A HISTORY OF BIRNIN ZARIA FROM

1350 – 1902

BY

USMAN SULEIMAN

M.A. HISTORY

APRIL 2007
CERTIFICATION

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TABLE OF CONTENT

1. Abstract … … … … … … … … …………………..vi-vii

2. Acknowledgements … … … … … … ………………….viii-ix

3. Abbreviations … … … … … … … ………………………x

4. Glossary … … … … … … … …………………..xi-xii

5. Notes on Sources … … … … … … ………………xiii-xxxii

6. CHAPTER ONE: THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF BIRNIN ZARIA

1. Introduction … … … … … … … … …………….1-2

2. Geology … … … … … … … … …………….2-3

3. Topography … … … … … … … … …………….3-4

4. Hydrology … … … … … … … … …………….5-6

5. Soils … … … … … … … … … …………….6-8

6. Climates … … … … … … … … …………...9-10

a. Damina … … … … … … … … ………….10-11

b. Marka … … … … … … … … ……………...11

c. Kaka … … … … … … …. … ……………...11

d. Bazara … … … … … … … … ……………...12

7. Vegetation … … … … … … … … ………….12-13

a. Karkara … … … … … … … … ………….13-16

b. Saura … … … … … … … … … ………….16-17

c. Daji … … … … … … … … … ……………..17

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8. Fauna … … … … … … … … … ………….18-22

9. Conclusion … … … … … … … … ………….…..23

7. CHAPTER TWO: THE EMERGENCE OF CENTRALISED POLITICAL

INSTITUTIONS IN ZARIA

1. Introduction … … … … … … … … ………….24-25

2. Early Settlements … … … … … … … ………….25-26

a. Turunku … … … … … … … … ………….26-33

b. Kufena … … … … … … … … ………….33-36

c. Madarkachi … … … … … … … … ………….36-38

d. Kargi … … … … … … …. … … ………….39-40

e. Wuchichi … … … … … … …. …. …. ………….40-41

3. The Emergence of the State of Zazzau … … … … … ………….41-49

4. The Emergence of Kingship in Zaria … … … … ………………….49-57

5. The Emergence of Birnin Zaria as the Capital of the State of Zazzau ………………...58-61

6. Conclusion … … … … … … … … ……………………...62

8. CHAPTER THREE: THE INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION OF

BIRNIN ZARIA UP TO 1900

1. Introduction … … … … … … … ……………………...63

2. The Zaria City Wall and its Gates … … … … … ………………….63-72

3. The Security of the Birni … … … … … … ………………….72-75

4. Royal Palace of Zaria … … … … … … ………………….75-79

5. Zaria Mosque … … … … … … … ….79-81

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6. Zaria Market … … … … … … … ………………….81-83

7. The Anguwanni (wards) of Birnin Zaria … … … … ………………….83-84

a. Limancin Kona … … … … … … … ………………….84-86

b. Anguwar Juma … … … … … … … ………………….86-87

c. Salmanduna … … … … … … … ………………….87-90

d. Anguwar Zaria … … … … … … … ………………….90-91

e. Kofar Fada … … … … … … … … ………………….91-94

f. Anguwar Kwarbai … … … … … … … ………………….94-95

g. Anguwar Magajiya …… … … … … … ………………….95-97

h. Anguwar Nufawa … … … … … … … ………………...97-100

i. Anguwar Fatika … … … … … … … …………………….100

j. Anguwar Iya … … … … … … … ……………….100-102

k. Anguwar Zage Zagi … … … … … … ……………….102-104

l. Anguwar Karfe … … … … … … … ……………….104-105

m. Anguwar Majema … … … … … … … ……………….105-106

n. Anguwar Sirdi … … … … … … … ……………….106-107

o. Kofar Kuyanbana … … … … … … … ……………….107-108

p. Anguwar Danjinjiri … … … … … … …………………….108

q. Anguwar Malam Sule … … … … … … …………………….109

r. Kofar Doka … … … … … … … ……………….109-111

s. Anguwar Bishar … … … … … … … ……………….111-113

t. Anguwar Kusfa … … … … … … … ……………….113-114

u. Anguwar Alkali … … … … … … … ……………….114-116

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v. Anguwar Kaura … … … … … … … ……………….117-118

8. Ethnic Composition of the Birni … … … … … ……………….118-120

9. Social Amenities in the Birni … … … … … ……………………120

a. Water … … … … … … … … ……………….120-123

b. Health Care … … … … … … … ……………….123-125

c. Roads … … … … … … … … ……………….125-127

d. Schools … … … … … … … … ……………….127-130

10. Conclusion … … … … … … … … ……………….130-131

9. CHAPTER FOUR: THE SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF BIRNIN ZARIA UP TO

1800

1. Introduction … … … … … … … ……………………132

2. Social Organisation … … … … … … ……………….132-138

i. The Ruling Class … … … … … … … ……………….138-140

ii. Commoners … … … … … … … …………………….141

a. Traditional Priests and the Malamai … … … … ……………….141-145

b. Attajirai … … … … … … … … ……………….145-146

c. Talakawa (Poor) … … … … … … … ……………….146-147

d. Bayi (Slaves) … … … … … … … ……………….147-149

3. Religion … … … … … … … … ……………….149-157

4. Islamic Scholarship and Learning … … … … … ……………….157-162

5. Conclusion … … … … … … … … ……………….162-163

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10. CHAPTER FIVE: THE ECONOMY OF BIRNIN ZARIA TO 1900

1. Introduction … … … … … … … ……………….164-165

2. Land … … … … … … … … ……………….165-166

3. Labour … … … … … … … … ……………….166-170

4. Agriculture … … … … … … … … ……………….170-175

5. Animal Husbandry … … … … … … … ……………….175-177

6. Manufacture … … … … … … … …………………….177

i. Blacksmithing … … … … … … … ……………….177-180

ii. Textiles … … … … … … … … ……………….180-184

iii. Leather Works … … … … … … … ……………….184-187

iv. Carving … … … … … … … … ……………….187-188

v. Potteries … … … … … … … … ……………………188

7. Trade and Commerce … … … … … … ……………….188-191

8. Taxation… … … … … … … … ……………….191-192

9. Conclusion … … … … … … … … ……………….192-193

11. CHAPTER SIX: THE JIHAD IN BIRNIN ZARIA

1. Introduction … … … … … … … ……………….194-200

2. The Fall of the Sarauta System … … … … … ……………….200-204

3. Establishment of Emirate Administration … … … … ……………….204-210

4. The Impact of the Jihad on Birnin Zaria … … … … …………………….211

a. Political Transformation … … … … … … ……………….211-213

b. Urbanization… … … … … … … ……………….213-215

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c. Education… … … … … … … ……………….216-217

i. Ma’ahad Umar Wali… … … … … … ……………….217-219

ii. Kakaki Centre… … … … … … … ……………….219-220

iii. Kofar Doka Centre…… … … … … … …………………….220

iv. Ma’had Kusfa… … … … … … … ……………….220-221

5. Birnin Zaria on the Eve of Colonial Conquest… … … ……………….221-228

6. The fall of Zaria to the British… … … … … ……………….229-231

7. Conclusion… … … … … … … … …………………….232

12 CHAPTER SEVEN: GENERAL CONCLUSION … ……………….233-238

13. BIBLIOGRAPHY… … … … … … … ……………….239-250

14. LIST OF MAPS:

(i) Map 1: Showing Zaria Walling Sequence… … … ……………………...37

(ii) Map 2: Showing Zaria City Gates… … … … ……………………...68

(iii) Map 3: Showing Birni Zaria Roads & Focal Points … ……………………...77

15. KINGLIST OF ZARIA… … … … … … …………………….251

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 ABSTRACT

This study is on Birnin Zaria in the period between 1350 and 1902. Birnin Zaria is the core

of the Zaria metropolis, which is one of the most important urban centres of contemporary Nigeria

with a history of urbanization going back to many centuries. The city is also the capital not only of

an Emirate, but also of a distinct community of Hausa speaking known as the Zazzagawa or Zage

zagi, whose formation goes back over centuries and whose settlements and distribution covers

many parts of Nigeria, Western, Northern and Central Africa.

The study traced the emergence of Birni Zaria to the processes of urbanization, integration

and community formation taking place several centuries ago on the Zaria plains. The study also

reconstructed how Birni Zaria was formed in very concrete and specific terms of its geography, its

ecology, its walls, its gates, its architecture, its quarters, its Palaces, its Mosques, its Markets and

other major economic centres.

The Jihad in Birni Zaria in the 19th century constituted a major theme in the history of the

Birni. The inherent contradictions existing within the Birni that gave birth to the Jihad was

examined in details. The Jihad brought certain changes of political, social and economic

importance, was also examined.

The appearance of British at the tail end of the 19th century threatened the existence of the

Emirate administration in the Birni. Through diplomatic and military manoeuvres, the British

firmly established themselves in Zaria. The British saw the conquest of Zaria as necessary in their

bid to establishing control over Kano and Sokoto. Zaria was militarily weak at this time and

therefore passively responded to the British attempt at colonial conquest. Zaria was taken over by

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the British in 1902. This finally brought an end to the almost hundred years of the Emirate

administration in Zaria and ushered in the beginning of European control of the Birni.

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Undoubtedly, this work wouldn’t have been possible without the over whelming assistance

I received from many people. Space would not allow me to mention each of them. However, I

acknowledged the contributions of some of them in my references and the memories of all

remained indelible in my heart.

First and foremost I am so much grateful to Allah for endowing me with enormous

guidance and inspirations that enabled me to write this thesis.

To my main supervisor Dr. Hannatu Alahira of the Department of History, Ahmadu Bello

University, Zaria, I am indebted for sharing with me the benefits of her insights as well as for her

stimulating intellectual discussions. Her devotion and dedication are largely responsible for

whatever merit there may be in the quality of the work. I am also grateful to my second supervisor

Dr. Idris Sha’abu Jimada who as a co-supervisor has been of great assistance to see that the work

finish on time. I am most grateful to them all.

I must not be forgetful of the immense contributions of late Dr. Y. B. Usman, for his

conception of the original idea leading to this research. I also benefited from his incisive criticisms

of my draft proposal.

I wish to express my special thanks to Professors S. U Abdullahi, the Vice Chancellor of

Ahmadu Bello University, Abdullahi Mahdi, the former Vice Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello

University, Dr Hamid Bobboyi, the Director Arewa House and Dr. Enoch Oyedele of the History

Department A.B.U, Zaria for their keen interest in my progress, assistance and encouragements.

I am also grateful to especially Dr. Abdulkadir Adamu who went through my work and

whose incisive criticisms were useful in shaping the quality of the work, Malam Mustapha

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Gwadabe for his persistent assistance and prodding that brought the work to successful conclusion

and Dr. Lawal Amin of NAL, A.B.U.

I want to register my appreciation to my colleagues and friends for their assistance and

moral support during the research work. These include: Shu’aibu Shehu, Musa Muhammad, Salisu

Bala, Maradun Abdullahi and Grace Agboh all of Arewa House Kaduna. Others include Uba

Mudi, Danlami Sunusi, Aminu Muhammad of Afri Bank, Sa’idu Muhammad, Idris Yunus, Mr.

Akubor Emanuel and Salisu Aliyu of Iya Abubakar Computer Centre A.B.U. Zaria.

I am also indebted to my informants. I am particularly grateful to Mohammad Abbas

Fagachi, Umar Faruk Abdus-Salam, Alhaji Hayatuddin (Dallatun Zazzau), Ahmadu Fatika, and

Muhammad Anguwar Juma.

My profound thanks go to the staff of the National Archives, Kaduna, those of the Library

and Archives of Arewa House, Kaduna and those of the Northern History Research Scheme A.B.U

Zaria for facilitating my access to useful materials, which made this work possible.

My special thanks go to my parents and brothers. First, to my father, Alhaji Aliyu

Suleiman and my late mother, Fatima. Secondly, to my brothers, Yusuf, Ahmed and Shu’aibu and

lastly to my Cousin Sister Hajiya Zulaihatu S. U. Abdullahi for their assistance and moral support.

I also offer my thanks to Aliyu Makama, Abdul-razak Mustapha Lawal for typing the

work.

Last but not the least my gratitude and special thanks goes to my wife Rabi and my

children Abdur-Rahman, Fatima, Amina, Sa’adatu and Zainab for their understanding, tolerance

and patience during the course of the work.

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ABBREVIATIONS

A.B.U. Ahmadu Bello University

A.D. After death

A.H. After the Hijra of Prophet Muhammad (P B.U.H.)

B.U.K. Bayero University Kano

FEM. Female

J.A.H. Journal of African History

J.H.S.N Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria

Lit. Literally

N.A.K. National Archives Kaduna

N.D. Not dated

N.H.R.S Northern History Research Scheme

NO. Number

O.U.P. Oxford University Press

P. Page

PP. Pages

PL. Plural

Sing. Singular

S.N.P. Secretariat to the Northern Provinces

VOL. Volume

R.W.A.F.F. Royal West African Frontier Force

ZARPROV. Zaria Province

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GLOSSARY

Words whose meanings are given in the text, when first used are not included here.

Amana non aggression pact

Ahl-aman people with whom a non-aggression pact was entered into

Ahl-kuffar the non-believers

Amir an Islamic ruler

Birni pl. Birane walled city

Fadama marshy or swampy areas

Fatake caravans

Fatauchi long distance trade

Fatwa legal opinion in Islam

Fiqh Islamic jurisprudence

Habe a term that is used to describe the non-Fulani

Hijra migration or flight

Id festival

Jakada messengers/ emissaries

Jama’a community

Jihad holy war

Liman an Imam

Ma’aji treasure

Maguzawa non Hausa Muslims

Malam the intelligentsia or Islamic scholar

Malamai the intelligentsias or Islamic scholars

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Mithqal unit of currency

Mujahidun members of a Jihad movement

Murgu payment made by slave to his master in lieu of working

personally

Runji/Rumada slave settlement

Sarki a ruler

Shari’a Islamic laws

Tafsir Quranic exegeses

Zango resting place for caravans

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NOTES ON SOURCES

A variety of sources were consulted in the course of the reconstruction of the history of

Birnin Zaria. These sources can be classified into two main categories: primary and secondary

sources.

1. PRIMARY SOURCES

The type of primary sources used for the study was in the form of archival materials, Jihad

literature, travellers’ accounts, oral interviews and archaeological sources.

(a) Archival materials

This refers to both private and official colonial records or documents recovered and

deposited in various Archives in the country. These include reports such as intelligence reports,

assessment and reassessment reports, ethnographic accounts, provincial reports, District

notebooks, official diaries, letters sent from one level of government to another and so on.1 The

bulk of the materials available on our area of study are assessment and reassessment reports. They

deal with variety of issues such as agriculture, animals, industrial resources and prospects, dynastic

and ethnological Histories, population, taxation etc. It is important to note that the presence of

archival materials arose out of the need to keep records for administrative purposes by the

colonialists, to acquire basic local histories that could assist colonial administrative officers posted

to new areas to have proper knowledge and understanding of the local communities they were

posted to and finally to acquire up to date summary of the current political and economic situation

of the Provinces and Divisions which was necessary for the continued political and economic

control of the areas.

1
Ekwede Joseph, History of Igala Kingdom c.1534-1854, Ph.D. thesis, A.B.U. Zaria

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 This source has some fundamental limitations, which is based on the fact that most of the

colonial administrators who produced them did not have a good understanding of the language,

culture and tradition of local people. The reverse is also the case i.e. the local people that served as

interpreters to the colonial Officers too did not have a proper understanding of English. This is

clearly demonstrated by conceptual and grammatical errors that characterized most of the archival

records. Most of the information collected by them also reflects issues that were of primary

concern for the colonial government to the neglect of those that concern the interest of the local

people. However despite the above limitations the archival records were invaluable for our study

because they contain anthropological, ethnographic, geographical and historical information about

the people they studied. The archival sources therefore provided us with useful information that

was used in the reconstruction of the history of Birnin Zaria.

(b) Jihad writings

The Jihadists were the leading participants/observers in the events they wrote about. One

of the major books written by the Jihadists and used for this research is infaq al Maisur. It was

written by Sultan Muhammad Bello. The author gave a detailed and reliable account of the 19th

century Jihad. It also mentioned Zaria as one of the dominant Polities in central Sudan before the

Jihad2 as follows:

... The first to whom power was given in this land

according to what we have been told was Aminatu, the
daughter of Sarkin Zak-zak. She made war upon these
countries and overcome them entirely so that the people
of Katsina paid tribute to her and the men in Kano. She
made war in the cities of Bauchi that her Kingdom
reached to the sea in the south and west. 3

2
Garba Nadama, The rise and collapse of a Hausa state: A social and political History of Zamfara, Ph.D. thesis, A.B.U. Zaria, 1977, [Link]
3
Muhammadu Bello, Infaq al-Maisur (Whitting edition) pp.18-19

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 This threw some light on the political condition of Zaria before the Jihad. It was

therefore, a very useful source for the study of the political condition of Zaria before the

Jihad. It also threw some light on the Jihad as well as events after the Jihad.

(c) Accounts of the 19th century travellers

Several colonialists travelled across Hausa land in the nineteenth century. In the

course of their journeys they made pertinent observations on the geography, vegetations,

society and economy of the areas they visited or passed through. Thus this provided us

with first hand information on our area of study.

Such observations and experiences of the colonial travellers were documented in

books form such as the History and Description of Africa by Hassan b. Mohammed al

Wazzan al Farsi (Leo Africanus),4 which was mainly an account of his travels in Africa.

He passed through Agades on his way to Timbuktu in c.1510-11515. He never visited

Zaria or any Part of Hausa land. He therefore collected secondary information from other

People who had visited the area.5

Another important book is Travels and Discoveries, in North Central Africa, Journal of

expedition 1849 - 1855 by Heinrich Barth.6 He visited Kano and Katsina, but never visited Zaria.

His routes took him through the well-settled areas of the Central Plains and his observations on the

rural and urban environment were very useful. His information on the economy seem largely

derived from the North African and Abzin traders whose company he kept.7

4
Leo Africanus, History and Description of Africa, London, 1896
5
Y.B. Usman , the transformation of Katsina; Garba Nadama, The rise and collapse of a Hausa state o-cit. p.L
6
Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries in North Central Africa, Journal of expedition 1849-1855, London,
7
Ibid.

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 Also relevant to this study is In the heart of the Hausa States by Paul Staudinger.8 It is

essentially a traveller’s account of a journey through the Sokoto Caliphate including Zaria from

1885-1886. The book is in two volumes. While volume one is mainly a detailed diary, which

Comprises of twelve chapters of the text, which deals mainly with the details of his observations

about the places he visited, volume two comprises of appendices which is supplementary to the

text which provides useful additional Information.

The value of the book lies in the fact that it deals with every aspect of the life of the Hausa

and Fulani people namely; their history, environment, flora and fauna, economy, culture and social

structure. The observations made by the travellers particularly on the area of study are very

important because it contains more information on the Sokoto Caliphate in mid 1880's than any

European traveller’s account.9 Despite the obvious value of the book for this research, one has to

be careful. This is because like most European travellers accounts the book is susceptible to errors

arising from lack of the travellers’ familiarity with the cultures and customs of the Country,

problem of translating one language into another and many other Problems.

H. Clapperton’s Journal of a second expedition into the interior parts of Africa: From the

Bight of Benin to Soccattou10 is another invaluable material. Clapperton was one of the earliest

travelers to Zaria. He passed through Zaria on his way to Kano in 1824. His observations of the

rural and urban environment were useful. His information about the economy was clearly derived

from the North African traders like Hadje Ahmet Ben Mesoud whose company he kept while he

was in Birnin Katsina.11

(d) Archaeological source

8
Paul Staudinger, In the Heart of the Hausa states, Ohio, 1990
9
Ibid.
10
Clapperton H. Journal of a second expedition into the interior parts of Africa From the Bight of Benin to Soccattou, London, 1966
11
[Link], For the transformation of Katsina, op-cit.

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 Archaeological materials constituted another important primary data for the reconstruction

of the History of Birnin Zaria. This consists of researches conducted by archaeologists in Zaria.

The archaeological researches involved the study of the material evidence of human evolution and

settlement in the Zaria area, which have been documented in the Zaria Archaeology Papers

(ZAP).12 The archaeological materials provided us with useful insights into the beginning of

human existence in our area of study, the walling sequence of the complex walling system of the

Zaria area as well as cultural and technological human development in the area. The limitation of

this source was that most of the result was largely based on observations of undated artifacts found

on the surface devoid of real archaeological excavations. However, in spite of these limitations the

archaeological source is of great importance for the study.

(e) Oral traditions

Oral traditions are oral accounts transmitted from generation to generation. They are useful

especially in places where other sources are either scanty or non-existing. Elders of communities

and courtiers are the custodians of oral tradition. This is based on the assumption that as elders

they are supposed to know the traditions and customs of their people, which was handed over to

them by their ancestors. Most of the informants interviewed for the study resided in and outside the

city. The criteria for the selection of informants were based on their vast experiences in the history

and culture of the area of study as well as age. Thus quite significant number of people including

elderly people, members of the ruling dynasties, ward heads, occupational groups and titleholders

were interviewed.

12
Ade Obayemi, Aspects of field archaeology in Hausa land, Zaria Archaeology Papers 1, 1976; Sutton J.E.G. The walls of Zaria and Kufena, Zaria
Archaeology Paper II, 1976; Sutton J.E.G. Kufena and its Archaeology, Zaria Archaeology Paper 15 1976; Sutton J.E.G. The iron working around
Zaria, Zaria Archaeology Paper 8, 1977

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 In conducting the oral interview permission was sought from respondents and once

information was granted, it was taped and documented. There was no problem of interpretation

because the informants and the researcher could speak Hausa.

When using oral information one should not be oblivious of the limitations of loss of

memory. Consequently, oral information has to be collaborated with other sources to ascertain

their validity. Brief biographical notes are given on some of the people interviewed below.

(1) Abbas Muhammad Fagachi 13/12/2000

The interview was conducted at the residence of the informant. Abbas 41 years was the son of

Muhammadu Fagachi who was at one time the Fagachi of Zazzau. Abbas was an heir to rich

historical documents in addition to oral traditions on Zaria bequeathed to him by his father. Apart

from this he wrote a book recently, on the history of the Emir of Zazzau, Alhaji Shehu Idris, in

which he gave a synopsis on the history of Birnin Zaria. Thus Abbas was an invaluable informant

in spite of his age.

(2) Abbas Dabo Sambo.

The interview took place at his house at Kaduna. He was 75years, a retired civil Servant

and a descendant of the founder of Juma ward. He was an invaluable informant on the history of

Juma ward.

(3) Abdullahi Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau) 10th March 2002

He was interviewed at his residence at Kwarbai in Zaria. Abdullahi Aliyu (83 years) was

the son of Emir Aliyu Dan Sidi of the Mallawa ruling dynasty. The informant was a traditional

titleholder and a leading traditional historian particularly of the early history of Zaria. He wrote

some papers in Hausa on the history of Zaria.

(4) Abubakar Ladan Zaria 18th March 2004

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 The interview was conducted at Arewa House, Kaduna. He (65 years) was a popular Hausa

songs composer. He composed many songs on the customs and traditions of the Hausas generally.

(5) Adamu Usman Bafillace 30th October 2003

The interview took place in the Mosque attached to his house, which he also uses as a

school. Malam Adamu (78) years was a reknown Islamic Scholar. He was an invaluable informant

on the Islamic history of Birnin Zaria.

(6) Auwalu Aliyu Damau 23rd August 2003

The interview was conducted in front of his house at Tudun Wada Kaduna. He (50years) is

a civil Servant. He has keen interest in the history of Zaria.

(7) Ahmadu Fatika (Sarkin Fadan Zazzau) 28th February 2003

The interview took place at his residential quarters at Anguwan Liman. He was 82 years

old, a retired civil Servant and now an influential traditional titleholder in Zaria. He was an

invaluable informant on the history of the Jihad in Zaria.

(8) Ahmadu Maqari Sa’idu 21st December 2002

Malam Maqari was 70 years old and an Islamic Scholar. The interview was conducted in

front of his house at Kofar Gayan low cost Zaria. He provided useful information on the pre-jihad

period as well as scholarship in Zaria.

(9) Dalhatu Balarabe 10th January 2002

Dalhatu Balarabe was 72 years old and was a descendant of Adus-Salam the Emir of

Zazzau. The interview took place at his traditional family house at Anguwan Zaria. He was an

invaluable informant on the history of the Zaria ward.

(10) Dalhatu Gayya (Karfen Dawaki) 31st August 2002

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 The interview was conducted at Gidan Madaki Sa’idu. Dalhatu Gayya was 83 years old and

a descendant of Malam Yamusa, the Emir of Zazzau. He was of the Barebari ruling dynasty and is

presently the Karfen Dawakin Zazzau. He provided useful information on the Barebari ruling

dynasty.

(11) Ibrahim Sani 1st September 2002

The interview was conducted in the entrance hall of his house, which he also uses as his

Qur’anic school. He was 60 years and a descendant of Malam Sani the founder of the Kofar Doka

Islamic center of learning in Zaria. Malam Ibrahim also teaches in the center. He specialised on the

Islamic history of Zaria.

(12) Ibrahim Ibn Ibrahim 2 February 2003

The interview took place in front of Malam Balarabe’s house at Kwarbai, Zaria. He was 43

years old, and an Islamic Scholar. He provided information on the history of Salmanduna.

(13) Inuwa Jamawa 3rd February 2002

Alhaji Inuwa Jamawa was 77 years old and a descendant of the founding father of Jamawa.

He was interviewed in his residence at Jamawa. He was a very useful informant on the history of

Jamawa.

(15) Lawal Sambo

Ambassador Lawal Sambo 70 years old was a retired civil Servant. He belongs to the

Barebari ruling dynasty. He is presently the Walin Zazzau (Hakimin Turunku). The interview was

conducted in the entrance hall of his house at Kaura.

(16) Maiwada Mai anguwa 10th January 2003

- 23 -
 The interview took place at his residence at Anguwan Bishar in the Birni. He (69 years)

was the ward head of Anguwan Bishar. He was useful for the history of Anguwan Bishar.

(17) Muhammadu Tambaya 27 March 2005

The interview was conducted at his residence at Banzazzau in Birnin Zaria. He (99 years)

was a descendant of Barwa who was one of the prominent traditional titleholders that once lived in

Banzazzau. Muhammadu Tambaya was at one time the ward head of Banzazzau.

(18) Muhammadu Abubakar 2nd September 2003

The interview took place in front of his house at Tudun Wada Zaria. Malam Muhammadu

(62 years) belongs to the lineage of the Limamin Juma. He was an Islamic Scholar. He was writing

a book on the history of Anguwan Juma.

(19) Muhammadu Ghali

The interview was conducted in the house of Malam Yahuza the founder of the reknown

Islamic school known as Makarantar Malam Yahuza. Malam Muhammadu Ghali (65) was an

Islamic scholar and a pupil of Malam Yahuza. He was one of the few teachers that were teaching

in the Malam Yahuza center for Islamic learning.

(20) Muhammadu Hayatuddeen

The interview took place in his sitting room at Nagoggo Street at Anguwan Sarki Kaduna.

He (years) was a retired civil Servant. He belongs to the Barebari ruling dynasty and is presently

the Dallatun Zazzau. He was a reknown oral historian of particularly the Barebari ruling dynasty.

(21) Muhammadu Sani (Limamin Kona) 1st September 2002

- 24 -
 Alhaji Muhammadu Sani was an Islamic Scholar and is presently the Limamin Kona. The

interview took place at the entrance hall of the traditional house of Limaman Kona, which was

used by the occupants of the seat of Limamin Kona both as their school and resting place.

(22) Nuhu Jume 7th February 2004

The interview was conducted in front of his traditional family house at Anguwan Dan

Madami. He (37 years) was a schoolteacher and a traditional titleholder.

(23) Sidi Aliyu Magajiya 21st December 2001

He (75 years) was a retired civil Servant and a member of the Mallawa ruling dynasty. He

was the Wakilin raya kasa of Zazzau. The interview was conducted in his living room at his

traditional family house reputed to have been built by Magajiya at the Magajiya ward.

(24) Umar Faruk Abdus-Samad 27th September 2003

The interview took place at the entrance hall of his traditional family house. He (35 years)

is the grand son of Isma’il the founder of the Zage-zagi lineage. He was the Galadiman Fagachin

Zazzau. He documented the history of the Zage-zagi lineage on a paper titled tarihin gidan Zage-

zagi, n.d.

(25) Usman Babangida 10th January 2003

The interview took place in front of his family house at Anguwan Bishar. He (45 years)

was a descendant of a Gwari who happened to be the last Gwari speaker in the Birni. He was a

very useful informant.

(26) Usman Ibrahim Basa 24th August 2002

- 25 -
 Alhaji Usman Basa 70 years was a retired civil Servant. The interview took place at his

residence at Anguwan Alkali in the presence of Malam Sani his neighbour. He was an invaluable

informant on the Faruk family of Anguwan Alkali.

