cinco hijos viviendo en Cancan: tres mujeres y dos
hombres, fueron siete en total que vienen siendo aquellos cinco, el que esta aqui en
Estados Unidos yet que se me murió de leucemia.
Le hice la lucha a que vinieran todos para aca, me los traje, vivieron aqui en
Los Angeles, en la zona centrica, ahi por la calle sexta, pero me los asustaron y como
estaban chicos, se regresaron. Un dia me avisaron:
—Mataron a un muchacho aqui en la esquina, el era nuestro amigo, ya platica-
mos y nos queremos regresar, nos da mucho miedo vivir asi.
—Yates hice la solicitud para que les den su residencia legal aqui —Les explique
bien para ver Si cambiaban de opiniOn.
—No, no queremos vivir aqui.
—Vamos a solicitarla, si despues no quieren venir, asi to dejamos, pero vamos
a solicitarla.
—No, no la queremos —asi me dijeron todos y se regresaron, no quisieron que
yo Les tramitara su legalizacien; desperdiciaron la oportunidad.
Al principio me senti mal porque estaba viendo como se estaba separando ml
familia, ya estabamos completos aqui, pero decidieron regresarse. Pero andando el
tiempo me he dado cuenta de que esta mejor asi, ellos viven con mas comodidad allá
porque aqui no tengo casa propia, teniamos que estar rentando, entonces, and les va
mas bien. Yo tengo cincuenta arks viviendo y trabajando aqui y no he podido hacer
nada de dinero; en cambio, ellos tienen casa, carro, tienen todo alla en Cancun /Tara
que quiero que vivan aqui? Estan casados, no regresaron a Yucatan, ahi sigue la po-
breza, se fueron a to moderno, donde hay buena vida y lujos (don Rafael Cabrera).

56
A consecuencia de los que vinieron como braceros, muchos regresaron sin contrato,
le sufrieron, por eso se conocen los que Raman mojados, que son los que atraviesan
el rio Bravo. Yo goce un poquito en California, aunque me movieron a tres lugares;
cuando se termin6 la fresa, me fui al tomate, aunque eso era el contrato por hora,
no por lo que hiciera uno, entonces ya no estuvo duro, ya no se mataba tanto. Pizque
[ornate de marqueta, es mas colorado, mas fad. El tomate dice si ya esta bueno para
cortarlo porque ya macizo sale una estrellita en la puntita, una especie de estrellita
blanca; ese si se puede cortar porque ya este saz6n, es cuestion nada mas de cortarlo
y empieza a colorearse; lo mismo el melon, si esta bueno, se ve medio blanquito, que
se quiere despegar. Cada cosa tiene su saber (don Joaquin).

—AM te mando a este con una tarjeta chueca para que lo metas a trabajar; me cos-
to 25 &dares, eran documentos de seguro social, de tarjeta y todo, pero un dia me
!lame) el:
—i,Pues que eres pendejo o que?
No, nada, la tatjeta es chueca, es nada mas para el trabajo.
—Pues es chueca y esti vencida, menso.
—Asi metelo a trabajar, hombre, no hay problema.
Lo que pas6 es que la tarjeta tenia su fecha de vencimiento ya pasada y la abrie-
ron y nada mas le cambiaron la foto. Valgame Dios (don Juvenal).

En el tiempo en que trabaje en Culver City los domingos para sacar mas dinerito,
nos ibamos a la salida de las misas a vender hamacas; un amigo que se llama don
Tino Ochoa, hable con el senor cura y nos dijo:
Muchachos, tpor que no se hacen residentes?
No sabemos c6mo hacerle.
Yo les digo. Denme sus datos y vamos a llenar estos documentos.
Eran unos documentos en los que pude ver que tenia anotadas a 31 personas de
los de nosotros, de Yucatan y pense: no, esto no va a funcionar. Pues como a los dos
&los nos mandaron hablar que fueramos a Ilenar los papeles para que nos dieran la
residencia legal. Eso nos cay6 de rebote, nosotros ibamos nada mas a vender hama-
cas, ni siquiera a rezar, pero nos the hien. Nos lleg6 a Yucatan. Liege la cita, pero no
teniamos dinero; nos reunimos los 31 para pensar que ibamos a hacer y decidimos de
entre los 31, cooperar para que recibieran sus papeles 15. Se vinieron, nos toc,6 de a
200 pesos, vendimos gallinas, frijoles, todo lo que pudimos para que vinieran ellos, a
mi no me toc6. Fue el afio en que mataron a Kennedy, el habia dicho que iba a respe-
tar a todos los que tuvieran el 040, que era una matricula; nosotros no teniamos eso.
Pasaron los 15 que escogimos y de entre los que a mi me toc6 ayudar fueron unos
muchachos que eran sobrinos de unas senoras que respondieron por ellos, luego no
mandaban el dinero, pero las senoras, muy cumplidoras, vendieron tambien gallinas,
frijoles y todo lo que pudieron para pagamos a los que les habiamos prestado para
que se fueran primero. Cuando terminamos de cobrar el dinero, yo venia a Estados
Unidos de todas maneras pero ahora de mojado; me venia en septiembre y me regre-
saba en agosto; me cobraban 250 &Mares la pasada pero para mi era facil porque yo
abri mi cuenta en el Banco de America y cuando me pasaban los coyotes, les pagaba
Ilegando y con mi propio dinero (don Rafael Cabrera).

57
Los primeros aiios del bracerismo eran muy faciles para que arreglaramos los pape-
les quienes quisieramos, cobraban nada mas 25 &Mares y era todo; los primeros afios
yo no guise, no me Ilamaba la atencion y no sabfa que podria damos para despues
muchas facilidades. Despues sf, me convencieron y le entre, obtuve la residencia
legal y empece a declarar lo que le decimos taxes. El que me vino ayudando fue un
yerno de un amigo que lo conoci pizcando haulm y naranja; ese muchacho, que es
esposo de su hija, fue el que nos arreglo todo y desde hace mucho tiempo nos llenaba
los papeles para los taxes. Abdo su propia oficina ahi por la Calle 5, siempre ha sido
muy trabajador, de origen mexicana tambien. Ellos me platican que tuvieron una
propiedad alla en la xv zona militar en Guadalajara. Una vez me dijo:
Asi como haces el reporte de lo que ganas y en lo que trabajas, no se por quo
no traes tu familia. La ley esta muy clara, tienes las puertas abiertas, dime cuando
quieras y yo te consigo una carta, eso cuesta 200 &Mares y a ml me los vas pagando
como quieras, de a cinco ode a 10 &flares para que me los pagues en un alio, dos, o
como puedas yen cinco dias vas y traes a tu familia. To tienes tus hijos, los reportas
como tus dependientes, tü los vas a mantener, entonces no tienes ningim problema
en traertelos—. Lo que es no saber las cosas, yo no los traia porque pensaba que no
era legal.
Nada mas hay una cosa que debes de tenet presente —me dijo—: ya los pa-
trones en donde estas, no te van a pagar el agua, la luz y las cosas que te dan ahi en
el rancho porque ahora van a ser para toda tu familia, pero eso es cosa de que to le

58
 vayas viendo, silos quieres aqui y hacerte de una casita o rentar, porque ahi con el
patr6n no los vas a poder meter a todos.
Esa era la Unica limitante, lo entendi bien. Acepte to que me decia ese amigo,
y asi como me to explic6: en una semana fui y los traje. Estamos hablando de 1964
mas o menos, ya no tengo memoria para esas cosas, pero creo que [tie alrededor de
ese alto cuando me los traje a todos; ahora cuando echo vueltas es por ml gusto, pero
en aquellos altos era muy dificil estar yendo y viniendo. Yo tenia cuatro hijos y ya el
Ultimo naci6 aqui (don Jorge Picazo).

De las opiniones a favor de la existencia del Programa Bracero basadas

en informaciOn oficial, explican que el convenio vino a cancelar una prác-
tica denominada "enganche", que consistia en que un grupo de inter-
mediarios (mexicanos o estadounidenses) realizaban la contrataci6n y
cobraban por sus servicios; se le denominaba "enganche" porque los tra-
bajadores al aceptar el trato se "enganchaban" con el contratista que
los llevaba al lugar de trabajo; con el inicio del convenio entre los dos
gobiemos se extingui6 "el enganche" porque ademas no tenia valor legal
ni en Mexico ni en Estados Unidos; mediante el convenio bracero se
podia tener la entera confianza porque el aval era el propio gobiemo del
pals vecino, que era incluso quien se comprometia a velar porque a los
contratados se les llevara hasta el lugar mismo del trabajo. Los contra-
tos con los enganchadores se caracterizaban por ser leoninos, porque en
ocasiones llevaban a menores de edad a trabajar y porque instalaban a
los trabajadores en espacios insalubres. Hubo casos en los que se pudo
conocer sobre la existencia de pada privada en exclusiva para la vigilan-
cia de los trabajadores, esto lo hada parecerse mas bien a un esclavismo
modemo. Tambien se termino con las deportaciones masivas, aunque a
finales de los anos cincuenta y ya en funcion del Programa Bracero se
volvie a esa practica, ya que en un solo aiio se regresaron a mas de un
mill& de mexicanos (Durand, 2007b: 27).

Llegabamos y nos tendiamos como muertos; no podiamos movernos, lo que si se es-

cuchaban eran gritos, muchos se quejaban. Al siguiente dia muy temprano teniamos
que hacer to mismo: a desayunar a las cinco, cuando mucho a las seis de la mafiana,
en ese rato ya estaba la hilera ahi, todos los compafieros haciendo cola.
Hay muchos compafieros dentro del grupo de braceros que platicaban que siem-
pre les Wee) de to mas bueno. Yo no lo creo, porque el trabajo siempre era muy duro;
habia ocasiones que agarrabamos buenos contratos y sacabarnos buen dinero, pero
de que hubiera gente que siempre, siempre le hubiera ido bien, no es cierto (don
Joaquin).

59
Entre los argumentos a favor por parte de los autores, el primero que
resalta es la duraci6n del Programa, porque si hubiese tenido muchos
problemas no se hubiera refrendado los 22 aims en que se hizo. El Pro-
grama Bracero ha sido la dpoca de oro de los migrantes porque entraban
con un contrato en la mano, les proveian de casa y de alimentaciOn o en
algunos casos en que se les vendia, era a precios simbOlicos; es cierto que
se les contrataba porque se les necesitaba, pero al fin y al cabo eso es lo
que se busca en todo convenio: que haya satisfacci6n por las dos partes.
El haber contratado a cerca de cinco millones de trabajadores no puede
conceptualizarse como un error ni como un desacierto de los gobiernos,
o por lo menos del mexicano, porque habria quien pudiera afirmar que
uno gan6 y el otro perdi6. A favor, tambien se puede mencionar que el
convenio se habia contemplado para sustituir a los trabajadores en la
agricultura, porque eran las mas laboriosas o que reclamaban mas des-
gaste humano; sin embargo, al contar con la mano de obra alla en Esta-
dos Unidos, se les empleo en otras areas que al principio no se les habla
considerado; muchos de ellos fueron a trabajar a la industria, claro, en
menor proporci6n de quienes estaban en el campo, pero hubo puestos de
trabajo para mas de quienes se habla contemplado en un principio. Un
aspecto que raras ocasiones se puede encontrar en trabajos que hablen
sobre la migracion, es que en la epoca hubo una buena administracion
del Programa, porque pudo colocar a millones de trabajadores, con las
limitaciones que desde luego se presentaron, pero debieron de haber
sido eficientes en ambos lados de la frontera para transportar primero y
destinar luego a cada trabajador en un rancho y por Inas de dos decenios.

Nos Ilamaba mucho la atenciOn escuchar a los "yindos", estaban gritando:

Esta es su oportunidad senores, necesitamos a tal cantidad de personas para
trabajar en Estados Unidos, se pagan muy buenos sueldos. Todos los que quieran
irse a trabajar, al 1n2que.
Habia ahl entre nosotros un ganadero de la ciudad de Leon, al que le decian el
Pinto, clue ya habia estado aqui en Estados Unidos trabajando como bracer° y nos dijo:
Orale, ahorita es cuando nos debemos de ir, ahorita se puso bueno, no debe-
mos dejar pasar la oportunidad.
Yo de chavalo, a lo mejor por falta de experiencia o por lo que hubiera sido,
les di ml nombre, me apunta en la lista y con eso me dieron lugar en el tren y me
acomodaron en las "jaulas", asi como les decian a los vagones del tren; nosotros
les deciamos jaulas a los camiones donde llevabamos el ganado y ellos les decian
a donde nos llevaban a nosotros; nos dieron tambian ropa y un lugar donde nos
bandramos, la que traiamos puesta no la volvimos a ver, nos dieron trapitos nuevos.
Duramos una semana enterita para Ilegar de ahi de Tlalnepantla a Nogales, Sonora,

60
 en el tren. Ya de ahf, nos pasaron para el otro lado y gentes del gobierno mexicano
nos entregaron con otros del gobierno americano. Nos fueron Ilamando pronto, a ml
me toed) el primer trabajo en Arizona.
—Jorge Picazo —dijeron mi nombre y ahi voy a que me dieran inis documentos
y ya listo para irme al trabajo—. A tile corresponde en Ellis, Arizona —me expli-
caron.
Ahi fue ml primer trabajo, luego estuve en Shasta, cerca del estado de Oregon,
y al terminar los primeros 18 meses de trabajo nos echaron para fuera, se termino
el contrato. Nos Ilevaron a la frontera y nos pagaron todo el dinero que nos habfan
quitado de ahorros, en puros pesos de cero siete veinte, de esos famosos. La verdad,
nosotros Si quedamos muy conformes con eso, se ganaba buen diner°, se trabajaba
mucho pero quedabamos conformes; cuando nos regresaban, nosotros ya sabfamos
a lo que ibamos (don Jorge Picazo).

Si se presentaron problemas y no de baja monta; el hecho por ejemplo de

haber utilizado los fondos de ahorro de los braceros, que a tiltimas fechas
ha salido a flote, es un gran error y lo hemos de considerar como una
parte esencial de los argumentos en contra de la aplicacion del Programa
Bracero (mas adelante se describird en detalle esta situaciOn). La existen-
cia de indocumentados durante el convenio tambien puede considerarse
como uno de los problemas importantes que se presentaron, porque sola-
mente de deportados fueron mas que el flamer° de contratados durante
la epoca; el problema se extendio por mucho tiempo en virtud de que
los mismos empleadores contrataban a los dos tipos: a los legales y a los
"mojados". Un aspecto por el cual sufrieron mucho los nacionales fue
la barrera del idioma, pues no era fad il vivir, trabajar y desenvolverse
en un medio donde el lenguaje es diferente al nativo; muchos lograron
evadir esa situaci6n porque siempre trabajaron con mexicanos, escucha-
ban radio con programas en castellano, veian programas de television
mexicanos y asistian a eventos sociales donde se hablaba solamente su
lengua. Otto aspecto que no es de menor importancia, file el hecho de
que al principio del convenio no se contemplO la existencia de enferme-
dades "contingentes, no profesionales", que consistian en que los traba-
jadores que no estaban acostumbrados a las indemencias del tiempo,
como existen en varios estados de la Union Americana, principalmente
los situados al none, enfermaban constantemente y no se contemplaba
en el seguro la atencion especifica, solamente que hubieran sido origi-
nadas por el trabajo; ya para los altimos arios se fueron considerando
este tipo de aspectos para no dejar en la indefension a los mexicanos.
Un aspect() que no aparece en gran pane de los trabajos que se refieren
a esta etapa historica de Mexico, es que se puede considerar como una

61
1811284 TAMIA UE.
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gran equivocacion el que los trabajadores del campo no fueran atraidos a

sus origenes de manera suficiente como para tener que dejarla, y muy en
particular al hablar de la propiedad ejidal, puesto que de los campesinos
pobres sin tierras o con propiedades infimas no es su culpa; sin embargo,
se supone que en los altos cuarenta estaba vigente el reparto de propie-
dad agraria y de ahi engrosaban tambien las filas de los migrantes; hay
voces de la Cpoca que pertenecen a funcionarios mexicanos pero que
vefan en esto un desajuste que deberia de contemplar la Secretaria de
Recursos Hidraulicos, porque consideraban que proveyendo del servi-
cio del vital liquido, los agraristas se abstendrian de emigrar, o inclusive
con otorgarles credit° para que mejoraran sus sistemas de producciOn y
mecanizar el campo. La reforma agraria era a nivel de discurso el mas
importante de los haberes de la RevoluciOn Mexicana y se ponia en tela
de juicio su avance al observar el incremento inconmensurable de brace-
ros (De Alba, sift 255 y 260).
En cuestion de debates teoricos, por muchos altos han prevalecido
los que tienen origen en la economia: los unos, a favor de la clasica, afir-
man que el Programa Bracero the una de las mejores oportunidades que
han tenido los trabajadores en lo particular y nuestro pals en general, que
la entrada de divisas es importante no solo por la satisfaccion que obtie-
nen los migrantes y sus familiares, sino que hacen posible el desarrollo
economico que no han podido lograr los gobiernos nacionales; que ha
sido el 011ie° medio por el cual han podido adquirir un poco de ganado
o de propiedades los braceros, que lo que ellos invierten tiene un fac-
tor multiplicativo porque incentivan el desarrollo econOtnico al adquirir

62
mercancias que en otras circunstancias no hubiera sido posible comprar-
las, y que los vendedores de esas mercancias a su vez incentivan otros
eslabones de la produccion domestica; en resumen, el Programa Bracero
ha sido uno de los pilares del crecimiento econ6mico nacional por los re-
cursos y los beneficios que han recibido millones de mexicanos. Por otra
parte, quienes fundamentan sus investigaciones en la economia politica
hacen criticas describiendo las supuestas bondades que refieren los de la
economia clasica y subrayando que en realidad han sido acciones perver-
sas; a saber: con el dinero que enviaron los braceros se encarecieron los
predios, porque con los Mares que los adquirieron se promovi6 la usura
en cada uno de los pequenos pueblos de los que salieron los migrantes;
que los grandes beneficiarios fueron los empresarios grandes y en mu-
chos de los casos extranjeros, porque los productos los adquirian en las
ciudades y no en sus lugares de origen; que no aportaron al desarrollo
econ6mico sino mas bien a la acumulacion del capital, y que la existencia
misma de mano de obra barata de mexicanos era un reflejo de como la
voracidad del capitalismo se aprovechaba de la pobreza e ignorancia de
los mexicanos depauperados provenientes del campo."

26. Alas dos vertientes se les conoce como la funcionalista y la historico-estructuralista; "la prime-
ra supone que las remesas tienen la facultad de reducir la pobreza y la desigualdad del ingreso
y ayudan a estabilizar econernicamente a las families. Como se destinan a gastos basicos como
alimentacion, educaciOn, salud y vivienda, finalmente significan mayor bienestar pare las lami-
nas y tiene un efecto multiplicador para la economfa del pals.
"La vision histerico-estructuralista considera, por el contralto, que la emigraciOn Ilene un efec-
to negativo en la economia y en la estmctura social de las comunidades de origen. Para este
visi6n, la emigracion y las remesas crean una serie de distorsiones estructurales que se reflejan
en una exacerbaciOn del conflict° social, en diferencias economicas e inflacion. Todo lo cual fo-
menta un circulo vicioso que distorsiona la economia local y deteriora sus estructuras sociales.
Uno de los probIemas que enfrentan estas comunidades es que Ilegan a depender de las reme-
sas, por lo que se genera una mayor emigraci6n en la medida en que solo las remesas permiten
mantener el nivel de vide ante la fella de alternatives que pudieran sustituirlas. De acuerdo con
esta vision, las remesas familiares tienen muy poca posibilidad de iniciar el desarrollo, puesto
que se emplean en educacion basica, mantenimiento de las families, salud, construccion de
casas, inversiones productivas, etcetera, lo cual no genera empleos, y los limitados proyectos
productivos tienen un escaso beneficio" (Aragones, et al., 2009: 40).

63
 V
La Proposicion 187 de California

La historia de la legislacion estadounidense tambien ha aportado su

granito de arena para la regularizaciOn de la inmigraci6n; de entre las
normas que han captado la atencion, resalta la conocida Proposici6n 187
en California, porque en noviembre de 1994 se someti6 a votacion y fue
aceptada por 59% de los electores y consisti6 en prohibir que los tra-
bajadores ilegales recibieran servicios pUblicos que normalmente ofrece
un Estado, tales como salud (con excepcion de emergencias, porque eso
lo preve la legislacion federal) y educacion. Aun cuando fue aprobada,
nunca llegO a aplicarse en virtud de que una jueza federal determino que
lo que se pretendia prohibir era materia de legislacion federal y un con-
greso local no podia emitir leyes que estuvieran por encima de las nacio-
nales. De cualquier manera, aunque no se haya implementado si dej6 el
sinsabor entre los migrantes y el gobierno mexicano de que poco o nada
se puede hacer cuando se vive en el extranjero de forma ilegal. A manera
de respuesta a la proposiciOn, en Mexico se cambio la ley en referencia a
la ciudadania y se permitiO por primera mm01-I el 20 de marzo de 1997
que los mexicanos conservaran su nacionalidad cuando adquirieran una
segunda; hasta esa fecha estaba prohibido y quienes adquirian la ciu-
dadania estadounidense estaban renunciando a la mexicana (AlanOn,
2006: 170 y 171)."

27. "El articulo 30 constitucional sefiala que son mexicanos por nacimiento: 1. Los que nazcan en
territorio de la Repablica, sea cual fuere la nacionalidad de sus padres; 2. Los que nazcan en el
extranjero, hijos de padres mexicanos nacidos en territorio nacional, de padre mexicano nacido
en territorio nacional, ode madre mexicana nacida en territorio nacional; 3. Los que nazcan en
el extranjero, hijos de padres mexicanos por naturalizacion, de padre mexicano por naturaliza-
don, o de madre mexicana por naturalizacion, y 4. Los que nazcan a bordo de embarcaciones
o aeronaves mexicanas, sean de guerra o mercantes".

65
 VI
La etapa ilegal

De acuerdo con diversos estudios, los 22 atios que continuaron de los

22 que conformaron el Programa Bracero (es decir, hasta 1986 en que
se present() la reforma a la migraci6n en Estados Unidos incA), fue en
realidad la continuidad del convenio, nada mas que ahora con traba-
jadores ilegales; tal pareciera que no habia terminado el flujo de con-
trataciones: llegaban trabajadores jovenes, varones, solteros, con baja
escolaridad provenientes de localidades pequefms y que iban a solicitar
empleo en la produccion agricola a las mismas localidades en las que se
habian empleado a los braceros; imicamente lo que ahora diferenciaba
las etapas, era que existia una gran vulnerabilidad por parte de los traba-
jadores, cuando antes contaban con un seguro de empleo y la obligacion
de que les proveyeran de habitaci6n y alimento (Canales, sit': 131).

—iA lonchar!
Y a la media hora despues, a seguirle. Era muy pesado. Pagabamos la lonchera
para que ya nos Ilevaran hecho todo, si no seria mucho mas trabajo para nosotros;
nos cobraban 1.75 Mares diarios por el servicio, pero era mucho mejor que nosotros
prepararamos todo. El pago total era eso por el desayuno, comida y cena; estaba
bien porque se comia hien y no era caro. Yo siempre que Ilegaba a Estados Unidos
pesaba 90 libras y cuando regresaba me iba con 110. A pesar del trabajo tan pesado
que hacia uno, se podia engordar poquito; eso nunca me sucedia en Mexico, alla tra-
bajaba y comia y pesaba siempre lo mismo; aqui, siempre regresaba con mis 20 libras
de mas. Y tambien, no se c6mo explicarlo, pero ilegaba mas gUero. Eso lo notaban
bien las gentes de donde venia uno, a ml me decian:
Paisano, yo quiero ir al mismo lugar donde vas tit, pero no quiero traer dine-
ro, quiero traer came y regresar giierito, porque ttl eras bien prieto y flaquito.
En mi pueblo se hacian las listas de los que queriamos anotar como bra ceros ahi
en la cantina, un senor que se llamaba Emilio era el encargado de Ilenar el listado;
siempre en la cantina y como habia mucha pobreza, nos preguntaban:
i,Cuantas cervezas?
—Una.

67
 —LCuantos vasos?
—Cuatro (don Rafael Cabrera).

En varies estados de la Uni6n Americana se celebra el dia 31 de marzo

en memoria del lider Mexico-americano Cesar Chavez, quien lucho por
los derechos de los trabajadores agricolas; su United Farmer Association
lleva como logotipo un aguila azteca en la bandera. Naci6 en Arizona y
sus padres tuvieron que emigrar de su lugar de origen porque perdie-
ron sus propiedades durante la Gran Depresi6n (1929-1933); despues de
Martin Luther King, es Chavez sin lugar a dudas el lider mas reconocido
por su lucha a favor de los derechos humanos; cre6 la National Farm
Workers Association y fue mundialmente conocido porque en 1965 pro-
moviii un boicot contra la compra de uvas, porque en California se utili-
zaban pesticidas daninos y se obligaba a trabajar con azadones pequenos
que hacian necesario que los trabajadores hicieran sus labores agachados
durante la jornada laboral. Para ese atio de 1965 ya habia terminado el
Programa Bracero; sin embargo, la gran mayoria de los trabajadores que
eran contratados para trabajar en el campo segufan siendo mexicanos;
es muy triste saber que sus luchas eran saboteadas por esquiroles mexi-
canos.
El dia 31 de diciembre de 1964 terrain() formalmente el Programa
Bracero;28 sin embargo, los trabajadores siguieron entrando, aunque aho-
ra de manera "ilegal"; aun cuando provenian de las mismas regiones de
Mexico y se desempefiaban en los mismos lugares de trabajo, parecia que
el programa se habia extendido sin cambios por lo menos lo que rest6 de
la decada de los sesenta y tambien la de los setenta. Algunos braceros se
convirtieron en "espaldas mojadas", otros obtuvieron su green card, es de-
cir, su residencia legal?' En 1964 se cre6 un sistema de produccion para
aminorar los efectos del regreso de braceros que, una vez desempleados
en Estados Unidos, seguramente iban a engrosar las filas del desempleo
tambien en Mexico; consistio en la instalacion de empresas maquilado-
ras en la frontera y tuvo como principal caracteristica que la totalidad

El Programa se dio por terminado aun y cuando el gobierno mexicano se mostr6 muy insistente
en la renovacion; inclusive, en 1968 nuestro pals se tuvo que ajustar a recibir una cuota de 20
mil visas, cuando antes se tenia acceso ilimitado. Se considera que por esta decision se abrieron
las puertas a to que se conoce como la migracion indocumentada (Durand, 2007a: 24).
De acuerdo con un estudio, durante los 22 afios del convenio obtuvieron su residencia legal
un promedio de 23 mil personas, que representaban 10% aproximadamente del total de los
trabajadores que se contrataban por año (Canales, sg: 130).

68
de lo producido iba al mercado estadounidense; en otras palabras: se
brinco de pals el Programa Bracero. No obstante el exit° obtenido por la
extension del programa, ahora en el interior de nuestro pals, surgieron
vertiginosamente criticas hacia la aceptaci6n de esas medidas por parte
del gobierno mexicana y es que se consideraba que iban en contra de
los preceptos revolucionarios plasmados en la reforma a la ConstituciOn
de 1917, en la que se prohibian los monopolios y la injerencia directa de
empresas extranjeras en nuestro territorio; durante la epoca echeverrista
(1970-1976) la acci6n del gobierno fue formalizar estas criticas y se liege,
a mencionar en el discurso oficial que los trabajadores que participaron
durante los atios que tuvo lugar el Programa Bracero fueron tratados de
forma inhumana. Otra manera, formal, en que se dio una extensiOn al
Programa Bracero fue la aplicacion del denominado H-2, que consistia
en contratar trabajadores extranjeros (entiendase mexicanos) en el area
de la agricultura, sin embargo ahora sin la firma del gobierno mexicana
sino simplemente entre los trabajadores con el gobierno estadounidense,
quien hace valida la contratacion con los empresarios del campo estado-
unidense (Garcia, 2001: 71, 72y 75).

Para entrar a Estado Unidos yo arregle en Guadalajara desde hace muchisimo;

cuando venia a trabajar me daban una tarjeta, esa misma la Ileve a Guadalajara y
con eso me dieron mis papeles; Ilevaba mi pasaporte mexicana unas cosas re me
pedian de rayos equis; me abrian el sobre y me daban lo que yo necesitaba. Eramos
j6venes y fuertes, les haciamos falta aqui. Ahora anda la gente para arriba y para
abajo, yo no batalle (don Juvenal).

Durante los 22 ahos del Programa se contrataron 4.6 millones de traba-

jadores y mas de 5.3 millones fueron aprehendidos en Estados Unidos
y regresados a Mexico (Migration News); bien podria pensarse que esa
epoca representO la epoca de oro, porque con posterioridad, para obte-
ner trabajo en el pals vecino, salvo las excepciones de las formas de con-
trataciOn H2A y B, la estancia era ilegal. La entrega de visas para esta
modalidad de convenio H2A para la agricultura se inicio el mismo alio
de culminaciOn del Programa, es decir 1964 y estaba dirigido en especial
para contratar jamaicanos, y se admitieron mexicanos hasta finales de los
aims ochenta, cuando se subdividio y ya no solo se aceptaban trabajado-
res del campo sino que tambien para los servicios, y se le denomino a este
Ultimo H2B Se considera que tres cuartas partes de los trabajadores que
laboran bajo estas condiciones son de origen mexicano. En particular, el
contrato consiste en que los propios empleadores, por conducto de agen-

69
tes, abogados o ellos mismos, se ponen de acuerdo con los trabajadores
y los Ilevan al lugar donde deben trabajar, les proporcionan habitacion
(solo en el caso del H2A, que es en el campo; en el otro, el H2B no,
porque los espacios laborales se ubican en las ciudades: hoteles, restau-
rantes, transporte). El tinico requisito que deben cubrir los empleadores
es el no haber encontrado personal de origen estadounidense para reali-
zar las actividades (Durand, 2007a: 58). Para algunos autores, hablar de
este tipo de programas no significa otra cosa que una extensiOn del Pro-
grama Bracer°, pero con la (mica diferencia de que en este ultimo caso
se hace a un lado al gobiemo mexicano y la contratacion es directamente
con el trabajador. Las contrataciones de este tipo distan con mucho de
las cantidades que se utilizaron de 1942 a 1964, y entre sus efectos nega-
tivos, uno que resalta es el hecho de la participaciOn de "contratistas"
mexicanos que extorsionan a los trabajadores y "cobran" por el servicio
de ponerlos en contacto con los empresarios estadounidens

70
 VII
Nace una organizaci6n

Sin duda el lado oscuro de la existencia del acuerdo bilateral, lo significo

el hecho de la retenci6n forzosa del 10% de los ingresos de los braceros
durante el period() comprendido entre 1943 a 1949. Los recursos dedu-
cidos al salario de los trabajadores eran depositados en dos instituciones
bancarias estadounidenses: Wells Fargo Bank y Union Trust Company
of San Francisco, y luego trasladado a uno mexicano perteneciente al
Estado mexicano: el ahora extinto Banco de Credit() Agricola, que fue
sustituido por Banrural en 1976. El dia primer() de noviembre de 1999 la
institucion nacional acept6 formalmente el reclamo de los braceros como
validos respecto a la existencia de los ahorros, mismos que con anteriori-
dad les habian sido negados (Migration News). El dia primero de marzo
del 2001 una Corte en San Francisco estim6 que entre 30 y 50 millones
de &Hares fueron deducidos forzosamente a los trabajadores y que se
podia calcular en 500 millones por los intereses y perjuicios causados. De
acuerdo con estimaciones, menos de la mitad de los trabajadores de la
opoca recibieron sus ahorros deducidos; tratandose de trabajadores del
campo empobrecido de Mexico, no es dificil aceptar que nunca fueron
reclamados sus recursos por ignorancia, ya que en Mexico y sobre todo
en el campo no se pagaban salarios formales con documentos oficiales;
entonces los jornaleros, en su papel de braceros, al recibir el cheque por
el pago de sus servicios consideraban que era el pago total y nunca se
enteraron de que les habia sido retenido un porcentaje y que corria por
parte de ellos el cobrarlos en la institucion bancaria mexicana. La verdad
es que los distintos gobiernos hicieron uso de los recursos, y los argu-
mentos que se escuchan por parte de los funcionarios gubernamentales
cuando fueron exigidos por los braceros organizados medio siglo des-
plies, son que los recursos se invirtieron en infraestructura rural, es decir,
en el supuesto beneficio de ellos mismos cuando regresaron a nuestro

71
pals; otra explicacion que recibian los braceros era que la administraciOn
Slim actual no era la responsable de que las anteriores hubieran hecho
uso de los emolumentos; esto altimo enturbio la discusion, ya que coin-
cidia con la derrota del partido politico que estuvo en el poder por mas
de 70 afios: el PR!, y el ascenso de la oposiciOn; luego entonces, los recla-
mos de los braceros se convirtieron en un buen pretexto de los nuevos
gobernantes, primero, para no querer entregar lo reclamado, y segundo,
para culpar a sus enemigos politicos. Despite's de muchfsimas discusio-
nes, idas y vueltas, la oltima administraciOn federal ha aceptado a quie-
nes comprueben con el contrato original haber sido braceros, pagarles
anualmente cuatro mil pesos hasta completar 38 mil; es en realidad una
decision desafortunada, porque deben ser muy pocos los migrantes de la
epoca que al sobrevivir hoy en dia, hayan conservado el documento que
hace 60 afios los reconocia como contratados en el Programa.

Cuatro mil pesos anuales, para completar los 38 mil, significan nada mas y nada
menos que 10 tilos completitos. LCuantos braceros van a sobrevivir dentro de 10
aiios y para que sirven cuatro mil pesos boy en dia? En los casos en los que son los
descendientes quienes van a recibir el dinero y si son muchos hijos, ties serviran de
algo cuatro mil pesos? Si son 10 de familia, a los hijos les van a tocar de a 400 pesos
anuales. La verdad, es un insulto.
La Uni6n Binacional de Ex-braceros se form6 el 4 de septiembre de 1998 en
la ciudad de Los Angeles, en la placita Olvera. Hichnos una convocatoria y desde
la primera se forme la organizacion. Al principio se llama Union sin Fronteras, ese
fue el primer nombre de la organizacion; asi le pusimos porque lo considerabamos
nacional, no era binacional porque no lo habia reconocido el Congreso de la Union.
Tenia como estrategia tres puntos fundamentales: primero, saber si ese famoso des-
cuento del 10% que se les habia hecho a los trabajadores braceros era realidad, por-
que habia muchos cuentos, pero la verdad completita no la teniamos al cien por
ciento a pesar de ser algo tan importante, de tantos anos de duraci6n y que abarcaba
a millones de trabajadores. Segundo, crear una organizacion que fuera capaz de
dar la lucha para la recuperacion de esos fondos campesinos; y tercero, Ilegar a una
etapa de negociaciones con el gobiemo mexicano, que era el que se habia quedado
con el dinero del ahorro de los braceros. Tenfamos informacion de que el dinero se
habia enviado a traves de dos bancos americanos: el Wells Fargo y el ya desaparecido
Union Trust, que lo habia recibido el gobierno mexicano a traves del Banco Nacional
de Credito Agricola, pero no teniamos la informacion completa y confiable. Ese the
el origen de la organizacion que tenemos y que hemos dado la lucha hasta nuestros
dias y confiabamos en que el fin que estabamos buscando era Ilegar a una negocia-
Mon directamente con el gobierno mexicano, que aceptara que habia recibido ese
dinero y que nos lo entregaran a nosotros los duetios.
En esas circunstancias, uno de los primeros pasos que dimos fue el sacarle in-
formacion oficial a Wells Fargo de que 51, efectivamente se habian mandado esos

72
famosos recursos. Obtuvimos pruebas, documentos que hicimos que nos entregara
ese banco americano. La Union sin Fronteras se constituyo como un movimiento
aqui y tambien en Mexico. Despite's de la primera reunion se organizaron muchas
otras donde se fueron fijando objetivos; al principio fue dificil, no sabiamos bien
que buscabamos o hacia donde ibamos. Se crearon varias, digamos, filiales de la
organizacion en todo lo ancho de Estados Unidos, aqui en Los Angeles fue de los
mas importantes porque aqui natio en la placita Olvera, aqui se moving) y se accio-
naron todas las actividades. El principal motor fue la busqueda de la defensa de los
trabajadores mexicanos a [raves de la bfisqueda del pago de los ingresos retenidos
a los braceros mexicanos. Nos reunimos al principio cinco compafieros y la bola fue
creciendo en la placita Olvera, que hemos considerado por muchos mios importante,
ya que es donde se concentra gran cantidad de mexicanos para celebrar las fiestas
patrias, para echarse un bailecito y tambien para encontrarse con los antiguos bra-
ceros y echar platica; hay gente que viene frecuentemente a eso (don Baldomero).

Hicimos una manifestacien en Mexico para el reclamo de nuestros ahorros. El plan-

ton, la verdad, fue sorprendente. Conmigo liege una muchacha de la PGR, supuesta-
mente reportera, traia a su camarografo, falso tambien porque era otro agente, y dos
o tres que andaban con ellos.
Mire, queremos hacerle una entrevista.
Gracias, pero es que nosotros ya nos vamos —les dije yo—, ya vamos al ae-
ropuerto, si ustedes gustan, pues sigannos y alla les damos la entrevista, pero ya hay
vuelos asignados para algunos de nuestros companeros y tenemos que Ilevarlos.
Pues entonces, nos vamos en sus carros y les vamos haciendo la entrevista
desde aqui en el trayecto de la colonia Hip6dromo, hasta el aeropuerto —me dijo a
ml la muchacha.
De acuerdo —les dije, sin ver nada raro, parecia que eran reporteros y ahi
nos habian entrevistado en muchas ocasiones y nosotros no los conociamos porque
venian de diferentes medios; ellos, disfrazados de trabajadores de noticiarios, pues
nosotros no sospechamos nada.
En ese momento nos venia acompatiando una muchacha de Chicago que estaba
haciendo una investigacien de los braceros que trabajaron en el tren. Ella iba a salir
de Mexico hacia Chicago y la ibamos a Ilevar al aeropuerto, era la que mas urgia en
ese momento. Total, que cuando ibamos subiendo al viaducto ya en direccion para
que tomara su avian, sucedi6 lo que no nos imaginabamos.
Entonces venganse unos de ustedes aca con nosotros para irles haciendo la
entrevista y algunos de nuestros companeros que se vayan en su carro, y asi aprove-
chamos varias entrevistas a la vez, antes de que se vaya la senorita —nos propusie-
ron, y nos pareci6 sensata la propuesta, asi es que aceptamos.
Algunos, entonces, se vinieron conmigo, yo iba manejando una pick up.
Nosotros, confiados, no nos habiamos dado cuenta que eran gente de la policia y
enviados por Ernesto Zedillo con intenciones nada buenas. Cuando ya ibamos en lo
que le dicen ellos "Eje", las avenidas grandes, hicieron un operativo y cerraron en
dos extremos. Nos encajonaron con unas Suburbans grandes, negras, con los crista-
les polarizados, se nos cerraron, nos bajaron y nos metieron de a uno en cada una,
nos separaron a todos.

73
74
 TO te vienes aca —Ah caray, nosotros pensamos Lasf entrevistan?
TO aqui quedate, vas a arrancar cuando yo te diga y pot donde yo te vaya
seiialando.
i,Son ustedes reporteros?
No vas a hacer ninguna pregunta, nada ma's vas a hacer lo que te vayamos
diciendo —los que se subieron a nuestros carros eran varios, y como subian de a
uno de nosotros pot cada Suburban, pues alla iban varios de ellos tambien, no habia
posibilidad de nada, solamente de hacer lo que nos fueran ordenando.
Pero nosotros, antes de haber ido con Romero Gudiiio, ya nos habiamos en-
trevistado con unos abogados porque estas cosas son may complicadas y ya tenia-
mos el buen antecedente del apoyo que recibimos de unos abogados muy buenos
de Oakland, California; entonces, nos hicimos Ilegar de gente que sabia mucho de
cosas de leyes ahi en la ciudad de Mexico. Nos ayucle mucho una muchacha muy
joven que era la responsable de los asuntos juridicos de los derechos humanos y
estaba en constante comunicacien con nosotros. A traves de esos contactos se ha-
bian puesto a nuestra disposicion muchos abogados para apoyamos en lo que se nos
ofreciera. Tenfamos muy bien estructurado lo que estabamos pidiendo y las cosas
iban caminando como las habiamos pensado con base en nuestras propuestas; esos
abogados sabian lo que tenian que pedir ahi en el area correspondiente de Banrural
con Romero Gudifio.
lb bajate y subete en esta, tii en esta otra —les iban ordenando; a mi no,
porque yo iba manejando. En mi camioneta se subieron dos personas con armas en
la mano.
—Sigue aquel carro —me dijeron; no platicaban absolutamente nada de otra
cosa, nada mas me iban diciendo para donde debia manejar.
Me trajeron alrededor de dos horas manejando en la ciudad de Mexico. No
sabiamos nosotros el destino que podrfamos tenet y tampoco se podia preguntar
o platicar con los senores esos, y luego armados; the complicado y amenazante de
verdad. Una cosa, sin chiste, pero que nos ayud6 mucho, a mi en lo particular, pero
a partir de eso, a todo el grupo, the que venia con nosotros un muchacho de Sinaloa
que nos acompanaba en esas reuniones. El es de Lota, Sinaloa, un pueblito muy
chiquito que está compuesto de puros braceros, ahi hicimos una reunion importante.
El sabia que ibamos a Mexico y nos dijo:
Yo voy con ustedes.
Ese camarada es el tipico sinaloense, de esos que cuentan muchos chistes, siem-
pre nos tenfa riendo, ya theta en el camino o en los dias de planter'. Pues se llama
Guadalupe el mentado amigo, bien platicador el hombre, venia conmigo, en mi ca-
mioneta al momento de irnos al aeropuerto. El se dio cuenta antes que yo, porque
me dijo:
Mira lo que esta pasando alla, ester' bajando a los amigos, cerraron la ave-
nida, los estan subiendo en camionetas de Gobemacion y los estan separando. Yo
aqui me bajo.
Peg6 el brinco y regres6 corriendo hacia los compatieros que se habfan quedado
todavia theta de las oficinas del banco, y es que no habiamos caminado mucho; en
esos momentos ibamos saliendo con direcciOn al aeropuerto pero ellos ya tenian su
plan bien elaborado, cerraron las calles, bajaron a todos y los separaron. Fue muy

75
valiente Guadalupe, porque se bajo, esta alto el mentado ese viaducto, ya se andaba
quebrando una pata, brined y se regresO corriendo a avisarles a los comparieros que
se habfan quedado rezagados.
Se los Ilevaron los de Gobemacion, se los van a Ilevar presos —les avis6 y
rapidamente se pusieron en contacto con los abogados.
Nosotros, ya despues que pudimos platicar, dedamos que pensabamos que nos
iban a matar. Asf lo sentiamos de verdad. Despues de todo el paseo que nos dieron,
nos llevaron ahi cerca del monument° a la Revolucion, que es donde esta. la PGR; nos
Ilevaron a la supuesta declaracien de los hechos, asi como si hubieramos cometido
un delito grave y tuvieramos pre dar nuestra versiOn de por que lo hicimos. Todo the
rapid°, se hizo en el mismo dia: desde las nueve de la mafmna en que comenzo la tra-
vesfa, nos soltaron como a las siete u ocho de la noche. Para todo ese asunto, cuando
nos Ilevaron ahf ya estaban los abogados porque Guadalupe alcanzo a movilizar a
todo mundo. Ellos les dijeron a los de la PGR:
Muestrenos los expedientes. tCon base en que cargos se les va a juzgar, por
quo los detuvieron?
Los argumentos que ahf supimos, en realidad era que nos habfan sembrado
varios delitos; primero el de asociacifin delictuosa, segundo, claims a la nacion por
haber estado frente a Banrural, aunque no se haya hecho ningün dario y ellos lo
sabian muy bien, y el tercero era nada mas y nada menos que sabotaje. Lo Unica que
les fall6 —por eso es peligroso el gobierno mexicano— fueron los tiempos. Ya tenian
un acta con la orden de aprehensi6n contra nosotros, pero se equivocaron en la fe-
cha; nosotros todavia no habfamos llegado a Banrural, Ilegamos el 8 de abril y ellos
ya habian girado la orden de aprehension por haber cometido los delitos el dia siete.
Lamm es posible que estos hombres hayan cometido un Milo sin que ni
siquiera hubieran estado ahf? —les decian nuestros abogados en la PGR.
Todo estaba supuestamente bien fundamentado, porque tenian testimonios re-
gistrados ante notario public°, con peritos, con informacion de toda clase de aboga-
dos. Estaba todo lista para amolamos.
—Si el gobierno mexicana nos quiere chingar, nos van a chingar —platicaban
los compaiieros cuando ya nos dejaron salir con la ayuda de nuestros abogados.
i,COmo era posible que ya tuvieran todo listo, las demandas, las supuestas prue-
bas, los testimonios y todo, todo lo que se necesitaba para encarcelarnos? Y todo
nada mas por defender nuestros derechos, por reclamar un dinero que es de noso-
tros desde hace medio siglo. [Link] que hace eso el gobierno contra sus gobemados?
Ahi pudimos ver que si quieren, pueden sembrar delitos a las personas que tengan
ganas de perjudicar.
En lo particular, lo que ha significado para ml la participaciOn en este movi-
miento de recuperacien de nuestro dinero, ha sido muy rica, he vivido y he visto co-
sas increibles, cosas muy bonitas y [ambler' desagradables, como aquella de que nos
querian encarcelar inventandonos cargos, cuando nuestra lucha ha sido nada mas
que nos regresen lo que nos quitaron hace 50 arias en promedio. Nos dimos cuenta
de muchas cosas: de la pobreza, de la miseria, pero tambien de la alegria del pueblo
mexicana; cuando Ilegabamos nosotros, a pesar de las necesidades que tenian, mata-
ban los guajolotes para hacernos de comer, para celebrar.
Venganse a mi casa, acá tenemos caldito de pollo, arrocito.