(27) Yahaya Abdul-Kadir (Kaciya) 13 March 2005

The interview was conducted in front of Ali Turaki house at Anguwan Kwarbai. He (68

years) was a retired civil Servant. He has keen interest in history.

(28) Yusuf Aliyu 11th March 2002

Yusuf Aliyu (54 years) was the ward head of Kofar Doka. The interview took place at his

residence at Kofar Doka. He was a very useful informant on the history of Kofar Doka.

(29) Zainab Bashir 24th August 2002

Hajiya Zainab (99 years) was the wife of Alhaji Bashir the grand son of Aliyu Dan

Sidi the Emir of Zazzau. She was interviewed in her room at Kofar Fada.

(2) SECONDARY SOURCES (PUBLISHED AND UNPUBLISHED)

A wide range of secondary materials in form of published and unpublished works was used

for the reconstruction of the history of Birnin Zaria. Most of the materials were of little specific

relevance to the work. This is due to their wide coverage. Some of these works helped in no small

measure in providing the framework on which the work was largely anchored. Few of these works

are worthy of mention here.

(a) PUBLISHED WORKS

- 26 -
The first major work consulted for this research is the book titled, Zaria and its region edited by

Mortimore.13 As an edited work it is made up of contributions from different scholars on Zaria and

its Region. The relevance of the book to this study lies on the fact that it provides us with

information about the geological formation of the area of study, its weather and climate, fauna and

flora, settlement patterns and history. The most relevant section of the book is chapter nine (9) on

"some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa kings" by Abdullahi Smith, which contains

an inspiring survey of the pre-colonial society of Zazzau. Abdullahi Smith in this chapter opened

up the area for further research. The chapter also examines the process of the emergence of the

Sarki and the consolidation of his power, the dynastic changes that took place on the plains of

Zazzau leading to the transfer of the seat of government from Turunku to Zaria. The chapter also

raises many hypothetical questions.14 The strength of the chapter lies in the fact that it set out a

framework of analysis for future research work on the area focusing on internal primary sources.

Abdullahi Smith’s emphasis on the material, economic, social, cultural and political processes,

which produced Birnin Zaria comes in here very well; for from his perspective you cannot

reconstruct the government of Zazzau, before or after the Jihad or trace the emergence of the

Zazzau political community outside the processes of urbanization, integration and community

formation, one of whose key dimensions is the emergence of Zaria city.

Also consulted for this study was Planned urban Landscapes of Northern Nigeria, by A.W.

Urquhart.15 It is a comparative study of urban development mainly drawn from the author's studies

of cities in Northern Nigeria and America. The book confines itself to the history and effects of

colonial planning in Nigeria. The book concentrates on the city of Zaria and the manner in which

traditional mores have combined with the British colonial administrators in creating an urban

13
Mortimore M.J. (ed) Zaria and its Region, Department of Geography occasional paper No.4, A.B.U. Zaria, 1970
14
Abdullahi Smith, some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa kings in Mortimore M.J. (ed), Zaria and its Region, Department of Geography
occasional paper No.4, 1970
15
Urquhart A.W. Plannened Urban Landscapes of Northern Nigeria, A.B.U, Press, Zaria, 1977

- 27 -
 complex, which to some extent reflected in other North African cities. The success and failures of

this process are analysed dispassionately.

Though the book attempted a historical approach in its study, it pays more attention to

physical development, especially with technical design aspects. The major strength of the book

lies in its detailed and painstaking analysis of the development of what must be one of the most

complex and varied Africa's urban settlements.

Another works of importance was Guide to Zaria Area.16 The book is essentially a guide

and it was compiled to provide a brief and selective introduction to the Zaria area. The book is of

immense significance for our study. This is because it provides information on the various aspects

of Birnin Zaria such as; its history, culture, crafts, geography, fauna and flora as well as its

economy. The weakness of the book lies in its lack of details in many aspects of Birnin Zaria. This

was as a result of it ambition to cover all aspects of Zaria.

Alhaji Shehu Idris the 18th Fulani 'Emir of Zazzau by Usman Dalhatu and Musa Hassan17

is also relevant to the study. The book is essentially a biography of his Highness the Emir of

Zazzau Alhaji Shehu Idris. Like most biographies, it was a commissioned project and therefore,

might not be devoid of biased information in favour of the person that paid for the project. The

book seems to believe in the Bayajidda legend. It also wrongly believes that the Jihad in Birnin

Zaria took place in 1804 rather than 1808. However, despite the above flows the book is useful in

providing us information about the early history of Birnin Zaria, the history of Katsinawa dynasty

and the circumstances leading to the emergence of the four ruling dynasties in Zaria. It also

provides us with information about the history of the old Palaces and Mosques in Birnin Zaria.

16
Zaria Field Society, Guide to Zaria Area, 1978
17
Usman Dalhatu and Musa Hassan, Alhaji Shehu Idris the 18th Emir of Zazzau, Books Africana, 2000

- 28 -
 Government in Zazzau by M.G Smith18 was one of the major works that was also used for

this study. The study was concerned with the history of the Government of Zazzau centred at

Zaria in the 19th century. The study has some methodological problems. For example it was locked

into a form of a system theory, which insisted that the dynamics of Government of Zazzau could

be reconstructed without reference to the economic and social systems. This is demonstrated in his

examination of the Government of Zazzau as a distinct system with it own dynamics related to but

separate from the social system in which it was found. It also perceived Zazzau as a tribal society

where all social-political activity took place on tribal basis between two opposing groups i.e. Habe

and the Fulani. This explained all the mistakes and misrepresentations of facts as explained by

[Link].19 The Book also misunderstood the real nature of Zazzau society. The chronology of

Fulani rulers of Zaria as provided in the book is also defective.20

Despite the above shortcomings the book will .be useful to us in reconstructing the system

of administration of Zazzau from the pre-colonial times to 1902. We can also have information

concerning the Jihad in Zaria and the establishment of Fulani rule. The book also provides

information on the process of the intervention of Britain on the local activities of the people of

Zaria.

Another work by M.G. Smith, The economy of Hausa Communities of Zaria 21is also very

relevant. It is a socio-economic survey of the settlements of the Northern half of Zaria. This was to

determine the level of income gained by the various individual families and occupational groups as

well as the nature and pattern of their spending.22 M.G. Smith started by examining the "Social

structure of the communities under study before moving to discuss the household spending or what
18
M.G. Smith, Government of Zazzau, London, 1970
19
Y.B. Usman, “The problem of ethnic categories in the study of the Historical Development of the Central Sudan: A critique of [Link] and
others”. Pp.1-10
20
Murray Last. A solution to dynastic chronology in19th century, Zaria and kano “:JHSN, vol.111, NO.3(DEC.1966)PP461 - 468
21
M.G. Smith, The economy of Hausa Communities of Zaria, London, 1955
22
Ibid

- 29 -
he called the modern Economy. The book has some problems one of which is the racist

anthropological perception of viewing the society as essentially ethnically divided in which all

social and economic relations were ethnically structured. It is wrong to view Zaria in the 1950's in

this light. This is because the society of Zaria by this time was so highly integrated that distinctions

were made only on occupational, ward or lineage basis. The major strength of the book lies on its

comprehensive information and in-depth analysis on the income of various groups and their

spending patterns.

The book Dynastic chronology of Fulani Zaria by F.C. Smith23 is relevant to our study. The

work is fundamentally an attempt to draw attention to some of the defects associated with the

dynastic chronology of the 19th century rulers of Zaria as suggested by M.G. Smith.24 H.F.C.

Smith argued that the error arose as a result of over reliance on sources that were defective. He

went on to point out that such errors in dating were capable of jeopardising the whole thesis with

regards to the reasons why political events took place. He further argued that the task of the

Historian is to establish sound chronology by all means possible or to admit the limitations of his

reconstruction.25 The strength of the article lies in its ability to direct our attention to the issue of

the dynastic chronology of Zaria as well as the need to establish a reliable dynastic chronology for

19th century Zaria. Its limitation lies in its inability to provide us with a solution to the problem in

question.

Another article is the “solution to the problems of the dynastic chronology in 19th century

Zaria and Kano,”26 JHSN vol.111, No.3 Dec. 1966, by D.M. Last is also relevant for our study.

The work was fundamentally a response to the question of the dynastic chronology in 19th century

23
F.C Smith Dynastic chronology of Fulani Zaria, JHSN, II: 2, 1961
24
M.G. Smith, Government in Zazzau, London, 1960; S.J. Hogben and A.H.M. Kirk Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, Oxford, 1966, P.
236-237
25
H.F.C. Smith, The dynastic chronology of Fulani Zaria, op-cit.
26
D.M Last, solution to the problems of the dynastic chronology in 19th century Zaria and Kano,”26 JHSN vol.111, No.3 Dec. 1966

- 30 -
Zaria raised by H. F. C. Smith. It started with an over view of the Jihad in Zaria and Kano that led

to the establishment of the two Emirates. It then went on to argue that it is imperative in order to

put the Zaria Jihad in its new perspective to view it in relation to the campaigns in the neighboring

states of Kano and Katsina as well as with the main campaigns of Shehu Usman Dan Fodio and his

jama'a.27 The strength of the article lies in its ability to reconstruct the dynastic chronology of Zaria

and Kano using primary sources such as Taqyid al akhbar by Qadi Muhammad b. Salih, Infaq al

Maisur by Muhammad Bello. However, the article suffers from a limitation, which lies on its

inability to give a detailed and comprehensive study on the jihad in Birnin Zaria.

Another invaluable material consulted for the study is 'Before Zaria: Evidence for

Kankuma (Kangoma) and its successor states, by D. M. Last. The article is a study on the earlier

inhabitants of Zaria. It provided different hypotheses on the origin of the founders of Birnin Zaria.

It pointed out that Zaria had existed as a kingdom under different name before the 15th century and

that its rulers were Kamuku and not Hausa. It also argued that the Kwangoma federation was

successor heir to the Nok culture and that Zaria emerged only in the 16th century as a result of a

split of the kingdom at Turunku. The article concludes that it was this development that led to the

Hausa rule from c.1641.28 It should however be noted that by this date Zaria had already became

the capital city of Zazzau.29

Apart from the above flaw in Murray Last's argument, there are other weaknesses. One is

that, there is no systematic analysis of the lexical structure, meaning or phonological form to

demonstrate empirically that consonant /k/ in the word Kan/k/uma can be changed to either

Kwan/g/oma or /G/unguma or even when it is changed it will refer to Kankuma. Secondly, there is

27
D.M Last, ‘A solution to the problems of dynastic chronology in 19th century Zaria and Kano,’ JHSN, vol. Iii, No. 3 (Dec. 1966) pp.461-462
28
D.M Last, ‘Before Zaria: Evidence for Kankuma (Kwangoma) and its successor states”, in Y.B. Usman et al (eds) Facts and values in the
Nigerian historiography, U p. 80
29
Enoch O Oyedele, Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria: Kaduna 1913 – 1960, Ph d thesis A.B.U. Zaria, 1987, p.54

- 31 -
no any systematic linguistic analysis or corroboration in all written king list or written internal

sources available to suggest that /Gumguma/ was ever written as /Kankuma/. Thirdly, there is no

tradition which indicate that the name Zazzau was ever written or known by he name of

/Gumguma or /Kankuma.30

(b) UNPUBLISHED WORKS

A number of unpublished materials were also used in the work. These were made up of

seminar papers and theses. Few are worth mentioning here.

The papers presented at the History workshop constituted parts of the major unpublished

works used for this work. The workshop was organised by the Northern History Research Scheme

under the Department of History A. B. U. Zaria in 1979. The aim of the workshop was to improve

public knowledge about the history of Zaria.31 The following papers were presented at the

workshop:

1) Tarihin gidan Katuka a Zaria, by Alhaji Muhammadu Fagachi Zazzau.

2) Tarihin Fulanin, Anguwar Juma Birnin Zaria a takaice, by Alhaji Abubakar Sadiq Abbas,
3) Zazzau ko Kasar Zazzau-kafin jihadi, by A. R, Nuhu,
4) Tarihin zuwan Turawa Zaria (daga 1903 - 1975), by Alhaji Bello Usman.
5) Politics in Zaria, 1900-1975, by Muhammadu Jumare.
The papers taken together are relevant to our research they provide us with a variety of

information about Zaria such as the early history of Zaria, the history of the evolution of some

settlements (quarters) within the city, emergence of lineage groups, the jihad in the Birni, the

process leading to the emergence of the four ruling dynasty, British penetration and final conquest

of Zaria and so on. However the papers suffer from one basic problem that got to do with the
30
Mahdi Adamu,
31
Alhaji Bala Kuki, A key note address at the workshop on the history of Zaria by the Commissioner for Education, Kaduna state, 1979

- 32 -
failure of most of the authors of the papers to mention the source of their information or how they

came about it.

Another paper of importance is the economy of a Hausa capital: Zaria in the 18th and 19th

centuries by Mahdi Adamu.32 The paper is essentially a study on the dominant position of cities in

the economic life of the people of Hausa land in general and Zaria in particular. The paper opens

with an attempt to trace the early history of Zaria, which the paper attributed to the 15th century. It

then went on to examine the major activities through which people satisfied their economic

requirements before 1900 A.D. This included agriculture, crafts, commerce, and the service

industry and government service. It argued that even though most of the production was done in

the rural areas, it was the state headquarters through their multi functional roles, which determined

quality and styles of products. The strength of the paper lies in its ability to provide us information

on the economy of Birnin Zaria before about 1900.

The development and functions of city walls in the Savannah belt of the Nigerian area by

Bala Achi33 was also consulted for this study. The thesis examines the development and major

functions of city walls in the Savannah area from 1100 A.D. to 1903 A.D. It examines the

emergence and the consolidation of the power of the Sarki, sources of wealth and of labour of the

city and the types of relationships that existed between the city and the peripheral towns and

villages. The strength of the thesis rests on its detail and in-depth analysis on city Walls and their

functions. However, the work is limited in the sense that the area of study was just discussed in

one chapter.

32
Mahdi Adamu, the economy of a Hausa capital: Zaria in the 18th and 19th centuries HRAA vol. Vi 1981
33
Bala Achi, The development and functions of city walls in the Savanna belt of the Nigerian area M.A. Thesis ABU, Zaria, 1985

- 33 -
 Another thesis by Enoch Oyedele, colonial urbanization in Northern Nigeria: Kaduna

1913-1960 was also useful.34 It is a study on colonial urbanization. The thesis traced the process of

urbanization on the Zaria plains to the second half of the first millennium A.D. It should be noted

that the large towns on the Zaria plains were linked directly to the smaller towns and villages

through the payment of taxes and tributes. It examines the nature and scope of urbanization on the

plains Zaria in the pre-colonial period. The major aspects of the urbanization process in Hausa land

before 1900 was also highlighted in the thesis. This includes the centrality of agriculture and

industrial production in urbanization, close economic and22 cultural interdependence, of the

towns and rural hinterland, migration, religion and revolutionary movements.

The work is rich in details and comprehensive, but our study area was not treated in some

details. However, this not withstanding the work was useful in reconstructing the early history of

Birnin Zaria.

History of Sabon Gari, Zaria, 1911-1950: A study of colonial urban Administration by

Author Dhiliwayo35 was also used for the research. The thesis is a study on colonial urbanization

and Administration with particular reference to Sabon Gari Zaria. The thesis demonstrated that

colonial Sabon Gari in Zaria was not planted on a virgin soil but on an area, which had along

tradition of urbanization. The exact nature and processes in the establishment of the settlement,

which developed into Birnin Zaria and the inception of the process of the growth of the city are

still matters of speculation and heated debate. This is reflected in the number of versions relating to

the origins of the city. The work is generally rich in details. But our area of study was not

discussed in detailed. However, despite this shortcoming the book was useful to our study in the

sense that it gave us insight into the process leading to the establishment, of Birnin Zaria.

34
Enoch Oyedele, colonial urbanization in Northern Nigeria: Kaduna 1913-1960 (Ph.D. thesis ABU, Zaria, 1987
35
Author Dhiliwayo, History of Sabon Gari, Zaria, 191.1-1950: A study of colonial urban Administration Ph.D. thesis ABU, Zaria, 1986

- 34 -
- 35 -
 CHAPTER ONE
THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF BIRNIN ZARIA

1.0 INTRODUCTION:
This chapter attempts to examine the natural environment of Birnin Zaria with a

view to finding out its relevance to the development and interpretation of the course of

human history in Birnin Zaria up to the beginning of the 20th century. In the course of

doing so, particular attention shall be paid to such environmental features as, the geology,

topography, climate, soil, fauna and flora of the area.

A close study of the natural environment in the historical development of any

society is imperative. This is because it is only when the environmental background to

man’s activities is properly established that we can have a proper grasp of the dynamics of

human development. This assumption is based on the fact that the first premise of history is

the existence of man, whose primary role in historical development is the production of

goods and services to satisfy his needs.36 Hence, there is a dialectical relationship between

man and his environment, which creates inter-relationship between man and nature. That is

to say while the environment plays a major role in shaping human history, man also shapes

and utilizes the environment for his benefits depending on the level of man’s technological

development.

There are two dominant views in relation to how a historian looks at and studies his

environment. One of the views tends to see man as a passive actor in his environment and

therefore only adopts himself to it and nothing else, while the other view insists on the

centrality of man in influencing, and controlling his environment. Kar1 Marx clearly

demonstrated man as a socially active producer:

36
Karl Marx, Capital: A critique of political economy, vol. One, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977, p.175

- 36 -
 (Man)…. confronts the material of nature as one of his own
forces. He sets in motion arms, legs, heads and hands, the
natural forces of his body in order to appropriate the
material of nature in a form suitable for his own needs. By
thus acting through this motion on the nature, which is
outside him and changing it, he at the same time changes
his own nature.37

In our discussions here, we did not view the relationship between the natural

environment and man from the deterministic perspective in which man is always

responding passively to environmental factors. Instead, we see the relationship as a

dynamic one involving a two way process in which the two actively interact with one

another resulting in peculiar cultural and socio-economic developments.

2. GEOLOGY

Zaria is located between Latitudes 11o4”N and Longitudes 7o42” E. It forms a vast

plain (penne plain) worn down through geological time dotted with crystalline rocks of

long antiquity dating to the pre-Cambrian age.38 These materials are hard contorted and

foliated rocks, consisting mainly of gneisses, schist, biotites and quartzite.39 These were

good materials for the production of stone tools. This may explain the presence of

assemblage of stone stools on the Zaria plains.

Lateritic ironstone also developed during the Pliocene period, which was covered in

most areas by Pleistocene alluvial deposits consisting of clay, sands and gravels ranging

between 12.32 and 24.64 meters thick.40 This formed an important source of iron ore.

There are evidences in the form of iron slags and abandoned smelting ovens, in many parts

37
Ibid.
38
The Leverhulme Trust, The West Africa Commission 1938 – 1939, Technical Reports, Waterlow and sons Ltd London, 1943, p.9
39
Ibid. P.9
40
Wright J.B. and McCurry P. “Geology” in M.J. Mortimore (ed) Zaria and its Region, Geography Department occasional paper No.4, 1970 , pp 8-
10

- 37 -
 of Zaria, which suggests that the early inhabitants of Zaria effectively harnessed such

resources for their use.41

3. TOPOGRAPHY:

The topography of Zaria consists of gently undulating plains that extend almost

unbroken from Sokoto to Lake Chad and beyond.42 The highest part of the Zaria plains is

over 831.6 meters.43 Hilly features of two kinds characterize the plains. These are rocks

inselbergs and lateritic ironstone capped mesas. The inselbergs vary considerably in

dimension and shape. They are both found within and outside the Birni in areas like

Kufena, Madarkachi, Tukur-Tukur, Dumbi, Hange and Fantambari.44 The Mesas are less

conspicuous because they are partly hidden by woody bushes. They rise to a height of 4.62

to 15.4 meters thick.45 Excellent examples of Mesas are found in few areas such as Kofar

Fada, Anguwan Juma and Jamawa.

There are three dominant granitic outcrops in Birnin Zaria namely: Kufena,

Madarkachi and Tukur-Tukur hills. They are enclosed within a single wall, which form the

setting of an old legend centred on two giants who lived at the top of the hills and ate from

a common bowl placed in between them. According to the legend Madarkachi was so

named because Madara, who lived on the hilltop, was asked by one of the other giants,

“Madara kaci?” i.e. “Madara have you eaten”?46

The physical environment of Birnin Zaria seems to have contributed in determining

not only the settlement pattern of the area, but also its economic, social and cultural

41
Sutton, J.E.G. “Iron-working around Zaria,” ZAP 8, 1976, pp1-20
42
Thorp, M.B. “Landforms” in Mortimore, M.J. (ed), Zaria and its region, op-cit, p.13.
43
Reuben K. Udo, Geographical Regions of Nigeria, Heinemann, London, 1970, p158
44
Thorp M.B. “Landforms” in Zaria and its Region, op cit p 15-17
45
Ibid.
46
Urquhart, A.W, planned urban landscapes of Northern Nigeria, Ahmadu Bello University Press, Zaria, 1977, p.10

- 38 -
 activities as well as its security system. In the first instance, its geographical features

especially the inselbergs encouraged the concentration of population around them, which

facilitated the process of urbanization in Birnin Zaria.

The inselbergs were also used for military purposes for they provided defence

against external invasions and were also ideal in serving the religious needs of the

society.47 It was these factors that served as a catalyst to population growth, the formation

of village settlements, the emergence of new social and religious associations and patterns

of authority that transcended family structures on the Zaria plains. These included

associations or social relations of production based on age groups or occupations such as

hunting and priesthood.

Unmistakable evidence of early settlement abounds on the inselbergs. These include

the ruins (kufai) of ancient buildings, grinding hollows, potsherds and stone implements

which can still be found on or around the inselbergs.48

Secondly, the unique geographical features of the Zaria area combined with its good

climate and vegetation influenced the practice of agriculture and crafts in Birnin Zaria,

which also prepared the ground for the development of some forms of organised political

communities that later transformed into centralised political institutions in Zaria.

4. HYDROLOGY:

The topography and climate of the region have significant impact on the hydrology

and the amount of water that is available at any given time within the year. Both surface

47
Abdullahi Smith, “The early States of the Central Sudan”, in, George Kwanashie etal (eds), A little new light, selected Historical writings of
Abdullahi Smith, 1987
48
Sutton J.E.G; Kufena and its Archaeology" ZAP 15, 1977, p.10-23; Guide to Zaria, Zaria field society, 1978, p.27.

- 39 -
and underground water are available in the hydrological zones. The more humidity in the

microclimate the more water was available. The water on the plains of Zaria was drained in

the River Saye to the South, River Kubanni to the North and River Galma to the east. These

rivers in turn empty their waters in River Kaduna. Within Birnin Zaria it-self there are

several streams, which flow into these Rivers. Most of the streams are perennial in that they

are subject to great seasonal fluctuations in water level. In the dry season, the smaller rivers

have little or no water in them. However they usually get flooded during the rainy season.

These seasonally flooded lands (fadamas) are very important as valuable agricultural lands.

Crops like sugar cane, rice, onions, tomatoes and tobacco were extensively cultivated in the

fadamas. The ground water level also falls rapidly during the dry season as a result of

seepage, extraction or by high-density evapo-transpiration. However the water table in

Zaria is usually quite high and wells are sunk to a comparatively shallow depth of about

15.4meters.

Streams that traversed the plains of Birnin Zaria and flow into these rivers included

Kamacha. This stream rises from River Saye and then branches into two, one passing

through Rimin Danza, Anguwan Fatika, Fanwanki and Gangaren Tukurwa. The other

branch passes outside Kofar Jatau and Government Day Secondary School Kofar Tukur-

Tukur into Gangaren Tukurwa where it joins again with the other branch and continues

through Magume and Gaskiya in Tudun Wada and finally drains into River Kubanni. The

second stream is Rafin Sarki, which flows from Fadamar Bono, located around Babban

Dodo in the heart of Birnin Zaria and passes through Kaura and then separates with one

part passing through Anguwan Liman, Hancin Kare, and Kofar Kona and empties itself

into River Saye. While the other branch passes through areas between Anguwan Kaura and

- 40 -
 Anguwan Bishar into Kofar Kona and drains into River Saye. The third stream rises from

Jakara by the Zaria city market and passes through the ward of Kusfa to the River Saye.

The last of these streams flows Southeast rising from the inselberg of Madarkachi passing

through Fafanya, Bula, and Kusfan Batso and empties its waters into the Saye River.49

The significance of these streams to the pattern of the historical evolution of Birnin

Zaria could be seen from the fact that they encouraged and supported the establishment and

growth of human settlements in the Birni. This was because the streams provided not only

source of good drinking water for the inhabitants and their livestock but also clay for

making pots, abundant grass for feeding animals, good fadama land for both rainy and dry

seasons farming activities, fish for protein and so on and a good drainage system.

5. SOILS:

Soils are formed by the action of moisture; vegetation; animals and man on the

loose products formed by the weathering of rocks.50 Climatic conditions are involved at

every stage of these processes. Hence, there is a broad parallelism between soil types and

the main climatic belts.51

Most of the soils in the Zaria area fall under the leached ferruginous

(jangargari/jarkasa) tropical soils. While the soils near the inselbergs may be classified as

weakly developed soils the Fadama soils are described as hydromorphic soils which are

more fertile for agricultural purposes.52

49
See Thorp M.B. “Landforms” in Mortimore M.J. (ed) Zaria and its region, [Link]. Pp.13 – 14; Ogujumbi, A, Hydrogeology of past Galma Basin,
B.S.C. Geology, ABU, Zaria 1983; Adeyemi, A.G. Geology and hydrogeology of Zaria, 1983; Adedeju M.A. Hydrogeology of the Kubanni
Drainage Basin, Zaria, [Link] Sociology, A.B.U. Zaria 1976.
50
The Lever hulme Trust, The West Africa Commission, op cit. p.9.
51
Ibid p.9
52
K. Klinkenberg, “Soils” in Zaria and its Region, Op cit. p.58.

- 41 -
 A close study of the soils of the area indicates that the lower part of the soil is

derived insitu from the underlying weathered gneiss and contains pieces of quartz and

mica. While the upper part is a mixture of similar material combined with transported,

probably wind blown particles.53

The process of soils formation is characterized by the accumulation of clay between

a depth of 36 and 119cm. Iron deposits are found below the layer of clay, which is

indicated by the appearance of red mottles. At the lower level hard iron concretions are

found. Higher up the slope, there is an improvement in the drainage conditions and the soils

are generally reddish in colour. There is complete absence of mottles at this level, although

a few may occur at greater depths. But generally, iron concretions are absent at such levels.

The soils gradually become greyer in colour, lower down the slope and there is the

occurrence of mottled horizon nearer to the surface. There is increase in the number of iron

concretions here, while in some places iron pan can be seen out cropping at lower slope

positions.

The soils in the fadama areas are mostly dark grey clays with poor drainage. The

soils here have been formed mostly with alluvial material. They are therefore rich in

nutrients and have a good water supply in excess that persists in the dry season. Because of

the fertility of the soil, various crops like rice, sugar cane, cassava, indigo, vegetables and

tobacco are grown on the fadama soil all the year round in areas like Kamacha, Tukur-

Tukur, Tukurwa, Fadamar Bono and so on.54 Lateritic iron pan features prominently in

many places at the level of about 700m (2,300 ft), which looks hard and vesicular in

appearance and it sometimes contain quartz.

53
Ibid. p. 55.
54
Urquhart, A.W. planned urban landscapes, op cit. Pp.20-21.

- 42 -
 Deep soils usually occur in areas around the granitic inselbergs. The soils consist

mainly of weathered materials and they also contain a lot of un-weathered fragments of

quartz and feldspar. Very deep red clay soils are found further away from the inselbergs.

The soils are mottled and generally of a grey colour in the lower slopes and in poorly

drained areas.

Most of the soils contain 30-40 percent55 of clay at a reasonable depth and this

allows for good moisture retention. The soils are inherently rather poor and cannot

therefore sustain intensive agriculture for long without the use of fertilizer. To maintain the

fertility of the soil, farmers in the area used the method of shifting cultivation and bush

fallow in agricultural production, which replaced permanent cultivation.56

The significance of the soil type can be seen in the predominance of agriculture as

the main occupation of the people of Zaria. The plains of Zaria with their comparatively

fertile soils and reliable rainfall attracted human settlement for at least 2,000 years.57

6. CLIMATES

The climate of an area plays a significant role in relation to its effect on the

character of vegetation as well as the people’s way of life and their pattern of economic

activities.58 For this reason, the climate of Zaria deserves a closer examination here.

55
K. Klmkenberg, “Soils” in Zaria and its region,, op cit. P.58
56
Urquhart A.W. Planned urban landscapes, op cit. P.26.
57
ibid. P26.
58
Reuben K. Udo, “Environments and peoples of Nigeria”, in Obaro Ikime (ed), Ground work of Nigerian history, Heinemann Educational Books
Plc, 1980, p.10.