76
 En un lugar que no voy a olvidar nunca, que se llama la colonia Obregon en San
Luis Potosi, es una zona olvidada por el gobierno, sin agua potable, apenas con luz,
en un lugar cercano a la escuela; casas destruidas, hechas de adobe, algunas sin techo
y ahi llegamos a reunimos con la gente; es un lugar perteneciente a la Ciudad del
Matz; la gente feliz porque les llevabamos noticias de que ya iba a haber dinero. Otro
lugar, en Queretaro: La Purisima, la gente vive en cuevas, subiendo la montafia y de
ahi bajaba la gente los domingos, cuando haciamos las reuniones. Eso deja grandes
satisfacciones porque llega uno a conocer a tanta gente con sus distintas costumbres,
sus formas de vivir, muy alegres aun cuando haya mucha pobreza. En Ameca, donde
hay ingenios azucareros, hay gente prespera; en el trayecto de todas esas visitas lle-
gamos a conocer a muchisima gente y diferentes ambientes. En Oaxaca, muy dificil
el poder llegar, se intema uno en la sierra para poder acceder a los pueblitos, y ahl
nos reuniamos con los braceros (don Baldomero).

En la actualidad existen 12 millones de trabaj adores ilegales en Esta-

dos Unidos, aun y cuando estan vigentes los programas de visas tempo-
rales H2A para la agricultura y H2B para los servicios. En 1986, cuando

77
se promulgo la Ley de Reforma y Control de la InmigraciOnm) se concedi6
lo que en su momento se denomin6 "amnistia" a tres millones de indocu-
mentados, de quienes aproximadamente 70% eran modcanos. Ademas,
se tomaron medidas para tener un mejor control de las fronteras. En
contrapartida, "la amnistia" dej6 establecido que los empleadores que
en el futuro dieran trabajo a indocumentados serian objeto de fuertes
multas y, aunque esta plasmado en la Ley, la realidad de las cosas es que
no ha sido la generalidad de la regla y eso ha favorecido involuntaria-
mente la migracion ilegal (Durand, 2007a: 13, 15 y 49). En resumen, la
implementacion de la Ley de Inmigracion ofreci6 facilidades a una can-
tidad considerable de inmigrantes a pesar de haberse expedido durante
la administracion Reagan, que se caracterizaba por haber sido la mas
conservadora de la posguerra.
Entre los aspectos negativos que se han presentado a traves de los
afios despues de terminado el Programa Bracero, uno ha consistido en
las pordidas fatales que se han tenido que lamentar porque el cruce de
la frontera conlleva muchos peligros y, de entre ellos, el perder la vida;
desde hace muchos alms mueren en promedio diariamente dos mexica-
nos que son abandonados o que se perdieron en el desierto, o por ahoga-
miento en el rio Bravo.

—Womo les fue a ustedes? —le pregunte yo, porque sabfamos que el wit en un
viaje de los que Ilaman especial.
A el le llovio sobre mojado, porque a pesar de que supuestamente ellos iban a
pasar con todas las comodidades, tambien lo tiraron en el desierto; me platice que
caminaron dos dias.
—Iba con nosotros una seftora embarazada; su parto anterior habia sido por
cesarea y en medio del desierto se le abri6 la operation.
Me coment6 que asi se la trajeron como pudieron y la llevaron a intemar a un
hospital a Houston, Texas.
—Oye —le pregunte—, i,y que pas6 con la muchacha fulana, aquella muy alta?
La embarazaron en el camino y en el desierto se le vino la criatura, la agarr6
Migmcion y la regresaron al pals. Nosotros corrimos con suerte, a pesar de los sufri-
mientos podemos contarla y ya estamos aca al otro lado. Gracias a Dios.
LEntonces todo tu grupo liege bien, completo?
No, a la senora esa de la cesarea, la pudimos traer, pero a otra que venia
tambien embarazada ya no pudo, la tuvieron que dejar en el desierto, con la Unica
ventaja de que venia una prima de ella y se quedo a acompatiarla; pero el equipo no
lleg6 completo, no tuvimos esa dicha.

30. Immigration Reform and Control Act (mu.).

78
 Pobre sefiora —le dije yo—. /Habra muerto en el desierto?
No, no mud& no se cern° se dan cuenta los guias pero nos dijeron que la
habian recogido los de Migraci6n y que se la habian Ilevado.
Me coment6 todo lo que el habia vivido; tambien le pregunte por Miriam:
—A ellas las asaltaron, Les salieron unos rateros con machetes amenazandolas
que las iban a violar.
—Entonces, despite's de todo fuimos nosotros los que mas suerte tuvimos en-
tonces.
—Pues yo diria que si —me contest6—, porque ya sabiendo por las qua pasa-
ron en otros grupos, si, nos the bien (Georgina).

Llegamos a un rio, muy raro, era de agua salada y eso lo cansa mas a una; no toma-
mos nada. Habiamos caminado ya tres dias, yo sentia que me brotaba sangre de los
pies; traia Ilagas, Ilevaba toallas sanitarias y me las puse en los pies para que no me
dolieran mucho. lbamos hechos un desastre. Traia unas cintas y me las amarraba en
los zapatos para que no se Las cayera la parte de abajo. El ultimo dia que caminamos,
encontramos dos cadaveres. De uno, se dieron cuenta que era an cadaver porque lo
habian envuelto como en zacate; yo me habia recostado cerca y no me habia dado
cuenta y me dijo uno de mis amigos:
Fabiola, isabes que as lo que esta ant de ti—No, /Awe hay?
Lo descubrieron un poquito y se vio que era el cuerpo de un hombre. Mas ade-
lante, por la mitad de donde ibamos caminando, estaba otro: era un muchacho con
tenis de color blanco, pantalth azul y camisa blanca; no lo puedo olvidar. Cuando lo
vimos de lejos yo dije:
Pobrecito muchacho, testa durmiendo?
Si —me dijeron—, esta durmiendo.
Pero al acercarnos ya pudimos ver que se trataba de alguien que iba como noso-
tros y que perdio la vida. Hay guias que no se tocan el coraz6n; ese que nos toed era
muy bueno, pero otros van dejando tirados a los que se cansan. Nunca voy a olvidar
corn° llevaba a la hondurefia, la gordita que no queria caminar (Fabiola).

79
80
 Conclusiones

Los migrantes mexicanos que buscan mejorar su calidad de vida en Esta-

dos Unidos acuden, desde hace mas de 150 atios, a los lugares que per-
tenecieron a nuestro pals, que no pudimos habitar y desde que pasaron
a formar parte del pals del norte los estamos sobrepoblando: las zonas
mas socorridas para la migraci6n son California, Texas y Arizona; la
excepcion a la regla la constituye Illinois y en particular la ciudad de Chi-
cago, que no habiendo sido parte de Mexico en el siglo xix, es otro de los
principales puntos de atracci6n de trabajadores mexicanos. La voracidad
del entonces incipiente desarrollo capitalista de Estados Unidos derrib6
obstaculos, cambia' discursos e invent6 guerras para apropiarse de tie-
rras que exigia su crecimiento economico: luch6 contra sus colonizadores
originarios, hizo pactos con los enemigos de sus enemigos, los franceses,
que tenian idioma y costumbres muy disimbolas a las de ellos y lucho
contra sus propios principios establecidos en su avanzada ConstituciOn,
al aceptar la ampliacion de la esclavitud con la anexion de los nuevos
territorios (en particular con Texas).
En estricto sentido, la migraciOn inicio a los pocos dias de la anexiOn
de los territorios de California y Nuevo Mexico a Estados Unidos: va-
rios miles de mineros sonorenses fueron contratados para trabajar en las
minas en el aim de 1848; el descubrimiento del metal precioso que dio
lugar al fenOmeno denominado "fiebre del oro" tuvo lugar en Coloma,
California, una semana antes de la firma del Tratado Guadalupe Hidal-
go, es decir, el descubrimiento fue en tierras mexicanas. Los migrantes
mexicanos fueron objeto de aplicacion de impuestos especiales por el
hecho de "ser extranjeros", aun y cuando la gran mayoria lo eran y al
resto no se le aplicaba esa normatividad especial; eran discriminados y
serialados por sucios (greasers); thabria mineros en la epoca que no fue-
ran sucios? La mayoria regresaron a su estado natal y disfrutaron de la
riqueza adquirida durante la epoca famosa. En la Historia de Estados
Unidos (con "h" maydscula) se denominafony niners a los mineros de la
81
 epoca, en referencia a quienes arribaron en el afio de 1849: "de 300,000
inmigrantes, la mitad llegO por tierra y la otra mitad por mar"; aunque en
sentido estricto, deberian llamarse forty eighters porque el descubrimien-
to tuvo lugar un ario antes.
Con una gran necesidad de mano de obra para la explotacion de las
nuevas areas de trabajo, tales como las minas con el descubrimiento de
oro, la instalacion de vias de ferrocarril a lo largo y ancho de todo el te-
rritorio nacional y el asombroso crecimiento de las actividades agricolas
con la incorporacion de grandes extensiones de tierra laborable, Estados
Unidos abriO sus puertas a grandes cantidades de migrantes provenien-
tes de todas las latitudes del planeta. A los mexicanos en particular, por
las paradojas que tiene la historia, les favored() el hecho de que hayan
expedido la primera legislacion antietnica en Estados Unidos: la Ley de
Exclusion de Chinos en 1882; con ello se abrieron las puertas para que
sustituyeran a los asiaticos en sus areas de trabajo. El desarrollo de las
vias de comunicaci6n y en particular de las vias ferreas en nuestro pals,
a pesar del grave perjuicio que signific6 para la naciOn debido a la trans-
misiOn en propiedad de grandes extensiones de tierra y de recursos natu-
rales a las "empresas deslindadoras", hizo posible el desplazamiento de
grandes cantidades de trabajadores y desde regiones muy remotas hacia
Estados Unidos para sustituir en las minas, el ferrocarril y el campo a
los chinos expulsados. Propiciado por este fen6meno, los trabajadores
del campo en Estados Unidos estan constituidos mayoritariamente por
mexicanos.
Despite's de varios intentos de convenios binacionales, se firm6 el
primero en 1942; todos fueron de caracter anual y se ratificaron durante
22 afios hasta 1964, cuando con su cancelaciOn dio inicio la denominada
"etapa ilegal". La existencia del Programa genero muchas contradiccio-
nes, que fueron una de sus principales caracteristicas: supuestamente se
dio inicio para sustituir a los soldados que se enlistaron en la Segunda
Guerra Mundial, aunque en sentido estricto no fue toda la verdad, toda
vez que de aproximadamente tres cuartas partes del total de los traba-
jadores contratados se enlistaron en la segunda mitad del convenio, es
decir, en la posguerra. Si hubiera sido un convenio emergente y exclusivo
para emplear a migrantes durante la extension de la guerra, hubiera cul-
minado antes del primer decenio y no fue asi; sena mejor catalogado si
el periodo lo denominamos de "entre-guerras", puesto que a principios
de los anos cincuenta tuvo lugar la incursion en Corea; de mediados de la
decada de los cincuenta y hasta mediados de los setenta, la de Vietnam; la

82
del Golfo Persico en 1990; la de Irak en 2003. No obstante, el hecho que
debe resaltarse es que los migrantes fueron a cubrir espacios laborales
que no podian cubrir los nacionales, fuera en epoca de guerra o de paz.
Otra paradoja es que se repatri6 a una cantidad mayor que la contratada
durante todo el periodo de contrataciones. Una vez terminado el Progra-
ma Bracero, las necesidades de mano de obra en el vecino pals fueron
mayores que cuando la existencia del convenio, ya que durante la etapa
ilegal se contratO a una cantidad mayor que en la epoca de legalidad.
Una cantidad considerable de testimonios de los braceros dan cuenta de
las grandes angustias que vivieron durante su contratacion en Mexico: el
traslado a la frontera, la estancia en la frontera antes de ser Ilamados por
el patron, las jomadas de trabajo en los campos estadounidenses, las difi-
cultades de adaptaci6n al nuevo medio de vida, y sin embargo el trabajo
de los braceros signific6 en la mayoria de los casos la posibilidad de que
vivieran mejor sus familiares y de que eventualmente pudieran acceder
a la compra de algunas propiedades: ser bracero signific6 el sufrimiento
y el bienestar simultaneamente; el evitar las penas hubiera significado la
imposibilidad de mejorar su estado de vida familiar.
La migracion se transform6, no solamente fueron y vinieron los tra-
bajadores sino que una cantidad considerable de ellos se quedaron a vivir
en Estados Unidos, Ilevaron su familia y sus descendientes se han adap-
tado a la supervivencia en aquel pals; ya no son migrantes, son ciudada-
nos estadounidenses. Los migrantes han formado un grupo especial de
nuestro pals: unos van y regresan hoy en dia, otros se quedaron and y se
adaptaron, ya no son de aqui; "trajeron" la cultura estadounidense pero
tambien Ilevaron la mexicana a Estados Unidos: las formas de vestir, las
transformaciones en la gastronomia, la proliferaciOn de espacios y prac-
ticas religiosas y los metodos de trabajo han transformado los espacios
de alla y de aqui. La transnacionalizacion del trabajo ha Ilevado consigo
la transnacionalizacion de la cultura en los dos paises a tray& de los mi-
grantes.
Una pagina negra de la historia nacional a la que lamentablemente
no se ha podido dar vuelta, ha sido el hecho de no entregar el gobiemo
mexicano a los trabajadores los ahorros retenidos desde hace in& de 60
afios; es lamentable y en cierta medida hasta insultante que se les niegue
el regreso de su dinero que generaron con trabajo y a traves de un conve-
nio serio firmado entre los dos gobiernos, yen una epoca de la historia de
nuestros dos paises que se sirvieron de los migrantes y que en los hechos
los obligaron a caminar por una brecha de grandes sufrimientos; no se les

83
debe tratar como a delincuentes, como se hizo con los lideres naturales,
que lo Calico que han hecho es exigir lo que es de ellos.
Los testimonios de los braceros dan una idea mas Clara y elocuente
de lo que vivieron y sufrieron, de lo que sig,nifico en la tansformackin no
solo de ellos, sino tambien de sus familias y poblaciones de origen. hacen
posible ademas, el ofrecernos una perspectiva mas cercana a la realidad
de lo que significo su labor en un pals lejano y con cultura diferente a
la nuestra; nos posicionan con sus comentarios en un Mexico que ya no
eiciste, en una troves'% Oleo Ilena de anecdotas, descripcion del desarro-
llo de sus vidas, de sus temores y de sus exitos y fracasos, en resumen, de
lo que fue el Programa Bracero en todas sus profundas facetas.

84
 Bibliografia

Alarcon, Rafael (2006) "Hacia la construcciOn de una politica de emigraci6n de

Mexico", Relaciones, Mexico.
AlarcOn, Rafael, Alejandro Diaz Bautista, Gabriel Gonzalez Konig, Antonio
Izquierdo, Guillermo Yrizar, y Rene Zenteno (2009) "La crisis financiera
en Estados Unidos y su impacto en la migraci6n mexicana", Migraciones
Intemacionales, vol. 5, num. 1, enero-junio, Mexico.
Aragones, Ana Maria, Uberto Salgado, y Esperanza Rios (2009) "1,A quien be-
nefician las remesas?", Economiaunam, vol. 5, num. 14, Mexico.
Bickerton, Maria Elena (2001) "Prospects for a Bilateral Immigration Agreement
with Mexico: Lessons from the Bracero Program", Texas Law Review, marzo,
Texas.
Canales Ceren, Alejandro (s/f) Factores demognificos del asentamiento y la dr-
cularidad en la migracinn Mexico-Estados Unidos, documento de trabajo,
Guadalajara.
Canales, Alejandro (2008) "Las cifras sobre remesas en Mexico i,son creibles?",
Migraciones Internacionales, vol. 4, num. 4, julio-diciembre. Guadalajara:
Universidad de Guadalajara.
De Alba, Pedro (1953-1954) "Siete articulos sobre el problema de los braceros",
El NacionahNovedades, Mexico.
Durand, Jorge (2005) Nuevas regiones de origen y destino de la migracion mexi-
cana, documento de trabajo. Princeton: The Center for Migration and
Development/Princeton University Press.
(2007a) Programas de trabajadores temporales. Evaluacion y ancilisis del caso
mexicana, 2 edici6n. Mexico: Consejo Nacional de Poblacion (Conapo).
(2007b) "El Programa Bracero (1942-1964). Un balance critico", Red de
revistas cientificas de America Latina y el Caribe, Espana y Portugal, segun-
do semestre, num. 9. Mexico: Sistema de informacion cientifica Realyc/
Migraci6n y Desarrollo/Red Internacional de Migracion y Desarrollo.
(s/f) Redes sociales: Desayrollo hist6rico y escenatios contemponineos.
Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara.
Durand, Jorge, y Patricia Arias (2000) La experiencia migrante. konografla de la
migracion Mexico-Estados Unidos. Mexico: Altexto.

85
Garcia y Griego, Manuel (2001) "The Importation of Mexican Contract Laborers
to the United States, 1942-1964", en David G. Gutierrez (ed.), Between Two
Worlds. Mexican Immigrants in the United States, 4.4 edicion. Estados Unidos:
Jaguar Books.
Gonzalez Perez, Candid° (2009) Cuentame una de bra ceros, Seminario
Permanente de Estudios de la Gran Chichimeca. Guadalajara: Universidad
de Guadalajara.
Gonzalez Perez, Candid°, y Alfonso Reynoso Rabago (2010) "Historias de mi-
grantes (braceros) de Mexico hacia Estados Unidos: La ambivalencia de
sus principales caracteristicas", Las regiones en Latinoamerica. Nuevos talle-
res internacionales de estudios regionales. Cuba: Universidad Central Marta
Abreu de Las Villas.
Lawrence Douglas, y Taylor Hansen (2002) "Contraband° de chinos en la
frontera de las californias durante el Porfiriato (1876-1911)", Migraciones
Intemacionales, vol. I, num. 3, julio-diciembre. Tijuana: El Colegio de la
Frontera Norte.
Leite, Paula, et al. (2003) "Tendencias recientes de la migraci6n Mexico-Estados
Unidos", La situacion demogrefica de Mexico. Mexico: Conapo.
Limas Hernandez, Myrna (2007) Desarrollo humano desde la perspectiva de go-
nero. El caso de las rnujeres de Ciudad Judrez, Mexico, tesis doctoral. Madrid:
Universidad Aut6noma de Madrid.
Pletcher, David (1999) La diplomacia de la anexion. Veracruz: Universidad
Veracruzana.
Standart, Sister Mary Colette (2001) "The Sonoran Migration to California,
1848-1856: A Study in Prejudice", en David G. Gutierrez (ed.), Between Two
Worlds. Mexican Immigrants in the United States, 44 edicion. Estados Unidos:
Jaguar Books.

Periedicos

El Nacional, 1953 a 1954, Mexico.

Migration News, abril 2001, vol. 8, nilm. 4, Estados Unidos.
Novedades, 1953 a 1954, Mexico.

86
89
90
94
95
97
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 The Bracero Program

CANDIDO GONZALEZ PEREZ

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 Contents

Foreword. The American dream that could be Mexican 105

Jose' de Jesus Hernandez LOpez

Introduction 111

The annexations 113

Migration begins 121

The Chinese Exclusion act 122

V The first agreement is signed 127

The California Proposition 187 161

The illegal stage 163

[Link] organization is born 167

Conclusions 177

Bibliography 181

103
 Foreword

The American dream

that could be Mexican

Jose de Jesus Hernandez Lopez

In this document, Candid° Gonzalez deals with the phenomenon of

migration towards the United States focusing on the Bracero Program,
and like in the Braudelian tradition, he resorts to an explanation that
takes into consideration medium- and long-term duration.
The focus of interest lies in the second half of the 20th Century, but
the author takes the reader to the origins of the migratory phenomenon,
which, with the characteristics described here, dates back to the first years
of the life of Independent Mexico, in the presidential period headed by
its Most Serene Highness, don Antonio Lopez de Santa Ma.
It is worth pointing out several relevant aspects that appear in
Candido's manuscript: the identification of some of the actors that have
been part of the migratory phenomenon, giving voice in an interesting
manner to some of the "braceros", the remark regarding the construction
of spaces, in particular, the border cities,—above all on the Mexican side
-, or the recovery it achieves of some expressions created as their own
language by those who insert themselves in these social networks, always
letting the reader know the precise context in which they emerged: "Bra-
cero", "Mojado", "secado de mojados", "ilegal", "espaldas mojadas",
etc. These terms refer to cultural practices in historical moments which
must be resorted to in order to understand them fully.
From the beginning, the relation between Mexicans and Americans
has gone through historical periods of bonanza and evident benefits for
105
the parties involved as well as through other stormy and unfortunate
lapses like the one which is the starting point of the relation itself: the
annexation of Mexican territory to the United States and the Gold Rush
that was unleashed "coincidentally" shortly after that incorporation of
almost half the Mexican territory.
The American dream of colonizing lands that were practically unpo-
pulated, where in addition gold could be found at that time and until the
Porfiriato was advanced with the construction of railroad tracks making
it obvious that all roads led to California, showed the world the intercon-
nection that existed among the different places around the globe. An in-
terconnection, which, by the way, did not begin with the globalization of
economy in the last few years, but rather, as it has been proved by Andre
Gunder Frank, Emmanuel Wallerstein and Eric Wolf, among others, it
has been happening at least since the 15th Century. Australians, English
and Chinese, in addition to Mexicans and thousands of others whose pro-
venance could be located on any continent, started to arrive in the US
west coast lured by the Gold Rush or expelled by the conditions they had
to endure in their places of origin.
History would have been different if gold had been found while the
territories still belonged to the Mexican Republic. Then we would be
speaking about immigration or internal migratory processes. But the au-
thor focuses on other relevant aspects: the participation of the Mexican
State in those circumstances, years later, in the period of the two World
Wars and on the strength that the Bracero Program garnered in the post
war years. During the 150 years covered by the document, the state des-
cribed is one that is losing territory and population gradually, a state that
is later relieved by another with a capacity for negotiating with its neigh-
bor from the North, a state that gives way to a more current one that
must face the payment of money withheld to the braceros (farm laborers)
in other periods of time and one that from a certain perspective, with
its absence as manager and/or guarantor of certain types of migratory
processes, contributes to the construction of the social and labor vulne-
rability of many Mexicans.
The author considers the Chinese Exclusion Act important due to
certain benefits it had for the Mexican immigrant colonies. Along the
way, he shows the different types of animosity, racism and class or group
formation that occurred from ethnic differences. Certain constants can
be established between what happened half a century ago and what is ha-
ppening now, among them, it is possible to underscore the discrimination

106
and racism suffered by immigrants from southeast Mexico in the Jalisco
Highlands, where they go to work in the agave fields for the production
of tequila
It must be pointed out that the descriptions presented by the author
suggest a heretofore little-known reality: the strategies implemented
among peers to avoid economic competition. In accordance with the
Marxist theory, it has always been debated and written about the fact
that it is advantageous for the capitalists, for the ruling class, to have
a reserve army of workers as a strategy to curb the workers' resistance
and non-conformity, as well as to maintain wages and benefits on the
lowest levels possible to guarantee the workers' survival. However, the
information presented goes deeper into other realities, that is to know,
other types of practices among immigrants who, in spite of the fact that
they belong to the same ethnic group, or come from the same country,
they used racial and excluding epithets, as it was pointed out at the begin-
ning, as a strategy to avoid competition for the access to better economic
conditions, both through access to the land and to jobs. Maybe it was not
his intention, but here Candid° opens a door to discuss the nexuses of
solidarity and the discriminatory practices among nationals when they
meet abroad.
The same can be said about the construction of border spaces as pla-
ces where hiring was made easy or where some of the immigrants' or-
deal was lengthened. Although these are places located on the limits of a
country, the border area has been a point of rendezvous for hirers, twin
plants, immigrants and "coyotes" among the many characters that have
helped shape cities like Tijuana, Ciudad Juarez, Mexicali and Nogales,
whose activity depends on the legal and illegal movement of people.
From the point of view of who encourages migration, although it is
not always caused by the same parties, three historical moments can be
distinguished: 1. During colonization when the longing for wealth drove
migration to either colonize or work in those areas; 2. When the Mexican
State in agreement with the Receptor State created the Bracero Program
for temporary works, 3. When the transnational companies and the bu-
siness people in particular needed Mexican labor force to produce with
greater profit in their fields or factories. That is, the factors have been
very different in different historical periods, as different have been the
actors that mobilize and displace the labor force in this or that direction.
The way in which immigrants and their productive activity have been
conceived must also be considered: 1. As agents that participate in the

107
expansion of agriculture and of the presence of the 'American" State on
recently acquired territories, 2. As workers with certain characteristics
that render them ideal for propping up an important productive sector
in another country, 3. As cheap labor force. That is, it seems that in the
history of migration, there is a transition from a conception of the immi-
grant as someone capable of working the land (physiocratic conception)
to a much poorer one by considering them as cheap, unskilled labor (ca-
pitalist conception).
What has been argued so far leads to thinking about the characteris-
tics of the current migratory flows where exodus for individual reasons
stands out, a characteristic trait of the present historical context as it is
one of the characteristics of the post industrial periods: the formation of
individuals with the capacity for going and coming willingly in search of
employment opportunities.
No matter what historical period is referred to, it is not possible to
overlook the presence or absence of the Mexican State as well as the
conditions that prevailed both in the Mexican countryside and industry.
It may be inferred that if despite everything they accepted to work under
"those" terms in the United States, how were things in Mexico? People
migrate in order to obtain better incomes but also in order to flee from
something.
It is true that at the beginning the Bracero program underscored the
active role of the Mexican government as the agent, up to a certain ex-
tent, of the migration of large groups of Mexican citizens to the agri-
cultural fields in territories that used to belong to the country. A role
that contrasts with what happens at present when the actions are pre-
cisely with respect of goods like tequila, avocado or strawberry, which
represent actions whose direct beneficiaries are the businessmen and not
always Mexican ones at that. This must not be interpreted as criticism
targeted at that way of acting by the government apparatuses, but rather
precisely to the omission with respect of migratory policies. It would be
ideal if the State were to take actions for all. In that sense, and taking the
arguments to the ultimate consequences and with respect of the Bracero
Program by means of which the American primary sector was provided
with Mexican labor for the better part of the 20th Century, it is possible
to think about the involuntary subsidy that the braceros or laborers pro-
vided to the Mexican government by not knowing or by coming across a
score of obstacles to recover the 10% forcible withholding imposed on
those who worked in the programs in the years between 1943 and 1949.

108
 The author remarks that the Bracero Program must continue to be
seen as the strategy followed by the American government to replace the
local labor that had been sent to war, since the program consolidated the
most just in the post war period. If all it was about was a replacement pro-
gram, it should have been cancelled at the end of the war, nevertheless,
the fact that it was expanded and consolidated in the decades of 1940 to
1960 comes to show that just as it had happened in the second half of the
19th Century and the better part of the 20th, Mexican workers contributed
to the expansion of the agricultural border and its intensification; this
way, the belief that the braceros occupied spaces that used to correspond
to American citizens before the war is demythologized.
Several vignettes corresponding to the interviews to former braceros,
usually men, are a testimony to the exploitation and the precarious con-
ditions in which our fellow countrymen used to work on the other side
of the border, in particular during the period in which the States (both
the American and the Mexican ones) stopped participating in the actions
and the agreements regarding hiring temporary workers. It is parado-
xical that even under those circumstances their labor conditions in the
US were much better than the ones that they hoped to attain working in
Mexico. Thus, migration in any of its stages can be used to analyze pu-
blic policies, expose the existence of tyranny of regional political bosses,
middlemen and bureaucracies that become veritable bottlenecks preven-
ting the support, if there was any, for these people to reach their final
destination.
Migration, and in particular, the Bracero Program must not be con-
sidered only as proletarianization processes due to the fact that many
of those who had been hired to do factory work had been farmers in
Mexico; however, many others continued to work in the American fields
enriching with their practices the agriculture both "over there" and "over
here", immigrants have been pollinating agents who have enriched agri-
cultural practices on both sides of the border.
It only remains to thank Candid° for the freshness of his document,
which reflects a genuine interest in giving voice and visibility to the his-
tory of the braceros who live today on both sides of the border. May the
effort to spread the results of this research reach the new Alteno gene-
rations so that they become aware of the contribution made by several
generations of Mexicans to the building of the two nations.

109
 Introduction

Mexico's history can not be told without including the significance of the
agreement of migratory workers during the 22-year period between 1942
and 1964. The workers' migration started in the same year that the Ame-
rican government purchased the territories of Alta California and New
Mexico for 15 million dollars (Texas had been annexed before) in 1848 by
means of the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty by virtue of which Mexico surren-
dered in the war that had begun two years earlier; however, the immigrant
movement towards California is better known as the 1849 "Gold Rush"
when workers from all over the world arrived here: from Europe by the
American ascendance, from Asia because a considerable number of Chi-
nese people came and from the south Pacific because many Australians,
who spoke the same language and professed the same religion as the new
owners of that region, since they had also been colonized by Great Britain.
In order to speak about migration, therefore, we must begin by the begin-
ning: the Mexicans migrated to another country when the territories that
belonged to our country shifted ownership, then, the first part of this paper
deals with the annexations of what used to be Texas, New Mexico and
Alta California to the United States; afterwards, reference is made to the
beginning of the migration process and in particular to a group of several
thousands of Sonorans who crossed the border to work in the gold mines
discovered at first in the town of Coloma, located 50 kilometers northeast
of Sacramento, the present-day Capital of the State of California. Thirdly,
the paper deals with the Chinese Exclusion Act, since it marked a turning
point for the access of Mexicans to the works that required the hardest
labor in the development of the country that was being built at the time
(1882) as the most important country in the world from the economic point
of view; the Asians had tried their hands at mining work in the beginning,
then in agriculture and in the laying of the railroad tracks demanded by the
booming growth of North America, in spite of the fact that this was a group
characterized by their great dedication to work, they were segregated gra-
111
dually, until a shameful law was passed forbidding that ethnic group their
presence in the United States, to the extent of denying citizenship to those
born in the territory from Chinese parents; paradoxically, their exclusion
opened the doors for a large number of fellow countrymen to enter the
northern country, who, in addition, were favored by another no less impor-
tant fact: the existence of railroad transportation from Mexico City to the
border (Ciudad Juarez) in 1884. Fourthly, a description is made of what
it meant for the two countries to sign the agreement that began what is
widely known as the Bracero Program; its advantages and disadvantages
are referred to, as well as the characteristics of the works performed and
testimonies of workers of the time are included to make the information
more realistic, so that the reader has a closer image of what it meant to
have worked in a country that had just entered the Second World War in
the middle of the last century, what it meant for some Mexican people to
be forced to go away from their families for long periods of time to have
the chance (maybe a once in a life time chance) to purchase a small lot or
some cattle, since most of the braceros came from the impoverished rural
regions. Afterwards, an aspect that could have been very harmful for the
illegal immigrant is dealt with in detail: the acceptance of the California 187
Proposition whose objective was to forbid health and educational services
to the children of immigrants without legal residence; the legal measure,
even though it was passed, was stopped by a judge since it went against
the federal legislation of the neighbor country and it can be considered as
the legal precedent of the well-known Act SB1070 that was passed by the
Arizona Congress, which appears to follow the same destiny as that of the
California Proposition 187. The "illegal stage" is the name of the following
chapter and it aims at describing the characteristics of the Mexican migra-
tion to the United States once the Bracero Program was cancelled in 1964
and contrary to what might have been thought, the number of immigrant
workers in the neighbor country has increased exponentially. And fina-
lly, the last section describes what the creation of a braceros association
meant for the workers who wanted to claim the percentage of their wages
withheld for seven decades, which the Mexican government dedicated to
other areas.
The author is thankful to the institutions that made this book possible,
to the ex-braceros association, and especially its representative Baldomero
Lapiz, who made available the photographs of the traveling exhibitions,
offered valuable testimonies and because they are the main motive behind
the publication of this material.

112
 II
The annexations

After the independence from Spain, two groups with social influence
vied for power in Mexico: the conservatives who fought to establish a
political system with the European aristocratic antecedents and the libe-
rals who strove to establish a model similar to the one that had been esta-
blished in the United States after its independence from Great Britain
(Pletcher, 1999; 92). When the 1824 Constitution was adopted declaring
federalism as the political system in force, in reality alternating one and
the other for the four following decades, centralism prevailed, although
on occasion it was called federalism in some documents. The northern
part of the country was unpopulated, neither the Spanish during their
colonization nor the French in the portion of Texas which was part of the
former Louisiana, nor the recently independent Mexicans managed to
populate these areas. Due to its proximity with the booming new country
that exhibited an advanced political system and an amazing economic
growth, the northern territories slowly started to be populated by people
whose language and customs were different from those of the ancient
Mexicans, laying thus the foundations of an imminent separationfrom
the riotous, perplexed and corruptible government that did nothing but
ask for international loans that would not be paid later due to the chan-
ging power groups. The Texas territory was separated from the Coahuila
State because they used to be only one and through colonizers coming
from the north it requested and obtained its independence by means of
the arms struggle in 1835, thus forming a new country.
In 1836, a year after its independence, the American government
sent an agent to inspect the new republic, the report read that the new
nation was so poor in population and economy, that it required foreign
help. There were 30,000 people there and by 1840 that number had do-
ubled. In September, 1841 the government of Texas made an alliance

113
 with its similar secessionist Yucatan, the latter paid the former a monthly
quota for three war ships patrolling the Gulf of Mexico for the protec-
tion of them both. The government of Texas, seeking annexation with the
United States and not getting it, tried to enlarge its territories on their
own: they attempted to invade the important city of Santa Fe which was
still part of the Mexican Republic in the territory of Nuevo Mexico; they
tried to extend their border up to the headwaters of the Rio Bravo, very
close to the present-day Colorado State (Pletcher, 1999; 156-166). By
1843 the Mexican government had not recognize the independence of
Texas yet, still expecting to recover the lost territory, Sam Houston one
of the most famous heroes of the new republic declared publicly that if
Mexico acknowledged their independence, he promised that Texas would
never approve of the annexation to the United States; an issue that was
becoming inconvenient in the new country's policy was without a doubt
the existence of slaves: in the United States, more and more voices raised
in favor of its abolition and it was one of the major obstacles in the US
public opinion in relation to annexing a territory where this activity flo-
urished; Houston, in the same famous speech where he denied the future
annexation to the United States, asserted that with the existence of slaves
"it was possible to develop the country eight times faster than with free
farmers". However, in contradiction with his emphatic anti-annexation
speech, a year later he wrote to Jackson, at the time a US diplomat, clai-
ming that Texas was "the bride dressed up for her wedding, don't let her
standing at the altar" (Pletcher, 1999; 246-247, 254).
In 1844 there were new federal elections in the United States and
Polk won 170 electoral votes versus Clay's 105, the file on the Texas an-
nexation was reopened, a file which had been rejected by the American
Senate by a vast number of votes: important issues were on the table, with
some people pulling this way, others that way: the annexation of Texas
was regarded as a problem because the northern states were against sla-
very which continued to be practiced actively there; the Americans saw
a possible interference of its enemy Great Britain because in diplomatic
exchanges they had heard that their former colonizers were willing to
intervene militarily in favor of Mexico if they sought to broaden their
influence by acquiring a new territory ridden with slaves; the Mexican
government sought the support of the French and British governments
so that once Texas was intervened militarily, it came to belong to our
country once more; the French government, like its British counterpart,
intended to exert their influence to avoid US expansion, however, an as-

114
pect that prevented them from supporting Mexico was the fact that they
were upset because our government had failed to act expediently regar-
ding the payment of a settlement to French nationals who had suffered
damages in their properties due to social revolts and above all they were
angry because the Mexicans had stopped paying the debt that General
Santa Anna had announced recently. In a French newspaper it was an-
nounced that with Mr. Polk's election the reign of people who see the
horizon as the only border for the US had begun (Pletcher, 1999; 314)
The political situation in Mexico became complicated with the declara-
tions made by General Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga who commanded a
numerous army in the north of the country, he denounced the increase
in taxation and the way General Santa Anna disposed of it. Santa Ma
went north looking for him and both Congress and the Supreme Court of
Justice declared the actions by the president as anti-constitutional, and
the population in general, without any military motivation or interferen-
ce from any institution, went out in the streets, knocked down the Santa
Anna monuments throughout the capital, they exhumed the leg that the

115
 dictator had buried after a pompous religious ceremony and a proces-
sion to a mausoleum to bury it as if it was a body; it was disinterred and
dragged with a rope along the streets of the populous city; Santa Anna
had to sneak out of the country to exile in Havana, Cuba (Pletcher, 1999;
317-318). These actions favored the formalization of the Texas annexa-
tion and the impossibility for the Mexican government to defend it or
even to insist on its re-incorporation into our country. The American
diplomats in Mexico obtained trustworthy information regarding the fact
that Great Britain would support General Santa Anna's intentions of re-
covering power (in still one more of his returns to obtain power, which
he managed to do eleven times) in order to recover the lost territory and
in return he would give the Empire the state of California to prevent the
American expansion towards the Pacific Ocean. The territory of Oregon,
to the north of California, was at the time property of the two nations: the
Americans and the British.
Once again, the debate was brought onto the table at the US House
of Representatives and the Senate to decide the possible annexation of
Texas, the arguments wielded against emphasized that the borders of the
territory in question were not well defined, that the existence of slavery
posed greater risks for the peace of the population because the number
of people who opposed it was much greater than those who supported
it; that it was necessary to pay the economic debts that the different go-
vernments had incurred since they had become separated from Mexico
and also that the Texans were interested in becoming a state and not just
a territory. On January 25th 1845 with 120 votes in favor and 98 against,
the House of Representatives admitted Texas as a state, the only unre-
solved issue being its territorial delimitation, which as it is well known,
had generated some differences. The Senate, after heated debate due to
the fact that it was impossible to ignore the issue of slavery, approved the
annexation with 27 votes in favor and 25 against, one of the possibilities
discussed was for the state to be divided into two so that the southern
portion accepted slavery and the north forbade it. The voting was very
similar to the number of states in existence, there were fourteen states
where slavery was permitted and thirteen where it was not.
Mexico required international support before the imminent war with
the US brought about by the formal annexation of Texas to which our
country had not renounced in its aspirations of re-incorporation, then
a childish event happened that would lead to us breaking relations with
France: its minister, the Earl Alleye de Ciprey, a character well known

116
in Mexico city because of his stinginess and unpopularity, was attacked
by a small group of Mexicans with whom he had had a disagreement in a
resort called "Ban° de las Delicias", the diplomat demanded public apo-
logies from the Mexican government; then a few months later, when a
journalist requested an interview in the lobby of an opera house, he spat
on the journalist's face and this situation prompted the Earl's immediate
dismissal. Mexico broke diplomatic relations with the European country
that was needed so badly as support before the imminent war with the
United States (Pletcher, 1999; 366).
The position of the British government shifted and it too ended up
supporting the annexation. Before the conflict, their dilemma made them
debate in two directions: on one hand, they had great interest in trading
with Texas for they could obtain raw cotton from there at very good pri-
ces; in additon, they did not want to start another war with the Americans
after they had lost the War of Independence; and on the other hand, they
could not conceive to support a new country due to the well known fact
that it promoted slavery and they did not want their adversaries to expand
creating thus an empire just like Great Britain itself and other countries
like Spain and France had done: therefore, they regarded Mexico's pos-
sible prosperity as convenient so that it would hamper the unrestrained
growth of the new republic in its borders, a country with which paradoxi-
cally, they shared natural bonds such as the language, the religion and the
customs which were different from those of the Mexicans. What finally
caused them to side with the annexation was their claims to the Mexican
government for their debt moratorium, due to their insecurity originated
in internal conflicts and because they did not fulfill the request of impo-
sing forcible loans on the British business people established in Mexico
(Pletcher, 1999; 373-374).
At the same time the procedures were being followed to annex Texas
to the United States, Great Britain had not discarded the idea of taking
over California: its vice consul in Monterrey, California, James A. For-
bes, had reported that the leaders in the region were willing to rise in
arms to achieve independence from Mexico, in order to become a Bri-
tish protectorate (Pletcher, 1999; 384-385). The United States, in turn,
started populating the western region just like they had done in Texas,
afterwards there would be the chance for its own inhabitants to struggle
for independence so as to later become annexed on their own free will
to the rich country on the north, between 1841 and 1845 the number of
American inhabitants in Oregon increased dramatically going from 400

117
 to more than five thousand. In 1844 1'747,158 acres had already been
sold, that is, it was colonization the American way. Would it remain as an
autonomous republic or would it be doing the same as Texas in order to
become annexed later? When the immigrants were going to Oregon, they
elected leaders who maintained the leaders formally existing among the
Canadians superimposed in practice: people of mixed race, indigenous
people, who could be considered as the historical citizens. So that there
were no doubts, the eleventh President of the United States, James K.
Polk, in his inauguration speech in 1845 made it very clear that Oregon
should be inhabited by Americans, which meant a convincing refusal to
continue sharing ownership with Great Britain'; at the time, the least
hasty voices would claim "let's allow Oregon to continue as it has been
until today for the next fifty years. When it is ripe, it will fall where it
must" (Pletcher, 1999; 390-391, 424, 430).
The war between the countries had been imminent for some years,
finally it started when the American army invaded Mexican territory up
to the banks of the Rio Bravo. In the Velasco treaties by virtue of which
General Santa Anna had acknowledged the independence of Texas upon
losing a battle, it had been established that the Rio Nueces was the bor-
der, the river is to the south, very near to the city of San Antonio de &-
jar, nevertheless, in an intimidating, frankly provoking attitude, the tro-
ops received the order to "protect" the recently annexed state of Texas,
patrolling up to the limits of the Rio Bravo which are approximately 200
kilometers to the south of where the actual border was, thus the hosti-
lities began when the American government declared the war on May
13'h, 1846 since the first clash took place at the "Carricitos Ranch", a
place located 30 kilometers west of the present-day city of Brownsville,
on April 25th of that same year; an American General: Omar Bradley, as
the person responsible for making incursions from the part of California
to later proclaim the annexation, had referred to the Rio Bravo action as
a mistake because it had started "the wrong war in the wrong place, at the

1 "Our right to the Oregon territtory is 'clear and unarguable', and our people are ready to
exercise it by settling down there with their wives and children (...) the world is beholding the
peaceful triumphs of our settlers' industry. It is our duty to protect them appropiriately wher-
ever they are on our territory. The jurisdicction of our laws and the benefits of our republican
institutions must expand to them in the faraway regions where they have chosen to settle their
homes. The ever-better opportunities of communication, whose development in this part of
our territory cannot delay much longer, will cause the States to easily incorporate to the scope
of our Federal Union. In the mean time, any obligations imposed by statues or by conventional
stipulations must be respected as something sacred".

118
worst possible time and against the wrong enemy" (Pletcher, 1999; 482).
Even with the risks pointed out by the General, the American army, in
response to the declaration of war made incursions into the territories of
Alta California, New Mexico and even Puebla, Nuevo Le& and the Dis-
trito Federal until the Chapultepec Castle, the residence of the President
of the Republic, was taken.

I 19
 III
Migration begins

The migration of Mexican workers to the north started the same year
our country gave up the territories in 1848, with the Guadalupe Hidalgo
Treaty, which meant nothing but Mexico's surrender in the war against
the United States; California and Nuevo Mexico became part of the
neighbor country and that same year gold was found in the area near
Sacramento, the Capital of California, and thus began the famous his-
torical event known as the "Gold Rush". The date recorded as the
beginning of the discovery in La Coloma, California, located some 58
kilometers northeast of Sacramento, is January 24th, 1848 by miner James
W. Marshall and the Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty was signed eight days
later on February 2"°; then, the immigration of workers from all over the
world took place towards Mexican territory. Immigrant workers came
from all over: Chinese, Australians, Europeans and a few days after the
discovery, Mexicans also came to California, which was by then a foreign
territory. According to estimates of the time, in 1849 over three thousand
Sonorans migrated to the Californian mines2; in the mining tradition that
was soon taking shape, foreign workers were the most successful and
the successful ones were unpopular; that happened with the Sonorans:
they were very successful miners and that is why they were not liked and
were charged with the preposterous accusation of taking the gold out of
the country because they were foreigners. Since most of the immigrants
spoke English due to their British origins (English, Irish, Scottish, Welsh,
Australians) or at least found it easy to communicate as it was the case of
the Germans, the Mexicans were easy prey of being recognized because

2. The Sonora State governor, Manuel Maria Gandara, reported to the local Congress on January
18th, 1849 that several towns had become unpopulated due to the migration of workers to the
Californian mines.

121
of their phenotype and language: Spanish; they were soon the objects of
discrimination and were called generically "greasers". The bad treatment
was reflected even on the level of legislation: a tax law of April, 1850, spe-
cifically referred to the fact that the mine workers coming from Mexico
or any other South American country had to pay a monthly 20-dollar spe-
cial tax. The degree of animosity towards the Latinos and the Mexicans
in particular was such that in July, 1850 when a spate of robberies and
around 20 murders were reported over a period of 25 days, Mexicans and
Chileans were accused as perpetrators. Other business people decided to
take advantage of the situation instead of persecuting and accusing the
Sonorans, for example, in the mine Mariposa a group of fifty Mexicans
was hired, the deal was that they would get fifty per cent of the gold they
managed to obtain, they accepted and at the end of the digging, both the
workers and the owners were satisfied, the Sonorans returned to their
country and the benefits were amicably divided just as the contract stipu-
lated. At the end of the year 1849, according to conservative estimates,
some 2,400 workers had returned to Sonora and they had earned over
two million pesos in gold; with the injection of money, the Sonoran eco-
nomy, which had been depressed for years, grew dramatically and not
only did the old workers returned but also new immigrants started to
arrive. The successful miners who returned invested their profits in com-
merce, industry and in the fields (Standart, 2001; 3-21).

1041

122
 IV
The Chinese Exclusion act3

Lured by the gold rush in 1850 a wave of Chinese immigrants arrived

in California, of the 4000 that were recorded in 1852, two thousand
were located in San Francisco alone. There were organizations of Chi-
nese origin that would bring immigrants under conditions of slavery, the
majority of these immigrants were men because what few women they
brought over became prostitutes most of the times;4 the American citiz-
enry did not care for these circumstances and that is why they were soon
discriminated against. Those who brought them over collected the price
of the fare ticket with future work, hence the characteristic of slavery,
another reason was that most of them entered the country illegally; the
Chinese immigrants risked their lives literally, since Article 225 of the
Qing Dynasty (1644-1691 D.C.) penal code established the death penalty
for those who profited from migration to other countries.
Some clarifying information is the fact that according to American
historians of the time, the Chinese were welcomed whenever cheap, good
quality labor was needed in the mines, in agriculture and in the railroad
laying tracks (the same thing happened with the first braceros). It is no-
te-worthy that discrimination against and mistreatment of the Mexicans
were recorded in the same places of employment because these three
areas were essential for the economic development of the time. These
were the places where, once the Chinese were displaced, the Mexicans

For this item, it is recommended to read the paper by Velazquez Monnifar, Narayana, El beito
de la comunidad china de San Francisco coma consecuencia de la Ley de Exclusion de Chinos
de 1882 A professional thesis to obtain the Degree in International Relations. Universidad de
Las Americas Puebla. Puebla, Mexico, 2006. It's an excellent summary of what happened in
the Chinese community living in San Francisco, California since 1850 when the so-called "Gold
Rush" started and up the time of WWII.
In 1870, 7.20% of the immigrants were women and that percentage decreased to 3.60 in 1890.