- 43 -
 Zaria belongs to the tropical continental climate and it is characterized by distinct

wet and dry seasons. The wet season occurs between April and October, while the dry

season occurs between November and April. The annual rainfall of the area is 43.0

inches.59 The mean daily maximum temperature of Zaria shows a major peak in April and a

minor one in October. The daily maximum temperature rises gradually from January and

attains its highest level in April then drops rapidly to its lowest level in August.

The climate of Zaria is influenced by two distinct air masses that bring about rainy

and dry seasons. One of them is the N.E. Tropical Continental air mass. It comes from the

Sahara Desert between October and May and its dusty dry wind brings about the dry

season. The other air mass is the S.W. Tropical maritime, which comes across the Atlantic.

It is warm and wet and brings with it rains.60

The people of Zaria were greatly influenced by the climatic condition of the area in

two fundamental ways. Firstly, the occurrence of the seasons over the years enabled the

people to divide the year into seasons. Secondly, the two dominant seasons, i.e. wet and dry

seasons influenced and determined the economic and social activities of the people in the

area. For instance, the wet season is always the busiest period of the year. This is mainly

because farming was and still is the major activity in Zaria. The dry season is the period of

bush clearance, preparation of seedlings, building of new huts, hunting, fishing, festivities,

long-term trading expedition, marriage celebrations, formerly slave raids and wars.61 Any

attempt to study the climate of Zaria should take the various seasons of the year into

consideration. These are: Damina, Marka, Kaka and Bazara.

a. DAMINA:

59
P.N. Hore, “Weather and climate,” in Zaria and its Region, [Link]. P.41
60
Ibid. pp. 41-42.
61
M.G Smith, Government in Zazzau, London, 1970, P.1

- 44 -
 Damina (wet season) usually commences in the Zaria area between late April and

early May. It is influenced by the movement in the surface position of Inter Tropical

Discontinuity (ITD) further north.62 The onset of rainy season (Damina) is usually heralded

by fierce storms, which is often destructive to lives and properties. After the first rainfall

ruwan Shuka or ruwan farko, cereals like millet (gero) and guinea corn (dawa) are usually

planted almost at the same time. Crops like rice (shinkafa), tiger nut (aya), peanut (gyada);

maize (masara) and indigo (baba) follow shortly thereafter. The first weeding of the plant

takes place after two to three weeks. This is normally described as noman fari. This

involves a process popularly known as chiro where by the farmer reduces the shoots

leaving the plants to sprout in twos or threes. This enhances the growth of the plants.

Manure is also applied in order to increase the nutrient content of the soil for the plants to

grow well.

The second weeding of crops takes place after four to five weeks. This is known as

maimai and it involves repeating the same process as the first weeding. From the

commencement of rainfall onwards the monthly rainfall increases in each successive month

till August, which is the wettest month. The Damina is often the busiest and critical

moment of the farming season. The important farming activities during this period include

sowing and planting of seeds as well as weeding. Children and women do the sowing and

planting while men mostly do the weeding.

b. MARKA:

This is used to describe the peak of Damina. It is characterised by low temperature,

high humidity and frequency of high rainfall. This normally took place around August to

62
P.N. Hore, “Weather and climate”, in Zaria and its region, op cit. P 50.

- 45 -
 September. It is observed that there is cessation of rigorous farming activities during this

period. This is because by this period most crops are either ready for harvest or at the

ripening stage. The main agricultural activities at this stage included the harvesting of early

crops such as millet (gero), groundnut (gyada) and planting of late crops like beans (wake)

and potatoes (dankali). Then there might be bankasa (ploughing of corn ridges). Most

harvesting activities were done by women, while men do the ploughing.

c. KAKA:

This marks the period of less frequent rains before it finally ceases in October. The

kaka (dry season) normally commences from September to early October when the ITD

starts moving southwards with the dry northeasterly air replacing the moist southwesterly

air from the surface winds. This event hastens the ripening process of crops, which is

followed by its harvest and storage. Children and women help in the harvesting, processing

and storage of the crops. The period after all crops might have been harvested and properly

stored for future use was usually a period of intense socio- cultural activities such as thanks

giving ceremonies, hunting, wedding, festivals, long-distance trading activities, building of

new houses and so on.

d. BAZARA:

This is the period of transition between the dry and rainy seasons. It is a very hot

uncomfortable season, which last until the new rains cools down the earth once again. It is

the Northward movement of the ITD that causes Bazara across the latitude of Zaria and its

environs. This is marked by a change in the direction of the surface winds and the moisture

- 46 -
 content of the air.63 The Bazara often commences in March and reaches its peak in

April/May. It is characterized by the rise in temperature and low-level of relative humidity.

Due to excessive evapotranspiration both surface and underground water dwindles

as discussed earlier on. This often causes adverse effect on vegetation and soils as well as

human and animal life. The Bazara is always a time of preparation for the next farming

season, which involves bush clearing and burning. Men primarily did this activity. Bush

burning sometimes has adverse effect on vegetation resulting in the reduction of a densely

forested area to a mere grassy and bushy one.

7. VEGETATION:

Zaria belongs to what plant geographers describe as the Northern Guinea Savannah

zone.64 This vegetation zone is characterized by the presence of variety of trees scattered

among the savannah grassland. The vegetation of Zaria like that of any other area is

influenced largely by four factors such as climate, soil, relief and man.65 Over the years, as

a result of the exceptional ability of man not only to adopt himself to the natural

environment, but also to radically transform it to satisfy his needs,66 the vegetation of the

area is greatly modified by human activities.67 It is on the basis of such human activities,

that the vegetation of Zaria can in reality be classified into Karkara, Saura and Daji.

a. KARKARA:

Karkara is a Hausa word that describes such vagetation zone as the one surrounding

the settlements within the immediate vicinity of the Birni and its environs. It is an area of

63
See M.J. Mortimore (ed) Zaria and its Region, op cit; Reuben K. Udo” Environments and peoples of Nigeria” in Obaro Ikime, Groundwork, of
Nigerian History opcit; Reuben K. Udo, comprehensive geography of West Africa, 1916; Staundinger Paul, In the Heart of Hausa States vol. 2,
Ohio, 1990; Ferguson, D.B, Nineteenth Century Hausa land PhD thesis U.C.L.A. 1973.
64
Jackson, G. ” Vegetation around the city and nearby villages of Zaria’’, in Zaria and its region, op cit. p. 61
65
NP, Iloeje, A new geography of Nigeria, Longman, Nigeria Ltd, 1965, p. 70
66
Alahira, H. A., “ Ecology and development: conceptualizing the problem of pastoralism in Nigeria”, a paper presented at the International
workshop on ecology and society in the History of Africa Sahel Savannah, at the University of Maiduguri, 22nd –28th September 1991, p.6
67
“Guide to Zaria”, op cit, p. 26; NP, Iloeje, A new geography of Nigeria op-cit, p. 71.

- 47 -
 permanent cultivation with useful trees scattered over a large expanse of land. A good

description of the Karkara can be glanced from Clapperton's report when he visited Zaria

in the nineteenth century as follows:

… within about 4 or 5 miles of Zaria, the country becomes

altogether clear of wood: except a patch here and there, all
was in pasture, or planted with rice, millet and daura. Herds
of beautiful cattle were feeding in the valleys, or lying
chewing the cud on the higher grounds. Zaria is known by
its tall trees, like long avenue of gigantic poplars (rimi)
running across the horizon from north to south, stretching
from the south end of one detached mount to the end of
another.68

The most common trees associated with the Karkara in the Zaria area are the locust

bean trees dorawa (parkia clappertoniana), kuka (Adonsonia digitata), tsamiya (tamarindus

indica), rimi (ceiba petandra), durumi (ficus polita), chediya (ficus thoninga), and giginya

(Borassus flabely). These trees are commonly associated with human habitations.69 In other

words the presence of these trees in clusters is indicators of early occupation sites. Their

presence on the plains of Zaria is attributable to their economic value for the people of the

area. For instance the seeds of dorawa were utilized in the preparation of popular food

seasoning locally known as daddawa, which formed an important trade commodity with

states such as Katsina, Kano, Sokoto and as far as Borno.70 While the husk of its fruits was

used in the plastering (dabe) of mud buildings and in the construction of walls, the

yellowish pulp was eaten directly after opening the pod of the fruit.71 Its bark was also

68
Clapperton H. Journal of a second expedition into the interior parts of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Socatto, London, 1966.
69
H. V., Lely, The useful trees of Northern Nigeria, London, 1925.
70
Barth H. Travels and Discoveries in north and central Africa, 111,1890, p. 98
71
J. O. Okpala, “Nigerian tree crops: parkia in the economy of the Savannah rural population” in Savannah vol. 10 No. 2, 1989, P.94

- 48 -
 utilised in the treatment of diseases as well as in tanning of leather. The leaves of kuka

(boabab) were used in the preparation of nutritious soup locally known as miyan kuka.

Rimi trees produce fibres that were used for making local clothes, pillows, cushions

and mattresses. The wood of the tree was used for making canoes and for military purposes

such as lifidi (quilted armour for horses). Apart from these the rimi trees also served some

strategic military functions. They were used as spy posts against the approach of enemies.72

Another important economic tree was the giginya tree. Almost every part of it was of

utilitarian value. The stem of the tree was cut into pieces to make azara (a termite proof

beam) used in roofing. This was because of its stiffness and its ability to withstand attacks

from insects and decays.73 The fruit was eaten and the seeds were planted to get tubers

known as muruchi, while the fronds were used in making ropes and baskets.74 The fruit of

tsamiya was used in the preparation of food and for medicinal purposes. It was also a host

to one of the wild silkworms (tsutsar tsamiya), which was of great economic value because

of the silk fibres it produces which was important in the production of expensive thread

known as zaren tsamiya useful in embroidery.

The dinya (vitrox donniana) is used in making madi and alewa (local sweet). While

the tree was useful for keeping of beehives, its leaves were used for making local ink

known as tawada. The wood like that of dorawa and tsamiya are useful in making

agricultural and household implements such as hoes (fartanya), axes (gatari), mortars

(turmi), pestles (tabarya), and stools (kujeru). Dabino (phoenix dactilifera), gwanda (corica

papaya) and melon (citrullus vulgaris) were utilized as fruits. Lalle, a plant belonging to the

lythraccae family of the henna of the Arabs lawsonia inermis was used to dye the hands,

72 th
Oral sources, Alhaji Aminu Yakubu Wambai, Age 48 years, 19 August 2005
73
Dalziel, J. M., The useful plants of West Africa, 1916, p.496
74
An economic survey of Kaduna state agriculture, (Ministry of Economic Development, Kaduna state), 1979, Pp.155-159.

- 49 -
 palms, and finger nails by women. It is said that a ward (Anguwan Lalle) in Birnin Zaria

derived its name because of the preponderance of lalle in the area. The Bagaruwa tree was

used for leather tanning, while Kore (lergenaris vulgaris) was employed in the production

of household utensils in the form of durable and light bowls and bottles.

The kuka (boabab), tsamiya (trimindus) and rimi (silk cotton) trees occupied a

significant place in the religious belief of the people of the Zaria area. These trees were

believed to be the habitat of iskoki (spirits). This was true of other states of Hausa land

especially Katsina and Kano.75 In Birnin Zaria, the rimaye located in the northwest around

the gate of Kofar Jatau were also associated with great iskoki. There is also a ward known

as Rimin Danza inside Zaria, which was believed to have been a centre of religious

worship from the earliest time of the history of the kingdom. The name of the kingdom

Zazzau was reputed to have been named after the sword manufactured by a great

blacksmith known as Danzau. He was engaged in blacksmithing under a rimi tree popularly

known as Rimin Danza. The cultivation of soil and the preponderance of economic trees

that have some economic and religious significance are indications of the close material

and spiritual bond uniting the Zazzagawa to the environment and ecology of Kasar Zazzau.

b. SAURA:

This is the next vegetation belt after the karkara. It is made up of fallow land where

cultivation had ceased temporarily in order to allow the soil to regain its fertility. The most

common vegetation in this saura zone are bushes, shrubs and grasses, which consisted

mostly of kadanya ( shea butter), ciwo (thebeica), kaba (palm frond), sabara, kanya

(Diospyos mespiliformis), adduwa (Balanites aegyptica), kurna (Ziziphus spina Christi),

75
See Y. B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina, [Link].

- 50 -
 gawo (acacia), magarya (Ziziphus jujuba), kalgo (Bauhinia thonningii), and various type of

grasses. These trees are of immense economic importance to the people of Zaria. For

example the kadanya was utilized as cooking fat, illumine, medicinal ointment, hair dresser

and soap.76 Ciwo was eaten as fruit, while kaba was used to make ropes and mats and as

source of firewood. The leaves of sabara were utilized in the preparation of medicine for

the treatment of such ailment as, bilhazia, and stomach-related complaints and as

prophylactic against leprosy. The seeds of kanya were eaten as fruits. The adduwa fruits

were mixed with flour to make adduwa cakes. Kurna tree had berries that were eaten dried.

Acacia was employed to make ink and dye. Magarya or ‘’jijjube’’ was used for medicinal

purposes, while kalgo, geza and other scrubs were used for firewood. The existence of

abundant grasses in the saura provided excellent pasture for grazing of animals such as

cattle and sheep by both farmers and nomadic Fulani. Apart from serving as pastures the

various grasses were also used for making jinka (thatch roof), zana (used as curtains and

for fencing), kyauro (arrow), for local pens and light brooms. Some of the major grasses

are gamba (Andropogon guyanus), gude- gude, harkiya and tofa (imperata sp.).77

c. DAJI:

Daji is used to refer to a bushy or grassy area that is far removed from a permanent

settlement. It is usually made up of re-generated Savannah woodland,78 which harbours

numerous games and spirits (iskoki).

The daji contains other assorted types of trees of economic significance that were

exploited by the people of Zaria. The typical trees of this belt include: doka (isoberlina

76
Delziel, J.M. The useful plants of West Africa, opcit, P.353.
77
Nak MOA 2908 Pasture and grazing areas, op-cit, P. 41
78
Y.B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina…. opcit

- 51 -
 doka), madachi (khaya senegalensis), kadanya (Butryspermum parkia), marke

(Annogeissus schinpen) and scattered tukurwa (rhapia trees). The people of Zaria were able

to exploit these natural resources from the earliest period to satisfy their needs. For instance

the Daji provided an area of uncultivated land suitable for animal grazing and hunting.

Through these activities, the people of Zaria obtained the following: meat, skin, the hides

of Buffalo and other large animals for shield (garkuwa), sandals, saddliers, and containers,

feathers, horns, animals’ dung, for charms and other medicinal purposes and elephant tusk

for ivory.

The people of Zaria also exploited other natural resources and economic trees that

were available in the Daji. These included kiriya wood that was used by iron smelters as

fuel in their furnaces. Sansani was used for charms and a number of curative and

preventive preparations. The maje (Dannelles oliveri) was utilized in the preparation of

items for domestic use. These included hoes and knives handles, mortar and pestle, stool

and other things.

8. FAUNA:

The nature and characteristics of the fauna in any area is largely hinged on factors

such as climate, topography, and the nature of the soil and the extent of human exploitation

of the vegetation of the area.79 The fauna of Zaria is typical of the savannah belt with its

abundant grasses for grazing animals, which attracted predators and cattle rearers into the

79
Ibid.

- 52 -
 region.80 It also harbours a wide range of animals such as large mammals, birds, reptiles,

amphibians, fishes and numerous insects. These influenced human activities in the area.

The common fauna found around Zaria includes horses (dawakai), camels(rakuma),

sheep (tumaki), donkeys (jakuna), cattle (shanu), goat (awaki), rams (raguna), turkey

(talotalo), cat (mage), ducks (agwagi) pigeons (tantabaru), fowls (kaji) and dogs

(karnuka). The people of Zaria were able to domesticate these animals to satisfy their

dietary and socio-economic needs. These animals such as donkeys, camels and horses were

used as means of transportation and therefore constituted an important source of wealth for

their owners, while birds such as ducks, turkeys, pigeons and fowls were important source

of proteins. The hide and skin of animals like sheep, cattle and goats were used for several

purposes such as whips, bridles, sandals, ropes, throngs and straps, while their bones were

incinerated to produce alli (white chalk) which was used for cotton spinning and facial

decorations.

Predators such as Zaki (pathera loe) lion, giwa (laxodoute Africa) elephant, damisa

(pathera pardus) leopard, Argeni (Acconyx jubetus) cheetah, mugun dawa (phacocoerus

aethopicus) warth hog, rakumin daji (Girrafe canelopardalis) giraffe, Jan alhanzir

(potamocherus purcus) red river hogs, Gwanki (hippotragus Ezuinus) Antelope, Bauna

(syncerus caffer) African Buffalo, Mariri (Dryx Dammah) horned oryz, Barewa (Gazzella

Raffi froms) were in existence in the Zaria area but are now extinct due to the heavy

exploitation of the vegetation of the area.

80
Thurstan Shaw, Hunters, gatherers, and farmers in West Africa in J.V.S. Megaw(ed), Hunters, gatherers and first farmers beyond Europe,
Leicester University Press, 1977.

- 53 -
 A number of other wild animals could also be observed. These included Gwaggo

(primates) Baboon, chimpanzee (lepas glodytes), Juda (vivers civet), Kurege (Anomokus),

Bushiya (Catueix Abirenhide) hedgehogs, Zomo (Lepus) African hare. These were found

around the inselbergs of Kufena and Dumbi.

Hyenas were also found in great numbers in the Zaria area, which in the past used

to roam into the city at night for pry. There is a pond inside Zaria known as akushin Kura

that literally means the bowl of hyena around Madaka ward. It is said that hyenas used to

assemble there in large numbers in the past to prey on dead animals thrown in the pond.

They also preyed on men and animals. Hyenas and monkeys were used for display in

market places and wherever people congregated during important occasions. Some people

practiced this as an occupation. The people of Zaria were effective hunters and trappers of

these predators because of their values as discussed above. The skin of animals such as

lions and leopards were used for medicine. Ivory was obtained from the tusk of elephants

and constituted a significant item for long distant trade. The horns of some of the animals

were used as musical instruments (kaho) by musicians.

One of the most striking features of the area was its abundance of variety of lizards

such as Agawa (kutu), chameleon (hawainiya). Snakes (macizai) were very rare and out of

the 100 snakes type in Nigeria only the savannah species are found in the Zaria area. The

venomous snakes are the cobra and viper families. The cobra (Gamsheka) have hollow

front fangs through which they can inject small quantities of concentrated fast acting

venom which attack the nervous system to cause paralysis or heart failure. Other types of

snakes included carpet viper (kububuwa or gajera). Vipers generally inject venom, which

attack the blood cells and body tissues causing internal bleeding and tissue bleeding. Also

- 54 -
 available was the puff adder (kasa). Snake charmers who wrapped them up round their

necks or put them in baskets for display collected these different types of snakes. These

provided an occupation to some members of the community.

The Zaria region was blessed with a number of birds, which numbered up to 370

species. This included about 225 species, which could be seen throughout the year with

many local and long distance migrants at particular seasons. The typical birds of the Zaria

area were weaverbirds, (kanari), owl (mujiya), eagle (mikiya), parrot (Aku), vultures

(angulu), cattle egrate (belbela) and hawks (shirwa). Birds were among the food resources

that were available to the earliest inhabitant of Zaria.

The environment of Zaria also provides habitats for other small creatures such as

insects. The most notorious of these was the tsetse fly, which was rampant since the earliest

period in the history of the Kingdom. Their presence may have influenced the movement

and settlement of people in the area, as people tended to avoid settlement by riverbanks

where the tsetse flies predominated. A contributing factor to the defeat of the Jukun

invasion of the area of Zaria was associated with the plague caused by the tsetse flies.81

Butterflies, (malam bude littafi) on the other hand were relatively harmless and commonest

insects. A wide variety of Butterflies exist which included papilio and catepiller. Also a lot

of grass hopers were common and many of them were agricultural pests chewing almost

every plant. They were also used as supplementary source of protein for the people. Other

pests like the termites (isoptera) gara are destructive causing great havoc to stored grains.

There were also a number of insects that caused health problems. These included

81
Oral source, Alhaji Abdullahi Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau), Age, 80 years, 10th March 2002.

- 55 -
 cockroaches (kyankyaso), common flies (kuda), Beatle (gungura kashi), mosquitoes

(sauro), tumbu flies and ticks (kaska).

Spiders, millipedes, centipedes and scorpions were also found in Zaria. They belong

to phylum arthropoda family group. Their numerous legs distinguish them from others.

While spiders cause skin diseases, scorpions can cause death. There were several species of

scorpions in Zaria area with the small brown species that has the strongest venom as the

most dangerous. In addition to these insects there were also bees that provided honey which

were used in various kinds of drinks and for medicinal purposes. The silkworm (Bombyx

mori) tsutsan tsamiya was also common in Zaria. It was of economic significance because

it provided fibres that were used in the manufacture of expensive clothes popularly known

as rigar tsamiya as mentioned earlier on. The significance of abundance of games to the

people of Zaria was that it provided the basis for the great hunting tradition of the Zaria

people.82 The role of hunting in the location and relocation of settlements and their

boundaries was clearly highlighted by O. Temple.

Hunting plays a major role among those factors which combine

to establish and define a territory. When a village is settled the
surroundings are explored by these hunters and their expedition:
as they blaze the trees to mark their return outline the new
domain.83

The oral tradition of the people of Zaria strongly supported the above assertion. It

has shown that races of giant hunters like Danzau, Madara and Bono founded early

82
Ibrahim M. B., “ The history of the land of Zazzau, Gaskiya Corporaion, Zaria, n.d; Bryant K. J., This is Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation
83
Mei Illassouux C., Social organisation of the peasantry, in Seddons (ed) p. 163

- 56 -
 settlements in the Zaria area such as Kufena, Madarkachi as well as areas around the

Fadamar Bono within the Birni.84

The fauna of Zaria is also important in understanding the cosmology, religion and

other social practices of the people. For instance myth, proverbs and fables were developed

around the behaviour of some of the animals, which were interpreted in terms of human

emotions such as joy, beauty, goodness, sadness, greed, trust, mischief, mockery, and

delight. Lions were regarded as strong, majestic and brave while antelopes embodied

beauty, grace, swiftness and the epitome of beautiful woman. Elephant was portrayed as fat

glutton and stupid. Hyena was considered dirty, while baboon was perceived as childish,

ugly, forceful, and imitative. These featured prominently in the fables and tales of the

Zazzagawa people.

84
Ibrahim M. B., The History of the land of Zazzau, [Link].

- 57 -
9. CONCLUSION:

From the discussions above, we have highlighted the centrality of the environment

in the historical development of the people of Zaria. From our study and understanding of

the natural environment of the area we have come to see how the people of Zaria were able

to exploit the environment to meet diverse socio-economic needs and subsequent

development of Zaria into an important urban centre that played significant role in the

socio-economic development of African sub-region.

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 CHAPTER TWO

THE EMERGENCE OF CENTRALISED POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN ZARIA

1. INTRODUCTION:

An outline of the historical geography of Birnin Zaria was examined in the previous

chapter. Our focus is on the emergence of centralized political institutions on the plains of Zaria

namely: state formation, kingship and Birnin Zaria as the capital of the state of Zazzau. These

institutions were not only related with one another but also intertwined. This was because the

emergence and consolidation of one seemed to be directly or indirectly influenced by the others.

Therefore, a study of these inter related political institutions will aid our understanding of the

historical processes that produced the state system on the Zaria plains.

The emergence of these political institutions seemed to involve the gradual

transformation of the pre-existing socio-political formations on the Zaria plains over

several centuries. These socio-political formations included the earliest political

communities (settlement complexes) that were formed on the Zaria plains and the various

political authorities that seemed to have developed from them at the various levels of their

transformations.

To reconstruct the historical processes that brought about such political developments, it is

imperative to identify and examine some of the early centres of human habitation on the Zaria

plains highlighting their evolution and roles in the early phase of the historical processes that gave

birth to the emergence of state system on the Zaria plains. The political institution of the state of

Zazzau is highlighted. This is followed by a discussion on the processes leading to emergence of

the Kingship (sarauta) in Zaria and its consolidation to the eve of the Jihad that overthrew it as

well as the role of the sarauta in the formation of the state of Zazzau and the Birni. Finally the

- 59 -
discussion ends with an examination on the emergence of Birnin Zaria as the capital of the state of

Zazzau.

2. EARLY SETTLEMENTS:

Traditions collected from our area of study indicate the existence of several ancient

settlements at a very early period within the Zaria plains. These were largely focused on the

massive granitic outcrops of Kufena, Madarkachi, Turunku, Wuchichchiri, Kargi, and Tukur

Tukur. It is however, difficult to say with some degree of certainty, the precise antiquity of these

ancient settlements. This is because the state of archaeological study on the area is still in its

infancy. However, from the fragmentary evidence so far available to us, it is clear that ancient

settlements were in existence since the first millennium A.D.85 on the Zaria plains. Through

gradual evolution spanning several centuries, these ancient settlements metamorphosed into large

urban centres, a development that brought about the evolution of centralized political institutions

namely: the formation of the state of Zazzau, the emergence of Birnin Zaria as its capital and the

kingship system.

It should be noted that the various centres of human habitation in Zaria never emerged

simultaneously at the same time. But rather each settlement seemed to have emerged and

developed at its natural pace depending on the prevailing conditions or circumstances working in

its favour. Our main source for the reconstruction of these major themes shall be Archaeology,

Ethnography, king list and oral traditions.

a. TURUNKU:

85
There was quite an impressive archaeological finding on the Zaria area which suggests early human activities on the Zaria region. For details see,
Legget, J,”Former hills and inselbergs settlements in the Zaria District “WAJA Volume II, Soper, R.S,” “Stone Ages in Northern Nigeria,” JHSN
II, 2, p. 180-192; Sutton J.E.G, “Hand axes and other Stone Age finds from Samaru”, ZAP 7, 1976, pp. 1-7; Sutton J.E.G. “The walls of Zaria and
Kufena”, ZAP 11, 1976, pp. 1-18; Obayemi A, “Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausa land”, ZAP 1, pp. 1-14; Sutton, J.E.G, “Terra cotta figurine
from Zaria”, ZAP 12, 1976; Sutton, J.E.G. “Kufena and its Archaeology,” ZAP 15, 1977, pp. 1-23

- 60 -
 Turunku is located about 33 kilometres south of Birnin Zaria in the west Bank of the

Galma River. It is still not precisely known when man initially inhabited the site. This is because

archaeology, which is supposed to be our main source of the early history of the area, is still in its

infancy. However, it appears that man has been in continuous occupation of the area since the late

Stone Age period. What lends much support to this claim is the evidence derived from

archaeological findings on the area that includes stone axes, microliths, grinding stones, rock

shelters, terra cotta figurines and other stone implements.86

Turunku attracted the earliest community of people into its fold because it was naturally

ideal for human habitation for several reasons. One of these reasons was the adequate security

offered by the natural fortification of the inselbergs of the area. Secondly, the area was blessed

with adequate water supply provided by the many streams and rivers in the area, which had their

source from the inselbergs.87 Water was essential for both domestic and agricultural activities.88 It

played important role in urbanization in the savannah region especially after the desiccation of the

Sahara more than 1,000 years ago.89

The inselbergs of Turunku also appeared to be an important religious centre for the worship

of iskoki. The worship of iskoki seemed to have gained wide currency throughout Hausa land. The

great inselbergs of Hausa land were generally believed to be the dwelling places of great iskoki

(Spirits), which were believed to regulate human life and activities.90 Hence, the inselbergs became

the main centres of early human settlement. It was the interplay of the factors above that attracted

large concentration of human population into the area leading to the formation of a large socio-

political organisation and the development of the area into an urban centre.

86
See fn 1 above
87
Kwaku Effah Gyamfi, “Ancient urban sites in Hausa land”, West African Journal of Archaeology vol. 16, 1986, pp.121-122
88
Ibid
89
Grove A.T. and R.A. Pullan, “Some Pleistocene Paleography of the Chad basin in F.C.H. Wells and F. Bourliere (eds), African Ecology and
Human evolution, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1964, pp. 1-15
90
Abdullahi Smith, “Some notes on the History of Zazzau under the Hausa Kings” in Mortimore (ed), Zaria and its Region, p.91

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 Like most ancient urban settlements in Hausa-land, Turunku was characterised by the

existence of a complex wall system of the area. This was made up of twelve ancient wall

complexes each having an inselbergs and a pocket of territory. A large central outer wall covering

an area of about 13 kilometres in circumference surrounded these in turn.91 The existence of this

complex wall system is a clear pointer to a process towards state formation on the Turunku area.

This was demonstrated by the fact that the construction of these walls required a large working

force that could only be provided by a centralized political authority.92 However, what cannot yet

be established were the personalities that built such ancient edifices.