123
took over. There were lynchings of Chinese people in some mining towns
like Gibsonville, La Porte and Rocklin. One of the pretexts for their per-
secution was their habit of smoking opium because it undermined "the
country's traditional way of life"5
The history of the economic cycles in their phase of deceleration
punished the Chinese at that time and the scenario has repeated itself
for the Mexicans, whenever the economy enters a period of recession,
the immigrant groups are the first to suffer it; such was the case of the
Chinese, then the Mexicans and afterwards all the Latinos in general.
In 1873 there was a low in the national production and the first actions
against the Chinese in San Francisco were taken; one of them attempting
directly against their cultural expressions since they were forced to cut
their pony tails by a decree called the Pig Tail Ordinance. Most of the
Chinese people would let their straight hair grow and then they would
wear it in braids down their backs; another ordinance forced them to
pay a fifteen-dollar special tax for every laundry that did not use horses
to transport goods because the Chinese always carried their products on
foot to save monye and thus obtain greater profit; and there was a third
rule: any person living in a space smaller than 500 cubic feet was either
fined 10 or 15 dollars or jailed, of course, they were the only people who
lived in such conditions.
Another piece of clarifying information that results interesting due to
its similarity with events of years later is the fact that several violent clubs
against the Chinese were created, in this case, they were irascible Irish
people' because they had been replaced in their jobs by harder-working
people who got lower wages; the group gathered hundreds of followers
and there were times when they burned down businesses in the down-
town area, they would rape Chinese women and beat up the men. Until
finally in 1882 violence was legalized rather than eliminated: promoted
by an ideal electoral moment, the two political parties, the Republican
and the Democratic Parties coincided and on May 6th of that year they
passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in notorious violation of the Human
Rights, their own Constitution and in particular a treaty that had been

[Link]-surtnet/drogas/[Link].
The Workingmen's Party" let's say, the first antecedent of the present-day immigrant hunters.

124
signed with the Chinese government.' This was the first time the Ameri-
cans legislated against a specific ethnic group.
The law in particular banned the Chinese from entering the United
States, anyone helping a Chinese national to enter the country was fined
and even the Chinese who were born on American soil were denied Ame-
rican citizenship. In order to tell if an immigrant was legal or illegal, since
there were doubts about the documents that they used and also because
the Chinese Empire had complained to the American authorities about
mistreatment, the BertaIon Identification Method was applied for a while
in the year 1903. The method consisted in measuring the people's naked
body, this type of anthropometry focused on comparing the bony parts
of the body, especially the ears; this practice was abandoned because it
was discredited everywhere in the world where it was used when its ineffi-
ciency was demonstrated. After a large number of modifications to the
immigration laws, the most important ones were implemented during the
first 25 years of the 20'h Century and in particular one from 1924 that pro-
hibited the definitive entrance to Chinese women; the objective of this
law in particular was to accept everyone coming from Western Europe,
restricting Eastern Europeans and prohibiting entrance to any woman
born anywhere in Asia including those who were married to Americans.8
During the first 50 years of Chinese immigration, the rules did not
allow them to testify in a court of law, like any other race could, they did
not have the right to vote and those born on American soil could not
become naturalized. The only break the Chinese got happened after the
1906 earthquake when the archives caught fire and many of them clai-
med that they had obtained nationality when the migratory laws were not
so harsh. It is documented that one of the routes used by the Chinese to
enter the United States was our country's northern border (Lawrence y
Hansen, 2002).
The Chinese Exclusion act has had a great repercussion on the Mexi-
can immigration because for the first time deportation was legalized; in
fact, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the green cards and the

The Burlingame treaty signed in 1867 established that there was a commitment to preserve
its citizens' protection, freedom of religion, the right to reside in either country with all the
previleges granted by the two nations. The Chinese in particular had the right to be admitted in
public schools.
In 1930 there was an ammendment, but not to improve since it established that any Amerrican
woman would lose her citizenship if she was a foreigner uneligible for American citizenship,
that is, no Asian woman could obtain citizenship through marriage.

125
immigration policies originated in this Law, and concepts such as alien'
that is in vogue at present has two acceptations: one meaning a person
born in another country who has not been naturalized and two a deroga-
tory form meaning an inhabitant from another planet. A form of cultural
defense that has been used by Mexican immigrants consisted in adopting
Anglo-Saxon names and adapt to the Anglo-Saxon culture renouncing
gradually in fact to their language and traditions. Other groups defended
zealously their customs and sought ways to return to their country. They
are both highly coincidental with our fellow countrymen.

9. Denis Kearny, the anti-Chinese politician used this and other no-less pejorative concepts such
as undesirable, illegal and unwellcome invasions.

126
 V
The first agreement is signed

Of course, migration at the end of the 19° Century was restricted to the
border states since it was impossible to travel distances longer than one
thousand kilometers by people looking for work when the only means of
transportation was provided by animal traction. The situation changed
dramatically when the Porfirista government in Mexico built railroads
that crisscrossed virtually the whole country, in 1884 the first train arri-
ved in Ciudad Juarez after beginning its journey in Mexico City. This was
possible mainly thanks to the facilities granted by the Mexican gover-
nment during the General Diaz administration, which lasted for three
decades; said facilities consisted in giving great facilities to the notorious
"demarcating companies" with American capital and consisted in gran-
ting them the land and the necessary resources in benefit of the property,
which were near the installation of the tracks, resources such as wood,
coal and large portions of land of which they became the owners.
The Paso del Norte station in Chihuahua and its wagons could be
taken to four different destinations within the United States. At the end
of the 19°' Century, 85 thousand workers were hired in the railroad and
the vast majority were Mexicans peasants who changed their economic
activities due to the general labor necessities in the United States and
the particular ones in Mexico. Ciudad Juarez was a small town of hardly
10,621 inhabitants in 191010 and by 1920 there were 19,457 (Durand y
Arias, 2000; 42-45, 66). The increase of population must be located care-
fully in time, since our country was immersed in the Mexican Revolution,
during which population decreased from 20 million in 1910The Bracero

10. By this same year, two other border cities which are at present veritable metropolis, they are
Tijuana and the capital of the State of Mexicali, with 733 and 462 inhabitants respectively
(Durand and Arias, 2000; 94).

127
Program started in 1942 in principle to satisfy the demand for labor force
in the United States after it had entered in the Second World War. As
antecedents, it may mentioned that in 1909, Presidents Taft of the United
States and Diaz of Mexico, had signed an agreement by means of which
one thousand Mexican workers were hired to go to Nebraska and to Co-
lorado to work in the sugar fields; in 191711, during the First World War
27,000 workers were hired; this event has been considered as the first
"Bracero Program" though it was not recognized as such" (Migration
News). In just four years, from 1917 to 1921" there were 72, 867 Mexican
workers in the United States who did not pay taxes because they worked
in spaces that required a great deal of effort, such as the activities rela-
ted with the railroad", agriculture, construction and mining; the records
show that only half of them returned: 34,922; 494 applied for permanent
residence, but nothing is known about the way the rest went. These immi-
grants were from the region which during the Bracero Program was cha-
racterized by showing the largest flows of workers: Jalisco, Guanajuato,
Michoacan, Zacatecas and San Luis de Potosi. The main destination was
Texas with 52.19 %, where they were inexplicably reluctant to hire Mexi-
cans during the Bracero Program; California with 18:11 % and Arizona
with 12.62 %. The 1920's were positive in the employment balance for
Mexico because the population that had been expelled by the Mexican
Revolution was welcomed in the north: in 1923-24; 102, 215 people were
employed (69, 323 men and 32, 892 women) and it is estimated that by
1930 there were 1 422, 533 workers (Durand y Arias, 2000; 42-63).

This year the well-known Burnett Act took place and it expressly prohibited the entrance of
immigrants under the age of 16 years who could not read or write and it in addition demanded
that 8 dollars be paid for the right to enter the US. Soon the inappropriateness of what was
stipulated could be observed since a large number of deportations took place (Durand, 2007 A;
32-33).
According to other sources, between 1917 and 1921 nearly 73,000 workers had been accepted
(Bickerton, 2001; 33). Jorge Durand and Patricia Arias estimate that in 1910 there was a total
of 200 000 Mexican immigrants in the US and by 1920 the number had increased to 478,383
(Durand and Arias, 2000; 60). Other authors refer that it cannot be considered as "the first
Bracero program" simply because an agreement was never signed (Durand, 2007 A; 34).
This year of 1921 was contradictory because in addition to having employeed a considerable
number of Mexican workers 30,000 people were repatriated due to the end of WWI and with
the return of the fighters there was a certain influence on employment (Durand y Arias, 2000;
134-135).
The workers of the time referred to work in the US as "el traque" or "esmelda" making an al-
lusion to the railroad tracks and to the American Smelting in the ironworks (De Alba, sif. 253).

128
 I was hired when I was 17 and I started working with a nine-month contract; I did
everything, I collected cucumber; we started shelling peas in some machines, 12-
hour shifts; the war was imminent, when we saw the trains pass by, they were full
of soldiers, tanks and trucks and equipment were carried around everywhere. The
railroad tracks were so busy you can't imagine, at first only three trains passed but at
that time about thirty would pass by: up and down the tracks, loaded with victuals,
with ammunition, with armament, with marines, with soldiers, trucks. At that time,
Chevrolet and Ford did not manufacture cars for civilians.
From 1941 to 1946 they were involved in the production for the war effort,
planes, trucks, jeeps, cars, tanks and armament, everything that was needed for the
army. Everything until the Normandy landing. (Don Pablito).

When I was very young, I went to see two of my uncles who had money, I asked them
for money and they refused. My dad looked around on his own, I don't know how he
did it, but he got me some and with it I came for the first time. I came as a partner
with my uncle, but upon arrival, he got in first and then I did; we were in Empalme
and there were several lists, he was called first and I was called on the following day.
Here we were not together any more, we were on the same list, but when they called
us, it was divided and one part was called on one day and the other the following day.
I was sent to Stockton, near Sacramento, I worked collecting tomatoes, one of the
hardest works that I know, for me the hardest work is that of collecting tomatoes; I
mean, when you work like it should be, because when you work for a contract, you
can go slow, but when you get paid by the crates that you fill, then it is really difficult.
Run over there, run over here —they would order us and there and then I knew
what it was like to love God in the land of Indians.
Maybe the crates are near what they call the "streets" and then it is not so hard,
but when they are at the end, you have to go get them running fill them and put them
on the truck all of that running all the time, it is really hard work and tiring: all you
do is run all the time, run to get an empty crate, fill it and run to put it on the truck,
and then again run to get an empty crate, fill it and run to put it on the truck; it is
really, really hard work. And that is for ten hours a day, there were even days when
we worked 12 hours; at the end of the day you are beat, hurting all over.
It is hard work, but we are going to do well, we are going to be able to save a lot
of money —said a new worker, just like us, but one with more experience heard him
and told us:
What are you going to save? You won't save anything, the rains are coming and
then everything will be over—and it happened just like the man had said. (Don Carlos
Comparan).

During the 1930's, in the period known for the deep economic crisis
called "The Great Depression", the Gross Domestic Product and the
employment plummeted to unsuspected levels, the United States had
never suffered the ravages of what was the deepest crisis the world has
ever known, as an escape valve, they repatriated a million Mexican wor-

129
 kers15, some of them had even obtained their citizenship, when they could
not prove it at the moment of the raids, they were expelled to Mexico and
then they managed to returned to the Unites States when they proved
that they had obtained their new nationality (Migration News).
The decade of the 1930's was complicated between Mexico and the
United States, not only due to the expulsion of our fellow countrymen,
but also due to a very particular event: the oil expropriation on the part
of the Cardenista government during the six-year period between 1934-
1940; when some foreign companies found themselves in disfavor, the
American government showed their concern and disagreement with an
action taken with a socialist flare; however, when the United States ente-
red the Second World War, Mexico also declared the war and that con-
tributed greatly to a rapprochement of friendship and cooperation; a few
months earlier, the American government had already taken the initia-
tive when on July 15'h, 1941 a trade treaty was signed so that the United
States would export to our country everything Mexico would need (Bic-
kerton, 2001; 10-22).
On April 4'h, 1942 the Bracero Programm started formally just as it
is known at present, the agreement was signed on July 23, but it did
not become effective until diplomatic notes were exchanged in August
of that year: the Direccion General de Servicio Consular signed it by the
Mexican part first and then in the 50's the Direcci6n de Asuntos de Tra-
bajadores Agricolas Migratorios from the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs;
the municipal presidents became the people responsible for issuing the
document that credited the would-be workers formally as applicants; on
the part of the United States the areas of Justice, Agriculture, State and
Labor were involved (Garcia, 2001; 45-49, 52). It is estimated that a total
of 4.6 million workers were hired in the 22 years that the agreement was
signed repeatedly without interruption'', but it was between 1955 and
1964, that is, in little less than half of the complete period that 72% of the
total number of immigrants were hired. It is note-worthy that though the

There is quite a number of contrasting pieces of information provided by other authors, there are
those who assert that from 1929 to 1935, 415 OW Mexicans were deported (Alarcon, Et. AL; 197).
ITui. Durand and Arias, 2000; 147. According to sources from the 1950's, the main US govern-
ment promoter was Undersecretaty of State Mr. Summer Wells and on the Mexican side, the
Minister of Foreign Relations don Ezequiel Padilla (De Alba, s/f; 254).
Vid: Durand and Arias, 2000; 153 and Garcia, 2001; 50. Leite Et. AL, 2003; 99. Durand, 2007
A; 19. The Bracero Program was some sort of a Collective work contract between two nations
(Durand, 2007 A; 22).

130
needs for foreign labor were deeply felt during the Second World War, it
was not but a decade later that the program was broadened and consoli-
dated before it disappeared. The above means that though the program
emerged apparently as a great need to substitute the young men enlisted
in the army, what it actually did was to cover the labor spaces that the
economic growth of the northern country was creating whether during
or after the war. In most of the existing documents on the subject, the
Bracero Program is referred to as the agreement between the two coun-
tries to promote labor force that the United States generated due to its
involvement in what was regarded at the beginning as the war in Europe;
if its purpose had been merely to replace those who had left their jobs to
go to war, at the end of the conflict, the Program would have been cance-
lled but it was, paradoxically, in the post-war period that it increased and
consolidated. In Mexico, when young people were called to go to work it
131
 Table I
Indicators of the migration of Mexican workers
to the United States 1942-1964

Year Workers hired according to Workers hired according to People deported

the Mexican authorities the American authorities
1942 4,152 4,203 Na
1943 75,923 52,098 8,189
1944 118,059 62,170 26,689
1945 104,641 49,454 63,602
1946 31,198 32,043 91,456
1947 72,769 19,632 182,986
1948 24,320 35,345 179,385
1949 19,866 107,000 278,538
1950 23,399 67,500 458,215
1951 308,878 192,000 500,000
1952 195,963 197,100 543,538
1953 130,794 201,380 865,318
1954 153,975 309,033 1'075,168
1955 398,703 398,650 242,608
1956 432,926 445,197 72,442
1957 436,049 436,049 44,451
1958 432,491 432,857 37,242
1959 444,408 437,643 30,196
1960 319,412 315,846 29,651
1961 296,464 291,420 29,817
1962 198,322 194,978 30,272
1963 189,528 186,865 39,124
1964 179,298 177,736 43,844
Total 4'591,538 4'646,199 4'872,731
Source: Garcia y Griego, Manuel. The Importation of Mexican Contract Laborers to the
United States, 1942-1964. In: Between Two Worlds. Mexican Immigrants in the United
States. Edited by David G. Gutierrez. Jaguar Books. Fourth Edition 2001. The
United States of America, 2001. Pp.49-50.

was received as great news for the family and it was bound to imply clas-
hing feelings: the joy of having the chance to work in better conditions
so that the family that stayed behind could live better, the sadness of the
wife and loved ones because they had to be apart for long periods of time.

132
 When we asked to be listed as braceros, those who really showed an interest got
included in the list and then they would take the lists with our names on them to the
consulate in the city of Merida and we would told that a final list would come out
in two or three months. They would accept three or four per municipality and once
all had been accepted, then we were called, that is why there was a delay in calling
us. Once we had been called, we had another problem to solve, because we had to
get the money to go. The first time I came, my dad wanted to sell a heifer for my
expenses.
How much is it? —They would ask him referring to the large, pretty cow.
Five hundred pesos.
No, it's too expensive—They would always reply because they knew he needed to
sell it so that I could come here to work. He had to figure out a way to send us here,
that is why they underpriced what little things he owned. He went around begging
with his cow trying to sell it for three days and there was no money, no one would buy
it. I was about to change my mind about coming, about to cancel everything when a
gentleman named Don Mateo Casin came to my dad, he was not rich, but he was a
relative of my dad's:
Why are you selling your cow so cheap?
It's just that Rafael wants to go north as a bracer° but I haven't been able to sell
it to pay for his trip.
Don't sell your cow, how much do you need?
Five hundred pesos.
Don't sell it —he took a piece of paper and started writing and then he asked me:
What time are you leaving?
Well, if I had the money, I would have to leave around twelve —it was ten o'clock
in the morning.
Go and take a bath and if your things are packed and ready, bring them along.
—Then he told my dad:- "Don't sell your livestock, if your son makes any money as
a bracero, he can pay me before December, with no interests, but if you're overdue
after that time, I'll charge you a two per cent interest.
I was given the money, I hid it and went home running. I took a bath, packed
the things I was taking with me and I had to say good-bye to my mom right at the bus
station, I didn't have time to run and say good-bye to everyone.
You can finally go? —My mom kept asking me.
Sure, of course I can go —I was already married by that time. (Don Rafael
Cabrera).

The agreement had another paradox: at the same time that workers were
being hired in Mexico, laborers were being accepted in the American
fields, that is, some entered the United States with a contract in hand and
others (a number that was even larger than that of those who had been
formally accepted), entered the country illegally and established indi-
vidually the work contracts with the employers. The number of people

133
who were deported during these 22 years amounted to 4'872,731 which
compared to the total number or workers hired is greater by over 200
thousand (see the table). That only includes the workers who were retur-
ned by the American authorities, because there was actually a number
impossible to know of those who lived, worked and returned to Mexico
on their own, and even some others who stayed on to live and eventua-
lly obtained American citizenship. It is note-worthy that since the very
beginning of the Bracero Program, a considerable number of workers
were deported, so many so, that since 1946 until 1954 many more wor-
kers were deported than hired. In the above table, it is possible to observe
that even though there is not a coincidence between the data provided
by the two governments, regarding the total number of workers hired
each year, it is evident that there is a great contrast between the number
of people hired and the number of those who were expelled. At some
point, the situation generated tension in the relations between the two
governments, the United States government demanded that the Mexican
authorities had to do something to curb the illegal flow, and the Mexican
government asserted that the control should be on the other side of the
border, that employers should not hire illegal workers; at the very begin-
ning, in 1949, the American authorities "regularized" the situation: those
workers who were hired without documents were taken to the border and
they would have them step on Mexican soil symbolically and then they
were admitted legally, this action was referred to as "secado de moja-
dos", or "drying wetbacks" (Durand, 2007 A; 48-49).

In 1948, one of the jobs I remember the most is picking tomatoes in Woodland.
When that was over, we would continue with something called happy that is the roots
that are pulled out to process beer; we also worked removing beet suckers, picking
cotton; in 1945 I worked in the tracks for 18 months, it was the first and only time
that I worked in activities concerned with the trains; it's not that I did not like that
kind of work, the thing is that I came here under contract and we had to do what they
told us to and they never asked me again to work in the tracks.
I got really lucky having been invited to work in a group that they called "the
special ones" that is, when our contract expired, they would take us to Tijuana or
Mexicali, we spent a night in Mexico and the following day they would take us back
and give us work under a new contract. That is what being "special" meant and it
depended on the employer, when they saw that it was convenient for them to keep
some of us because of our behavior or simply because they saw that we were profita-
ble, perhaps more so than others, they themselves would tell us:
Would like to stay longer with me under a special contract?
And then everyone of us who got invited, of course, when we got invited, we
would tell them whether we wanted to stay longer or go back to see our families for

134
 a while and then ask again to be put on a list over there in Mexico. I did like getting
invited to those special contracts, that way we were able to save more money even if
it meant that we couldn't see our families for a while longer.
Yes —I would tell them whenever I got invited.
We got out of the country for a day and returned the following day with another
contract for 18 months more, just like the first contract under which we had been
hired. The truth is that those people who really wanted to work, never had any pro-
blems, I could have gone to Mexico and come back when I wanted, I would always
get a job, I did not have to go and ask for a contract, ill crossed the border, all I had
to do was see the employer who had hired me the last time and they would give a job
again; it was not hard. That's the truth. And there was a lot of work: in the lime, in
the orange, in the beet fields no one stayed out if they really wanted a job. You did
not even have to sneak across the border because the document they gave us the first
time was enough to get across again. I've heard other people say:
They have always treated us bad, we had a hard time crossing the border.
Well, not me, since I came the first time in 1945 I was given this piece of paper
and it has gotten me across the border aS- many times as I have wanted. (Don Jorge
Picazo).

For the war, the United States enlisted 12.5 million young people at the
end of 1941 and our country declared the war to the Axis in June of 1942,
by that time, the policy of deportation exercised by the Americans had
been changed and the hiring program was formalized. From the begin-
ning, the government and the employers paid for transportation and
maintenance of the immigrants when they were in the United States; they
would arrive in a border town after they had been enlisted and then they
were called at the border where they would get on a train and be taken
to the different work destinations where they were provided with low
cost room and board, in most cases this was done in a symbolic manner".
Minimum wage in 1942 was 30 cents an hour and it included unemploy-
ment insurance; in the first wave of workers, 4,203 brac,eros left the offi-
ces of the Secretaria del Trabajo in the Distrito Federal, their destination
was the city of Stockton, California on September 29". Their welcome
was kind in most work places and in some towns in particular, they were
welcomed as veritable heroes". Two years later and due to the need to

There are contrary versions, most surely due to the vastness of the program that stretched for
many years on many different territories, for example, according to Durand's information, the
places where the workers lived were very precarious (Durand, 2007 A; 47).
"Every hour spent in the fields will be a direct contribution to the cause for which we all fight.
The farmers and farm owners from North Dakota are proud of their hospitality. They will make
their best effort for you to enjoy comfort and to make your stay here memorable. (Durand,
2007 A; 40). "Certain reports were flattering; in towns of the state of California, Nevada, Utah

135


increase the number of hired workers, other hiring centers were opened
in Guadalajara, Jalisco; in Irapuato,2° Guanajuato (Durand y Arias, 2000;
134-149. Durand, 2007 A; 37); and later in Empalme, Sonora and the
word had spread so much and the anticipation of knowing how much
they would earn was such, that that was more important than leaving the
families in a state of neglect for long periods of time: during the year of
1944, the vacancies requested by the American employers were less than

and Colorado, the earlier inhabitants of these regions realized that the Mexican workers were
rendering them a great service by raising their crops and keeping their industries going; they
were given good places to stay, they were provided with good recreation for their free time, they
started to be taught English or other subjects in general culture and there were festivities where
even the town families would attend along with our braceros. This experience could have been
fertile and healthy" (De Alba, s/f; 263).
20. In chihuahua, Irapuato and Aguascalientes, during the first years of the agreement, Mexican
officials saw with dismay how a large number of field workers came by train standing from long
distances and set up huts in the plains and went into the towns to get food and received the
charity of the townsfolk who would give them something out of pity, "that was one of the most
overwhelming spectacles we have witnessed in the last few years" (De Alba, s/f; 260).