Local tradition seems to indicate that Turunku was at one time the seat of power of the

ancient state of Zazzau and by extension therefore, ancestral to Birnin Zaria.93 While it is certain

that Turunku had emerged as a dominant political centre on the plains of Zaria with the appearance

of Bakwa Turunku, the twenty-second ruler of Zazzau (1492-1522), it is not certain when precisely

the settlement assumed this position of dominance. Closely tied to this uncertainty is the confusion

over the actual location of the capital of the state of Zazzau and the place of origin of its dynasty

before the emergence of Bakwa Turunku. A number of hypotheses have been put forward

concerning these. Some of these hypotheses were based on linguistic interpretations of various

words derived from oral traditions, written accounts and various king lists. The most prominent of

these were the hypotheses put forward by Sir, Richmond Palmer94 and Murray Last.95

Palmer suggested that the word “Bakwa” is a variant of Tekrur or people from Malle-jene

region. He then suggested that by about 15th century A.D, the Torenke people from Mali seized

control of the settlement of Turunku and later moved finally to Kufena, establishing the city of

91
Obayemi A., “Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausa land”, op-cit.
92
Bala Achi, The development and Functions of city wall in the Savanna Belt of the Nigerian area, M.A thesis, A.B.U., Zaria, 1985, p.133
93
For details on of some of these local traditions see, Arnet 1920, p. 9; Palmer 1967, p. 77; Obayemi Kargi Manuscript, p.
94
Palmer H.R. Sudanese memoirs Vol. 111, London, pp, 79-80
95
Last Murray, “Before Zaria: Evidence for Kankuma (Kangoma) state and its, successor states”, Usman Y. B. (ed), In Fact, values and Nigerian
Historiography, Essays in honour of professor Abdullahi Smith, History Department, A.B.U. Zaria, 1980, pp. 157-189

- 62 -
Zaria. It was these group of people who are said to have built the wall of Zaria and later gave

impetus to mud-wall building from 1400-1500 A.D. personified by the legend of Queen Amina.96

Subsequent writings tend to follow these perspectives with various degree of embellishment.97

Murray Last on the other hand suggested that the name “Bakwa” was a variant of Bugwom, which

was a Kadara term for the title of a king, while the word Turunku was a variant of a Songhai word

Torenkei. He posited that the earliest communities living around the area of Turunku were Kadara-

speaking people organized under the priestly authority of Bugwom, while the state of Zazzau

existed some where to the south of this settlement under the name of Kankuma. By the beginning

of the 13th century under the pressure of attack, this state moved to the north and settled at the

present site of Turunku. With this movement the title of the king was changed from Bugwom to

Turunku as secular authority replaced the religious one. He further suggested that it was the

settlement at Turunku, which became the capital of the state whose name was changed from

Kankuma to Zazzau and by the 17th century, the capital of Zazzau moved to Zaria. This according

to him initiated the process leading to the change of language from Kadara to Hausa.98

However, a closer look at the evidence, which gave rise to these hypotheses, raises a

number of problems, which substantially challenged these hypotheses. To begin with Palmer, there

is no valid linguistic evidence to suggest that Turunku was a variant of Tekrur or even to suggest

that the settlement was seized by people from Malle-jenne region. Further more Palmer’s view is

faulted by evidence from the oral tradition that pointed out that the word Turunku was derived

from the Hausa word Turaku in reference to the large stones in the form of megaliths that were

96
Palmer H.R., Sudanese Memoirs, op-cit.
97
See Hogben, S.J. and A.H. M. Kirk Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, A preliminary survey of their Historical Traditions, USA, 1966,
pp, 215-217; Temple, C. L. Notes on the tribes, provinces, emirates and states of the Northern provinces of Nigeria. Francais, 1965; Johnston,
H.A.S. The Fulani Emirate of Sokoto, London, 1967 pp, 35-36.
98
Last Murray, “Before Zaria….” opcit.

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stuck to the Turunku inselbergs.99 The significance of the megaliths is not yet known. It was

probably associated with the traditional religious practices in the past. In addition oral traditions

not only maintained the continuity of the dynasty from Gunguma to Bakwa Turunku but also

maintained that the word Bakwa Turunku was the name of the ruler who moved his capital from

Turunku to Birnin Zaria. The name of his daughter ''Zaria” which is a Hausa word suggests that

they were of Hausa stock.100

As regard to the hypothesis put forward by Murray Last, no evidence also exists to suggest

that the capital of Zazzau was at Turunku around the period of 13th Century. The internal evidence

available suggests that the capital of Zazzau around this period was located somewhere, where

Birnin Zaria is presently located.101 Even if it is posited that Turunku had emerged as the capital of

Zazzau around this period, there is no evidence to suggest that the dynasty of the rulers of Zazzau

migrated from the state known as Kankuma, which existed in the south before their transfer to

Turunku. The source of the information supplied by Al-maqrizi on whose evidence he established

the existence of the state of the Kankuma was highly speculative and unreliable.102 This is because

Al-maqrizi who was writing in the fifteenth century was not an eye witness to the information he

recorded and he did not indicates from whom he collected this particular information. Though it is

claimed that Al-maqrizi drew his information from ibn Sa’id work Kitab al-Jugrafiyya c. 1286-

1287, it is still not certain whether ibn Sa’id was writing first hand information or information

derived from certain writers such as Al-idris c.1100-1165. Apart from this confusion, the quality of

the information of ibn Said is highly defective on several grounds. In the first place, there is no

99
Oral source, Alhaji Aminu Yakubu Wambai,
100
Alhaji, Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau) , “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau tun daga farkonta zuwa 1994”, unpublished paper n.d. p. 4.
101
See Palmer, H.R, Kano chronicle Sudanese memoirs, pp. 107-8, where he States that Sarkin Kano Kanajeji “set out for war, with Zazzau. He
camped at Gadaz. Sarkin Zazzau came out and they fought. The men of Kano killed Sarkin Zazzau. In one or two the Chiefs of Zazzau were
killed… Because of this feat the song of war was song which runs: “son of Kano, hurler of kere, Kanajeji drinker of the water of Shika, preventer of
the washing in the Kubanni, lord of town, lord of land.” The above reference shows the state of Zazzau was some where around Shika, Kubanni and
Gadaz. Suggesting that the State of Zazzau existed some where near the present Zaria.
102
Tadeux Tewiski, Arabic external sources for the History of Africa to the South of Sahara, London, 1974, p72; Hopkins, JF. P and Tevtzion, N.
(trans) Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African History, Cambridge, 1981 p353

- 64 -
evidence to suggest that Ibn Sa’id travelled beyond the area of Maghrib making his information

anything but first hand. Secondly, if as it is asserted that Ibn Sa’id derived his information from the

writing of Ibn Fartua who travelled extensively, there is no evidence to suggest that Ibn Fartua had

ever travelled beyond the Sahara, Ghana Empire and areas around Chad. Moreover, nothing is

known about Ibn Fatima or the period he travelled or from whom he derived his information or

even how this information reached Ibn Sa’id.

Mahdi Adamu in his article the ‘Hausa land and other peoples of Northern Nigeria 1200-

1600 A.D.’,103 critiqued Last’s pseudo linguistic interpretations of the words used to demonstrate

the existence and relations of the state of Zazzau with Kankuma.104 According to him such

evidence was not supported by internal primary evidence and scientific linguistic analysis.105

Mahdi Adamu pointed out that Last in his attempt to support this highly speculative and doubtful

sources, used series of words such as Kwangoma and Fadan Kagoma obtained from the present

names of these towns, and from words such as Gunguma and Gungumi mentioned in the Zaria

chronicle and Kargi manuscripts as the name of the rulers of Zazzau and the title of Sarkin Kano

Gakin Kankuma which appeared in wakar Bagauda and in Kanuri term for cowries, kunguna and

also in the name of Wuchichchiri and Turunku. He then posited that Kankuma refered to Gunguma

and Kwangoma as (k) and (g) were used interchangeably in Arabic. However, Mahdi Adamu

argued that there is no systematic analysis of the lexical structure, meaning or phonological form

to demonstrate empirically that consonant (k) in the word Kan [k] uma can be changed to either

kwan/g/oma or /g/ unkoma or even if thus changed it will refer to /Kankuma/. Likewise he argued

that there is also no any systematic linguistics analysis or corroboration in all written king list or

written internal sources available to suggest that /Gunguma/ was ever written as /kan/ kuma. He

103
Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa and the other peoples of Northern Nigeria, 1200-1600 A.D. a paper presented for publication in UNESCO General
History of Africa,
104
Hopkims J. P. and Teotzion N. (transi) Corpus of early Arabic Sources for West Africa History Cambridge, 1981, P. 353.
105
Ibid. pp. 21-22

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further pointed out that there is no tradition which indicates that the name Zazzau was ever written

or known by the name of /Gunguma/ or /Kan kuma/ in the same way as Daura could be said to

have derived from Daurama.106 According to him there is a fundamental flaw in Last’s attempt to

link Zazzau with the name of Sarkin Kano Gakin Gakuma. Adamu stated that Murray Last regard

Gakin as presumably a miss-rendering of Gakon with Gakin meaning chief and Gakuma meaning

Kwangoma. However, Last failled to show why a King of Kano, Tsamiya (1307- 1343) who was

not known to have taken any military campaign into Zazzau not to talk of Kwangoma could be

called chief of Kwangoma.107 Not only that Adamu pointed out that the word Gakin is a Hausa

word meaning to blockade a person or a group of people without any breathing space or chance to

escape and the word Gakum is a Hausa word which connotes immense hardship arising from lack

of manoeuvring facilities. This therefore aptly described Tsamiya who was a fierce warrior King of

Kano not any Chief of Kankuma.108 Murray Last mentioned that Bakwa is a variant of Agwon.

However, Mahdi Adamu pointed out that there is no any similarity in either pronunciation or

spelling between Bugwon / Agwon and Bakwa and neither any of the traditions nor the usage of

the word among the Hausa community of Zaria connects the name Bakwa with ''spiritual

activities'' or description.109 Further more, as it has been seen before, the word Wuchichiri rather

than being a Songhai word-meaning lord of ancestral shrine is also a Hausa word meaning

''difficult to remove.'' Also the attempt to extract Kwangoma king list out of the same Zaria king

list is utterly false and misleading as the traditions regarding the king list suggest that the rulers

who had ruled Zazzau before the transfer of capital to Zaria were all descendants of Gunguma and

the rulers who ruled Zazzau since the transfer of the capital were the descendants of Bakwa

106
Ibid.
107
Ibid
108
Ibid.
109
Ibid.

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Turunku.110 Also regarding the suggestion that kungona which was the Kanuri word for cowries

and could have been derived from kankuma, there was no evidence written, oral, or linguistic to

suggest that kungona was once used either at Katsina or any state of Hausa land as the name for

cowries or even the occurrence of this word in Kanuri was because of the gold trade with the

people of the plains of Zaria or southward of it.111 It is in the interpretations of the word Gungumi

in Hausa as it occurred in Madaki Gungumi that this unscientific approach became manifest. This

according to Mahdi Adamu is because of the apparent confusion in attributing Hausa meaning to

the word and still posited that it was an Arabic variant of Kankuma while still attaching a different

meaning to either the Kanuri term for cowries or to any other sources he drew previously.112

Also difficult to reconcile is the pattern of migration and population movement leading to

the political dominance of Turunku and later the establishment of Zaria which Murray Last

suggested was northward while internal traditions of origins suggest that it was southward.113

Palmers and Last analysis not only failed to appreciate and reconcile the various contradictions

which existed in the body of evidence they used but also neglected the internal processes and

conditions, which were central to the evolution of state system in Zaria, which our attention shall

focus, on subsequently.

b. KUFENA:

Kufena is located at about six kilometres west of Zaria.114 It developed as an ancient

settlement around the massive granitic outcrops that dominated the area. It featured prominently in

the early history of Zaria as one of the seats of government of the state of Zazzau.

110
Ibid
111
Ibid.
112
Ibid.
113
Also evidence regarding population movement on the plains of Zazzau either in ancient or early period suggests southwards. At the earliest
period, the desiccation of central Sahara forced people to migrate southwards. See Hovell F.C and Bon fere F, African Ecology and Human
evolution, London 1964 and also Smith A, The early state… in A Little New Light selected Historical writings of Abdullahi Smith,
114
Sutton J E G, “Kufena and its Archeology”, ZAP 15, p.2.

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 It is still difficult to talk with precision about the antiquity of Kufena. This is because

information about the time when the settlement began still remains quite hazy. However, like

Turunku, archaeological remains here contributed to our knowledge of the antiquity of the area.

The impressive assemblage of archaeological artefacts on the area suggests that man was in

continuous habitation of the area since the late Stone Age period.115 It should be noted that the

archaeological information is limited in the sense that the artefacts could not give us information

about their makers and by implication the identity of the people that first settled on the site. This

would have been very useful, as the tribal identity of the early inhabitants of Kufena had been

generating heated debates.116

According to local tradition, Kufena was founded by a group of hunters who inhabited the

area at the early period of its existence.117 This idea of giant hunters featured prominently in the

traditions of several communities in Hausa land which according to Y.B Usman appeared to

represent the collective memory of the people of the hunting community of probably the late stone

age whose ways of life faded away as a result of the introduction and increasing use of iron tools

before or in the middle of the first millennium A.D.118

Inferences from linguistic studies seem to suggest that the Hausa speaking group occupied

the site since ancient time. This view is based on information from the local tradition, which

indicates the presence of two giants residing on two prominent hills on the plains of Zaria. These

are Kufena and Madarkachi that are said to have been Hausa expressions derived from "Madara ka

115
Soper, R.S,” “Stone Ages in Northern Nigeria,” JHSN II, 2, p. 180-192; Sutton J.E.G, “Hand axes and other Stone Age finds from Samaru”,
ZAP 7, pp. 1-7; Sutton J.E.G. “The walls of Zaria and Kufena”, ZAP, pp.1-18; Obayemi A, “Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausa land”, ZAP,
p.1; Sutton, J.E.G, “Terra cotta figurine from Zaria”, ZAP, pp.1-5; Sutton, J.E.G. “Kufena and its Archaeology,” ZAP, 1-24.
116
; Sutton J.E.G, “on the provenance of E.S.A (and M.S.A ) artefacts in the upper Kubanni valley” ZAP, pp.1-3; Sutton J.E.G. “Archaeology of
Zaria regions inselbergs,” ZAP; Echeudon, P. Site report on Kufena: An archaeological analysis, B.A (Archaeology) ABU Zaria 1986; Lawal Baban
Kano, Kufena 1987, B.A. Archaeology, A BU Zaria, 1987.
117
Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau), “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau,” p.1
118
Y.B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883, Ahmadu Bello University, Press Ltd Zaria, 1981, pp.6-7

- 68 -
chi", and "Kafe nan".119 Meaning “Madara, have you eaten?” and “Keep it there” respectively.

The first expression that is “Madara ka chi” was made by the giant residing on the Kufena hill

inviting apparently the other giant on Madarkachi hill to eat. While the second expression, i.e.

“kafe nan” was apparently a response to the call. This may be a clear demonstration that the

earliest populations living on these inselbergs settlements were Hausa speaking people. This is

highly corroborated by Abdullahi Smith’s view that the earliest inhabitants of the inselbergs

settlements of Kufena and Madarkachi were Hausa communities.120 Thus, the gradual

transformation of Kufena and its final development into a very important political and cultural

centre was principally as a result of socio-political and economic developments involving the

autochthonous community.

As a result of continued migration of people into the region, the gradual expansion in

agricultural productions, trade and commerce as well as industrial growth, there seemed to have

been noticeable increase in the number of population living around the towns of Kufena and

Madarkachi. This consequently led to the extension of human settlements, as the settlements

around the inselbergs became contracted and inadequate due to population explosion caused by the

factors enumerated above. This may explain why the Kufena settlement was extended to areas

within the Birni. The popularly known “Amina wall” that linked up with the Birni wall clearly

demonstrated this.121 However it is debatable whether the Amina wall initially extended up to the

Madarkachi wall before the construction of the outer Zaria wall or not. Abdullahi Smith122 and

Urquhart123 seem to agree with that while Sutton 124

argued that the Amina wall only linked up

119
J. K. Bryant, This is Zaria… op-cit.
120
Smith A. “Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa Kings,” p. 82
121
Amina Wall is an appellation that is used to refer to that stretch of wall that linked Kufena with Birnin Zaria. However in view of the presence of
myths and legends surrounding the personality of Amina and her exploits, we are not certain whether she was really the person that built the walls.
122
Smith, “Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa Kings,” pp.89-91
123
Urquhart, Planned urban settlement, p. 11.
124
Sutton, ‘The walls of Zaria and Kufena,’ addendum I to ZAP II, p.1; see also adedum II, PP.1-4

- 69 -
with the Birni outer wall. The question of which one predated the other is also a subject of

debate.125

However, considering the strategic importance of the area around Babban Dodo as a

convergent point of trade routes, one will think that it was possible that the rulers of Kufena

extended their control over the area in order to secure the trade routes especially the junction of the

trade routes around Babban Dodo in order to ensure the economic prosperity of the rulers of

Kufena.126

This is demonstrated by a wall extension linking Zaria with Kufena leading to the inclusion

of large space of land into the Kufena settlement as indicated on the map as settlement “A”. See

the Map below. Settlement “A” seemed to have finally fallen into disuse following the evacuation

of Kufena after the Kano attacks and that when Zaria town was eventually rebuilt Kufena town

was curved out from the Birni.127 The curving of Kufena from the Birni seemed to be informed by

military factors. Firstly, it is clear that following the defeat of Zaria at Kufena, it no longer have

any protective value. Secondly, if Kufena was incorporated within the new city wall, the Birni

would have been too large for effective military control.

125
Ibid
126
Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau). “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau,” p. 1
127
Ibid.

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 MAP OF BIRNIN ZARIA
SHOWING THE WALLING
SEQUENCE

D B

MAP OF

Source: A.W. Urquhart: 1977

c. MADARKACHI:

This was one of the earliest inhabited settlements on the Zaria plains, which played an

important role in the formation of Birnin Zaria. It is situated to the north-eastern part of the Birni

wall near the Bai gate. Archaeological evidence in the form of stone implements demonstrated that

Madarkachi must have been in existence by the late Stone Age period.128 The inselbergs in the area

with its many advantages seemed to have provided favourable conditions for human habitation by

the first millennium A.D. and its subsequent development into an urban centre. Some of these

128
Sutton J.E.G, “Archaeology of Zaria regions inselbergs,” op-cit; Super, R. S. “Stone Ages in Northern Nigeria,”pp.180-192

- 71 -
advantages included natural security provided by the inselbergs against the enemy.129 The use of

inselbergs for defence purpose was a common feature in Hausa land due to the insecurity caused

by the great movements of people across Hausa land following the desiccation of the Sahara as

mentioned earlier. The hill was also of religious importance as the rocks were regarded as sacred

places which were essential for the worship of the iskoki (sprits). The fertility of the soil at the site

and the presence of a constant source of water supply that characterized the area were also

important factors in the emergence of the early settlement of Madarkachi. Apart from the above

functions, the Madarkachi hill also performed other unique function. This was because it served as

the Fanisau of the Sarakuna of Zazzau. Fanisau is a Hausa word, which means a resting place for

the rulers of Zazzau.130 This was probably when Madarkachi ceased to be a citadel of power

following the unification of the settlement with Kufena.

Local traditions ascribed the foundation of Madarkachi to Madara who was said to be a

giant hunter. It was from his name that the site derived its name as discussed above.

The expansion in agricultural productions, trade, commerce and the growth of other

industries as mentioned above in this section, led to rapid demographic growth of Madarkachi.

This development seemed to have stimulated the expansion of human settlements on the plains

away from the nucleus of the settlement on the hill and its immediate surroundings to as far as

Fadamar Bono when Madarkachi became spatially inadequate. Thus, Madarkachi played an

important role in the emergence of Birnin Zaria as a result of its rapid expansion and incorporation

into the capital city of the state of Zazzau.

d. KARGI:

129
Bala, C.D, “Occupation sites on and below the inselbergs of Zaria region: Some considerations based on field observations,” Archaeological
seminar paper, 1978.
130
Oral source, Alhaji Muhammadu Sani (Imam Kona), 1st September, 2002

- 72 -
 This is believed to be one of the earliest settlements of the Hausa people that existed long

before the foundation of Birnin Zaria.131 It lies about 110 km to the north east of Zaria on a flat

thickly wooded land and well watered by several streams.132

It is difficult to say with some degree of certainty, the precise date of the establishment of

the area. This is also due to the nature of archaeological study on the area, which is not extensive

enough. However, the archaeological study so far conducted on the area indicated that it was

inhabited as far back as 1600 A.D. The implication of this date to the history of Kargi is that it is

suggesting a late date for the establishment of the settlement as opposed to earlier date suggested

by the Kargi manuscript for its formation.133 According to the Kargi manuscript, migrants who

first settled at Kawuri, and later on at Rikochi, Wuchichiri, Turunku, Kufena and Zaria founded the

state of Zazzau. And that Madaki Gungumi was the first Sarki at Kargi and was a contemporary of

Sarki Gunguma of Zazzau.134 In view of this confusion it was suggested that the material remains

from which the date was obtained must be of recent.135

Important factors in the development of Kargi as a settlement included the security

provided by the inselbergs of the area, fertile soil and availability of water and iron ore. The above

factors seemed to have stimulated the growth of the area into an important political and religious

centre. The process of state formation in Zaria involved the assimilation of this ancient centre into

a unified political system.136

e. WUCHICHIRI:

131
Boachi Ansah, J. “A brief report on Kargi”, ZAP Vol. V, 1983, p.55
132
Ibid.
133
This is a document that was found at Kargi purporting to be a record of the process of state formation on the plains of Zaria. The authenticity of
the manuscript is difficult to establish. This is because its provenance and date of composition remains unknown. What is more the content of the
manuscript seems contradictory.
134
A. Obayemi, “The Kargi manuscript and its perspectives on pre-jihad Zazzau,” Seminar paper, [Link]. History Department, Zaria, 1979/1980
Academic session, p.2
135
Boachi Ansah, J. “A brief report on Kargi,” opcit
136
Bala Achi. The development and functions of city walls, pp. 133

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 This was one of the ancient centres that predated the emergence of Birnin Zaria. It is

located about 6 kilometres to the north of Birnin Zaria on a rising ground east of river Bai.137 Even

though archaeological study on the area has not yet commenced, there is evidence that tend to

suggest that the area is of ancient antiquity. The ancient settlement derived its name from a Hausa

word; Wuyan chich chiri suggestive of the difficulties that were involved in the removal of the

thorny bushes around the site where local traditions claimed the wall of the town was built.138

According to local tradition, Gunguma and several other people settled in the area. This

was assumed to be by the beginning of the last millennium A.D. The tradition further stated that

Gunguma have stayed at the site of kwarin Tama located in the site for the duration of one year

where he manufactured bows and arrows.139

The presence of iron ores at Kwarin tama was an important factor that favoured the

evolution of this settlement. This was because it served as a stimulus for the movement of large

number of diverse people into the area. This included hunters, agriculturists and smelters. Another

factor for the growth of the settlement was the evolution of the place into an important religious

centre. The emergence of state structures in Zazzau appears to have involved the incorporation of

the settlement of Wucichchiri as part of its dominion.

Apart from the above-mentioned ancient centres of human habitation, a number of other

ancient settlements also played significant role in the formation of the state of Zazzau. These

included Tukur-Tukur, Hange, Hanwa, Fara Kwai, Dutsen Wai, Tsauni and Pampula hill. This was

because the emergence of the state of Zazzau in the 15th century seems to involve the incorporation

and integration of these independent settlements at the various stages of its development

3. THE EMERGENCE OF THE STATE OF ZAZZAU

137
Porch, Liman Kona District Reassessment Report, NAK/S.N.P/ 416 p/1913
138
Oral source, Idris Abah, Age 50 years, 10th March, 2002
139
Ibid

- 74 -
 State formation and kingship are two sides of the same coin in the sense that the emergence

of one necessitates the existence of the other. Therefore to isolate one from the other is to create an

artificial dichotomy where none exist. Both are not only intertwined but they also influenced each

other. How these important institutions emerged on the Zaria plains, forms the focus of our

discussions here.

The issue of state formation in Hausa land has been almost over flogged to death due to the

wide attention it received from scholars. Consequently, this generated divergent views that border

on whether the question of state formation was a foreign idea or other wise. The proponents of

foreign origin for state formation in Hausa land drew from the celebrated Bayajidda legend to

support their views. The Bayajidda legend seems to be cleverly integrated into the oral traditions

and king lists of the various Hausa states in order to prove their foreign origin. The opponents of

the idea on the other hand, seriously rejected and dismissed it as an extension of the hermitic

hypothesis in the explanation of state formation in Hausa land. These various shades of opinions

have been well presented in a plethora of academic works and thus need not to be replicated

here.140

However, it should be noted that two incontestable facts emerged from the discourse.

Firstly, it is wrong to assume that the idea of state was unknown to Hausa land prior to the arrival

of the celebrated "invaders” into the region, at least going by the Bayajidda legend itself that

clearly admitted the existence of a Kingdom (Daura) with a centralized political authority as

embodied in Queen Daurama. Secondly, the Hausa states could not have been formed

simultaneously by feat or by the royal command of a King as the Bayajidda legend seems to

suggest.

140
For details on the foreign origin of states in Hausa land see: Johnston A.H. The Fulani Empire of Sokoto, O.U.P. London, 1967, pp.4-6: M.G.
Smith, “The beginnings of Hausa society,” in Vansina, Mauny and Thomas (Eds), The Historian in tropical Africa, London, 1964, pp.338-345;
Hogben and Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, London, 1966, pp. 145-150. As regard those opposed to the idea see: Smith, Some
consideration relating to the formation of states, pp. 1-74

- 75 -
 In view of the above contentions, it seems that the formation of state in Hausa land must

have followed a much more universal pattern which involved the gradual transformations of a

community from its simplest form of socio-political formation to its highest level, which is the

state. It normally takes a long period of evolution with probably many false starts and failures to

reach such level.141

When we bring this to bear in our area of study, the same pattern could be discernible. The

state of Zazzau appeared to have developed through the process of evolution spanning hundreds of

years from the many ancient settlements that are still identifiable on the Zaria plains some of

which have been discussed above. The best known of these ancient sites were: Kufena,

Madarkachi, Turunku, Kargi, and Wuchichchiri. For a proper reconstruction of the early history of

the state of Zazzau, evidence from varied sources such as archaeology, ethnography, oral traditions

and scholarly works is discussed and analysed.

The early history of Zazzau like the origin of the kingship is also still shrouded in mystery.

This is because there are lots of missing links and where information is available, it seems to be

contradictory. But with the available evidence at our disposal, we can however make a fair

reconstruction of the history of Zazzau.

Abdullahi Smith provided us with a clear picture of the earliest pattern of settlement and

governance on Zazzau plains. According to him the earliest and the simplest settlements of people

on Zazzau plains, began as gidaje142 (Sing. gida) where all the members of a lineage (gida)

recognized the immediate leadership or authority of the mai gida (lineage head). The mai gida was

usually chosen on the basis of age and genealogical proximity to the ancestors. As head of the

lineage, the mai gida played important role in the mediation of disputes involving members of the

141
Smith, “Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausa land,” p.68.
142
Ibid.

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lineage as well as having the final say in important issues affecting them. Land, which constituted

a very key factor in the socio-economic life of the family, as well as other properties were jointly

owned and commonly inherited. The lineage settlements seemed to be scattered on the plains in

places where the environment was conducive for human habitation.

Gradually, where conditions were conducive, the earliest settlements (lineage settlements)

developed into hamlets (Kauyuka; Sing, kauye or anguwoyi, sing. anguwa).143 This important

transition took place when several lineage settlements clustered in an area and became fused

together into a single socio-political unit, (anguwa) sharing common identity and geographical

boundaries. We can discern the picture of this type of settlement from Steel’s description of the

general pattern of settlements in tropical Africa:

Indeed over most of tropical Africa there seem to have been

relatively few villages in the past; the usual pattern of settlements
was isolated groups of huts or, more commonly the scattering of
homesteads through out the countryside.144

The new socio-political system based on the Anguwa by its very nature required

inter-lineage interactions, which necessitated the formation of an institution to regulate

such interactions and to mediate disputes involving members from different lineage

groups. Consequently, this led to the emergence of the institution of the mai anguwa to

over see the affairs of the Anguwa. Since the hamlet or Anguwa was made up of all the

lineage settlements or gidaje in an area, it means that the extent and content of political

authority went beyond the confines of the masu gida. Hence the role of kinship in the

selection of a leader as was the system in the lineage-based type of settlements became

143
Ibid.
144
R.W. Steel, The towns of tropical Africa, in Essays on Africa population p.256.

- 77 -
weak. It was this development that ushered in some form of political centralization on the

plains of Zaria. The mai anguwa may be chosen from the oldest lineage in the society or

may be the most influential of all the people in the area in terms of his bravery or mastery

of the religious lore of the society.

At another level, there was the emergence of heads of occupational groups, which were the

most distinguished people in key economic activities.145 This seemed to be in response to

developments in the nature and scope of economic activities on the Zaria plains at each phase of its

history. The earliest economic occupations of the people of Hausa land generally and Kasar Zaria

in particular was hunting, farming and iron-smithing. In the case of farming for instance its

antiquity is clearly demonstrated by the Hausa saying: “Noma na duke tsohon ciniki kowa yazo

duniya kai ya taras”. This literally means: farming is an old trade and that whoever came into the

world met it.

In all these economic activities, the family remained the unit of production. Initially all

production was for the use of the family or for use during religious worships and festivals.146 Later

great importance was highly attached to these economic activities to the extent that it became a

major avenue for an individual to rise to prominence and high status in the society. This depended

on ones ability to distinguish himself and attain some level of success in his chosen economic

occupation.147 This created competition among the members of the various occupational groups,

which resulted in the production of surpluses. The surpluses generated came to be appropriated by

certain individuals, which enabled them to dominate other members of the society. It was this

situation that seemed to lead to the emergence of Madara, Dan Zau and Bono as heads of

145
Y. B. Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, P.60.

146
Oral source, Abbas Mohammad Fagachi,, op-cit
147
Ibid.

- 78 -
occupational groups,148 exercising some form of authority over and above that of masu gida and

heads of religious cults.

There was a remarkable socio-political change in Kasar Zaria by the 1st millennium A.D

when the anguwoyi seems to have been radically transformed from mere clusters of several lineage

groups into permanent towns or garuruwa (sing. gari). What likely gave a boost to this political

transformation was the development in iron technology, which took place in Kasar Zaria dating

back to 7th century A.D. This acted as a catalyst to the development of the economy, which in turn

played important role in these transformations. The economy revolved around agriculture,

manufacture and trade. For instance in the field of agriculture, technological advancement had a

revolutionary impact on food production which created conditions for the emergence of new

economic system. This was due to the manufacture of more efficient agricultural tools, such as

galma (big hoe), fartanya (hoe), lauje (sickle), gatari (axe), which made the production of surplus

possible. This made it possible for other people to turn their attention to other jobs such as

smithing, scholarly pursuit, military profession and trade and consequently specialization and

division of labour in the society.

The manufacturing sphere was another virile sector that made significant contribution in

the emergence of permanent towns in Kasar Zaria. A class of highly trained professionals mainly

controlled this sector. The manufacture was used for both military and household needs. It boosted

other productive activities like hunting, weaving, agriculture and trade. The production of such

military tools, like kibiya (arrow), Takobi (sword), Mashi (spear) was also an important factor in

the expansion of these permanent settlements.

148
Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau), “Tarihin Zazzau Daga Farkonta., p.1.

- 79 -
 The above factors facilitated the growth of population in our area of study, particularly

around the granitic out crops of Kufena, Madarkachi and Tukur-Tukur, this necessitated the

expansion of settlements into areas within the plains. This was in areas especially around Fadamar

Bono that is located at Babban Dodo in the heart of Birnin Zaria. This gradual expansion of

settlements away from their nucleus involved the integration of several Anguwoyi into the sphere

of influence of Kufena and Madarkachi.

At this stage of our study it is not certain which of the two settlements i.e. Kufena and

Madarkachi that first emerged as a Gari. But archaeological study conducted on the two areas

indicates that they were contemporaneous.149 This is based on the fact that the materials used in

their construction are similar and their present state of appearance tends to suggest that they were

built at the same period.150 This seems to be corroborated by the Zaria local tradition indicating the

presence of two giants around the granitic out crops of the two settlements eating from the same

bowl. If there was anything this story was trying to demonstrate, it was suggesting the existence at

a point in time of two autonomous leaders presiding over independent settlements. This is

manifested by the fact that only equals dine on the same table.

However, what is certain was the fact that the two settlements emerged as garuruwa with

each gari developing an impressive fortification and serving as an autonomous political entity151

where all the inhabitants, were politically and spiritually bonded to the mai gari (ruler of the

town). The mai gari was at the apex of this new socio-political structure and therefore, enjoyed

enormous power and authority over and above those of masu gida and heads of religious cults and

other occupational groups. It appears that the authority of the masu gari arose out of the need for

149
Sutton , “The walls of Zaria and Kufena,” P. 8.
150
A. Obayemi, Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausa land, ZAP , p. 10
151
The extent of the walls of Madarkachi and Kufena indicate a process towards state formation in the area of our study. This was demonstrated by
the fact that they can only be constructed through the control of large labour force by a centralized authority. See Bala A. The development and
functions of city walls, P. 133.

- 80 -
the mediation of disputes with groups of people within the society over the allocation of land

which was the major factor of production; management of external relations with other garuruwa;

provision of security; and some form of religious worship.

The power equation, between the masu gari within the site that later came to be known as

Zaria remained as it was up to the beginning of the second millennium A.D, when the power

equation was tilted in favour of the mai gari residing at Kufena. This followed the annexation of

Madarkachi, which was formerly an important and autonomous political and religious centre, into

the political ambit of Kufena. What prompted this political disequilibrium appears to be the ability

of the rulers of Kufena to be in effective control and exploitation of iron ore, in areas, which gave

them such an advantage.152 Following the political domination of the above mentioned sites, an

extensive wall fortification commencing from the massive granitic outcrops of Kufena, through

Dala, Kofar Kona, Madarkachi, Tukur-Tukur and back to Kufena covering a total distance of about

24 kilometres was constructed under the authority of the rulers of Kufena.153 This brought about

the political unification of the smaller and earlier walls such as Tukur-Tukur, Madarkachi, Kufena

and Kona walls under a ruler in the present site of Birnin Zaria.154 Thus, the foundation of a state

was laid which Adediran describes as a mode of social arrangement in which all inhabitants within

a territorially defined region, were integrated and possessed the political and cultural

consciousness of a single unit, identifiable and often identified by a group name.155 This embryo

state was named Zazzau after a sword.

According to local tradition this single political unit that came into being following the

unification of Kufena and Madarkachi was named Garin Dan Zau apparently after the founder of

152
It appears that the exploitation of iron ore in Zaria dated back to 7th century A.D. See Sutton, “Iron working around Zaria,” p. 1-20
153
Sutton J.E.G, “The wall of Zaria and Kufena,” ZAP, p.8
154
Bala Achi, The development and functions of city walls, p.133
155
Biodun Adediran, The Frontier states of western Yoruba land, 1600-1889, IFRA, University of Ibadan, 1994, p. 82

- 81 -
 the Kufena settlement. After a passage of time Garin Dan Zau was renamed Zazzau.156 Local

tradition claims that Zazzau was a sword and a symbol of power and authority as well as an object

of worship which was revered by the Zazzagawa to the extent of swearing by it.157 This clearly

demonstrates the unifying role of the sword. The reference to the existence of the state of Zazzau

near the present Zaria city by the 15th century during the encounter of Sarkin Kano Kanajeji with

Zazzau by Abdullahi Smith, seem to be a clear allusion to Garin Dan zau / Zazzau. Going by the

record in the Kano chronicle about the Kano-Zaria encounter, it appeared that the geographical

extent of Zazzau by this time has reached as far as the northeastern part of the region. This was

because of the reference to the killing of Sarkin Zazzau at Gadaz,158 which appeared to be a border

town with Kano.

4. THE EMERGENCE OF KINGSHIP IN ZARIA

The emergence of kingship (sarauta) in Zaria marked the beginning of a well-

defined political order revolving around the personality of the Sarki (King) or uban Kasa

(Father or Owner of land). Thus, the era represented a major watershed in the political

history of Zaria. This was because it ushered in the beginning of a more cohesive

cosmopolitan political community involving the integration of several autonomous

garuruwa and Birane in which all the inhabitants of the community were spiritually and

politically bonded to the Sarki.

It is important to note that the genesis of kingship in Zazzau just like the origin of the state

is still beclouded in mystery due to the nature of the body of evidence in the forms of king-lists and

oral tradition of the area. This situation therefore, need re-examination of such body of evidence,

156
Alhaji Abdullahi Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau), “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau,” p. 1
157
Ibid.
158
Smith, Some notes p. 83

- 82 -
which according to Y.B. Usman contains information whose status as historical evidence, varies

considerably.159

According to the king-lists of Zaria, Gunguma the son of Bawo and the grandson of

Bayajidda, the legendary progenitor of the Hausa people was the first ruler of the state of Zazzau.

The king-lists also contain sixteen other names starting with Gunguma and stopping on the

sixteenth person on the list. Information about whether these people were descendant of Gunguma

or whether they were just his lieutenants who accompanied him to Zaria varies.160 Whatever truth

lies on this, it is apparently clear that the king-list made claim for ancestral connection with

Bayajidda, a claim that seems to be cleverly integrated into the official traditions of the people of

Zaria. Ancestral connection to Bayajidda is a common feature that characterized the king-lists of

the various Hausa states. A cursory looks at the king-lists of these states indicate names associated

to the sons of Bayajidda and in other cases even those of his associates.161 How such names got

into the lists is difficult to say.

Some studies have shown that most of the king-lists in Hausa land were committed only

recently into writing. Therefore, they were susceptible to errors and manipulations.162 It is

therefore possible that such names that were connected to Bayajidda were added to the king-lists of

Hausa states in order to rationalize the hermitic hypothesis. What lends much credit to this is the

fact that in most of the king-lists there is conspicuous silence on the length of the reigns of some of

the Hausa rulers. This applied mostly to the first few rulers in the king-lists. This therefore gave

birth to the suspicions, that such names may be later additions into the lists. In the case of Birnin

Zaria, there are strong speculations as to whether the previous rulers before Bakwa Turunku as

159
Y.B. Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, p. 12
160
Abdullahi Smith, Some notes on the history of , p. 83-84
161
See Abdullahi R. Augie, The Gobir factor in the social and political History of the Rima Basin c.1650-1808 A.D. unpublished thesis Ph.D,
A.B.U. Zaria, 1984
162
Smith, The early states of the central Sudan, p. 103

- 83 -
indicated in the lists were kings of Kufena or Turunku.163 On the bases of the above problems it is

difficult to say with some degree of certainty, who was the first ruler of the state of Zazzau. For the

king-list of Zaria see the appendix. Apart from the king-list, there are a number of traditions

relating to the genesis of kingship in Zaria. One version of the traditions for instance claimed that

the rulers of Zazzau were migrants who settled in many places before their final sojourn to Zaria

where they settled permanently. Their routes of migration were identified as follows: Kawari,

Kargi, Rikochi, Wuchichchiri, Turunku, Kufena and finally Zaria.164

Another tradition claimed that following an attack on the Zaria plains by the Gwaris in 535

A.H.,165 which was equivalent to 1141 A.D of the Christian calendar, a delegation was sent by the

Zazzagawa to Daura to seek for military assistance from Bawo who was then the reigning King. In

response to this request, he appointed his son Gunguma to rule them. He also appointed sixteen

other people to accompany his son to Zaria. The tradition further claimed that all of these sixteen

people succeeded the throne one after the other. The last of them was Sukanau.166

Another version of the local tradition has it that Gunguma became the King of Zazzau after

the possession of the famous sword known as Zazzau, which seemed to be a symbol of political

authority from which the state derived its name. The tradition is not explicit on how he came about

the sword.

A close look at these traditions, however, clearly manifested a veiled attempt at the

extension of the hermitic hypothesis as contained in the Bayajidda legend in the explanation of the

genesis of the state like political structures in Zazzau. The Bayajidda legend had been extensively

163
Ibid
164
Shu’aibu Na’ibi, The chronicle of Abuja, Gaskiya Corporation Zaria, 1952; Obayemi A. The Kargi manuscript, p.1; see also fn 29 above
165
Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau), “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau…..”, op-cit. As regard to the Kadara and Gwari, see Harold [Link], Pagan people
of central Area of Northern Nigeria, London, 1956; Temple and Howard, History of certain Emirates; Mailafia A. Filaba, History of Karu, Kurape
and Kurudu kingdoms: A study of economic and political changes among the Gbagyi of central Nigeria in the 18th and 19th centuries, M.A. Thesis,
A.B.U, Zaria, 1995
166
Ibid

- 84 -
treated by several scholars notably, Abdullahi Smith.167 I therefore, find it unnecessary to revisit it

here again. But our concern here is to draw attention to some of the limitations of the legend and

its appendage as represented in the tradition of origin of the Zazzau Kingdom. Abdullahi Smith as

the leading critique of the legend dismissed its historical significance as doubtful. He further

pointed out that the legend does not actually explain the origins of the various dynasties in Hausa

land, which it sought to explain. And that even if it succeeded in doing so, it over looked the

prevailing local conditions that gave impetus to the development of state like political structures in

Hausa land generally and Zazzau Kingdom in particular.

There is therefore, no doubt that the genesis of kingship as embodied in the Bayajidda

legend is an over simplification of the issue. This had necessitated a close scrutiny of traditions

relating to dynastic origins.

Whatever historical truth lies in the traditions above, they seem to suggest that the Zaria

plains had attained some level of economic and cultural significance even before the emergence of

the kingship. This was a factor that acted as a magnet by attracting and pulling around the

neighbouring communities to the plains and consequently in the settlement of various groups of

people of diverse origins and occupational activities such as the Kaje, Gwari, Kurama and Kadara.

This is confirmed by the Kadara tradition which claimed that as a result of their movement from

their place of origin at Meisin, they had settled at the rock of Kufena before their permanent

settlement at the rock of Kufana located to the south of Kaduna River.168 It should however be

noted that a critical look at the traditions of Kadara suggest that they were not original settlers of

Kufena as the traditions explain that they migrated from somewhere.169 Similarly, the Dutsen Kaje

167
For details on the Bayajidda legend see Abdullahi Smith, Some consideration relating to the formation of states in Hausa Land, pp.63-65; The
early states of the Central Sudan, pp.103-105

168
Gun H.D., Pagan peoples of the central area of Northern Nigeria, London, 1956, Pp125-126
169
Ibid.

- 85 -
located to the south of the inselbergs of Kufena is said to have formed the settlement of Kaje

speaking people before their emigration out of the area.

The town of Zazzau however, came under heavy attacks in the thirteen century by the

people from the area south of the present Birnin Gwari area known as the Gurara.170 The situation

therefore, necessitated the mobilization of effective defence against such military aggression. It

was this circumstances that brought about the emergence of the Kingship. However, we are yet to

know the details of the process of the emergence of the kingship. But certainly it could not have

been peaceful involving such peaceful means like issuing of royal orders to that effect or through a

compromise between contenders as the Bayajidda legend seems to suggest. Apart from this, vying

for leadership position is always characterized by stiff and cut-throat competition. In such kind of

struggle it is the strongest that always have the upper hand.

What ever was the process for the emergence of the kingship it is regarded as marking the

final evolution of the socio-political structure of the state of Zazzau, a process by which the

monarchy emerged at the centre of a complex network of feudal relationships.171 This was a

process by which the authority of the Sarki was extended to areas beyond the confines of the

walled settlement, to cover other areas in the hinterland.

The authority of the Sarki to a great extent was subject to the amount of support he could

get from his subordinate officials (masu sarauta). This was because they were the ones that were

in actual control of the garuruwa of Zazzau. As a matter of necessity therefore, the Sarki had to

surround himself with such group of officials whose relationship was purely feudal. This was

based on the fact that while they received some rewards from the Sarki in form of fiefs and other

things, they were in turn under an obligation to recognize his leadership as well as provide him

170
Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau), “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau ,“p. 2.
171
Smith, “Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa Kings,” p. 84

- 86 -
with military services, and contributes towards civil administration and to provide him with

revenue for administrative purposes. The most powerful of this class of people (masu sarauta)

were the Galadima, Wambai, Dallatu and Madawaki. These positions with the exception of the

Madaki were normally filled by eunuchs.172 This was because the Sarakuna did not found them a

security threat to their political position mainly because by law, Eunuchs could never aspire to the

position of the Sarki. Consequently, they were more loyal and reliable in the defence of the city

and for the security and health of the Sarakuna. This was unlike the princes who were feared

because of their over zealousness for power.173 The masu sarauta were regarded as public officers

and advisers to the Sarki and known as the rukuni (pillars of the state). Other category of officials

included the Dangaladima (the heir presumptive to the throne), the Sarauniya (the daughter of the

Sarki) and the Iya (the wife of the Sarki’s father).174 It should be noted that the Iya and Sarauniya

were powerful Palace officials. The existence of powerful female officials within the sarauta

system in Zazzau in the pre-colonial period demonstrated the position for women in the society.

There also developed a group of officials who served as important links between the Sarki and the

masu sarauta known as yan fada (palace officials) whose function was mainly with the

administration of the palace.175 Thus, Zazzau was sharply divided into two classes; the masu

sarauta and the talakawa with the masu sarauta at the upper rung of the society while the

talakawa were at the bottom strata of the society.176 The relation-ship between these classes was

often exploitative. 177

The history of Birnin Zaria from the 16th to 18th centuries was characterized by wars for

territorial expansion. These were aimed at enforcing its political supremacy and ascendancy over

172
Ibid.
173
Oral source, Usman Dalhatu, Age 38 years, 12th February, 2007
174
Ibid.
175
Ibid.
176
Smith, “Some notes,” p. 84
177
Ibid

- 87 -
its neighbouring states. This provided it with more economic resources to man the state. However,

it is difficult within the present state of our knowledge to give details of the processes involved in

the wars. But what is clear was that Zaria’s influence was widely felt as far as Nupe land. For

instance a tradition recorded by Muhammad Bello states thus:

At this time Zaria under Queen Amina conquered all the towns as far
as Kwararrafa and Nupe. Every town paid tribute to her. The Sarkin
Nupe sent forty eunuchs and 10,000 kola nuts to her. She first had
eunuchs and kola nuts in Hausa Land. In her time all the products of
the west were brought to Hausa land. Her conquest extended over 34
years.178

In any case, the process of the fusion and subjugation of such communities into the state of

Zazzau based in the Birni can be conveniently broken into three broad stages.179 The first stage

involved the incorporation of settlements in the immediate neighbourhood of the Birni such as

Dumbi, Farakwai, Tsauni, and Hange. Sutton was of the view that this might have taken place in

the 16th and 17th centuries.180

The second stage involved the subjugation of other smaller garuruwa within the hinterland

of Birnin Zaria into its sphere of influence. This included garuruwa like Kawari, Rikochi, Kargi,

and Wuchichchiri. Such garuruwa were not totally brought under the direct control of the rulers of

Zazzau, but they rather maintained a dependence relationship, a process where by the masu gari

ruled such garuruwa through their rulers.

The third stage was reached when smaller states were brought under the sphere of influence

of Birnin Zaria in a vassal or satellite relationship. This kind of relationship is a clear evidence of

the military and economic superiority of Birnin Zaria over the vassals or satellite states. States like

178
Muhammad Bello, Infaq Al maisur (whittling Ed), London, 1951 pp. 18-19. The personality of Amina and her activities is a subject of
controversy. Hence the view by scholars like Abdullahi Smith that such things like the celebrated ganuwa and military campaigns that were ascribed
to her may be a folkloristed exaggerations. See Abdullahi Smith, “some notes ,” pp.98-99
179
Dhiliwayo A. V. History of Sabon Gari Zaria, 1911 – 1950; A Study of colonial urban Administration, PhD thesis, A.B.U. Zaria, 1986. P. 95
180
sutton

- 88 -
Kauru, Kajuru, Fatika, Kagarko, Lere and Durum were examples of vassals. While states like

Jema’a, Nasarawa, Keffi and Doma were satellites.181 The basic difference between a vassal and a

satellite state lies on the fact that the latter had some measure of autonomy. The people in the

satellite states could select their rulers, subject only to confirmation from Zaria. Vassal states on

the other hand were under the direct control of the ruler at Zaria. The Sarakuna at Zaria could

select and depose rulers of the vassal states at will. The vassal states could not also engage in raids

or war without approval from Zaria.

The rulers of Birnin Zaria also paid greater attention to the maintenance of peace and

security in the Kingdom, which was vital for the growth of the economy and by implication, the

development of the state. It is within this context that the building and modifications of the walls

of the Birni and the adoption of up to date weapons in line with the changing military technology

and tactics of war should be understood. The walls played many functions. One of the functions of

the walls was that it provided psychic and physical security to the inhabitants of the Birni. This

was an important factor that encouraged peaceful commercial transactions and the immigration of

many people of diverse occupational pursuit into the Birni.182 This included traders, craftsmen, and

scholars. This boosted the economic prosperity of the Birni and by extension also boosted the

power of the Sarki. The level of economic prosperity enjoyed by Zaria due to its security enabled it

to overshadow other competing centres of political powers such as Kauru, Hunkuyi, Makarfi and

Zangon Kataf.183

The walls also served as refuge to the neighbouring communities who always became the

first targets during attacks on Zaria. It was said that large number of people from villages such as

Gimba, Giwa, Danmahawayi, Dumbi, Dobo, Pantaki, Kuringa, Kidandan, Yakawada, Kaya and

181
H.A.S Johnson, The Fulani Empire of Sokoto, [Link]
182
Bala Achi and Yashim I.B. “warfare as a factor of urban growth in Hausa Land,” a paper presented at the 9th congress of the Pan African
Association for pre history and related studies, Jos, 1983, p.9
183
Ibid.

- 89 -
 184
Gangara migrated into the Birni for security between C1750 and 1808 whenever there were

external threats.

The Sarakuna also encouraged economic activities. This was aimed at generating funds

sufficient enough to maintain and preserve the sarauta and to maintain the status quo. Some of the

measures adopted by the sarakuna to ensure smooth economic activities included the maintenance

of peace and security, which was very crucial in that regards. There was also the regulation of

economic activities by the state. From the trade and other economic activities the state derived a lot

of revenue in form of, taxes and tolls obtained from traders who moved with their goods into the

Birni and at the main market of the Birni.185 Through this process, the masu sarauta had effective

ways of appropriating the surplus produced by the talakawa residing both in and outside the Birni.

This was to take care of the needs of the ostentatious living of the masu sarauta.186

5. THE EMERGENCE OF BIRNIN ZARIA AS THE CAPITAL CITY OF THE STATE OF

ZAZZAU.

The Foundation of Birnin Zaria as the capital city of the state of Zazzau was laid in the

second half of the 15th century. Traditions ascribed the foundation of the Birni to Amina one of the

daughters of Bakwa Turunku, the twenty-second ruler of Zazzau.

The circumstances that gave impetus to this important political development could be

traced to the external military campaigns against the state of Zazzau by Kano in the 15th century

during the reign of Sarkin Kano Kanajeji Dan Yaji (1390-1410). The military campaigns were part

of the territorial expansion drives that was common among the Hausa states around this period.

This was necessitated by the need for more territories and wealth in the forms of booties, slaves,

taxes and tributes, which was much needed for the maintenance of a strong foothold and political

184
Ibid.
185
Arnett E. J. A. “A Hausa chronicle” in the journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 38, 1968, Pp. 161-167.
186
Oyedele E. Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria; Kaduna 1913-1960 unpublished PhD thesis, A.B.U. Zaria, 1987, pp. 69-71

- 90 -
control of areas under their sphere of influence. The situation was such that any attempt of

expansion by one state came into sharp conflict with the interest of another state.187 It is against

this background that we should understand the military conflict between Kano and Zazzau by this

period.

Kano was said to have launched two military campaigns against Zazzau during the reign of

Sarkin Kano, Kanajeji.188 During the first attack, the town of Zazzau was invaded up to the plains

of Turunku but was forced to retreat. There after, the second expedition took place during which

the Sarkin Zazzau was killed at Gadaz together with many of his officials. Following this event the

Zazzagawa who suddenly found them selves without a leader loss the will to fight, and hence

became demoralized and scattered. This situation provided the opportunity for the forces of Kano

to over ran the town of Zazzau and kept it under siege for almost eight months. At the end of the

siege, the Kano forces returned laden with booty.189

Abdullahi Smith was of the view that the political instability following the vacuum created

by the demise of the political authority and the destruction of the town of Zazzau by Kanajeji

might have created the conditions for the transfer of the dynasty of Turunku to Kufena.190

However, a careful study of the available evidence indicates that contrary to this assumption, the

transfer of the dynasty seemed to be from Kufena to Turunku.191 This was because by the time of

the invasion, the town of Zazzau was already located near the Kubanni River (Kufena)192 and that

both Kufena and Turunku were contemporaneous.193 Under these circumstances, naturally the

tendency was for the people of Zazzau to flee away from their enemy to a more secured place.

187
Abdullahi Mahdi, ‘Some observations in the emergence of and development of the sarauta system in the central Sudan before 1804”, a paper
presented at the International seminar, on the History of the central Sudan before 1804, Zaria, Nigeria, 8th -13th January, 1979
188
Palmer, H.R; Kano chronicle, in Sudanese memoirs, Vol. 3, Lagos, 1928, pp. 107-108
189
Ibid.
190
Smith, Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa kings, p. 83
191
When the forces of Kano invaded Zaria, the Zazzagawa fled and mounted the Kufena hill in search of refuge. The Kanawa threatened to take the
hill on their head. Not seeing through their tricks, the Zazzagawa fled.
192
Smith, Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa kings, p. 83
193
Ibid.

- 91 -
Turunku might be the only choice since the town of Zazzau at Kufena was under siege for eight

months.194 The flight to Turunku might be informed by the fact that security there seemed to be

well assured and established particularly due to the presence of physical conditions guaranteeing

protection such as the granitic out crops of the area reinforced by series of wall complex. It is

probably within this context that the complex nature195 of the walling system of Turunku should be

properly understood. Flights into other places were not strange in Hausa land. For instance there

was the flight of Sarkin Kano and his followers to Daura following attacks from Kwararrafa in the

16th century. In any case the impasse created by the killing of Sarkin Zazzau gave an opportunity

for the rulers of Turunku to mobilize forces and brought Kufena within its sphere of influence.196

Thus, the two ancient centres of power were integrated into a single political entity. This

development seemed to have taken place during the reign of Bakwa Turunku.197

This important development marked the beginning of a new era for it witnessed the

emergence of Birnin Zaria as the capital city of the state of Zazzau. With the capital of the state

firmly established at Zaria, there began the period of territorial expansion in the west and south of

Zazzau commencing at the beginning of the 16th century as mentioned above.198

The ability of the rulers at Turunku to consolidate their control over the state gave a fillip to

the development of commerce, which in turn encouraged people of diverse occupational pursuit to

immigrate into Turunku in large numbers. This was in addition to the large number of people that

already fled into the area from the old town of Zazzau following the devastation of their town by

the Kano forces. Consequently, the situation led to over population. This in turn brought about

194
Ibid.
195
Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed) studies in the history of Kano, Heinemann Educational Books, (Nigeria) Ltd, 1983, p.6
196
Abdullahi Mahdi, Some observations in the emergence of and development of the Sarauta system in the central Sudan before 1804, a paper
presented at an International seminar on the History of the central Sudan before 1804, zaria, Nigeria, 8th – 13th Jan. 1979, p.171
197
Tradition claim that Kwanissa was the one killed during the military expedition.
198
Smith, some notes, p. 85

- 92 -
acute shortage of water199 due to pressure on the sources of water supply in the area which could

not cope up with the rapid increase of population.

As a result of the resolve to find a permanent solution to the precarious condition created

by the acute shortage of water in Turunku, Bakwa Turunku who was credited with the rebuilding

of the old town decided to relocate to the abandoned old town of Zaria. This decision was

predicated upon the fact that the old town was more spacious and contained adequate supply of

water. This is confirmed by the Zaria traditions, which claimed that a hunter called Bono during

his hunting expeditions discovered the site where Birnin Zaria is presently located. Astonished by

the beauty of the area, he reported his findings to the King who on discovering that the site was not

only suitable but had an extensive land reserve for expansion decided to move to the new site.200

But Considering the fact that the old town of Zaria became vulnerable to external attacks,

which were often occasioned by heavy loss of lives, including at one occasion that of its ruler,

more improved defences had to be carried out as a precondition for rehabilitating and re-

establishing it. After due consideration therefore, the decision was in favour of the erection of

ganuwa (town wall) as a major security device. We do not have details of the process involved in

the construction of the ganuwa. But what is clear from the oral tradition was that it took along

period of preparations involving a period of three years.201 A total of five years was spent in the

construction works.202 The next chapter provides details on the Zaria walls and gates.

Whatever the process was involved in the building of the ganuwa, what is of great concern

to us here was the fact that the project brought about significant political development. This was

because on the completion of the ganuwa and the Palace of the King of Zazzau, the dynasty of the

rulers of Zazzau moved from Turunku to the rebuilt old town, which was, renamed Zaria after the

199
Kirk Greene A.H.M. Gazetteer of the Northern Provinces, London, 1972, p. 8
200
J.K. Bryant, This is Zaria, [Link].
201
Abdullahi A. (Wamban Zazzau), :Tarihin Kasar Zazzau…”,p. 2
202
Ibid.

- 93 -
 daughter of Bakwa Turunku. Soon after this transfer Zaria was able to over shadow all the other

ancient settlements such as Kufena, Tukur -Tukur, Madarkachi and Turunku by bringing them

under its control. Hence, Zaria emerged as the capital city of the state of Zazzau, the new focal

point of power, authority and economic activities.