136
those that could be filled by the poor Mexican farmers or by unskilled city
workers. In those famous hiring centers unusual things happened, the
Mexican government had gone far beyond its capabilities of processing
and the applicants had to endure serious calamities, especially when the
gap lengthened between the moment they got their contract and the time
they were called by the American authorities to go to their work places.

During the early years of bracerismo we were welcome, I have a document that says
that they congratulate us for working on the tracks and in the fields. My first contract
was in the year 1944, when that phenomenon had already started; I still keep one of
them in paper from 1949; it is a copy, the original went to Mexicali, I had the precau-
tion of making two or three copies.
We left from Irapuato and went to the border in Nogales and from there on,
the braceros started being distributed, some in Yuma to begin with, others in the
Valle Imperial, still others in the desert and the San Joaquin Valley. We crossed the
San Joaquin Valley by the Santa Barbara side and covered all the coast by train. We
all marveled at how beautiful the United States, the Americans things were; people
were well-dressed in suits and hats, the women wore hats, we were amazed at what
we saw; we could see the cities, the schools in the little towns; the school was the
main building in a small town, it was the prettiest thing there; the United States
were very well organized. The streets were clean; there were no Mexicans there,
there were Mexico-Americans that came from many parts of Mexico, maybe since
the Mexican Revolution; we called them pochos. We were called nacionales by the
pochitos and they dressed the American way; we admired the way they were dressed
so well. There were many, a large number of Mexican soldiers, all of Los Angeles
were full of Mexican soldiers and they looked really handsome in their uniform.
(Don Pablito).

The situation in those years from the 1940's to the 1960' was very sad, there was
much poverty among us, leaving our families behind to go to such far away, unk-
nown places where another language was spoken and different customs practiced
was hard, some left behind young children. There were cases of people who died of
starvation or dehydration, in Empalme, Sonora it is really hot at 120 degrees and
all those people coming from the south from towns where such temperatures were
unheard of suffered much from the heat and became dehydrated. There has always
been talk of people who died because they were very poor and did not have anything
to eat.
When they were called to come to work, they "had it made", as the saying goes,
then they received a little lunch and as they were ensured, they would take it and
give it to those who were still outside waiting for their turn. Those were goodwill
gestures and everyone did that because a sort of brotherhood was formed, they had
gone through those ordeals, then, knowing how much they had suffered, with their
attitude they made it possible for the others who had not been called yet not to have
such a rough time. (Don Baldomero).

137
 Coming here was really hard, those of us who came from Yucatan traveled by bus;
there was a train, but the bus was faster, it took us 28 hours to travel from Merida to
Mexico City and from Mexico to Empalme, Sonora it took us another 46 hours. The
contract was for us to get to Empalme, and then from there on they would pick us up
and bring us here to Spring street in the center of Los Angeles and then we would
get distributed according to the needs of each employer, each ranch. Every year,
they would accommodate us in different places, but thank God we always got good
employers, I never had any problems, all I cared about was the work, and nothing
else, I never saw any conflicts.
We make the employers—that's what a friend of mine used to say, he claimed
that the employers are as we make them if you behaved like a troublemaker and did
not do your job, the boss would be bad, but everywhere I worked, the groups of work
mates dedicated to do our jobs and therefore we had good bosses.
If we misbehave, the boss has to make a bad face, that is why they fire some
people, because they do not want to do things right— that is what friends would say
when they spoke about the bosses and I say they were right.
We got together in the afternoons when the shift was over, there were many
bosses, like some that I had who would tell us:
Where would you like to go, boys, to rest for a while or to have a few drinks? —
they would tell us and then if we answered that we wanted to have a few drinks, they
would order the butler himself to drive us there. That is how well we were always
treated because we were in good terms with the bosses. (Don Rafael Cabrera).

In particular, the braceros who were hired in the program to work only
in the railroad amounted to 6,000 from the City of Mexico in 1943, the
number increased with time and other hiring centers appeared in addi-
tion to that in the capital, in San Luis Potosi and Queretaro until the
number peaked at 80,137 workers, afterwards the number decreased with
the boom of highway building across the nation (Durand y Arias, 2000;
70-71). One of the border towns that grew exceptionally as a consequence
of the Bracero Program was Ciudad Juarez, in 1940 there were 48.881
inhabitants there and ten years later the number had grown to 122,566;
few cities in the world have shown such growth rate: more than double in
a decade. The fact remains that since it became an important center of
immigrants crossing over and hiring during the Bracero Program, many
of them stayed there, it is not that they are originally from Ciudad Juarez
but rather that they adopted the city as their place of residence forced by
the migratory circumstances (Limas, 2007; 28), even after the Bracero
Program ended in 1964 and approximately until 1980, the population
increase continued though in smaller proportions; the creation of the
famous twin plants which were installed on this side of the border contri-
buted to this.

138
He invited several friends, he knew me and the others because we worked near the
market, for the same sale activities where my mom first and then my grandma sold
stuff. Some friends of ours went: Antonio, Santos, Felipe, several buddies, all of us
were really young, but I was the youngest of all. We were neighbors and they had a
little stand over there in the market. They were the ones who finally got me excited
about it.
Let's go, let's go north, Raul is a nice guy, it can't be bad.
That fellow Raul Jimenez gave us the application.
You have to go to the Ciudadela —he gave us directions — that's where they are
registering people.
The application was a large sheet of paper with information, our names, where
we had been born, what we could do and how good was our health and everything
else needed. The sheet of paper was large but easy to fill in.
I didn't tell them how old I was, but they did not want me anyway; the licencia-
do who was giving the permits okayed Antonio, Felipe, Santos who was taller and
stronger and I was told:
You won't make it, buddy, why would you go?
I was skinny, dark, short and all that, but Antonio stared at the licenciado and
told him:
He can work, he can do anything they tell him to; he can lay bricks, anything.
Then he stared back at me and I remember very well that he said to me:
I'll sign you in only so that you can go visit the United States.

I knew that I could work, I was not going to quit, but in 8-hour shifts. It was 8 hours in
Mexico because since you are very young, you get used to working, since you are 12
or thirteen years old; when you are fifteen you are already used to any kind of work;
then the licenciado felt sorry for me and signed my papers.
In the years of 1943 and 1944, the braceros started to return very cocky, they
would brag and say all kinds of things and they were very well dressed. The cocky
pricks. The good part was in 1944 and 1945 when the work was harder; we would go
to the fields and had 12 and even 13-hour shifts a day; we never worked for 10 hours,
always 12, 13, very hard.
I was very young and perhaps that is why I remember so much, everything; I
even remember my birthdays, for example I celebrated my eighteenth birthday in
Wala Wala, Washington. I was happy and I would brag to those around me:
Today I've come of age. (Don Pablito).

When I went to California to pick strawberry, on my way to San Pedro, I stayed like
three or four months. One contract was expiring and the people were returning to
Mexico, it usually happened that people got hired again when one harvest ended
because another was about to start. I was rehired many times right there when a
harvest finished; no one would return to Irapuato, those were the first times, some-
times people would go to Ciudad Juarez; they also hired workers where there were
immigrants working in the ranches without documents. (Don Joaquin).

139
 I am originally from Cenotillo, Yucatan, a town two hours away from Merida in the
center of the peninsula, near Chichen hid; I came to the United States as a bracero
in the year 1959. My town was very small at that time, we could say that it was like
a ranch, there were like ten corners around the main square, just a few blocks all in
all. The people lived surrounded by poverty in that year when I came to the United
States for the first time, the workers made 8 dollars a day; everything had to do with
activities in the fields and there could be work for a week and then nothing for the
following three weeks. 'lb buy a pair of pants, you had to invest the earnings of two
days: you needed one day to buy the fabric and another day to pay for the tailoring.
Those of us who came as braceros, did it out of necessity, otherwise we would have
stayed there and not have any money to eat or buy clothes; no one had a penny and
that is why we enlisted ourselves. I heard of an opportunity, a gentleman came and
he was making a list of braceros and we followed him, we tagged along so that he
would put us on the list and we were sure that we were going to come and leave our
town. There was an announcement in the government newspaper saying that those
who wanted to be included in the list of workers who wanted to go to the United
States, had to go and see this person in this place to have him write our names, and
that is how we came upon this person when our minds were all made up. First the
people from Merida were favored, the first to come were from the Capital and then
came the people from the remotest towns and villages. I was the first from my family
and I was already 28 years old when I came, I was already married and had two very
young daughters, they stayed behind; I had an older boy but he had leukemia and
he did not have any hair, I spent a lot of money on his health care. (Don Rafael
Cabrera).

Most of the jobs required were in the fields and they had labor shifts that
demanded extraordinary effortsn and a few people by comparison were
redirected to railroad track maintenance. When the agreement between
the two governments started, the state of Texasn refused to abide by it
because they did not like receiving workers in their fields, the Mexicans
who made it in were called "wet backs" because they had to swim across
the bravo river, the physical border between Mexico and the southern
state (Garcia, 2001; 52). The Mexican government was forced to make

Even during the year 2000, it is estimated that 85% of the agricultural workers are Mexican
(Durand, 2007 A; 23).
By the 1950's the situation had changed dramatically since Texas received 27 % of the braceros
in 1952 and by 1957 the percentage had increased to 43.30 (Durand, 2007 A; 42). And it could
be thought that the language used was very changing because a multimillionaire who in addi-
tion was a senator from the state of Texas, even stated regarding the Bracero Program as a way
of trying to diminish it "Everything referring to those contracts is paper work and a waste of
time, for years! have had as many Mexican workers as I have needed. I treat them with benevo-
lence, but! haven't made any commitments with them and when I don't need them anymore, I
have no choice but to let them go" (De Alba, sit 255).

140
a black list of the places where the Mexicans were not welcome, as it was
the case of Texas and it promoted not sending workers to those places;
the period with the greatest incidence of discrimination and abuse took
place mainly in the war years. In 1948 the most heated part of the conflict
ended because the Mexican government refused to send workers to Texas
because the terms were not respected and the Americans opened the bor-
den for five days in a row to soothe hurt feelings and they allowed in all
the workers who wanted to without any restrictions (Durand, 2007 A; 49).
In the 1950's we used to sleep in barracks, in these long barracks,
there were two of us from Oaxaca in this job, and they regarded us as gar-
bage, they branded us as people who were no good. They discriminated
against the Oaxacans because many people claimed that only those who
lived from Mexico City up to the north were presentable and wore boots;
they would tell us Oaxacans, shorties, darkies, black heads. And on top of
all, I am an Indian, I speak Zapotec. It was the Mexicans themselves who
were giving us trouble, pure discrimination. At present, the employers
prefer workers from Oaxaca. We are not Indians, no one should call us
Indians; we must be called natives, because when Christopher Columbus

141
came to America, on his discovery voyage, he was not looking for the
American continent, he was looking for India. Sometimes when I argue
with people, I tell themWe are not Indians, don't discriminate against us.

Since the first contract, when we were coming on the train, they were teasing us
Oaxacans. No matter how backwards we are, we can read and we know where we are
going because we carry on with Juarez's idea, who was also an Indian and we know
where he came from and he achieved great positions, he was even President of the
Republic; our people is always concerned with reading a little. It is very unusual to
find one of us who can't read. That's how they branded us. (Don Joaquin).

For Mexico, which officially participated in the Second World War, though
only symbolically, the Bracero Program generated great expectations in
the beginning since it turned out to be a great relief for the unemploy-
ment among unskilled workers, who represented the vast majority of the
country's total and the wages paid in the United States were up to ten times
higher than those earned in Mexico; it was impossible for a Mexican labo-
rer to acquire properties or cattle with the pitiful wages that they could get,
however, their jobs in the United States gave them the chance of purcha-
sing some property, dressing well and come back for the Patron Saint festi-
vities in their home towns year after year. The main reason to migrate was
their expectations to improve their income and according to a historical
summary on the obtainment of resources of which one part was remitted
to their relatives in Mexico, it is note-worthy that it was not until the last
decade when the amounts were exceptional; the generation of resources
to be sent is closely connected with the number of Mexican immigrants
though during the migration agreement there was a time with few mis-
haps and greater reliability regarding the yearly incursions, during the time
of the illegal immigrants and even afterwards, at present our country has
become the second country in the world in terms of foreign remittances
originated by its workers abroad23 (the first country is India).

My dad used to have many bulls and a good horse, then I would return home for the
festivities and the rodeos. I returned with good money. In Valparaiso we celebrate
the Dia del Trago (day of drinking) Do we celebrate Saints' days? No, never have we
celebrated them, we celebrate drinking. On the first day in Huejuquilla they pray
to the Divine Prisoner, in Mezquitic to the Virgen del Refugio; and I would go to

23. The unprescedented increrase observed in particular during the period from the year 2000 to
2006, according to some scholars, may be influenced by illegal activities (Canales, 2008; 6).

142
 all of those fiestas, but celebrations, what you call celebrations, we only celebrated
drinking, that's it. (Don Juvenal).

This is how I see the times of the festivities, the boys fetch the music band and start
drinking, then the fiesta passes and they start hanging around with those who lend
them money or buy their animals to pay their debts, that's how it has been. My father
never gave us the chance to go partying, my younger brother, he did like all that, but
not everyone is the same.
Can you lend me some money to go north—that's how several immigrants are
asking around for money when the fiestas finish.
But you are a 'torten°, it's you who should be lending us money.
It's just so that I can return and save some money working.
But in the fiesta you were leading the music band and you were drinking hap-
pily—this is the story which seems to repeat itself, especially among the young ones.
(Don Jorge Picazo).

The main centers for the distribution of braceros were located near the
border in order to lower the costs, the cities of Juarez near El Paso, Texas,
Mexicali and Nogales, Sonora were among the most famous. In Mexico
hiring centers were established in different points of the Republic and
the immigrants were taken to the above —mentioned places to be sent
later to their final work places, which started varying their contract times
during the period in which the Bracero Program was in effect. At the
beginning of the agreement between the two governments, the hiring
centers were located in the main cities, and therefore, they were not near
the border: the Capital city, Guadalajara and a third and less important
one: Irapuato in Guanajuato; the states that have historically contributed
the largest number of immigrants are: Jalisco, Guanajuato, Michoacan
and Zacatecas, partly, due to the first hiring centers; during 1947 and
1954 seven more cities representing the most important ones of the time
were incorporated sending people north24 (Garcia, 2001; 60-61).

24. Monterrey, Chihuahua, Zacatecas, Tampico, Aguascalientes, Hermosillo and Mexicali (the lat-
ter as a hiring center and not just as a distribution center).

143
 Table 2
Estimates of the flow of remittances
from the United States, 1920-2008
(in million dollars)

Atio Estintacion
1920-1928 4.9
1942-1945 63.0
1956 120.0
1959 163.0
1961 275.0
1975 317.6
1976 1,500
1980 1,262
1984 1,800
1985 2,300
1990 2,494
1991 2,660
1992 3,070
1993 3,333
1994 3,475
1995 3,673
1996 4,224
1997 4,865
1998 5,627
1999 5,910
2000 6,573
2001 8,895
2002 9,814
2003 15,041
2004 18,331
2005 21,689
2006 25,567
2007 26,076
2008 25,145
Source: Consejo Nacional de Poblacion (Conapo) until the year 1998; from 1999 to 2008
the figures correspond to the Banco de Mexico published on January 27th, 2009.

144
 I left from Cenotillo, my home town, to the city of Merida, then from there, to the
capital, we went to Mexico city, at that time the ticket cost sixty pesos for that stretch.
Over there in the bus station I met many people from my home town, those who had
gotten the money before I did and were traveling ahead of me. From Mexico to the
city of Empalme, Sonora, the fare cost 90 pesos. Upon arriving in Empalme, we had
to wait for the next call, and a gentleman who had a lot of experience in this told us:
From now until they call us we are going to eat chicken with feathers.
And I would think: well, it's not that bad, eating chicken, it's good food, but we
can pluck out the feathers, why should we eat them with feathers? Well, I later found
out that eating chicken with feathers meant eating rice and beans everyday, in the
morning, in the afternoon and in the evening. Then when we had to go to sleep they
would charge us a fee:
Pay up your peso—we were charged a peso to be allowed to get under some
sheets, but each of us were supposed to have a good blanket, which consisted in
a good handful of newspapers. There were no exceptions, all of us clutching our
newspapers to settle in a row on the ground; we were all passing through, no one was
comfortable, it was impossible for any of us to think of getting a hotel, we all paid
our pesiro and had the right to settle on the floor next to one another. Then those
of us who were going for the first time would ask those who appeared to have more
experience:
How long will it take for them to call us?
If you're lucky, fifteen days, if you are not, up to three months.
That meant then paying a peso a day for the dormitory and eating chicken in
feathers all the time. Any way, once you got used, not even that would be so terrible,
but I was able to witness several incidents during the days I was on the line waiting to
be called, the first was an accident that caused much gossip:
A guy fell down in, a guy feel in! —they started shouting over there where the
latrines were, there was a crowd trying to see.
What happened? —we asked; it was very unusual, the shouting and the crowd.
A guy fell in down the latrine.
The latrines were very high and made of wood, a man fell in while still half as-
leep and he had to be pulled out from there by several men; he was covered in feces,
but he was already dead when they pulled him out. There was much shouting; they
pulled him out and they poured a lot of water on him but he was already dead.
Another accident we all witnessed and suffered was when another bracero died
of a bayonet wound. People gathered in mobs when we were lining to see if they
would call our names and even if we did not want to, the ones behind were always
pushing those in front and with all that pushing and pressure from behind whether
by accident or what not, the policemen stabbed him with a bayonet. I witnessed these
accidents. There was this line we were not supposed to cross until we were summo-
ned, they, the policemen would not let us cross the line and the crowd kept pushing
us forward; that is how it happened. (Don Rafael Cabrera).

Of course that the regions inside the Mexican Republic contributed diffe-
rent amounts of immigrants, our country is dissimilar and the population

145
 Map IVI

concentrations have changed much in the century and a half in which

we have contributed labor force to the United States. For this analysis,
we have used different areas that cover several states due to the similar
features they share and their marked differences with respect of others.
One of the examples the scholars resort to the most is the one that
defines four regions: the historical one, referred to this way because it is
the one that has contributed the largest number of immigrants since the
beginning of the transhumance and it is made up by the states of Jalisco,
Michoacan, Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Durango, Nayarit,
Aguascalientes, Colima (see map); in the year 1927 it contributed 71 %
of the total of immigrants and in the year 2000 over half the total: 50.35
%; during this period, the number of workers coming from this region
and going to the United States has increased dramatically, however, the
percentile decrease is due to the fact that the other regions, even though
they represent smaller numbers, have a proportion that has increased
more vigorously than in the historical region. This region is characterized

146
by its concentration of population since the beginning of the 20th Century
and also by the fact that it has always had good railroad communications
to the border and beyond since the end of the 19th Century. It is believed
that another influencing factor on the selection of workers from these
areas by the employers is the fact that there was a national population
with greater similarities with the Americans and because the Cristera Re-
volution set up its camps in the region. In 1962, almost at the end of the
Bracero Program, the percentile participation of the Mexican migration
on the part of the historical region was 62.21, which suggests that the
proportional decrease has been gradual, once the percentages belonging
to the year of 1927 and 2000 are observed.
The border region is made up by the two Californias, Sonora, Sina-
loa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leen and Tamaulipas, in this year of
1962 it contributed 23.93 %; the central region, consisting of the states of
Queretaro, Puebla, Mexico, Distrito Federal, Tlaxcala, Morelos, Guerre-
ro, Oaxaca and Morelos contributed 12.88 %. And finally the southwest
region, Veracruz, Tabasco, Chiapas, Campeche, Yucatan and Quintana
Roo only contributed 0.95 %. By the year 2000 the central region in-
creased its proportional participation to a 31.7 %, the border region de-
creased to a 10.8, the southwest increased to a 7 % and the historical
region, as it has already pointed out 50.3 (Durand, 2005; 4-15). In the
same manner as the regions from where the Mexican migration origina-
ted have been conceptualized, it is possible to establish the regions that
received them and one of the areas with the highest reception rate is
the one referred to as the southwest, because it has received the largest
number of immigrants and it would be something like the counterpart of
the Mexican "historical region" consisting of the territories of California,
Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Oregon, Washington and
Idaho; in 1920 the first three states, which are on the border (California,
Texas and Arizona), as well as Illinois (because of the specific case of the
city of Chicago) received 80 % of the transnational workers and in the
year 2000 they maintain 76 %; little has changed in almost a century in
what respect concentration of immigrants?5

25. 'At the beginning of the 20th Century, Texas concentrated 69% of the Mexican population
according to the 1900 census, consequently, the city of San Antonio was the migratory capital
for the Mexicans. The four border states made up the most important destination region of the
time and they concentrated 96.6 % of the migrating population. After the exceptional case of
Texas, 14% was concentrated in Arizona, 8 % in California and 6 % in New Mexico" (Durand,
2005; 14).

147
 Map I V2

\ ,ACVermont
N NEVI Hampshire
Massachusetts
ps?ode Island
rirsyInlaf Cconecticut
Jersey
Delaware
rylancl
4a5t-411.m, CC

The late German, Ticho, Marcelo, were caught by the government

and they were enlisted against their will—my father used to say — they
were turned into soldiers.

They were my grandfather's brothers, but they had already participated in another
revolution, in the Cristera Revolution; I knew them but years later when they only
came visiting on vacation to San Miguel. They wore their uniforms. I knew one of
them here in the United States in a place called Carpinteria; here is where his des-
cendents live.
My father's life was hard, when my grandmother had been married for only
three months, she became a widow. My father had several brothers by a different
father, half-brothers actually. A brother of hers took her in, his name was Trino
Macias; we were very poor. He took her in and they went to a ranch called La Pita.
My father was brought up by that gentleman, his uncle and my grandmother rema-
rried a man named don Jesus Valdivia, and they had four sons and a daughters. Then
my dad, since he was very young, started working as a gato (cat) that's how they used
to say at the time gato , meaning that he helped don Catarino in all the chores and he
stayed with the man for almost his entire life. One of my uncle 'limo's sons worked
with my dad there with don Catarino, they were like brothers rather than cousins.
(Don Jorge Picazo).