2.5 CONCLUSION

It has been demonstrated that the processes of the emergence of centralized

political institutions on the Zaria plains cannot be traced outside the processes of

community formation, urbanisation and integration that was taking place several centuries

within the region. The role of external factors in these transformations was also

highlighted. The earliest political communities in the region were formed around the first

millennium A.D. in areas where conditions were favourable. Some of the earliest political

communities were identified as Kufena, Madarkachi, Turunku, Kargi, and Wuchichiri. The

role of the local environment in influencing the integration of people into socio-economic

and political ties was highlighted in the chapter

Through gradual processes these communities developed into centres of populations, crafts,

manufacture, trade and administration. The development of these centres went hand in hand with

the development of some forms of political and administrative centralization, which finally formed

the basis for the emergence of the Sarauta system and the state system. By the second millennium

A.D. these settlements seemed to be integrated and brought under a centralized political authority.

The foundation of the state of Zazzau was thus formed. What followed thereafter was the process

of expansion. The location of the administrative headquarter of the state of Zazzau during this

- 94 -
period was a subject of debate. This issue was discussed and how Birnin Zaria finally emerged as

the administrative centre of the state of Zazzau was examined.

- 95 -
 CHAPTER THREE

THE INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION

OF BIRNIN ZARIA UP TO 1900
1. INTRODUCTION:

The process of settlement formation on the Zaria plains and the culmination of such process

into the Emergence of centralized political institutions were brought into focus in the last chapter.

This chapter deals with the internal development and expansion of the Birni since its formation in

the 15th century to the beginning of the 20th century. It gives insights into the Birni in concrete

terms of its geography, walls, gates, architecture, wards, Palace, Mosque, Market, and so on, from

its establishment to 1900. It begins with an examination of some of the physical elements (i.e. the

walls, the gates, the palace and the market) of the Birni that gave it that typical character of a pre-

colonial Hausa city. While doing so, the organic relationship existing between these spatial

elements is highlighted. The issue of the security of the Birni is also examined. This is followed

with an examination of the historical development of the numerous wards that formed the city.

This gives insight into the genealogy of the various families that formed the Birni as well as the

traditional planning of the wards. Finally, the chapter concludes with a study of the ethnic

composition of the population that made up the Birni as well as some of the social amenities

provided in the Birni.

2. THE ZARIA CITY WALL AND ITS GATES

City wall commonly called ganuwa in Hausa is a unique feature that commonly

characterized the Birane in Hausa land. The ganuwa formed an integral part of the Birni and also

constituted one of its major physical elements. The Birni wall was a reflection of the collective

security consciousness of the Zazzagawa at an early period of their existence to develop out of the

- 96 -
local environment, a technological device that could provide them with the much needed

protection and security.203 These efforts manifested in simple artificial fortifications such as the

walls. In other words, these walls represented the application of society’s imagination and

ingenuity to the specific military and even political and economic needs.204

Despite the loss of its defensive significance, following the British conquest, of the Birni in

1902, the Zaria wall still performs some psychological functions. For instance, the ganuwa still

demarcates the city from the rest of the area and people surrounding it. It thus became a

distinguishing factor between those who resides within the walls of the Birni, otherwise known as

yan Birni and those living outside the walled city variously known as yan waje or yan karkara. In

addition to this, the ganuwa gave its occupants that conscious feeling of belonging and a sense of

unity, identity and cultural superiority over those residing outside it.205 But it also poses the danger

of segregation and isolation in a plural and globalise society.

The wall of Birnin Zaria as it is presently is an imposing one extending from Kufena and

went round Tukur-Tukur Village, reaching Madarkachi hill, covering an area of 24 kilometres in

diameter.206 However, it is important to note that the ganuwa in its present dimension never started

as it is now. It was rather a culmination of a long process of evolution involving the transformation

and final fusion and incorporation of earlier walls that were hitherto in existence. See map 1 in

chapter two for insights into the Zaria walling sequence.

The re-construction of this imposing wall seemed to have been spurred by the military

campaign spearheaded by Sarkin Kano Kanajeji (c.1390- 1410) as mentioned earlier against

203
Wall building in Hausa land was generally stimulated, by insecurity occasioned by intercity wars following the mass movements of people in
search of more favorable dwelling places after the desiccation of the Sahara.
204
Achi B. The development and function of city walls, p. 21
205
Barkindo, B.M. “Continuity and change in Kano Traditional Architecture” in Barkindo, B.M. (ed), Kano and some of her neighbors, Ahmadu
Bello University Press, Ltd, Zaria, p. 63
206
Achi B. The development and functions of city walls, P.113

- 97 -
Zaria,207 a situation that led to the desertion of the town of Zaria to Turunku. With the

consolidation of the dynasty at Turunku and the subsequent defeat and expulsion of these external

threats, necessary conditions appeared to have been provided for the emergence of the settlement

into an important economic, commercial and political centre. However, the potentials of the

settlement could not be adequately exploited without provision of internal security that could

ensure peace and safeguard against further external threats. It was this and other objective realities

that necessitated the reconstruction of the city wall and the transfer of the capital to the new city

named after Zaria, one of the daughters of Bakwa Turunku who supposedly spearheaded the re-

construction of the city wall.

The construction of the Birni wall seems to have led to a shift in the political and

religious importance of Kufena. This was following the fall of the Kufena wall into disuse.

Local materials were highly utilized in the building of the wall that fortified the Birni. This

included mud, laterites and granites.208 The mud used in the building of the wall was

obtained from the immediate environment. What tends to suggest this is the existence of

ditches surrounding the wall apparently indicating the source of the mud used in the

construction of the wall.

The building project of the city wall was a collective responsibility involving almost

every member of the Birni with a clear division of labour. For instance the various

occupational groups provided their specialized services for the project. Blacksmiths, wood

carvers and pot makers for example were needed in the provision of building materials

such as calabashes, earthen pots, and other containers for carrying food, water, earth

and grasses as well as building tools such as fartanya, (hoe), galma, (big hoe), gatari

207
Ibid.
208
Ibid.

- 98 -
(axe), masassabi (adze) and pales. The citizens of the Birni on the other hand provided

the substantial part of the labour force used in the construction project. This was

complemented by slave labour. The skilled labour of the society were mobilized and

organised around occupational guilds with a hierarchy of officials. In the case of building

for instance, it was the Sarkin magina appointed by Sarkin Zazzau who selected and

appointed builders in subordinate ranks such as Madakin gini, Galadiman gini, Turakin

gini and Shamakin gini.209 It was these officials in collaboration with ward heads e.t.c. that

mobilized the needed labour force for the construction and annual maintenance of the

walls. They were also charged with surveying, designing the actual construction and

alignment of the wall with due regards to the topography of the area. The same official

hierarchy existed for blacksmiths whose skilled labour were employed in manufacturing

building tools such as galma, sangwami, and iron locks and latches used to close the city

gates. The services of the wood carvers were also employed who carved the door and

other materials used in the construction of the door. Drummers were also used in

mobilizing labour force and for entertaining the workers at the building site in order to

boost their morale. The services of priests and great scholars were also employed to bury

charms at particular sites and recite incantations invoking spirits, prophets and particular

angels to shield the city against invasion and to bless it with abundant wealth.210 It should

be noted that since public works such as the construction of city wall was usually done

under a kind of a state of emergency, people were recruited willy-nilly to participate in the

work.

209
Ibid
210
Ibid

- 99 -
 In spite of series of renovations, re-enforcements,211 and perhaps at certain period

long neglects, which characterized the wall since its construction in the 15th century, it

was still at least by the arrival of the Europeans an impressive structure. The 19th century

European explorers, for instance, Dr. Baikie who passed through Zaria in 1862 during the

reign of Sarki Abdullahi gave a vivid description of the wall thus:

Zaria wall stretching for almost ten miles are pierced by eight gates; A
ninth gate beyond the Kofar Kuyambana has been filled in for it was
through this one that the Habe under their king Makau are said to have
been driven south ward to Abuja by Fulani in 1804.212

Paul Staudinger who visited Zaria by 1880 also has this to say about the wall:

The town though it covers an immense area is surrounded by a clay wall

which at this time was already breached in places. Such walls need
frequent repair-work to counteract the erosive effect of the tropical
sunshine and the torrential rains……………. A number of gates (H.
Kofa) gave entrance through the town walls and these could be closed
with wooden doors and latches. In each gatehouse sat a few of the
King’s officials and levied a market toll of few cowries for the ware
brought in by farmers of the district. However, we never had to pay
such a duty how much they asked and if they also levied a toll from
people leaving the town I did not discover.213

As correctly observed by Baikie, nine gates were constructed with each of the gates

built by twisting the entrance inside. This was to direct the enemy into a narrow front from

where he will find it difficult to fight. Fixing strong wooden doors and latches to them

211
Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of a second expedition into the interior parts of Africa, p.158, where he maintained that the city wall had gone through
renovation s after the Jihad. He was in Zaria in 1825.
212
Baikie .H. Narration of an exploring voyage up the Rivers Quorra and Benue, Journal of Royal Geographical Society, London, 1987, P.37
213
Staudinger, P. In the Heart of Hausa States Vol. I, Translated by Johanna, E. Moody, Ohio, 1990, P.177.

- 100 -
further tightened defences at the gates. Granites and laterites were used in the

construction of the gates in which layers of stones were alternated with layers of clay in

order to create a well-built wall.

The names of the gates were Kofar Kona, Kofar Gayan, Kofar Kuyambana, Kofar

Kibo, Kofar Doka, Kofar Bai, Kofar Galadima, Kofar Matarkwasa, Kofar Jatau and Kofar

Tukur-Tukur with Kofar Matarkwasa or Sabuwar Kofa closed down by the 19th century for

the reasons examined below. The gates of Birnin Zaria obtained their names either from

the specific physical features associated with the gates or from some important

personalities associated with the state of Zazzau. See the map below for insights into the

city gates and their locations.

Kofar Tukur Tukur Kofar Doka

Kofar Jatau
Kofar Bai

Kofar Galadima

Kofar
Kuyambana

Kofar Gayan Kofar Kona

It should be noted, however, that the nine gates were not constructed at the same

time. But rather they evolved through time. Initially there were six gates. Then later three

- 101 -
more were added and out of these one was closed down later. According to local tradition

the number of gates in a city depended upon its size.214 A small city may have four gates

while a big city may have as many as eight or more. This was to allow for easy access in

and out of the Birni.215

The first six gates were as follows; Kofar Gayan, Kofar Kuyambana, Kofar Kona,

Kofar Tukur-Tukur, Kofar Doka and Kofar Bai. Kofar Gayan derived its name from the

river Gayan that was located to the south of this gate. This river was said to be very

important to the pastoral inside Zaria who grazed their herds in the bank of the river

during the rainy season.216 Kofar Kuyambana was named after the town of Kuyambana

that is located about 80 miles away from Birnin Zaria on the same latitude to the east.217

This was because following the conquest of Kuyambana by Queen Amina and her

subsequent appointment of a district head to oversee the town on her behalf, the gate

came to assume an important link between the town of Kuyambana and Zaria. Kofar

Kona got its name from the Malaman Kona who vacated their former settlement at Kona

following the establishment of Birnin Zaria. The present city wall partially incorporated the

Kona settlement. The name Kona was derived from a Hausa word “konan zamu zauna?”

According to traditions a certain Malam with his disciples seeking a site where to settle at

length reached a fertile country. The land looked very fertile and promising, astonished by

this discovery, the leader asked his followers “konan zamu zauna?” i.e. should we settle

here? Upon this the town was built and named Kona. This town of Kona218 was located to

the east of Zaria, south of Katuka in Madaki district, later Soba district. Although the town

214
Oral source, Alhaji Abdullahi Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau), Age 80 years, 10th March 2002.
215
Ibid
216
Oral source, Alhaji Ibrahim Mai Duniya. Op-cit
217
Usman Y.B., The transformation of Katsina (1400-1883). The emergence and over throw of the Sarauta system and the
Establishment of the emirate, PhD thesis, A.B.U. Zaria, 1978. P.9
218
Oral source, Mohammadu Sani (Limamin Kona), Age 63 years, 1st September 2003.

- 102 -
of Kona was founded before the movement of the dynasty to Turunku, it was certain that

the Imam Kona did not move to Turunku, but however remained in this settlement until

when it was rebuilt in the 15th century by Zaria and it was through this gate that the

Malaman Kona entered Birnin Zaria.

The next gate was Kofar Tukur-Tukur. This gate derived its name from Tukur-Tukur

rocks. However, later, in the 19th century the name was changed to Kofar Kibo, meaning

the “Gate of arrows”. This was a reflection of the war that broke out around the gate

between the forces of Haruna of Ningi and Sarkin Zazzau Sambo (1879-1888 A.D.)

during which there was rain of arrows around it.219 In the past this gate linked Zaria with

such cities like Zamfara, Kebbi, Yauri and Gobir. The fifth gate was Kofar Doka.

Traditions vary as regard to how the gate derived its name. One version of the traditions

has it that the gate derived its name from the isoberlinia (Doka) trees that were in

existence around the site of the gate. Another tradition suggested that the gate was

named after a particular Doka tree that was located at the Palace of Sarkin Zazzau

Abubakar, which was later converted to a prison which housed the present city prison at

Kofar Doka. According to yet another tradition the gate got its name from a re-known

gatekeeper bearing the name Doka.220 In the past Kofar Doka was the gateway to Katsina

and Kano.

The last gate was Kofar Bai (Kwarbai). As the name implies, it is a reference to a

gate located at the back of the Palace. Hence the initial reference to the gate as Kofar

Bayan Gidan sarki before it was finally shortened to Kofar Bai. This was the gateway to

Bauchi.

219
Kirk Greene, and Hogben, S.J. The Emirate of Northern Nigeria, P. 122
220
Oral source, Yusuf Aliyu Mai Anguwar Kofar Doka, Age 51 years, 11th March 2002.

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 Two additional gates were later constructed in the beginning of the 17th century A.D.

These were: Kofar Jatau and Kofar Galadima. We do not know yet what precisely

prompted the addition of these two gates. The Habe ruler of Zazzau Jatau (1782-1802

A.D.) is said to have constructed Kofar Jatau to facilitate the coming of scholars into the

Birni. Hence the gate bears his name.221 However another tradition has it that Kofar Jatau

derived its name from a prominent gatekeeper who held that office during the period of

Sarkin Zazzau Jatau. With regard to Kofar Galadima traditions varies in respect of how it

derived its name. One tradition claimed that the gate bears the name of the Habe

Galadima of Zazzau, Daudu. While another tradition suggests that the gate got its name

after Galadima Dokaje. However, it was generally believed that the gate was named after

the Galadima that lived around the gate.

What accounted for the ninth gate was the forceful entry of the last Habe ruler of

Zazzau Makau into the Birni after his overthrow by the Jihadist in 1808 A.D. It was

reported that after his escape from the Birni following the Jihadists attack, Makau secretly

returned to the Birni by breaking through the wall between Kofar Jatau and Kofar

Kuyambana allegedly to take away the royal sword (Zazzau). This gate is known as

Kofar Matarkwasa. 222 It was a centre of magic, Rangongon during the pre-jihad period. It

thus attracted fortune tellers, diviners and traditional medicine-men who divined for the

city especially during difficult periods. As a result of this the gate was a major target of

attacks during the Jihad and it was sealed up thereafter in order to obliterate the principal

221
Oral source, Bashir Dalhatu, op-cit
222
Oral source, Alhaji Ahmadu Fatika (Sarkin Fadan Zazzau), Age 80 years, 28th February 2003.

- 104 -
 source of the political and spiritual powers of the pre-jihad rulers of Zazzau as well as all

the vestiges of traditional religion in Zaria.223

The city gates were in the effective control of the Sarakunan Kofa (gate keepers)

who lived in the gate houses located within the vicinity of the gates.224 These officials

were responsible for checking immigrants and traders, and collection of taxes from

traders. Apart from the regulation of movement of people into the Birni, the Sarakunan

Kofa were also responsible for the provision of accommodation to travellers. The city

gates were usually closed as soon as it was dark to guide against surprise attacks on the

city, while they were opened in the morning after all precautions to ensure that there were

no security threat to the Birni.225 The gates could also be closed at any time of the day

when there were real or perceived threats to the Birni.226 This arrangement greatly helped

in providing effective security to the Birni.227 Network of radiating roads converging at the

centre of the Birni linked the gates with the city where three important physical spatial

elements dominated the scene. These include: the Palace, Mosque, and the Market.

These form the focus of our discussions subsequently.

3. THE SECURITY OF THE BIRNI

The role of security in the growth and development of any nation need not be over

emphasized. That consciousness of the significance of security is recognized even in

ancient times as reflected in the settlement patterns of Hausa kingdoms generally where

for security consideration people tend to congregate in defensible areas initially as

provided by natural factors such as inselbergs, and later when this proved inadequate,

223
Bala A. The development and function of city walls, p. 159
224
According to Alhaji Dambo Mai Sa;a, the Sarkin Kofar Zazzau, Sarakunan kofa were highly trusted individuals who were usually chosen
because of their trust worthiness. This was to ensure that people that might connive with enemies to attack the city were not selected to such offices.
225
Oral source, Alhaji Dambo Mai Sa’a, Age, 84 years, 4th February, 2007
226
Ibid.
227
Ibid.

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security was reinforced by artificial fortifications in the form of Ganuwa.228 It is against this

background that the role of the Zaria wall should be seen. The wall provided the much-

needed security against external threats from its inception up to the time when it fell under

the impact of the British maxim guns in 1902.

A number of factors need to be taken into consideration in explaining why Zaria

enjoyed a long period of security, a factor that enabled the state to consolidate itself and

begin to extend its power to other territories.

One of such factors was the imposing nature of the ganuwa, which was constantly

modified to cope with improved tactics of warfare and weapons.229 For instance, the Zaria

wall which was initially 24km in diameter was reduced to 15.8 km in circumference.230

This was following the realization that it was too large for effective defence. This seems to

have taken place around the 1700 A.D.231 The height of the wall was between 16-18 feet

and 14 feet thick at the base. This was to counter the destructive effects of tall horses that

were then adopted in warfare, while the thickness was to forestall any attempt by daring

raiders from breaking through the wall.232 Security around the gates was fortified by

constructing them in a re-entrant angle with battlements and perforated holes to help in

waylaying invaders of the Birni and exposed them to the weapons of the defenders. To

further strengthen the defences of the walls thorn thickets were planted round them. This

was to make it very difficult for both infantry and cavalry forces to have easy access to the

wall. This resulted in strengthening the security of the Birni. The extent of the security

enjoyed by Zaria was such that for instance between 1750 and 1808 large numbers of

228
Achi, B. and Yashim, “Warfare as a factor of urban growth, pp. 1-2
229
Achi, B. and Yashim, “Warfare as a factor of urban growth,, p. 2
230
Ibid.
231
Ibid
232
Ibid.

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people from neighbouring villages such as Gimba, Dumbi, Karaukarau, Dobo, Pantaki,

Kaya, Gangara Kidandan, Yakawada, Dan Mahawayi migrated into the Birni for security

reasons.233

The existence of a standing army in Zaria also has an important contribution to its

security. The standing army kept constant vigil on the gates and especially areas

considered to be security wise weak.234 While highlighting on the role of the standing

army in the process of urban growth and state formation, Mabogunje stated that:

………it was an important concomitant of the rise of an urban

centre and that the technology and tactics of a society
accounted for its ability to dominate neighbouring cities to the
extent that it could provide its own “Pax” and create a nation or
empire.235

The Exploitation of iron was also an important factor in the warfare capabilities of the

Birni and by implication its security. The exploitation of iron revolutionised warfare by

introducing new weapons into the system of war. These included Takobi (sword), Mashi

(spear), Kibiya (arrow), and Wuka (Knife).

The use of horses in warfare particularly between the 15th and 16th centuries brought

many military successes to Zaria. For instance, it helped Amina during her 30 years

military exploits against areas such as Nupe, Kwararrafa, Bauchi, Gbagyi, Gwandara,

Doma, Yeskwa, Kwato, Attagara, Kano and Katsina.236 It should be noted that external

military successes often meant internal security at home.

233
Ibid.
234
One of such vulnerable spots which was closely and permanently guarded was a cutting made by the Kusfa stream located at Kofar Bai close to
Anguwar Banzazzau.
235
Mabogunje, A. Urbanization in Nigeria, London, 1968, P.37.
236
Achi, B. and Yashim, “Warfare as a factor of urban growth, pp. 3-4

- 107 -
 The reorganization of the military in Zaria was also effected in the 16th century. This

initiative brought much military success to Amina and greater internal security to the Birni.

The reorganization involved the placement of Uban dawaki (head of cavalry) at the head

of the army. The Uban dawaki was seconded by the Magayaki who was responsible

through his trusted and able bodied men for scouting and intelligence duty in enemy

territory to spy over the enemy and among other things study his strategies, strength, type

of weapons as well as defence system.237

The formation and development of Anguwanni (wards) within the Birni was a product

of its internal security, which it enjoyed over the years. The spatial growth of the Birni

following the expansion of earlier centres of human habitations forms our next focus.

4. ROYAL PALACE OF ZARIA (GIDAN BAKWA)

The royal Palace (fada) also known as gidan Bakwa in Zaria is located like most

Palaces in Hausa land approximately at the central part of the Birni.238 This was for both

strategic and military importance. According to oral tradition the site for the Palace was

chosen on the advice of a hunter. His advice was based on the fact that the site was

located at an advantageous position which made it possible for some one standing in

front of the Palace to see as far as Kufena, Dutsen Hange, Turunku and so on. Not only

that, it was also possible to receive military signals on the approach of enemies or

dangers at the Palace from such places. Such signals were conveyed to the Palace via

drums and some other instruments, which can only be interpreted by specialists who

would immediately convey the message to the appropriate quarters for prompt action.239

The Palace marked the main focal point of the traditional city. It stands immediately

237
Ibid.
238
Dmochowski, Z.R. Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, Vol One, Ethnographica, Ltd, London, 1990, p. 5.29
239
Oral source, Alhaji Aminu Yakubu Wambai,, op-cit

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beside and to the North east of the Masallacin Jumu’a (Friday prayer Mosque).240 Access

to the Palace is through an entrance situated at the western edge of a long space

reaching to the main street of the town and Market place nearby.

The Palace was built of mud until recently when it under went some transformations

involving the erection of modern structures within it.241 The royal Palace is broadly divided

into four large sections namely: the royal court (Fada); the King’s section (sashen sarki);

the inner compound (cikin gida) and the old compound (tsohuwar gida). By all standards

the Palace is a monumental and magnificent structure considering its large expanse, tall

wall, and richness of its architectural design and the size of its gates. The dimension is

such that it was compared to a small town.242 Thus, the Palace was considered as one of

the greatest achievements of Hausa architecture.243

The history of the royal Palace should be connected with the birth of the city itself.

This is because it was the establishment of the Birni in the 15th century that necessitated

the construction of the Palace that was meant to accommodate the rulers and some

substantial part of their officials and servants. As mentioned earlier, following the decision

of Bakwa Turunku to shift his capital from Turunku to Zaria due to the acute shortage of

water in the former and its smallness, a team led by Zaria, the daughter of Bakwa

Turunku was sent to over see the construction of the Palace. The appellation Gidan

Bakwa (Bakwa's House) in reference to the Palace may be a tacit recognition of the

person that ordered for its construction.

240
Dmochowski,, Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, p. 5.29
241
Sarkin Zazzau Malam Ja’afaru due to the deplorable condition of the Palace started the modernization of the royal Palace. See Usman Dalhatu,
Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, pp. 402-403
242
Arnet E.J. The Hausa Chronicle, Journal of Africa, 1913
243
Dmochowski, Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, p. 5.48

- 109 -
 Because of its central role in the life of the people of Zaria, the Palace defined the

spatial organisation of the Birni. This was because the Palace was located in the middle

of the Birni and all the Anguwanni (wards) and the other two elements i.e. the Mosque

and the Market that defined the Birni seemed to radiate to the Palace with many

settlements clustered around them.244 The Palace not only defined the spatial

organisation of the Birni but also gave its name to the quarter it was located in. Organic

relationship seemed to be established between the Palace and the outlying wards with

the Palace drawing large crowd of people especially from the countryside particularly

during the Sallah festivals. This was because of the easy accessibility to the city via

networks of roads and paths converging at the Palace from each gate and ward. See the

Map below for insights into how the roads integrated the various sections of the Birni.

Kofar Doka MAP 3

Kofar Tukur Tukur
MAP OF ZARIA SHOWING

ROADS AND FOCAL POINTS

Kofar Jatau Kofar Bai

Kofar Galadima

Kofar
Kuyambana

Kofar Gayan Kofar Kona

Source: A. W. Urquhart: 1977

244
Ibid.

- 110 -
 It should however be noted that apart from the main Palace many other quasi

Palaces existed in Zaria. This followed the rejection of Malam Musa to occupy the Habe

Palace after falling to the Jihadists. This was because Malam Musa saw the danger in

occupying the Habe Palace with all its luxury and traditional practices. His fear was that if

he did so the Jihadists might revert back to the practices of the Habe time.245

Consequently, Malam Musa converted his house at Kwarbai as his official residence

instead.246 His successor, Mallam Yamusa also opted to carry his official activities at his

house at Rimin Doko in Kaura ward. Other rulers of BareBari ruling dynasty also used the

house at Rimin Doko as their Palace there after.247

It was during the reign of Malam Abdul-Karim (1834-1846) that the use of Gidan

Bakwa as official residence of the rulers of Zazzau was reverted to. This was following an

approval by the representative of the Sultan of Sokoto to that effect. Consequently, some

transformations were made to the Palace. For instance, many rooms were constructed in

the Palace. This included the royal drums rooms (Dakin Tamburra) and a mud chamber

popularly known as Takwan Giwa, which the present Emir, Alhaji Shehu Idris was using

as a sitting room. The renowned builder, Mohammadu Durugu built these structures.248

There was another quasi-palace near the present Palace at the site where the

headquarters of Jama’atu Nasril Islam is presently located. This was following the refusal

of Hammada the successor to Abdul-Karim to occupy Gidan Bakwa.249 Subsequently,

Emirs after Hammada also operated at various places. This was for the reasons

mentioned above. For instance, Emirs from the Barebari ruling dynasty ruled from Kaura

245
Oral source, Usman Dalhatu, Age, 38 years, 12th February, 2007
246
Dalhatu Usman, and Hassan Musa, Alhaji Shehu Idris CFR: The 18th Fulani Emir of Zazzau, Books Africana, Kaduna 2000, p..16
247
Ibid.
248
Ibid.
249
Ibid

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 at Rimin Doko as mentioned earlier. While Abdul-Salam ruled from his house at Anguwan

Bishar. Mallam Abubakar of the Mallawa ruling dynasty ruled from his personal compound

at Kofar Doka, which now accommodates the city prison at Kofar Doka. It was the re-

occupation of Gidan Bakwa by the 10th Emir of Zazzau Malam Sambo that marked the

end of the existence of quasi-palaces in Zaria.250

5. ZARIA MOSQUE

Religion played important roles in the lives of the people of Zaria since time

immemorial. The number of religious centres in the Birni demonstrates this. For instance,

in the Pre-Islamic Zaria Kufena, Madarkachi, Banzazzau, and Amaru were important

traditional religious centres. With the spread of Islam the first Jumu'a (Friday prayer)

Mosque was built at Anguwar Juma. The precise time when the Mosque was built is not

known. But according to a local tradition it was built by Bakwa Turunku (1492-1522).

Another tradition claimed that the Mosque was built by Muhammadu Rabbo (1456-

1481), while yet another tradition attributed the Mosque to Jatau (1782-1802). Later the

Jumu'a Mosque was relocated later to its present site near the Palace. Like the royal

Palace, the Mosque is located right at the heart of the Birni adjacent to the Palace. The

existence of these two structures thus transformed the Birni into spiritual and political

hub of activities. What seemed to have informed the existence of the Mosque adjacent to

the Palace was due to the religious role the rulers of Zazzau came to assume following

the adoption of Islam as a state religion, which shall be discussed in the relevant section.

In view of the distance between the Palace and Anguwan Juma where the Zaria Juma’a

(Habe) Mosque was hitherto located as mentioned above, the Mosque had to be

relocated closer to the Palace to enable the rulers of Zazzau to have easy access to the

250
Ibid

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Mosque in order to discharged their religious function as well.251 Anguwan Juma was

one of the oldest Islamic quarters in Zaria and it appeared to accommodate probably

the first Juma'a Mosque in Zaria. Traditions indicate that it was the existence of the Mosque

that earned the ward the name Anguwan Juma.