148
 At the beginning of the 1950's the Second World War had been over
for some years but the United States got involved in a new conflict: Ko-
rea; in 1951 the US sent soldiers to that part of Asia with the complica-
tions that are well known today, however, in what respects solely the issue
of the Mexican workers, a larger number of them was hired. In that same
year, on August 11th, Congress issued Act 78 which intended to limit the
reception of foreign workers in several ways, nevertheless, in reality, the
number was greater with the passing of the new law, it intended to cover
several aspects: first, to limit the existence of braceros in the states where
it was proved that there were enough American workers; second, to see
to it that the existence of braceros did not affect at all the conditions of
the national workers. In practice, it could be proved that an important
number of employers did not have enough furniture, beds, sheets, and
stoves to render the services to the braceros as it was established in the
Program signed between the two countries (Bickerton, 2001; 112-126,
132-134). In 1954, the American government declared a unilateral pause
in the program which caused adverse effects in the relations between the
two countries, however, they reconsidered the measure and the contract
was signed for one more year and the same continued to happen until
1964 when its cancellation was final (De Alba, s/f; 252).
The existence of the agreement to hire Mexican workers for 22 years
has had detractors and defenders; their judgements in general refer to
the results, but there are some who also base their reflections on the
origins and they claim that the real motive for its existence was to break
the system of family networks that were being woven in the 1920's with
the arrival of an ever larger number of immigrants: once they had settled
down with their families, it was going to be very difficult to get rid of
them as it had happened with the Chinese in the mid 1800's when it was
necessary to issue a law to expel them with all the complications that it
had entailed. Then, if they hired the worker in an exclusive manner for
a specific term to work on a ranch in particular under the obligation to
return to Mexico in short periods of time, it was a very special solution to
the problem of not allowing the immigrant workers to take roots in the
American cities and countryside. In addition, they would select young
people with experience in field work because the national workers did
not care much for such activities (Durand, s/f; 252-253). Paradoxically, if
these were the ideas that nurtured the American government's actions,
in the end they were counterproductive because at the end of the Bracero
Program, the doors were opened to do exactly the opposite: illegal entry,

149
150
the strengthening of family networks because they were already fami-
liar with the work place and they could settle down in the cities to bring
over more family members and go in and out of Mexico more frequently.
Crossing the border required crossing the desert or swimming across the
river or pretending to be somebody else with authentic documents belon-
ging to someone else; once in the US, many workers bought forged social
security documents or even "micas" (legal residence documents).

From the very beginning when I was hired people would tell me:
Fix your papers, they might give you legal residence.
But I could not afford that, even though it was not much what they were asking
me: 150 dollars, I had strong obligations: I needed the money for my son's health, he
had leukemia. Thanks to the advances of science, we managed to save him and he
still lives he is now 52 years old and he is very healthy, he's quite a boy. I was 23 years
old when he was born. He was my first born, I suffered a great deal because of him,
I used to buy blood for him, I got him all kinds of medicine, we used to go to Merida
because there was nothing in my little town, it was impossible to get good medical
care there. That boy, the eldest, he did make it, but I had another who died when he
was eleven years old, also from leukemia, he was the fourth in my family and he died
for lack of proper food, he got sick with leukemia when he was five years old and he
lived in suffering for another 6 years. Five of my children live in Cancan: three girls
and two boys, I had seven children all told, that is to say those five, the one who lives
here in the United States and the one who died of leukemia.
I had a hard time bringing them over here, I finally brought them and they lived
here in Los Angeles, in the down town area, near Sixth Street, but they were scared
off and since they were so young, they returned. One day they let me know:
A boy was killed near here, on the corner, he was our friend, we have already
discussed it and we want to go back, we are scared of living like this.
I have already applied for your legal residence here—I explained to them very
clearly to see if they changed their minds.
No, we don't want to live here.
We are going to apply for it, if you don't want to come here, we will leave it at
that, but we are going to apply for it.
No, we don't want it—they all told me the same and they returned. They did not
want me to apply for their legalization, they turned down their chance.
At first I felt bad because I saw how my family was separating, we were already
complete here, but they decided to return. But eventually I have realized that it is
better this way, they live more comfortable over there because here I don't have a
house of my own, I have to rent a place, then, they are doing better there. I have lived
and worked here for fifty years and I haven't been able to save any money; however,
they have their own houses, cars, they have everything over there in Cancun, what do
I want them to live here for? They are married now, they did not return to Yucatan,
there is still poverty there and they went to where the modern, good, luxury life is.
(Don Rafael Cabrera).

151
As a consequence of those who came as braceros, many returned without a contract,
they suffered, and there are those known as wet backs because they swam across the
Bravo River. I enjoyed myself a little in California, although they moved me three
times; when the strawberry harvest was over, I went to the tomato harvest, although
there I was hired by the hour, not by how much you made, then it was not so hard,
you did not have to kill yourself. I picked Marquetta tomatoes, they are redder, ea-
sier to pick. The tomato tells you if it is ready to be picked because once it is ripe for
picking a little white star appears on its tip; you can pick that one because it is ready,
it is just a matter of cutting it and it begins to color; the same thing with happens
with the water melon, if it is good, it looks sort of white as if it wanted to be picked.
Everything has its own know-how. (Don Joaquin).

I'm sending you this guy with a false card so that you get him a job; it cost me 25
dollars, they were social security documents, the card and everything, but one day he
calls me and goes:
Are you stupid or what?
No, the card is phony, it's just for the job.
Well, it's phony alright and it has expired, you moron.
Anyway, get him a job, man, no problem.
What happened was that the card's expiration date was overdue and they just
opened it and changed the photograph. Good God. (Don Juvenal).

In the time that I worked in Culver City, we would go to the church on Sundays after
mass to sell hammocks in order to make a few extra dollars, a friend of mine named
don Tino Ochoa, spoke with the priest and he told us:
Guys, why don't you become residents?
We don't know how to do it.
I'll show you. Give me your personal information and then we are going to fill
in these documents.
Those were some documents where there were 31 people from Yucatan like us
and I thought, "no, this is not going to work". Well, then like two years later they sent
for us to go and fill in some forms to get our legal residence. It sort of fell on our laps,
we only went there to sell hammocks, nothing more, we didn't even pray there but we
got lucky. We received it in Yucatan. The appointment day came, but we didn't have
any money; the 31 of us got together to think about what we were going to do and we
decided to chip in among the 31 of us so that at least 15 of us got the papers. They
came here, we had to chip in 200 pesos each, we sold chickens, beans, everything we
could so that they were able to come, it was not my turn. That was the year Kennedy
was killed, he had said that he was going to respect all those who had the 040, which
was a registration, but we didn't have that. The fifteen people we selected left and
among those I had to help there were some boys who were the nephews of these
ladies who answered for them, later they didn't send any money back, but the ladies,
true to their word, started selling chickens, beans and everything they could, to pay
back their nephews' debt to all of us who had lent them the money so that they could
travel first. When we finished collecting the money, I was going to come to United
States anyway, but now as a wet back; I would come in September and return in

152
 August; they charged me 250 dollars the crossing, but it was easy for me because I
opened an account in the Bank of America and when the coyotes got me across, I
would pay them with my own money. (Don Rafael Cabrera).

In the early years of the bracerismo it was very easy for us to get our papers if we
wanted to, they only charged us 25 dollars and that was about it; at the beginning I
didn't want them, I didn't find them attractive and I didn't know that it could make
things a lot easier for us later on. Afterwards I changed my mind, they convinced me
and I was in, I got my legal residence and I started to declare what we call here taxes.
The guy who helped me was the son in law of a friend I had met picking lemons and
oranges, that young man, who is my friend's daughter's husband was the one who
arranged everything for me and he has been filling in our tax forms for quite a while.
He opened his own office near Fifth Street, he has always been very hard working, he
is also of Mexican origin. They told me that they used to have a property over there
in the 15th military zone. He told me once:
"Just like you make the report of what you earn and where you work, you could
bring your family. The law is very clear, the doors are open for you, just let me know
when you want and I will get you a letter, it costs 200 dollars and you can pay me as
you want, 5 or 10 dollar payments so that you can pay me in a year or two or as you
can and in five days you can go back and bring your family. You have your children,
you report them as your dependents you are going to support them so you don't have
any problems bring them up here". Not knowing is a terrible thing, I hadn't brought
them because I thought it was illegal.
There is just one thing you must keep in mind —he told me — the employers
won't pay your water and electricity bills, and they won't give you the things they give
out there in the ranch, because now you are going to have your whole family here,
but it's time you'd thought of buying a little house or renting one, because you won't
be able to put them all up over there with your employer.
That was the only limitation and I understood it perfectly well. I accepted what
this friend was telling me and it happened just like he had said: in a week's time I
went back down and I brought them. We are talking about 1964 more or less, my
memory is not good for that stuff anymore, but I think it must have been around that
year when I brought them all up here; now when! go back, it is because I want to, but
in those times it was really hard to be coming and going. I already had four children
and the last one was born here. (Don Jorge Picazo).

The opinions in favor of the existence of the Bracero Program based on

the official information, explain that the agreement put an end to a prac-
tice called "enganche" (hooking up) which consisted in a group of inter-
mediaries (either Mexican or Americans) who did the hiring and charged
a fee for their services, it was called "enganche" because upon accepting
the deal, the workers got hooked up with the contractor who would take
them to the work place; when the agreement came into effect between
the two governments the "enganche" ceased to exist because in addition

153
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it did not have any legal value neither in Mexico nor in the United States;
by means of the bracero agreement you could rest completely assured
because the support came from the government of the neighbor country
who made the promise to see to it that all the hired workers were taken
to the work place. The contracts with the hook-up agents were characte-
rized by being very unfair because they often hired minors and because
they accommodated workers in unhealthy spaces. There were documen-
ted cases that spoke of the existence of a private police force to watch the
workers exclusively, which made the situation look like a modern from of
slavery. Massive deportations were put an end to, although at the end of
the 1950's with the Bracero Program in full operation, that practice was
implemented again since in just one year more than million Mexicans
were sent back (Durand, 2007 B; 27).

154
 We would arrive and lie down like dead people; we could not move, we heard a lot of
screaming, many were complaining. Early the following day we had to do the same:
getup, have breakfast at 5,6 in the morning at the latest, by that time there was a line
there, all the workers standing in the line.
There are many workers from the braceros group who claim that they always got
a good break. I don't think so, because the work was always very hard; there were
times that we got good contracts and made good money, but to say that there were
people who always, always did well, that's not true. (Don Joaquin).

Among the arguments wielded in favor by the authors, the first to stand
out is the duration of the Program, because if it had had too many pro-
blems, it would not have been renewed for 22 years as it did; the Bracero
Program was the golden age of the immigrants because they entered the
country with a contract in hand, they were provided with free room and
board and when they had to pay, they paid symbolic prices; it is true that
they were hired because they were needed but after all that is the pur-
pose of every agreement: satisfaction for the two parties. Having hired
nearly five million workers can not be conceptualized as a mistake or
as a bad move by the governments, or at least a mistake by the Mexican
government because there could be people who claim that one of the
governments won and the other one lost. Also in favor, the fact can be
mentioned that the agreement at first contemplated replacing workers
in the agricultural sector because here work was harder and demanded
more human effort, however, when they had the labor force over there
in the United States, they were employed in other sectors that had not
been contemplated at first, many of them went to work in the industries,
of course a smaller proportion regarding those who were in the fields,
but there were more jobs than were contemplated at the beginning. An
aspect that can rarely be found in works dealing with migration is that at
that time there was good Program management because it managed to
employ millions of workers, of course, with the limitations that presented
themselves, but they must have been efficient on both side of the border
to transport first and then assign each worker to a ranch for over two
decades.

It attracted our attention to hear the "yindos" shouting:

This is your chance, gentlemen, we need this many people to work in the United
States, they are paying very good wages. All those of you who want to go and work
in the traque.

155
 There was a cattle fanner among us, he was from the city of Leon, who was
called "el Pinto," he had already been here in the United States working as a bracero
and he told us:
Come on, now is the time for us to go, now things are good, we mustn't let this
opportunity pass by.
Then I was a young boy, perhaps out of inexperience or for whatever reason, I
gave them my name, I put myself on a list and then they assigned me a place on the
train and I was accommodated in the "jaulas" (cages) that is what they used to call
the train wagons; we used to call the trucks where the cattle are carried cages and
they called the wagons where we were carried the same; they also gave us clothes and
a place to bathe, we never saw again the old ones we had been wearing, they gave us
new rags. It took us a whole week to get from there, from Tlalnepantla to Nogales,
Sonora, by train. From there we were transferred to the other side and the people
from the Mexican government handed us over to others from the American govern-
ment. They soon started calling our names, my first job was in Arizona.
Jorge Picazo —they called my name and there I went to get my documents and
get ready to go to work — you must go to Ellis, Arizona —they explained to me.
There I had my first job, then I was in Shasta, near the state of Oregon and at
the end of the first 18 months of work they expelled us, the contract had expired.
They took us to the border and paid us all the money they had taken from us, from
our savings, all of it in zero seven twenty pesos, the famous ones. The truth is that we
were very pleased with the arrangement, we made good money, we had to work hard
but we were satisfied at the end; when they returned us we already knew the deal and
what we were going there for. (Don Jorge Picazo).

There were problems and not just simple ones, for example, the fact that
they used the braceros'savings fund, which has come out lately, is a big
mistake, an essential part of the arguments against the implementation
of the Bracero Program (this situation will be discussed in detail below).
The existence of illegal workers during the agreement can also be consi-
dered as one of the important problems that were present because more
people were deported than hired during that time; the problem lasted
a long time because the employers themselves hired the two kinds of
workers: the legal ones and the "wet ones". An aspect that caused the
nationals to suffer a lot was the language barrier for it was not easy to
live, work and get by in an environment where the language is different to
one's mother tongue, many managed to evade that situation because they
always worked for Mexicans, they listened to radio programs in Spanish,
watched Mexican TV programs and went to social events where only their
language was spoken. Another important aspect was the fact that at the
beginning of the agreement, they did not take into account the existence
of "contingent, non- professional diseases," which meant that the wor-
kers who were not used to the inclemency of the weather of several states
156
of the American Union, especially in the northernmost states, got sick all
the time and the insurance did not cover specific medical assistance, only
for medical problems originated by the work activity; by the last period
of the program, these kinds of aspects were contemplated in order not to
leave the Mexicans defenseless. An aspect that does not appear in most
of the papers referring to this period of Mexican history, is the fact that it
may be considered a mistake that rural workers did not feel attracted to
their origins strongly enough to stay, in particular when it refers to coo-
perative property, because in the case of poor, landless farmers or those
with minimal properties, they can not be blamed; however, the distribu-
tion of agrarian property is supposed to have been in effect in the 1940's
and from there originated a large number of immigrants; some Mexican
officials considered that this was the result of a snag that the Secretaria
de Recourses Hydraulics should have made provisions for because they
felt that by providing the farmers with water, or even by granting them
credits to improve their production systems and mechanize agriculture,
they would have refrained from migrating. The agrarian reform was in
theory the most important achievement of the Mexican Revolution and

157
its progress was questioned when the dramatic increase in the number of
braceros was observed (De Alba, sif; 255, 260).
In terms of theoretical debates, for many years those having an eco-
nomic origin have prevailed: some in favor of the classical economy,
claim that the Bracero Program was one of the best opportunities the
workers in particular and our country in general have had, that the influx
of hard currency is important not only due to the satisfaction obtained
by the immigrants and their families, but also because it makes economic
development possible, which national governments have not been able to
attain; that it was the only means by which the braceros have been able to

158
acquire some cattle and properties, and the money they invest has a mul-
tiplying factor because it encourages economic development since they
are able to purchase goods that they would have been unable to acquire
under other circumstances and the people selling those goods encourage
in turn other sectors of domestic production; in sum, the Bracero Pro-
gram has been one of the pillars of national economic growth due to
the resources and benefits millions of Mexicans have received; on the
other hand, those who base their research on Political Economy, criticize
the alleged benefits claimed by the other researchers who base their stu-
dies on the Classical Economy, underlining that the actions have actually
been evil, that is to say: with the money the braceros sent home the price
of land increased because usury was promoted with the dollars used to
purchase it and it happened especially in the small towns from where the
immigrants left; they claim that the beneficiaries were the big business
people, in many cases foreign business people, because the goods were
bought in the cities, not in their home towns; that they did not contribute
to economic development but rather to the accumulation of capital, that
the existence of cheap labor force in Mexico was a reflection of how the
voracity of capitalism takes advantage of the poverty and ignorance of
the impoverished Mexicans from the rural areas26.

26. The two trends are known as the functionalist and the historical-structuralist ones "the former
presupposes that the remittances have the power to reduce poverty and inequality of income
that they in addition help stabilize the families economically. As they are allotted to basic ex-
penses such as food, education, health and housing, they finally mean greater welfare for the
families and they have a multiplying effect for the country's economy.
The historical-structuralist point of view considers, contrarywise, that immigration has a nega-
tive effect on the economy and on the social structure of the communities of origin. For this
viewpoint, immigration and remittances create a series of structural distortions that reflect on
exacerbating social conflict, in economic differences and inflation. All this promotes a a vicious
circle that distorts local economy and deteriorates its social structures. One of the problems
these communities face is that they end up depending on the remittances and therefore more
migration is generated in as much as only the remittances allow them to keep a high standard
of living before the lack of alternatives that might substitute them. According with this vision,
family remittances offer little chance of initiating development since they are used in basic
education, supporting the families, health, house building, productive investment, etc., which
does not generate jobs and the limited productive projects yield meager benefits" (Aragones,
Et. AL, 2009; 40).

159
 V
The California Proposition 187

The history of American legislation has also done its bit to regularize
immigration, among the bills that have attracted some attention is the
well-known California Proposition 187 which in November of 1994 went
directly to referendum vote and was passed by 59 % of the voters and it
was designed to create a state-run citizenship screening system in order
to prohibit illegal immigrants from using health care (with the excep-
tion of emergencies because that is stipulated by the federal legislation),
public education, and other social services in the State of California.
Even though it was passed, it was never enforced because a judge ruled
that what it meant to prohibit was the concern of federal legislation and
a local congress could not issue laws that were in contradiction with the
national ones. Anyhow, although it was not implemented it did leave the
upsetting awareness among the immigrants and the Mexican government
that there is little one can do when you are living abroad in an illegal
manner. As a response to the Proposition, Mexico changed the law with
regards citizenship and for the first time, on march 20th, 1997 Mexicans
were allowed to keep their nationality when they got a second one; it
had been forbidden until that day and those who obtained the American
citizenship were renouncing the Mexican one (Alarcon, 2006; 170-171)27.

27. 'Article 30 of the Constitution points out that it considers Mexicans by birth: 1. Those who are
born in the territory of the Republic, irrespective of their parents' nationality; 2. Those who are
born abroad, children of Mexican parents born in the national territory, from Mexican fathers
born in the national territory or from Mexican mothers born in thenational terrritory; 3. Those
born abroad, children of Mexican naturalized parents, from Mexican naturalized fathers or
from Mexican naturalized mothers, and 4. Those born aboard Mexican ships or planes, both
military or civilian".

161
 VI
The illegal stage

According to some studies, the 22 years that followed the 22 covered by

the Bracero Program (that is, until 1986 when the immigration reform
was presented in the form of the United States IRCA or Immigration
Reform and Control Act), were actually like a continuation of the agre-
ement, but unlike before, now the workers were illegal, it would seem
that the flow of contradictions had not finished: young, male, single wor-
kers with a low educational level kept arriving from small towns, they
came looking for jobs in the agricultural sector in the same towns where
braceros had been employed; the differences between the stages lied in
the fact that the workers were much more vulnerable now, unlike before
when they had employment insurance and the employers were supposed
to provide free room and board for them (Canales, s/f; 131).

Time for lunch!

And half an hour later we had to keep on working. It was really hard. We paid
the catering so that they would give us everything ready, otherwise, it would have
been much more work for us. They charged us 1.75 dollars a day for the service, but
it was preferable to having us prepare it all. That was the total payment for the three
meals: breakfast, lunch and dinner; that was just fine because we got to eat well and
it was not expensive. Whenever! arrived at the United States I weighed 90 pounds
and when I left 110. In spite of the hard work we had to do, it was possible to gain a
few pounds; that never happened to me in Mexico, over there I worked and ate and I
always weighed the same; here I always gained 20 pounds. In addition, I don't know
how to explain this, but when I returned, my complexion was lighter. That was so-
mething the people where I came from would notice quickly and they would tell me:
Paisano, I want to go to the same place where you go, but I don't want to bring
any money, I just want to gain a few pounds and a lighter skin, because you used to
be really dark and skinny.
In my town they would write the names of those who wanted to work as braceros
on a list right there in the saloon, a man named Emilio was in charge of filling the
lists; always in the saloon, since we were very poor, we would be asked:

163
 How many beers?
One.
How many glasses?
Four. (Don Rafael Cabrera).

In several states of the American Union they celebrate the 31" of March
in memory of the Mexico-American leader Cesar Chavez who struggled
for the rights of agricultural workers, his United Farmer Association's
logo is an Aztec eagle on the flag. He was born in Arizona and his parents
had to migrate from their home town because they had lost their proper-
ties during the Great Depression (1929-1933); after Martin Luther King,
Chavez is no doubt the most recognized leader for his struggle in favor of
human rights, he created the National Farm Workers Association and he
was well-known all over the world because in 1965 he promoted a boycott
against the purchase of grapes because dangerous pesticides were used in
California and the workers were forced to work with short-handled hoes
that made it necessary for them to work stooping all day long. By that
year of 1965 the Bracero Program had already been cancelled, however,
the vast majority of the workers hired to work in the fields continued to
be Mexicans; it is very sad to know that his struggles were sabotaged by
Mexican scabs.
On December 31", 1964 the Bracero Program's ended formally,
however, the workers continued to cross the border though illegally now
even when they came from the same Mexican regions and worked in the
same work places, it would seem that the program had extended without
changes for at least the rest of the decade of the 1960's and the 1970's.
Some braceros became "wetbacks", others obtained their "green card",
that is, their legal residence. In 1964 a production system was created
to lessen the effects of the braceros's return who once they had lost their
jobs in the United States, were sure to increase the number of the unem-
ployed in Mexico, too, it consisted in the installation of twin plants on
the border and its main characteristic was that all of their production was
intended for the American market, in other words, the Bracero Program

The program was considered terminated even when the Mexican government insited on its
renewal, in addition, in 1968 our country had to settle for receiving a quota of 20 000 visas when
it used to have unlimited access. It is believed that due to this decision, the doors were opened
to what is known as illegal alien immigration (Durand, 2007 A; 24).
According to research, during the 22 years of the agreement, 23 000 people, as an average,
obtained their residency which represented approximately 10% of the total number of workers
hired per year (Canales, s/f; 130).

164
was taken to the other country. In spite of the success obtained by the
extension of the program now within the borders of our country, criti-
cism quickly emerged regarding the acceptance of these measures by the
Mexican government because it was considered that they went against
the revolutionary precepts expressed in the reform to the 1917 Constitu-
tion in which monopolies and direct interference by foreign companies in
our territory was forbidden during the Echeverrista period (1970.1976),
the government's action was to formalize this criticism and the official
version even claimed that the workers who participated in the Bracero
Program all those years had been treated inhumanely. Another formal
manner in which the Bracero Program was extended, was the imple-
mentation of the H-2 Program which consisted in hiring foreign workers
(read Mexican workers) in the agricultural sector, however, now without
the Mexican government's approval, it was just between the workers and
the American government who validated hiring with the American agri-
cultural employers (Garcia, 2001; 71-72, 75).

To go to the United States, I made arrangements in Guadalajara a long time ago;

whenever I came here to work, they would give me a card I took that same card to
Guadalajara and with it they gave me my papers; I carried my Mexican passport,
some x-rays that were required; they opened my envelop and gave me what I needed.
We were young and strong and we were needed here. Now there are many people
going up and down, I didn't have any trouble. (Don Juvenal).

During the Program's 22 years, 4.6 million workers were hired and over
5.3 million were arrested in the United States and returned to Mexico
(Migration News); it may well be argued that this was the golden age
of migration because later on, a worker had to enter the country ille-
gally in order to get a job in the neighbor country, save for the excep-
tions stipulated by the H2A and B hiring programs. The issuance of visa
regarding this type of agreement of the H2A program for agricultural
workers started the same year that the Program was cancelled, namely
1964 and it was aimed especially at hiring Jamaicans and Mexicans who
were admitted until the end of the 1980's when the program was divi-
ded into two and they did not just accept agricultural workers but also
services workers, the latter was called H2B. It is estimated that three
quarters of the people working under these conditions are of Mexican
origin. In particular, the contract stipulates that the employers through
lawyers, agents or on their own may arrange the deals with the workers
and take them to the place where they are supposed to work and pro-

165
vide them with accommodation (only in the case of the H2A which con-
cerns agricultural workers, the other one, the H2B does not work the
same way because the work places are in the cities: hotels, restaurants,
transportation). The only requirement the employers must fulfill is that
they have not been able to find American personnel to do those activities
(Durand, 2007 A; 58). For some authors these kinds of programs were
nothing but an extension of the Bracero Program with the only difference
that in the latter case, the Mexican government is not involved and the
hiring process is made directly with the worker. These kinds of contracts
are far from achieving the numbers attained between 1942 and 1964 and
among its negative effects is the participation of Mexican hiring agents
who extort the workers and "charge" them for the service of putting them
in contact with the American employers.

166
 VII
An organization is born

There is no doubt that the dark side of the bilateral agreement was the
fact that 10 % of the braceros'income was forcibly withheld in the period
between 1943 and 1949. The resources withheld from the workers' wages
were deposited in two American banks: the WellsFargo Bank and the
Union Trust Company of San Francisco and then it was transferred to
a bank belonging to the Mexican State: the now extinct Banco de Cr&
dito Agricola which was replaced in 1976 by the Banrural. On the first of
November of 1999, the national institution formally accepted the brace-
ros' demands as legitimate regarding the claims of the existence of their
savings, which heretofore had been denied to them (Migration News).
On the 1" of March, 2001 a San Francisco court estimated that between
30 and 50 million dollars had been withheld forcibly from the workers
and the amount could be estimated now at 500 million dollars including
interests accrued and damages caused. According to estimations, less
than half the workers of the time received the withheld savings; since
they were workers from the impoverished rural areas of Mexico, it is not
difficult to accept that they never demanded their savings out of igno-
rance since in Mexico and above all in the rural areas formal wages were
not paid with official documents, then, the laborers in their role as bra-
ceros, on receiving the check as payment for their services, thought they
were being paid in full and they never knew that a percentage had been
withheld and that it was up to them to collect it from the Mexican ban-
king system. The truth is that the different governments made use of the
funds and the argument the government officials used when the braceros
organized themselves and demanded their money half a century later, is
that the funds were invested in rural infrastructure, that is, supposedly in
their own benefit when they returned to our country; another explana-
tion the braceros were given, was that the present public administration

167
was not responsible for what the others had done with their emoluments;
the latter argument marred the debate because it coincided with the
defeat of the political party that had been in power for more than 70
years: the PRI and the ascent of the opposition, therefore the braceros'
claims became a good pretext for the new governing party, first, not to
return the money and second to blame their political enemies. After
much discussion, comings and goings, the last federal administration has
agreed to pay those who can prove with the original contract that they
were braceros, they will be paid 4 thousand pesos a year until they have
completed the sum of 38 thousand; it is in fact an unfortunate decision
because there must be only a few surviving immigrants who have kept the
original contracts which 60 years ago recognized them as being hired in
the Program.

Four thousand pesos a year, to complete 38 thousand it means ten full years how
many braceros are going to survive ten more years? What are four thousand pesos
good for today? In case it's the descendents who will receive the money and if they
are many children, what good will four thousand pesos do them? If there are ten in
the family, each child is going to get 400 pesos a year. The truth is that it is an insult.
The Union Binacional de Ethraceros (the Bi-national Ex-braceros Union) was
founded on September 4th, 1998, in the city of Los Angeles, in Olvera Square. We
made an announcement for a meeting and the organization was formed from the
very beginning. At first it was called Union sin Fronteras, that was the first name of
the organization; we named it like this because we considered it national, it wasn't bi-
national because it had not been recognized by the Union Congress. Its strategy was
based on three main aspects: first to find out if the braceros had been really withheld
the famous ten per cent because there were many rumors, but we did not know the
whole truth, in spite of the fact that it was something so important that had lasted
for so many years and involved millions of workers. Second, to create an organiza-
tion capable of fighting to recover those funds for the peasants; and third to reach
the stage of negotiations with the Mexican government which was the one that had
taken the braceros'savings money. We had the information that the money had been
transferred through two American banks: the WellsFargo and the extinct Union
Trust, that the Mexican government had received it through the Banco Nacional
de Credito Agricola, but we did not have complete, reliable information. That was
the origin of the organization we have and we have been fighting to this day and we
trusted that the end the we were pursuing was to reach direct negotiations with the
Mexican government and to have them accept that they had received that money and
to have them return it to us, the rightful owners.
Under these circumstances, one of the first steps we took was to obtain from
WellsFargo official information that they had indeed sent over those famous funds.
We obtained evidence, documents that we had the American bank give us. The
Uni6n sin Fronteras was constituted as a movement here and also in Mexico. After
the first meeting, many others were organized where our objectives were outlined,

168
at the beginning it was difficult, we did not know well what we were looking for or
where we were going. Several, let's say, chapters of the organization were formed all
over the United States, the chapter here in Los Angeles was one the most important
ones because the organization had been born here in Olvera Square, all the activities
were planned from here. The main driving force was the search for the defense of
Mexican workers through the demand that the incomes withheld to the Mexican
braceros be paid. At first five comrades gathered and the snow ball started growing
on the Olvera Square, a place we have considered very important for many years sin-
ce many Mexicans concentrate there to celebrate the fiestas from our homeland, to
dance and also to meet former braceros and chat a little, there are people who often
come just for that. (Don Baldomero).

We staged a demonstration in Mexico to demand for our savings. To tell the truth,
the manifestation was amazing. A young woman from the PGR, posing as a reporter
came to me, she was accompanied by a camera man, a fake camera man because he
was another agent plus two or three others who were hanging around with them.
Listen, we would like to interview you.
Thank you, but we were already leaving—I told them-, we are leaving for the air-
port if you want you can follow us and we will give you the interview there, but some
of our comrades have booked flights and we must take them there.

169
 Well, then, we'll go with you in your cars and we will interview you on the way,
on route from Cotonna Hippodrome to the airport —the girl told me.
Alright—I told them without noticing anything unusual, they looked like repor-
ters and we had been interviewed many times there and we did not know them all
because they came from different media; they were posing as news people and we
didn't suspect anything.
At that moment we were accompanied by a young lady from Chicago who was
doing a research about the bmceros who had worked in the railroad. She was leaving
Mexico for Chicago and we were going to take her to the airport, she was the one
in the most hurry at the moment. The point is that when we were going along the
viaduct heading for the airport, what we had not suspected happened.
Then some of you come with us in our car to start the interview and some of us
will go in your car, that way we can do more than one interview at the same time,
before the young lady leaves—they made us that proposition and it seemed sensible
to us, so we agreed.
Then some came with me, I was driving a pickup truck. We were unsuspecting,
we had not realized that they were cops sent by Ernesto Zedillo and their intentions
were not too good. When we were driving along what they call the "Eje", the large
avenues, they carried out an operative and closed down the two ends. They boxed
us in with these large Suburvans, they were black with tinted glasses, they cut in in
front of us, they made us get out of the cars and pushed each of us in a van, they
separated all of us.
You're coming with us—Ah, well, we thought, is that how they interview people?
You stay here, you are going to start the car when I tell you and drive in the
direction I tell you.
Are you guys reporters?
You're not asking the questions, you'll just do as we tell you —several of them
got in our cars and as they put one of us separated in each of their Suburvans there
were several of them over there too, we did not have a chance to do anything but do
as we were being told.
But before we went to Romero Gudifio, we had already had an interview with
some lawyers because these things can get really complicated and we had a good
antecedent in the support we received from some very good lawyers from Oakland,
California, then we sent for people who knew a lot about the laws there in Mexico
City. We were helped a great deal by a young lady who was the responsible for the
legal matters with regards human rights and she was in constant communication with
us. By means of these contacts, many lawyers had gotten in touch with us to help us
in anything we needed. We had very well organized what we were asking for and
things were making the progress we had anticipated on the basis of our propositions;
those lawyers knew what they had to ask in the corresponding area of the Banrural
with Romero Guditio.
You get out and get in this one, you in this one —they started ordering my friends
around, not me because I was driving. Two people got in my pick up with weapons
in their hands.
Follow that car—they ordered me, they did not speak anything at all about any
other topic, he just kept telling where to go.

170
 They made me drive around Mexico city for about two hours. We did not know
where we were going and we couldn't ask either or for that matter speak to these
men who were armed; it was complicated and really threatening. Something that
helped us a lot, no kidding, but it really helped us, especially me and after that the
whole group, was the fact that there was this young kid with us, he was from Sinaloa
and he often accompanied us to these meetings. He is from Lota, Sinaloa, a small
town where most people are braceros, we held an important meeting there. He knew
that we were coming to Mexico and told us:
I'm coming with you.
This kid was the typical Sinaloan, one of those who are always telling jokes, one
after the other, we were always laughing when he was around, whether on the road
or during the days of manifestations. Well, our friend's name is Guadalupe, a very
talkative guy, he was with me in my pickup in the moment that we were going to the
airport. He realized what was happening before I did because he told me:
Look at what is going on up there, they are getting our friends out of the cars,
they closed down the avenue and are getting our friends into government vans and
they are being separated. I'm getting out right here.
He jumped out and went back running to where the rest of our friends were still
in front of the bank's offices and the point is that we hadn't gone a long way yet, at
that time we were leaving for the airport but their plan was well under way, they clo-
sed down the streets made them all get out and separated them. Guadalupe was very
brave because he got out, jumped out actually because the viaduct is very high, he
could have broken his legs, but he jumped and returned running to warn the friends
who had stayed behind.
They have been arrested by the government people, they are taking them to
prison —he warned them and they quickly got in touch with the lawyers.
When we could speak we said that we thought that they were going to kill us.
That is how we felt. After all the driving around the city, they took us there near the
Monument to the Revolution, where the PGR headquarters are, they took us there
so that we supposedly made our statements about the events, just like that as if we
had committed a serious crime and had to give our version of why we had done it.
Everything was pretty quickly, it all happened on the same day, since 9 am when the
driving around started and they let us go around seven or eight in the evening. For all
this affair, when we arrived there our lawyers were waiting for us because Guadalupe
managed to alert everyone. They told the PGR people:
Show us the files, what are they going to be charged with? Why did you arrest
them?
The arguments that were found out were that they had actually planted several
crimes on us, first criminal association, second damage to the nation because we
had been in front of Banrural although no damage had been caused and they knew
it only too well, and the third crime was nothing less than sabotage. The only thing
that failed them was the timing, that is why the Mexican government is dangerous.
They already had a minutes ready with the warrant for our arrests, but they made a
mistake in the date; we had not arrived at the Banrural, we arrived on April 8th and
they had already issued the arrest warrants for crimes committed on the 7th.

171
I 72
 How was it possible for these men to have committed a crime when they were
not even there? —our lawyers asked at the FOR headquarters.
Everything was supposedly well grounded because they had testimonies regis-
tered before a Notary Public, with experts, with information by all kinds of lawyers.
Everything was ready to frame us up.
If the Mexican government wants to screw with us, they will with screw us —our
friends said when they let us go with the help of our lawyers.
How was it possible for everything to be ready, the suits, the alleged evidence,
the testimonies, everything, everything they needed to put us behind bars? And all
just because we wanted to defend our rights, for demanding money that has been
ours since half a century ago. Why does the government do these things against
its people? That's when we could see that if they want to, they can plant crimes on
people they want to harm.
In my case in particular, participating in this movement to recover our money
has meant a lot for me, it has been an enriching experience, I have lived and seen in-
credible things, both beautiful things and unpleasant things as well, like that incident
when they tried to put us in prison by making up charges when all we have ever wan-
ted in our struggle is to get back what they took from us fifty years ago. We realized
many things, the poverty as well as the happiness of the Mexican people; wherever
we would go, people, no matter how poor they were, would kill turkeys to invite us
to eat with them, to celebrate.
Come with me to my house, we have chicken broth and rice.
There is a place that Twill never forget, called the Obregon Colony in San Luis
Potosi, it is an area forsaken by the government, without potable water, there is
electricity only in a place near the school; broken down adobe houses, some of them
without a roof and that is where we came to meet the people; it is a place belonging
to Ciudad del Maiz (Corn Town), the people were happy because we brought them
news that there was going to be money. In another place in Queretaro: La Purisima,
the people live in caves going up the mountain and they would come down from the-
re on Sundays whenever we held meetings. This leaves you greatly satisfied because
you get to know a lot of people with their different customs, their ways of life, they
are very happy even when they are very poor. In Ameca, where there are sugar mills,
there are prosperous people; on our journey visiting we got to know a whole lot of
people and different environments. In Oaxaca, a place difficult to reach, we had to
go deep into the sierra to be able to reach the small town and there we met the bra-
ceros. (Don Baldomero).

At present there are 12 million illegal workers in the United States, even
though the temporary visa programs H2A for the agriculture and H2B
for the services are still in effect. In 1986 when the Immigration Reform
and Control Act was passed" what was considered as an "amnesty" was
granted to three million illegal people, of which approximately 70 %

30. Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA).

173
were Mexicans. In addition, measures were taken to have better control
on the borders. In contrast, the "amnesty" established that the employers
who in the future gave work to illegal immigrants would be penalized
with stiff fines and although it is established by the law, reality dictates
that it has not been the general rule and it has favored unwillingly illegal
migration (Durand, 2007 A; 13-15, 49); in sum, the implementation of
the Immigration Act offered the immigrants all kinds of facilities in spite
of the fact that it was issued during the Reagan Administration which
was characterized by having been the most conservative of all post war
administrations.
Among the negative aspects that have appeared through the years
after the cancellation of the Bracero Program, one has been the loss of
lives that we have had to mourn because crossing the border entails many
dangers, losing one's life is one of them; for many years two Mexicans as
an average lose their lives annually because they are abandoned or get
lost in the desert or because they drown in the Bravo River.

How was your trip? —I asked him because I knew that he was coming from one of
those trips they call special.
The story repeated itself with him because in spite of the fact that they had pro-
mised him that the crossing was going to be with all the comforts, he was left in the
desert; he told me that they had walked for two days.
There was a pregnant lady with us. Her previous child had been delivered by C
section and her operation opened up in the middle of the desert.
He told me that they brought her over as they could and took her to a hospital
in Houston, Texas.
Say—I asked him — and what happened with this girl, the one that was really tall?
She got pregnant on the way here and while in the desert she got the labor pains
and she was caught by the Migra and she was returned to the country. We got lucky,
in spite of all the suffering, at least we can tell the story and now we are state side.
Thank God.
Then all of your group made it alright, complete?
No, the lady with the C section, we managed to bring her, but the other one who
was also pregnant, she could not make it across, we had to leave her in the desert,
fortunately she was coming with a woman cousin of hers and the cousin stayed with
her to keep her company; but the group did not make it complete, we weren't that
lucky.
Poor lady —I said to him — you think she died out there in the desert?
No, she didn't die, I don't know how the guides know these things but they told
us the Migration people had picked her up and taken her away.
He told me about everything they had gone through and I also asked him about
Miriam:

174
 They were mugged, some muggers jumped them and threatened them with ma-
chetes saying that they were going to rape them.
Then, after all, we were the luckiest ones.
You can say that again —he replied — knowing what the other groups went
through, yes, we were lucky indeed. (Georgina).

We arrive upon a river, it was very weird, its water was salty and that makes you even
more tired, we did not drink any water. We had walked for three days already and
I could feel that my feet were bleeding from the sores; I had some sanitary towels
and I put them on my feet to ease the pain. We all looked like a mess. I was wearing
ribbons and I used them to tie my shoes so the soles wouldn't come off. The last day,
as we were walking, we came across two dead bodies. It was hard to tell that one of
them was a dead body because it had been wrapped up in something like hay, I lied
down near by and one of our friends asked me:
Fabiola, do you know what that is behind you?
No, what is it?
They uncovered him a little and noticed that it was a man's dead body. Further
ahead, almost half-way, there was another: he was a young man wearing white tennis
shoes, blue pants and a white shirt; I can't get him out of my mind. When we saw him
from afar, I said:
Poor boy, is he asleep?
Yes, —they told me — he is asleep.
But when we came closer we realized that it was someone like us going north
and he had lost his life. There are guides that don't have a heart, the one assigned
to us was a very good guy, but others leave behind the stragglers who get tired. I will
never forget how he carried the Honduran, the chubby girl who didn't want to walk.
(Fabiola)

175
176
 Conclusions

Mexican immigrants looking for a better life in the United States have
been going for over one hundred and fifty years to the regions that used
to belong to our country, areas that we could not populate before and
ever since they became part of the northern country, we have been over-
populating them: the areas most often targeted by the immigrants are
California, Texas and Arizona; the exception to this rule is Illinois and
in particular the city of Chicago, which, though it was not part of Mexico
in the 19th Century, it is still one of the main attraction points for Mexi-
can workers. The voracity of the then incipient capitalist development
in the United States sorted obstacles, changed its discourse and inven-
ted wars to appropriate the lands that its economic growth demanded: it
fought against its original colonizers, it made pacts with the enemies of
its enemies, the French, whose language and customs where very dissi-
milar from their own and it fought against its own principles established
in its advanced Constitution by accepting the expansion of slavery upon
annexing the new territories, especially Texas.
Strictly speaking, migration began a few days after the annexation of
the territories of California and New Mexico to the United States: seve-
ral thousands of workers were hired to work in the mines in the year of
1848; the discovery of the precious metal gave rise to the phenomenon
called the "gold rush" which took place in Coloma, California, a week
before the signing of the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty, that is, the discovery
took place on Mexican soil. The Mexican immigrants were subjected to
special taxes because they were "foreigners," even though most of the
workers were and they did not apply this special regulation to the rest,
Mexicans were discriminated against and branded as dirty and nickna-
med "greasers." Could a miner of the time help not being dirty? Most
of them returned to their home state and enjoyed the wealth acquired
during that famous time. In the United States History they call the mi-
ners of this time "Forty-niners" making reference to those who arrived in
177
1849: "out of 300,000 immigrants, half arrived by land and the other half
by sea"; though strictly speaking they ought to be called "Forty-eighters"
because the discovery had taken place a year earlier.
With a great need of labor force for the exploitation of the new work
areas such as the mines after gold was discovered, the construction of
railroad tracks all over the national territory and the astounding growth
of the agricultural activities with the incorporation of large extensions of
arable land, the United States opened their doors to a large number of
immigrants coming from all over the world. The Mexicans in particular,
because of the paradoxes of history, were favored by the issuance of the
first anti-ethnic legislation in the United States: The Chinese Exclusion
Act in 1882, this event caused the Asians to be replaced in their work
areas. The development of the means of communication and in particular
the railroad in our country, in spite of the fact that it was seriously dama-
ging for the nation, due to the transfer of ownership of large extensions
of land and natural resources to the "demarcation companies," it made it
possible for large numbers of workers to move from very remote areas to
the United States to replace the Chinese, who had been expelled, in the
mines, the railroad and the fields. Propitiated by this phenomenon, the
field workers in the United States are mostly Mexicans.
After several attempts at creating bi-national agreements, the first
was signed in 1942, they all had an annual character and they were rati-
fied for twenty-two years until 1964 when the so-called "illegal stage" be-
gan once the agreement was cancelled. The existence of the Program ge-
nerated many contradictions, which were one of its main characteristics:
it supposedly began to replace the soldiers that had been drafted into the
army during the Second World War, though strictly speaking, this was
not absolutely true, since approximately three quarters of the total num-
ber of workers were enlisted in the second half of the agreement, that is
to say, during the post-war years. If it had been an emergent, exclusive
agreement to employ immigrants for the duration of the war, it would
have been cancelled before a decade, but it was not; the period would
be more appropriately called "between wars" because at the beginning
of the 1950's the Korean conflict took place; from the mid fifties to the
mid seventies, the Vietnam war, the Gulf War in 1990 and the Iraq war
in 2003. Nevertheless, the fact that must be pointed out remains that the
immigrants went north to cover work vacancies that could not be covered
by national workers whether in times of peace or war. Another paradox
is the fact that more people were repatriated than hired during all this

178
period full of contradictions. Once the Bracero Program was cancelled,
the demand for labor force in the neighbor country was even greater
than during the existence of the agreement since during the illegal stage
a larger number of workers was hired, much larger than in the times of
legality. A considerable number of testimonial accounts by the braceros
speak of the anguish they lived during the time when they were hired in
Mexico, then transferred to the border and accommodated on the bor-
der until they were called by their employers, the days of hard work in
the American fields, the difficulties some had to overcome and adapt to
the new way of life, and yet, the braceros' work meant in most cases the
opportunity for their families to live better and for them to eventually be
able to purchase some properties: being a bracero meant suffering and
welfare simultaneously; avoiding the pain would have meant the impos-
sibility to improve their families' standard of living.
Immigration transformed itself, not only did they go and come, but
also a considerable number of them stayed on and settled down in the
United States, then they took their families with them and their descen-
dents have adapted to survival in that country; they are not immigrants
anymore, they are American citizens. Immigrants have made up a special
social group in our country: some go and come back today; others stayed
there, they settled down and adapted to the new life, they are not from
here anymore; they "brought" the American culture, but they also took
the Mexican one to the United States: the styles of dress, the transforma-
tions in gastronomy, the proliferation of religious spaces and practices
and our work methods have transformed the spaces here and there. The
transnacionalization of work has brought about the transnacionalization
of culture in the two countries by means of the immigrants.
A dark page of national history which unfortunately has not been
turned yet has been the fact that the workers were not given their savings
withheld for over sixty years, it is lamentable and to a certain extent in-
sulting that they are denied the reimbursement of the money, which they
generated with their work and by means of a serious agreement signed
by the two governments at a time in the history of our two nations when
the immigrants were used and forced to go along a path of suffering, they
must not be treated like criminals as it happened to the natural leaders
whose only crime was to demand what belongs rightfully to them.
The bracero's recollections provide a clear and eloquent idea of what
they lived and suffered, what it meant in the transformation not only
personal, but also that of their families and communities. They offer us,

179
furthermore, a perspective closer to reality of the significance of their
labor in a distant country with a different culture; they place us with their
commentaries in a Mexico that no longer exists, in a voyage full of tales, a
description of their lives' development, of their fears, success and failure;
in a nutshell: what the Bracero Program was in all its depth.

180
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Newspapers

Migration News. April 2001, Volume 8, Number 4.

El Nacional, 1953 a 1954.
Novedades, 1953 a 1954.

182
183
 El Programa Bracero
The Bracero Program
se termind de imprimir en enero de 2011
en Los talleres de Ediciones de la Noche.
Guadalajara, Jalisco.
El tiraje the de 750 ejemplares.

[Link]