Mosques generally apart from serving as Islamic educational institutions for

imparting knowledge of various types and at different levels have other socio-religious

functions. These includes, serving as forums for interactions between social groups, and

as places of patronage for relief distribution to the needy. These frequent interactions in

the Mosques often resulted in community integration through intermarriages and other

lasting bonds.252

The origin of the present Zaria Juma'a Mosque could be traced to the third Emir of

Zazzau, Malam Abdul-karim (1834-1846). The Mosque was constructed with the

permission of the Sultan Mohammad Bello of Sokoto253 at a site near an ancient Habe

shrine.254 That is why according to a local tradition Malam Abdul-karim is described as

toye matsafa. Literally, this means a blazer of a magic place.255 There are two views

regarding the date in which the Mosque was built. One has it that the building started a

year following the installation of Emir Abdul-karim and that should be 1835. The second

view suggested 1837, because the Mosque was said to have been duly inspected by

Muhammad Bello just before his death in 1837.

The building of the Mosque complex which included the main hall, the surroundings,

(haraban masallaci) with its wall (ginin haraba), and the three gates on the north, west

251
The Habe Mosque at Anguwar Juma is believed to have been demolished by Makau, the last Habe ruler of Zazzau.
252
Umar G. Benna. “The changing patterns of Muslim cities” in Nura Alkali, etal (ed), Islam in Africa, Proceeding of the Islam in Africa
Conference, Spectrum Book Ltd, 1993, p.153
253
Usman Dalhatu, Alhaji Shehu Idris p. 37
254
Oral source, Malam Muhammadu Anguwan Juma, Age 60 years, 2nd September 2003.
255
Oral source, Alhaji Aminu Yakubu Wambai,, op-cit

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 and south sides (kofar masallaci na arewa, yamma and kudu respectively), was generally

believed to have been done by the famous Sokoto master builder Malam Mikhailu who

earned the honorific title of Babban Gwani (acclaimed expert builder).256 In the whole by

the time the building of the Mosque was completed, Sarki Abdul-karim entrusted the care

of the Mosque to his dedicated servants who were accommodated very close to the

Mosque in a house that is today known as Gidan Gwarin Masallaci.257

Even though the Mosque went through some renovations in recent times, it still

attracts tourists because of its fascinating architectural designs. Z.R. Dmochowski who

conducted extensive research on both the Palace and the Mosques described it as the

noblest achievement of Nigerian ecclesiastic architecture.258 Apart from the Juma'a

Mosque, there were smaller Mosques, which were located in the various wards within the

Birni.259 The inhabitants of the various wards within the Birni met daily in the local

Mosques to perform the prescribed daily prayers.

6. ZARIA MARKET

The Zaria city Market (Kasuwan Zaria) constituted the third important element that

constituted the Birni. It is located southwest of the Zaria Juma’a Mosque. The market

formed the economic nucleus of the Birni and since it was the hub of economic activities

of the people, its location in the heart of the Birni is imperative.

The development of Market system within the Birni could be associated with the

trading activities that were taking place around the convergent point of the important trade

routes at Babban Dodo. This explained the citing of the first Kasuwan Zaria at a very

256
In view of his skills and ingenuity in traditional architecture Babban Gwani was able to establish a dynasty of builders. The members of the
dynasty continue to enjoy the honorific title of Babban Gwani. The last to enjoy this title was Balarabe who’s descendent subsequently bears the title
of Sarkin magina. See Z.R. Dmochowski, P.2. 15
257
Ibid.
258
Ibid.
259
Urquhart ,. Planned urban landscapes, p.23

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close proximity to the trade route junction at Durumin Maigarke. We do not know when

and why the Kasuwa was relocated to its present site. However, in view of the volume of

economic activities that were going on around Babban Dodo and Durumin Maigarke

which were located close to each other, it is plausible to suggest that the relocation of the

Kasuwa was due to congestion around Babban Dodo and Durumin Maigarke due to such

economic activities. The present Kasuwan Zaria is situated around the former slave

market and the site for the execution of criminals that committed offences punishable by

death. It was after the abolition of slave trade that the site was converted into a market.260

However, the precise date is not known to us at this stage of our research.

Kasuwan Zaria has been playing vital roles not only in the economic life of the

people but also in their social and cultural lives as well. Politically, the Market affords

opportunity for the people of Zaria to discuss issues of common interest. Socially, the

Market serves as a forum for consultations between friends, relatives and different groups

of people, who while attending the Market, not only had the opportunity of exchanging

greetings and pleasantries but more importantly ideas, material culture and wealth.

The Kasuwa operated on a daily basis. Staudinger noted that Kasuwan Zaria was an

important Market, which was frequented by many people especially on Fridays when

more people particularly from the neighbouring villages trooped to the Birni to perform the

weekly Friday prayers.261 Traders and especially people coming from outside the Birni

always seize this opportunity to buy or sales their commodities while at the same time

performing the Friday prayers. Traders from distant places especially Kano, Hadejia,

Katsina and Bauchi also brought their products to the Market. The products included salt,

260
Ibid.
261
Usman Dalhatu, "Malam Ja’afaru" P.91.

- 115 -
 paper and other luxuries, sheep, goats and horses.262 These products were particularly

exchanged for slaves and to some extent leather, textiles, grains, and kola nuts.263

The Zaria Market was the largest and most important in the whole of the Zaria

Emirate.264 Other Markets also flourished within Birnin Zaria in the 19th century. These

were the Marmara Market to the south, Kaura to the east and Magajiya Market to the

west.265 These Markets were small and therefore were not in operation on daily basis.

Rather they held every four days but customers could purchase foodstuffs and few other

things on a daily basis from petty traders.266

7. THE ANGUWANNI (WARDS) OF BIRNIN ZARIA

The walled city of Zaria was established around some structural spatial pattern

known as the Anguwanni (wards).267 Since the Anguwanni were for administrative

convenience, they were under the control of the Mai anguwa. The Anguwanni were

products of evolution involving the gradual transformations of small clusters of

compounds into larger ones as discussed earlier on.268 In other words the Anguwanni

were part of the gradual development of Birnin Zaria, which was achieved over several

years since its formation. It should be noted that the conditions necessary for the

formation of the Anguwanni varies from one Anguwa to another so that some of the

Anguwanni were formed earlier than others. But due to the state of historical and

Archaeological research on the Anguwanni, it is difficult to establish the sequence of their

formation. It seems however, that by the end of the 19th century the number of the

262
Ibid.
263
Ibid.
264
M.G. Smith, Exchange and Marketing among the Hausa in Paul Bohannam and G. Dalton (eds) Market in Africa.
265
Ibid
266
Ibid.
267
Dhiliwayo, A.V. History of Sabon Gari Zaria, P.121.
268
Schwerdtfeger, F.W. “Housing in Zaria” in Oliver (ed) Shelter in Africa, 1971, p.37.

- 116 -
 Anguwanni grew up to 41.269 For a clear comprehension of the settlement pattern of the

Birni prior to the outbreak of the 1808 Jihad and its spatial growth, this section traces the

origin and development of the major wards that constituted the Birni.

a. LIMANCIN KONA

Limancin Kona is one of the oldest wards within Birnin Zaria. It is located close to the

Jakara stream to the south. The establishment of permanent settlement in the ward

appeared to have been due to the expansion in economic activities in the area. These

economic activities were centred around the dyeing industry located on the site. This is

demonstrated by the large number of dye pits numbering over five hundred on the site.270

The antiquity of these dye pits is not yet known. But the distinction often made between

marinan Birni (dye pit within the city) and marinan waje (dye pits outside the city) tend to

suggest that marinan Birni were in existence within an inner wall prior to the erection of

the expanded 15th century wall of the Birni.271 We are yet to know the identity of the

occupational groups that dominated this economic activity that helped to enhance the

growth of the settlement into a ward.

Another group that lived in this area from its inception were the Malaman Kona. The

Malaman Kona were believed to have been initially a group of 40 migrants272 under the

leadership of Haruna Rasheed. They were said to have moved south-ward from their

former home in Kulumfardu near Borno in search of an abode and preaching of Islam,

until they reached a greener pasture to the east of the Birni. This event seemed to have

269
Oyedele E. Colonial urbanisation in Northern Nigeria, pp.86-87; Urquhart A.V. Planned urban Landscapes, p. ix
270
Mahmud Aliyu, The History of Birnin Zaria, p. 65t
271
Ibid.
272
This group of people that later came to be known as Malaman Kona traced their ancestry to the Arabs. They claimed to have been the
descendants of Muhammad Ibn Yasir, an Arab from the tribe of Quraish and a companion of the prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H.).

- 117 -
taken place around 1300A.D.273 Astonished by the beautiful nature of the place, their

leader enquired "Konan zamu zauna?" i.e. should we not settle here? Since the

settlement of the Malaman Kona on the site, it came to be identified as Kona as already

discussed above.274

Subsequently, the Malaman Kona came to play dominant role in the development of

the ward; their major pre-occupation as scholars was preaching and teaching. It was

because of their dedication to these duties that the Konawa as this group of people and

their descendants came to be known, earned the position of Imam-ship in the Zaria

central Mosque. Secondly, the compound of Limamin Kona emerged as the earliest and

one of the prominent educational institutions on the plains of Zaria. It was a beehive of

Islamic educational activities with people coming from all parts of the Birni and even

beyond.275 The compound specialized in works such as Bukhari, Jamiu sagir, Ashafa, and

Samar kandi. 276

Limancin Kona gave birth to two other closely related but distinct wards namely:

Limancin Alfadarai and Limancin Iya. The history of Limancin Alfadarai was traced to

Malam Salihu who was claimed to be an Arab from Egypt. According to a local tradition

he came to Birnin Zaria via Borno coming along with a large number of Alfadarai (mules)

heavily loaded with assorted volumes of books on various fields of Islamic education. On

arrival he settled first in the compound of Limamin Kona and was later given a piece of

land where he established his own compound situated to the east of the Limamin Kona’s

compound. Malam Salihu soon emerged as a great scholar. It was on account of this that

273
The Malaman Kona were said to have lived in Kona which was in the past located out side the city wall for a period of nearly two hundred years
before their final movement to the Birni in the 15th century. It was from there that they used to move to as far as the ancient site of Durumin
Maigarke Market ostensibly for trading and preaching purposes. It was even reported that it was during one of their outing that they converted one
of the Habe rulers of Zazzau Muhammadu Rabbo (1456-1481) to Islam.
274
Oral source, Alhaji Muhammadu Sani (Limamin Kona), op-cit.
275
Ibid.
276
Oral source, Muhammadu Sani, 1st September 2002

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 his compound is often referred to as gidan Mallamawa.277 In recognition of his intellectual

standing, he was subsequently appointed as Limamin Kona. This was because the

position of Limamin Kona was not hereditary but solidly based on intellectual qualification.

The appointment of Malam Salihu to this position appeared to be around the middle of the

18th century.278

With regard to the Limancin Iya ward, tradition claim that the ward was established

as a result of the marriage between one of the daughters of a ruler of Zazzau and a

Limamin Kona who was hitherto a student in the compound of Limamin Kona.

Consequently, upon this marriage the ward of Limancin Iya was given to him.279

b. ANGUWAN JUMA

Juma ward is situated on a high land, dotted by rocky outcrops and ferruginous

ironstone along the Kamacha stream south of Salmanduna. The habitation of the site

appeared to be of long antiquity dating back to the beginning of permanent settlement on

the Zaria plains. The establishment of the ancient market of Durumin Maigarke, which

was located near the site of Anguwan Juma, seemed to be an important consideration in

the evolution of Juma ward.280 The economic activities in the ancient Market of Durumin

Maigarke seemed to serve as a pull-factor, drawing particularly Moslem traders and

Merchants to the area like a magnet. This consequently, led to the rapid transformation of

the settlement of Anguwan Juma into a major centre of human population.281 It was

through the activities of Moslem scholars and traders within Anguwan Juma and its

environs that consequently led to the expansion of the Muslim population on the Zaria

277
Oral source, Malam Aliyu, Gidan Malamawa, Age 94 years, 26th June 2002.
278
Mahmud Aliyu, The History Birnin Zaria, p. 68
279
Oral source, Muhammadu Sani, op-cit
280
Ibid.
281
Ibid.

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plains, a development that necessitated the construction of the earliest Juma’a Mosque

(Friday prayer Mosque). The construction of the Mosque was dated to the period of the

reign of Muhammadu Rabbo (1456-1481). It is possible that the ward bore a different

name in the past but the establishment of the Juma’a Mosque made people to refer to the

site as Anguwan Juma.

Among the prominent groups in Anguwan Juma were the Malaman Juma who

traced their ancestry to Malam Abubakar who is believed to have come from Futa Toro.

We do not know what informed the decision of Malam Abubakar to leave Futa Toro. But

this may not be unconnected with the political instability that characterized most societies

in the western and central Sudan. Having left Futa Toro he had a short spell at Yandoto,

Katsina and Borno before he permanently settled in Zaria with his large retinue of family,

students and cattle.282 By the middle of the sixteen-century Malam Abubakar emerged as

the chief Imam of the Juma’a Mosque. He was subsequently succeeded to the Imam-ship

position by three of his descendants.283 Thus, by the period of the outbreak of Jihad in

Zaria in the nineteenth century, the lineage of Malam Abubakar was among the most

influential scholars in the society.

c. SALMANDUNA

Of all the settlements that existed within the walled city, Salmanduna appears to be

one of the earliest. As indicated earlier, permanent settlements were located around the

area of Salmanduna before the emergence of the Birni. Salmanduna is located at the

centre of the Birni along Fadamar Bono.284

282
Nuhu A. R. ‘’Tarihin Anguwan Juma,’’ a paper presented at the Workshop organized by the History Department A. B. U. Zaria, 1979
283
Oral source, Alhaji Muhammad, Anguwan Juma, Age 62, 2nd September 2003
284
Fadamar Bono otherwise known as Rafin Sarki extended from the site of Babban Dodo passing through the wards of Salmanduna, Sirdi, Kaura,
Magajiya and Kofar Kona to join up with river Saye, a tributary of river Galma.

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 Traditions vary with regard to the origin of Salmanduna. According to one of the

traditions, the settlement was founded by a hunter known as Bono who was said to be the

husband of Zaria, one of the daughters of Bakwa Turunku. It was further stated that

during one of his hunting expeditions, Bono stayed longer than usual around the site of

Fadamar Bono, which now comprises Babban Dodo and Salmanduna areas. Worried by

his absence, his wife, Zaria followed and traced him at the site of Fadamar Bono and was

very much fascinated by the fertility of the area to such an extent that she pleaded with

her father to relocate from Turunku to the beautiful site.285

Another tradition claimed that Gunguma founded the settlement of Salmanduna

following the clearance of the forest that covered the whole of Zaria plain and the

establishment of the earliest agricultural community around the area of Babban Dodo.

The tradition stated further that Salmanduna emerged following the expansion of Babban

Dodo to the area.286 Many other variations of this tradition however exist.

Even though the real import of these traditions may not be properly comprehended,

they seem to represent the recollection by the people of an account of a settlement that

developed into a centre of human activity at a very ancient time.287

Whatever historical facts may be embedded in these traditions, there is sufficient

evidence that indicates that favourable conditions for the emergence and development of

ancient human settlements existed in the area occupied by Salmanduna. Such favourable

conditions included the abundance of arable land, water, as well as grasses for live stock

grazing. There was also the presence of alluvial soil, which constituted an important

source of clay for the production of pots.

285
Bryant K.J. This is Zaria, Op-cit.
286
Oral source, Muhammad Abbas Fagachi,, op-cit
287
Mahmud Aliyu, The History of Birnin Zaria, P.53.

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 The development of Fadamar Bono into an important economic centre and the

subsequent emergence of the earliest Market of Durumin Maigarke also gave impetus to

the expansion of human population into the area of Salmanduna and its subsequent

transformation into a ward.

The religious significance of the site of Babban Dodo as a major religious centre,

(Kusfa) for the worship of iskoki centred on the Rafin Sarki and a silk cotton tree (Rimi)

were also very important factors in the emergence of Salmanduna. It stimulated the

concentration of a large number of people of diverse origin in the area as people trooped

to the area for religious worship.288 The worship of iskoki was still prevalent among the

yan bori in the area. This is reflected in the kirari (praise song) of Duna one of the spirit as

follows: -

Duna na kar kashin kasa Duna the one underneath the earth
Arne na gidan Nabijari pagan of the house of Nabijari
Ko uwanka na tsoronka even your mother fears you
Bakaka mushagala Bakaka mushagala
Mai kallabi da hanjin yaro the one who crowns with a boy’s intestines
Talaka baya iya ijiyeki a poor man cannot keep you
Ko ya ijiyeki maizai baki if he keeps you what is he going to offer you
Sai dai ya baki Bargon doki except to give you horse’s blanket
289
Ba dai ya baki jini ba. He can not offer you blood

As a result of the combinations of the above factors Salmanduna emerged as an

important economic centre by the 15th century. This was demonstrated by the existence

of dye pits numbering over fifty, and other industries such as iron and pottery

288
Oral source, Sarkin Bori Nabara, Age 63 years, 20th October 2002
289
Ibid.

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 productions.290 According to Mahmud Aliyu all these were indications of the level of

prosperity enjoyed by the ward until the 19th century when there was a decline.291

Among the most prominent members of the occupational groups that settled in

Salmanduna was the Sarkin makera, Duna. According to traditions the compound of

Duna was a major centre for the production of such materials like bungles, stirrups, horse

halters and other decorative materials.292 Although though, Duna was not the first

prominent personality that settled in Salmanduna, the ward was believed to have derived

its name from the combination of his name, Duna and that of his wife, Salma.

d. ANGUWAN ZARIA

Anguwan Zaria is situated along the Kamacha stream. The genesis of the ward

could be traced to the settlement in the area by Zaria, one of the daughters of Bakwa

Turunku and a large retinue of her people who were made up of builders, smiths, wood

carvers, priests, warriors, labourers, drummers, singers, and many other occupational

groups. The site was initially chosen as a temporary base for Zaria and her people from

where she could oversee the construction works of the ganuwa, the royal Palace and

other structures such as wells and a house for herself at Anguwan Magajiya. It was

because of her role in the establishment of this settlement that the ward bears her

name.293 However, on completion of the construction project, Zaria and a large body of

her people evacuated to a new permanent abode, which she had already built for herself

at Anguwan Magajiya. Her movement significantly, reduced the density of the population

of Anguwan Zaria until the late 18th century when the population of the ward got a boost.

What gave a fillip to this was the geographical condition of the area that made the site

290
Mahmud Aliyuu, The History of Birnin Zaria, p. 52
291
Ibid.
292
Oral source, Ladan Sani Mua'zu, Age 65 years, 20th October 2002.
293
Abdullahi Aliyu, (Wamban Zazzau), :Tarihin Kasar Zazzau,.” P. 4

- 123 -
 more attractive due to its fertility and abundant supply of water because of its location

along the Kamacha stream. Another factor was the religious significance, which the area

around the Rimin Danza and Kofar Matarkwasa came to assume. This was a factor that

influenced the immigration of large number of occupational groups into the ward.

Apart from the occupational groups that settled in Anguwan Zaria as mentioned

above, other dominant groups include the lineage of Madakin Zazzau Kyankyaro and the

Sarakunan Kofa. Madaki kyankyaro was believed to have become too powerful. The

realization of the enormity of his powers tempted the Madaki to attempt the physical

extermination of the then Habe ruler Isiyaku Jatau with the aim of taking over the mantle

of leadership from him. The situation was so critical that it was only with the intervention

of Sarkin Fatika that the assassination bid was foiled. Consequently, Madaki Kyankyaro

was deposed. However, despite the deposition of Kyankyaro, his lineage continued to

enjoy a dominant position in the ward at least up to the outbreak of the Jihad in 1808 A.D.
294

e. KOFAR FADA

As the name implies, Kofar Fada is used to refer to the wide open-space that initially

separated the Palace from the rest of the other wards in the walled city but which was

gradually filled up by buildings. It should however, be noted that Kofar Fada is

strategically located between the earliest centres of human settlements on the Zaria

plains namely Madarkachi and Fadamar Bono. This suggests that the area around the

Kofar Fada was under continuous human habitation since ancient times. Therefore the

identification of the ward with the name Kofar Fada must be later probably following the

construction of the Palace on the area.

294
Oral source, Dalhatu Balarabe, Age 72 years, 10th January 2002

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 The extent of Kofar Fada by the late 18th century included part of Madaka, Kakaki,

Albarkawa, Bambale and some parts of Kwarbai. Now the whole of the area formally designated

as Kofar Fada has been heavily congested with several compounds, leaving only small open

space.295

However, before the end of the 18th century only three large compounds towered

above all other compounds in the whole of this area that later formed the nucleus around

which the present wards of Kakaki, Bambale and Jamawa emerged.296 For instance,

Jamawa was made up of a single big compound belonging to Magajiya, one of the

daughters of Bakwa, the King of Zazzau. This hitherto big compound is now broken into

several independent houses. Other houses were gradually built around it. Soon the place

developed into a ward named after the founder of the large compound in the area called

Jamawa.

The founder of Bambale, Malam Salihu was said to have come to Zaria in the

company of Malam Musa the leader of the Jihad of 1808 in Zaria.297 Following the

success of the Jihad, the need for the resettlement of those that came with the leaders of

the Jihad arose. Consequently, Malam Salihu was among those that were settled close to

the Palace. This was in recognition of his status as a Scholar.

The compound that was given to Malam Salihu is located at the place that is

presently called "Makaranta" where the lineage of Malam Ahmad Baban Kauna and

Malam Ibrahim Kwaire are presently living. After settling in the compound he started

teaching. The house was to emerge as a centre of learning. It was because of the extent

295
The open space in front of the royal palace was an important meeting place between the rulers of Zazzau and the public. The rulers, who were not
supposed to be always seen, appeared on few occasions on this spot particularly during ceremonies where people could see them and salute them.
Such occasions also provided the rulers with the opportunity to communicate with their subjects on state matters.
296
Oral source, Alhaji Inuwa Jamawa, Age, 74 years, 3rd February 2002
297
Ishaku Ma’aji and Mohammed Aminu Hayatu, Zuriyar Mallam Salihu Bambale, 2001, iv

- 125 -
of the academic acumen of Malam Salihu and the calibre of his pupils who were mostly,

made up of princes and children of the well to do that the centre earned the name

''Makarantar Bambale.’’298 It was from this name that the ward derived its name. Apart

from the lineage of Malam Salihu, there was also the lineage of a butcher.

Another prominent lineage that lived in Kakaki was the lineage of Malam Ibrahim

Tsoho. He was said to have been of Bornoan extraction.299 The circumstance leading to

his coming to Zaria was influenced by the Jihad of Usman Dan Fodio when the Habe

rulers were expelled from Zaria. Following this development Makau on his plight took

refuge with the chief of Kajuru. After a while, the Habe ruler of Zazzau, Makau left Kajuru

for Abuja where he established a kingdom. Mean while, Albarka a prince of the Habe

rulers of Zazzau was already resident at Kajuru as the representative of the Madakin

Zazzau who was the Hakimi of the area. When Makau left for Abuja, Albarka remained at

Kajuru. There was a great scholar who had been living in the area teaching and

preaching long before the Jihad whose name was Abduljalil.300

Already Albarka had found Malam Abduljalil a close ally and a teacher. When

Albarka therefore decided to return to Zaria he sought the company of Abduljalil so that

when he reached Zaria he might through his influence get acceptance from the new

administration at Zaria. However, Abduljalil declined to follow him on account of old age

and instead instructed his son Ibrahim Tsoho to follow him.301

On reaching Zaria they were accepted and accommodated. Abubakar was given a

house close to the palace. The house is now inhabited by the lineage of Malam Aminu

298
Ibid.
299
Dogara Bashir Dalhatu, Zuriyar Malam Ibrahim Tsoho, dake Kakaki, Birnin Zaria. 2001, P. V.
300
Ibid.
301
Ibid.

- 126 -
 Gadina (behind Na’ibi's house), while Ibrahim Tsoho was accommodated in a section of

the house. It was therefore from Albarka that the Albarkawa ward derived its name.302

Later Malam Tsoho was given a land north of Albarka's house to build his own

house close to gidan masu kakaki, which is located close to Albarkawa. It was the

presence of masu kakaki that the ward came to assume the name kakaki. Seventy

percent of the people living in Kakaki were descendants of Malam Ibrahim Tsoho.303 Soon

the compound of Ibrahim Tsoho became a great centre of Islamic learning which attracted

lot of people from far and near.

f. KWARBAI

This was one of the earliest settlements within the Zaria plains. Its antiquity like the

Kofar Fada is clearly demonstrated by the fact that it was at one time part of the old

Madarkachi settlement. However, following the establishment of the Birni and the royal

Palace, the significance of the area, particularly around Madarkachi was drastically

reduced. This may be due to the new role the whole area behind the royal Palace came

to assume following its construction. According to local tradition the ward derived its name

from the existence of a door (Kofa) at the back (Bai) of the Palace,304 hence the name

Kwarbai in reference to that door. It was further claimed that Kwarbai was the settlement

of the servants and slaves of the rulers of Zazzau and as a grazing land for the royal

livestock.

Another tradition claimed that Kwarbai derived its name from a special class of

warriors who constituted the members of the royal slaves known as Yan Kwarbai who

302
Ibid.
303
Ibid.
304
Oral source, Alhaji Inuwa, Jamawa, op-cit

- 127 -
 resided in the northern part of the ward near the royal Palace.305 By the beginning of the

19th century, following the Jihad in Zaria, the population of Kwarbai ward got a

tremendous boost after the settlement of many members of the Mallawa ruling family and

their servants.306

g. ANGUWAN MAGAJIYA

This ward is founded around the 15th century, when the Birni was established.

According to local traditions, Magajiya built a large compound on the site, which now

belonged to the lineage of Madaki Sa’idu as her official residence. This house, which

composed of some members of the royal dynasty, eunuchs, slaves and servants,

continued to serve the daughters of the rulers of Zazzau up to the period of the Jihad.307

When the house came under the control of the Jihad leaders, Mallam Musa was reported

to have given the house to the Mallawa ruling dynasty.

The establishment of Magajiya prompted the emergence of some other wards within

its vicinity. These included: Anguwan Lalle, Anguwan Kahu and Magajin Aska.

According to local traditions, Anguwan Lalle was formed by a group of Sullubawa

Fulani who came to Zaria under the leadership of a person called Abubakar. Little is

known about the activities of these people except that they were mainly engaged in

pastoralism and commerce. The traditions claimed further that very close to the

settlement of these groups of peoples was a big henna tree known as lalle in Hausa.

Located under this lalle (Henna) tree was a well, which the people used to water their

animals. It was on account of this lalle (Henna) tree that the ward derived its name.308

305
Adamu Abbas Suleiman, Asalin Sunayen Anguwanni Birnin Zaria, B. A. Dissertation, NAL, A.B.U. Zaria, 1986, P.15.
306
Urquhart A. W, Planned Urban landscapes, [Link].
307
Oral source, Alhaji Sidi Aliyu, Magajiya, Age 73 Years, 21st December 2001.
308
Oral source, Abubakar Danladi mai Zare, Anguwan Lalle, Age 50 years, 21st December 2001.

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 Located to the north of the settlement of Magajiya close to Rafin Sarki was the

settlement of local barbers (Wanzamai) known as Anguwan Magajin Aska.309 The history

of this ward is traced to the 15th century when the royal family under Magajiya settled on

the area. Following this development, the occupational groups of barbers also settled very

close by. We do not know precisely why the group of traditional Barbers settled in the

area close to Magajiya. It is plausible that as a highly respected occupational group, the

traditional barbers were settled by the state on the site to make their services more

accessible to the members of the royal families located at both the Palace and Magajiya.

This may be as a result of their incorporation into the political affairs of the state following

the realization of their role in the provision of health care services to the society. Parts of

the services provided by this professional group included provision of medicine in cases

of sickness, delivery, wounds and fractures and venereal diseases. They also performed

barbing and circumcisions. On the basis of the social division of people into the Masu

Sarauta and the Talakawa, the Magajin Aska attended to the needs of the Sarki and his

title officials while his assistants attended to the needs of the larger society.

Closely located to Anguwan Magajin Aska is Anguwan Kahu. The formation of this

ward was due to the tremendous expansion of Magajin Aska following the settlement of

large groups of pastoralists. The earliest group of pastoralists to settle here traced their

ancestry to Malam Ma’aji and his brother Ahmadu who were claimed to have arrived Zaria

around the late eighteenth century from Kano. On their arrival to Zaria they were settled

on a piece of land located along the Rafin Sarki. Due to the constant supply of water to

the area at all times people came to refer to the site as Hancin kare.310

309
Anguwan Magajin Aska derived its name from the title of the head of the Barbers, which is Magajin Aska
310
Oral source, Ladan Wakilin Kahu, Sarkin Kahu, Age 97 years, 21st December 2001.

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 Another prominent group of people that settled at Anguwan Kahu were the lineage

of the Takarawa. The Takarawa were believed to have been the descendants of the

Fulanis that fled from Kano as a result of the Jihad wars and settled in Zaria under the

leadership of Malam Muhammad. They were believed to have moved into Zaria in 1806

where they stayed in the present ward of Magajiya.311 Malam Muhammadu, the leader of

this people is believed to be highly knowledgeable and on account of this he was referred

to as Takaru and consequently his lineage was named Takarawa.

h. ANGUWAN NUFAWA

This ward is situated to the northwest of Anguwan Karfe. Anguwan Nufawa

apparently appeared to be founded by people of Nupe stock. The history of the Nupe

people in Zaria dated back to the 15th century following the establishment of some forms

of relationships between Zaria and Nupe-land. Initially this relationship was in the form of

military encounters between the two. It was because of these encounters that Zaria

obtained a large number of slaves from Nupe-land. Thus, this marked the beginning of

the settlement of Nupe people in Zaria. The other form of relationship took the form of

trade following the expansion of commerce in Zaria around the 15th century. This

development led to the immigration and subsequent settlement of various groups of

Nupawa particularly Merchants, traders and skilled artisans inside the Birni. These forms

of relationships are clearly demonstrated in the Kano chronicle thus:

Queen Amina conquered all the towns as far as

Kwararrafa and Nupe every town paid tribute
to her. The Sarkin Nupe sent forty Eunuchs and
ten thousands kola to her. She first had Eunuchs

311
Oral source, Muhammadu Lawal, Magajiya, Age 76 years, 21st December 2001.

- 130 -
 in Hausa land. In her time the whole of the product
of the west were brought to Hausa land.312

The first settlement of these migrants in Birnin Zaria appeared to be a large

compound now popularly referred to as gidan Alkalin Ja`e. The compound assumed this

name following the settlement of Malam Ibrahim who is said to be a Scholar belonging to

the Sullubawa Fulani descent group. Local tradition maintains that Malam Ibrahim came

to Zaria from Richifa with a large number of students. While in Zaria, he first settled in the

house of Limamin Kona before he finally settled in the compound. His major

preoccupation at Anguwan Nufawa was teaching, farming and cattle rearing.

A very interesting and intimate relationship seemed to have developed between

Malam Ibrahim and one Ja’e who was a very rich pastoralist. Malam Ibrahim had been a

close confident of Ja’e to such extent that he consulted Ja’e on almost everything. It was

because of this that Malam Ibrahim was nicked named Alkalin Ja’e (solicitor of Ja’e),

hence the reference to the big house in Anguwan Nufawa as Gidan Alkalin Ja’e.

According to local tradition these important personalities participated in the Jihad in

Zaria.313

This compound was believed to be the only building that occupied the ward in the

past. Traditions with regard to the historical significance of this compound vary. One of

the traditions has it that Queen Amina built it. The traditions further stated that the scale

and extent of the compound, which is still comparable only to the royal Palace, was built

to serve as a guesthouse for the Queen’s guests, servants and slaves.314

312
Palmer, H. R. Kano chronicle in Sudanese memoirs, p.107
313
Oral source, Alhaji Buhari Yahaya, op-cit
314
Ibrahim Madauchi Bagudu, Tarihin Sarauniya Amina, Ibrahim Madauchi documented papers, n.d..

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 A variation of this tradition claims that the big compound was meant for

accommodating traders and merchants coming to Zaria with products such as textiles,

kola nut, slaves and so on and hence, the strategic location of the compound at the

centre of the north-south trade route.315

Following the gradual influx of migrants into the compound and making Zaria a

permanent home by some of them, Anguwan Nufawa gradually expanded with the big

compound (gidan Ja’e) forming the nucleus of the ward.

The Nufawa gradually emerged as important elements within the Birni because of

their numerical strength and the important role they played in the socio economic

development of the Birni. This was the circumstance that informed the Sarautar Sarkin

Nufawa in Zaria. The Sarkin Nufawa was among other things responsible for the

collection of taxes on various textile products produced by the Nupe artisans, provision of

accommodation for immigrants from Nupe-land as well as adjudicating in cases of

disputes involving members of the ethnic group. The institution of the sarautar Nufawa

was well established to the extent that other official titleholders emerged. This included:

Dangaladima, Sarkin Fada and Madakin Sarkin Nupe.316

Succession into the office of the Sarki rotates between three main compounds

namely: the compound of Sarkin Nufawa Umaru, the compound of Sarkin Nufawa Ibrahim

and the compound of Sarkin Nufawa Abdussalami.317

Apart from immigrants from Nupe-land other groups of people were equally attracted

into this quarter particularly around the 18th century following the settlement of large

groups of Scholars and Pastorals in the ward.

315
Oral source, Buhari Yahaya, Anguwan Nufawa, Age, 71 years, 10th January 2002.
316
Ibid.
317
Oral source, Alhaji Shittu Jibril, Anguwan Nufawa, Age, 78, 10th January 2002.

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i. ANGUWAN FATIKA

Anguwan Fatika is situated to the west of Anguwan Juma along the Kamacha

stream. The circumstances leading to the establishment of this ward lies in the aborted

attempt at the assassination of the then Habe ruler of Zazzau, Ishaku Jatau (1802-1806)

by the then Madaki Kyankyaro. Following his role in foiling the coup, Dikko the Chief of

Fatika was given a territorial reward for saving the King from his assailants. The territorial

land was then named Fatika after the town of Fatika that was located about 30km to the

west of Zaria.318 Anguwan Fatika was extensively populated by a group of royal slaves

and servants under the Sarkin noman Zazzau. Therefore, in view of the antiquity of noma

(farming) in Zazzau as mentioned earlier in chapter two and the institutionalisation of

Sarkin noma, the ward must have been in existence long before this period and might

have been bearing a different name or under another ward.

j. ANGUWAN IYA

Located to the south of Anguwan Juma is Anguwan Iya. We do not know precisely

when human settlement began in this site. But it appeared to be of long antiquity. This is

because local tradition has indicated that the whole of the area occupied by the ward and

extending up to Kwaba constituted the royal farm since the Habe period.319 Therefore, if

this tradition is anything to go by it is rational to suggest that the site presently occupied

by Anguwan Iya constituted part of the large open spaces within the Birni, which were

reserved to provide food for the Birni particularly during military siege.320 According to

local traditions Anguwan Iya derived its name from the title of Iya, which was given to

Muhammadu Hankurau. Local tradition claims that he was a close associate of Malam

318
Oral source, Alhaji Adamu Aliyu, Age, 74 years 10th January 2002.
319
This site was said to be extensively settled by a group of royal servants and slaves under the Sarkin noman Zazzau.
320
Urquhart, A. W. Planned Urban Landscapes, op- cit.

- 133 -
Musa, (1808-1821) the first Emir of Zazzau after the Jihad and that after the Jihad Malam

Musa intended to give a traditional title to Muhammadu Hankurau but he declined to

accept any title except the Iya title. Malam Musa was said to have drawn his attention to

the fact that the title was for women and therefore not befitting for him being a male. In

spite of all these it was claimed that Muhammadu Hankurau became resolute and

retorted by saying “na Hankura da wannan”, meaning "I am contented with this". Since

then he was nick named Muhammadu Hankurau.

Following the confirmation of this title to Muhammadu Hankurau, the Emir

apportioned all the lands presently occupied by the Iya ward under his jurisdiction.

Located within the ward was a large compound that housed the Sarkin noman Zazzau

and a large number of slaves who worked on the royal farm. The royal farm was an area

of pre-Islamic practices particularly related to agricultural activities. These included

prostitution, gambling, dancing, music, drinking, and other forms of celebrations. Hence it

was reported that the compound became a major target of attacks by the Jihadists. With

the exit of Sarkin noma from the compound following the Jihad, Muhammadu Hankurau

took over the use of the house. It was therefore as a result of the settlement of Iya in this

house that the ward came to bear that name.321

321
Oral source, Balarabe Ibrahim, Anguwan Iya, Age 87 Years, 17th January 2002.

- 134 -
k. ANGUWAN ZAGE ZAGI

This ward is located on a Fadama soil along the Rafin Bula, which passes through

the ward to the south and joins with River Saye, a tributary of river Galma. It is difficult at

the state of our research to say precisely when this place was first settled and by whom.

This is because of the varied and conflicting nature of the existing traditions of the people.

This ward was believed to have developed from a large compound popularly known

as Gidan Zage Zagi. This big compound constituted the only structure within the site of

the ward in the past. Therefore, the numerous compounds that surrounded it belonged to

splinter groups from compounds that established their own set of buildings due to over

population in the former.322 However, what cannot be certain at the state of our research

is the antiquity of the compound that formed the nucleus of the Zage zagi ward. Also

difficult to establish is the identity of the lineage that found the ward due to the conflicting

traditions regarding them.

One of the traditions claimed that the Zage Zagi were the descendants of some Arab

merchants who due to their commercial activities finally settled in Zaria around the 15th

century. These Arabs were believed to have been integrated and incorporated into the

Hausa community as a result of intermarriages with the members of the Habe ruling

families. The tradition pointed out further that those Arab merchants who did not settle

permanently within the city wall referred to this group of Arabs settlers as Zak-Zak.323 This

name was gradually corrupted to Zage Zagi. The precise meaning of this word is not

known. But according to local tradition Zak-Zak was an Arabic word which means to walk

gently and slowly, like an old person. Another tradition has it that it was derived from an

322
Oral source, Usman Faruk Abdus-Samad, op-cit
323
Oral source, Muhammadu Abbas, Fagachi,, op-cit

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Arabic word zikkatu, which means sword and tazakzaka meaning to be armed.324 It is

plausible that Zazzau derived its name from these words too. Unless linguistic study is

conducted on the origin and meaning of the word Zazzau and it derivatives we will

continue to have conflicting traditions on the issue.

The Zage Zagi tradition however, traced their history to Uthman bn Isma’il who was

said to be an Arab from Fezzan. The Habe tradition pointed out that Uthman bn Ismai’l

came to Zaria during the reign of the King of Zazzau, Ishaku Jatau (1786-1806). This is

suggesting a very recent origin dating between the late 18th century and early 19th century

for the emergence of the lineage of the Zage zagi. The tradition went further to state that

Uthman bn Isma’il left Fezzan following a succession dispute after the death of his father.

On his arrival at Birnin Zaria, Magajiya accommodated him after consulting with the King.

He was reported to have been given a piece of land near the compound of Magajiya upon

which he was said to have built his compound, while the rest of the land was used as

farmland. In front of the house was a pond, called Zage-Zagi.325 We do not know yet why

it was called Zage-Zagi, but it appears the Zage-Zagi ward derived its name from the

pond. The significance of this pond is not yet known. However, according to local tradition

the pond was a subject of annual festival during which the Habe Kings of Zazzau used to

be in attendance.326 The festival involved dancing, music and dredging of the pond. This

seems to be similar to the traditional rituals of gyaran ruwa that characterized most of the

Hausa states. In the 19th century this compound became a prominent school in the Birni,

famous in subjects like Qur’an, Fiqh, Tauhid and Arabic.

324
Abdullahi Aliyu (Wanban Zazzau), “Tarihin Kasar Zazzau ,” p. 2
325
Umar Farouk, Abdus-Samad, Tarihin gidan Zage-zagi, unpublished paper n.d. p.1
326
Ibid.

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 Following the out break of Jihad in 1808, the lineage of the Zage zagi were said to

be among the people that were very loyal to the Habe ruling dynasty. And on account of

that the Zage zagi lineage refused to support the Jihad forces. On account of this the

Zage zagi were ejected out of their compound. However, later on a new one was given to

them instead. Following this the name of the ward was changed to Anguwan Katuka.327

However despite this change, people still refer to the ward as Anguwan Zage zagi.

Anguwan Zage-zagi was one of the wards that experienced the desertion of large number

of families following the defeat of the Habe dynasty in 1808.328

l. ANGUWAN KARFE

Anguwan Karfe is situated to the northeast of Jakara stream on a fertile Fadama.

The location of this ward on such a favourable geographical location tends to suggest that

the area must have attracted human population at a very early period. This seemed to be

supported by the discovery of a large number of abandoned dye pits numbering over one

hundred on the site. Even though the antiquity of these dye pits is not known, they

appeared to be of ancient origin and they seemed to indicate the existence of a

prosperous community with an economy based on agriculture and dyeing activities

probably dating to the period before the emergence of centralized political institutions in

Zaria.329

Whatever the antiquity of Anguwan Karfe, it appears that two dominant occupational

groups emerged at an early period following the formation of the Birni. These groups

were: blacksmiths and butchers. Little is known about the genealogy of these

occupational groups. This ward must have therefore played a very important role in the

327
Oral source, Mohammed Abbas Fagachi,, op-cit
328
Ibid.
329
Mahmud, Aliyu, The History of Birnin Zaria p. 73

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city by providing its inhabitants with all their military and household needs in terms of

weapons and other implements, while the butchers provided the protein needs of the

society.

A very important development leading to the transformation of this quarter into a

ward was the settlement of large group of Sullubawa in the site. This group of people

were said to have migrated from the Sokoto- Rima basin into the ward around the middle

of the 18th century. The most prominent figure among this people was Malam Ja’e.

According to local tradition Malam Ja’e was rich possessing large herds of cattle

numbering several thousands. It was stated further that the settlement of Malam Ja’e in

the quarter led to its transformation into an important economic centre, which resulted in

the establishment of the Zaria Market near it. The lineage of the Sullubawa residing within

Anguwan Karfe was reported to have supported the Jihadists against the last Habe King

of Zazzau, Muhammadu Makau (1806-1808). A. D.330

m. ANGUWAN MAJEMA
This ward was situated close to Anguwa Juma .As the name implies it was the quarters of

Majema (tanners). The ward derived its name from this highly specialized occupational group. The

antiquity of this ward is not known. However, according to the local tradition this occupational

group traced their ancestry to Kano. The tradition went further to suggest that the lineage of the

Majema (tanners) were in continuous habitation of the ward since the formation of Birnin Zaria in

the 15th century A.D. It is possible that the antiquity of this group of people in this ward was as old

as they claim. But considering the location of the ward almost at the centre of the Birni and its

location around the early centres of human population such as Anguwan Juma and Durumin

330
Oral source, Abdurra’uf Muhammad, Age 63 years, 15th January 2002.

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Maigarke, it is possible that the foundation of the ward was earlier than the 15th century. However,

whatever the case, by the 18th century the ward emerged as a very important economic centre that

specialized in the production of leather works for both military and non-military use. This served

the royal needs as well as the commercial needs of the citizens of the Birni. In spite of the passage

of time and the dwindling of traditional industries generally, the leather industry in Anguwan

Majema was still active. Presently, there are five compounds within which this profession is still

going on. These are: Gidan Inuwa, Gidan Garba, Gidan Paiko, Gidan Yero and Gidan Yau.

Prominent personalities that were believed to have settled in this ward were Iyan Bakin

Kasuwa. He was said to have occupied a big compound close to that of the Majema. Iyan Bakin

Kasuwa was believed to have lived in the late 18th century. Mallam Suleiman who held the title of

Rubu later occupied this house after the jihad in Zazzau.331 The taking over of the use of the

compound seems to suggest that the Iyan Bakin Kasuwa was a Habe and following the overthrow

of the Habe and their exit from the Birni, Iyan Bakin Kasuwa seems to follow them possibly

together with a large number of his followers.

n. ANGUWAN SIRDI
The ward of Anguwan Sirdi was located close to Anguwan Nufawa. The nucleus of

this ward was formed around a big compound popularly known as Gidan Sarkin sirdi. The

activities of this occupational group transformed the ward into an important economic

centre within Birnin Zaria. These occupational groups were believed to have specialized

in the manufacture of saddleries. It was because of the concentration of this important

economic activity in the present site of Anguwan Sirdi that the ward came to adopt the

name Anguwan Sirdi.

331
Oral source, Alhaji Aliyu Sarkin Jima Anguwan Rubu, Age 83 years, 2002

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 According to tradition the history of this occupational group was linked to the royal slaves

of southern origin who were captured by the Habe rulers of Zazzau.332 The tradition of the lineage

of this occupational group maintained that they came to Zaria during the reign of Emir Abdul-

karim (1834-1846).333

However a critical examination of the above traditions seemed to suggest an ancient antiquity

for the lineage of the occupational group since the title of Sarkin Sirdi was a Habe title. Based on

this assumption it is possible that this occupational group inhabited the site since the establishment

of the Birni in the 15th century. It is also possible that the lineage of the royal slaves took over the

profession and the compound following the flight of the Habes.

o. KOFAR KUYAMBANA

Lying south of Anguwan Iya and Limanchin Kona was Kofar Kuyambana. The history of the

earliest human population that settled on this site is as old as the Kuyambana gate. This was

because as was the tradition, the care of the Kuyambana gate was entrusted to a warrior who on

account of his role in the conquest of the Kuyambana town was rewarded by Amina with the title

of Sarkin Kofa. Following the settlement of the Sarkin Kofa the site began to gradually attract

more people. Thus, the house of the Sarkin Kofa, which was located by the gate, formed the

nucleus of the settlement.

By the 18th century A.D. due to the influx of more people particularly scholars and traders

into the area, the population of the ward swelled up. Prominent lineage that settled around Kofar

Kuyambana included the lineage of Muhammadu Sambo and Malam Abubakar. According to

tradition Malam Muhammadu Sambo was an Islamic scholar. Like most Islamic scholars he was

itinerant and that it was claimed that even before his permanent settlement within the walled city,

332
Oral source, Isma’il Abubakar, Anguwar Sirdi, Age 96 years, 2002.
333
Oral source, Mohammadu Musa, Sarkin Sirdi, Anguwar Sirdi, 95 years, 2000.

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 he used to come to the Birni for preaching. Malam Mohammadu Sambo was also said to be a

schoolmate of Usman Dan Fodio. The tradition further claimed that Malam Muhammad Sambo

initially settled at Anguwan Limancin Kona. However, when the Zaria Market extended close to

his house he moved to Kofar Kuyambana out of the fear that if he stayed within the vicinity of the

Market his children may not concentrate on their studies. Following the outbreak of the Jihad the

lineage of Malam Sambo supported the Jihadists even though they did not actively participate in it.

Tradition regarding Malam Abubakar explained that he was a merchant who was engaged in

a long distance trade, a factor that earned him the name Falken Gonja (the merchant of Gonja).

The tradition further explained that the lineage of Malam Abubakar continued with the trading

activities even after the Jihad, which earned them a lot of reputation.334

p. ANGUWAN DANJINJIRI

This ward was located close to Kofar Kuyambana. Its history is traced to a Sharifi who was

said to be the founder of the settlement. The Sharifai have a tradition of having a direct descent to

Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H). The founder of the lineage of the Sharifai was believed to have

settled in the ward during the reign of Sarkin Zazzau Yero (1888-1897 A.D).335

q. ANGUWAN MALAM SULE

Also closely located near Kofar Kuyambana was Anguwan Malam Sule. The founder of the

lineage that inhabited the area is said to be one Malam Sule. It was following his settlement in this

quarter that the ward was named after him. Malam Sule was said to be a great Islamic scholar.

Tradition claims that he came to Zaria and settled at the ward during the reign of Sarkin Zazzau

Yero (1888-1897 A.D).336 Apart from the lineage of Malam Sule, another prominent group that

settled in this ward were the Yoruba. The Yoruba started coming to Zaria during the second reign

334
Oral source, Abdullahi Hayatu, Age 66 years, 20th September 2002
335
Ibid.
336
Ibid

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 of Sarkin Zazzau Abdullahi (1857-1871 and 1874-1879A.D) and that the first Yoruba to start

settling in the area was a man called Balogun.337 He was said to have first settled there alone and

later brought his family from the south to permanently settle with him in Zaria. It is his lineage that

is now residing mainly in the ward. This lineage was engaged in trading in mainly textiles goods

and kola nut.338 Of the entire ethnic groups that came to subsequently settle in Birnin Zaria at the

various phases of its evolution, it was only the Yoruba people that were not completely integrated

and assimilated into the Hausa community of Zazzagawa. This is demonstrated by the fact that

they are still identifiable by their style of dressing, language and customs.

r. KOFAR DOKA

The nucleus of the settlement that formed this ward was established in the 15th century

around the compound of the Sarkin Kofa at the Doka gate. According to local tradition the Sarkin

Kofa of Kofar Doka belonged to the slaves attached to Zaria, one of the daughters of Bakwa

Turunku.339 It was stated further that following the transfer of the capital of Zazzau from Turunku

to Zaria, the gatekeeper was assigned with the responsibility of protecting the Birni from the

north.340 He was assisted by a large number of slaves who swelled the population of his compound.

There is not a single member that is surviving from the lineage of the Sarkin Kofa. This was

because the Sarkin Kofa was a eunuch. Now located right on the ruin of the compound of the

Sarkin Kofa is Jushi primary school.

Soon after its establishment, the compound of Sarkin Kofa began to develop into a centre of

human settlement following the settlement of migrants from the neighbouring states of Katsina,

Kano and Borno.

337
Ibid.
338
Ibid.
339
Oral sources, Yusuf Aliyu Kofar Doka, Age 50 years, 2002
340
The Title of Sarkin Kofa continued to be held by the members of the royal slaves up to the outbreak of the 19th century Jihad in Zaria. It was
reported that the Sarkin Kofa accompanied the last Habe King to exile in Abuja.

- 142 -
 These migrants were mostly traders, merchants, farmers and artisans who were initially

accommodated within the compound of Sarkin Kofa but later established their own compounds

around it. There was large influx of people into Kofar Doka following the Jihad in Zaria.341

Prominent lineages that settled at Kofar Doka included the lineage of Malam Sani. He was

said to have come from Yandoto and belonged to the clan of Shehu Dan Fodio. It was believed that

they came after the Jihad. The compound of Malam Sani emerged as one of the leading centres of

Islamic studies within the Birni.342

Another important lineage that settled in this ward was the lineage of Yari Jabbuje. He was

said to be the chief bodyguard (Sarkin Dogarai) of Sarkin Zazzau Abubakar (1871-1874). He was

of Zabarmawa origin and came to Zaria during the reign of Sarkin Zazzau Abubakar. Located very

close to the compound of Yari Jabbuje was the compound of Sarkin Zazzau Abubakar. The land

where Sarkin Zazzau Abubakar built his compound was said to have initially belonged to Sarkin

Zazzau Sidi Abdulkadir. Following his death, Sarkin Zazzau Abubakar took possession of the land

and built the compound.343 In place of this compound now is the Zaria prison. Other lineages that

settled in this ward included the lineages of Gobirawa and Tafarki.

s. ANGUWAN BISHAR

Anguwan Bishar is situated on a fertile land along the Rafin Sarkin, which started up from

the site of Babban Dodo and passing through Anguwan Bishar joining up with the Saye River, a

tributary of River Galma.

341
Oral source, Alhaji Yusuf Aliyu Kofar Doka, op-cit
342
Oral source, Malam Ibrahim Sani, Age 57 years, 1st September 2002
343
Oral source, Alhaji Yusuf Kofar Doka, op-cit

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 Anguwan Bishar bears its name from a spirit (aljana), which is believed to be still in

existence.344 It was stated that whenever the aljana was hard pressed it would say “Bishar” and

disappeared immediately. It was from this expression that the ward got its name.

We do not know precisely when the ward of Bishar was formed. This is because no tradition

has survived of any earlier settlement on the site. However in view of the association of the name

of the ward to a spirit which formed part of the ancient belief of the people of Zaria, combined

with the fertility of the land and its location close to two gates namely Kofar Gayan and Kofar

Kona, it is possible that the ward was inhabited as early as the establishment of the Birni.

However the local tradition of the people maintain that Anguwan Bishar was formed

following the mass influx of large group of Fulani pastorals of the Sullubawa clan under the

leadership of Muhammmadu Kayi into the ward. The local tradition explained further that the

Sullubawa moved from Yandato to Zaria around the 18th century. And that following his arrival to

Birnin Zaria Malam Muhammadu Kayi settled first in the compound of Limamin Kona before

moving to this ward after getting a piece of land in the area from the King of Zazzau where he

settled his family and his large retinue of slaves and servants. The tradition stated further that the

area given to Malam Muhammad Kayi was inadequate to graze his cattle. Consequently, he had to

settle part of his followers at Anguwan Lalle while some settled at the nearby town of Kwagoro.

Still some were settled further at Gwaza Toka, which was an area situated between Saye and the

city. There was some also at Yeskwake at the outskirts of the Birni and a large number of his

servants, slaves and cattle also resided at Igabi. The tradition also suggests that Anguwan Bishar

emerged as an important centre of economic activities following the activities of Malam

Muhammadu Kayi’s servants who specialized in dukanchi (leather works).345

344
Oral source, Usman Babangida, Age 45 years, 10th September 2003
345
Oral source, Malam Maiwada, Mai Anguwar Bishar, Age 67 years, 10/1/2003.

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 Two other groups of pastorals were also identified to have settled in this ward. One of these

groups was the lineage of Wanya Adamu and Magaji Sambo. This group were believed to have

belonged to the Toronkawa group of pastorals and that their movement into the Birni from Aba in

1806 was due to several attempts by the Jukuns to loot their cattle. The other group was the lineage

of Malam Sambo who also belonged to the Toronkawa pastoralist. He was said to have come from

the Sokoto area by the beginning of the 19th century. He was also a great scholar. It was on account

of this that Abdussalam; one of the Emirs of Zazzau gave him his daughter in marriage. These

three groups of pastoralists were believed to have actively participated during the Jihad in 1808 in

Zaria.346

t. KUSFA
Anguwan Kusfa was located to the east of Limancin Kona along Jakara stream. It was a

major ancient religious centre for the worship of the iskoki. It was on this account that the ward

was named Kusfa. However, as a result of the activities of Malaman Kona and Malaman Juma the

religious significance of Kusfa as a centre for the worship of Iskoki significantly reduced.

Consequently, permanent settlements began to emerge around the middle of the 18th century on the

area populated by mostly group of scholars and pastoralists. Prominent among those who settled at

Kusfa around this period were the lineages of Gidan Fulani and Malam Tankari. According to the

tradition of the lineage of Gidan Fulani, they were the oldest group of Fulani to settle on the Zaria

plains.347 Their tradition further claimed that their settlement within the Zaria plains predated the

emergence of centralized political institutions. It further stated that they belonged to the Sullubawa

clan of the pastoral Fulani and that they migrated from the Sokoto area around the Rima valleys

under the leadership of Muhammadu Yero who was believed to have moved into the area with his

family and more than one hundred cattle. The tradition indicates that it was because of the large

346
Ibid.
347
Oral source, Alhaji Bello Fulani, Age 102 years, 20th September 2002

- 145 -
 size of his cattle that he was given a pasture near the Jakara stream where he grazed his cattle up to

his death in the late 18th century. The lineage of this group of pastorals contributed to the

development of this ward, as most of them were either scholars or merchants that actively

participated in the long distance trade. Some members of this lineage particularly the elder son of

Muhammadu Yero was believed to have participated in the Jihad of 1808 A.D.348

According to the tradition of the lineage of Malam Tankari, it was maintained that he came

from Karau-Karau with a large number of slaves and students. His main occupation was teaching,

preaching and trading in beads (Tsakiya).349 Malam Tankari’s students constituted a large

contingent army for the 19th century Jihad in Zaria. The descendants of Malam Shittu who were

equally great scholars subsequently, occupied the compound where Malam Tankari once stayed.

Malam Shittu is credited with raising the profile of Kusfa. During his time, people troop to Kusfa

from all corners in search of Islamic education.350

u. ANGUWAN ALKALI

This ward is located close to Anguwan Dan Madami. The ward assumed this name in the

19th century as a result of the appointment of several members of the ward into the position of

Alkalai (judges). Prior to this development the ward was called Anguwan Katsinawa. This was

because of the preponderance of the Katsinawa in the area.351

We do not know precisely when the area began to be inhabited but there are indications that

by the late 18th century the Dallatun Zazzau was well established in the area. His compound is

believed to have occupied most of the area where the ward stood. The area possessed by the

Dallatu included the fertile valley of Rafin Kamacha, which extended to as far as Tudun Jukun.

348
Ibid.
349
Oral source, Bello Yakubu Kusfa, Age 90 years, 20th September 2002
350
Oral source, Ahmad Maqari Sa’idu, Age 50 years, 14th September 2002
351
Oral source, Usman Ibrahim Basa, Age 67 years, 24th August 2002

- 146 -
The Dallatu is believed to be among the powerful Habe officials that fled to Abuja following the

outbreak of the Jihad in the Birni.352

The first person to assume the mantle of Alkali- ship in Anguwan Alkali was Alkali

Abubakar Manga who hailed from Katsina. It was said that Malam Abdul-karim of Zaria requested

Sarkin Katsina to send him an Alkali. In response to such request Sarkin Katsina sent Abubakar

Manga to Zaria. He was believed to have been so much worried about holding such position

because of the fear of getting corrupted and the consequences that would follow in the hereafter in

case that happened. He was so overwhelmed by that fear that he prayed that might his offspring

never assume such position.353 Thus, since then none of his family members became an Alkali.

After the death of Alkali Abubakar Manga, the mantle of Alkali ship shifted to his trusted friend

known as Mallam Abdurrahman. Mallam Abdurrahman was succeeded by his son Alkali Gambo.

Alkali Gambo was borne during the reign of Malam Abdus-Salam and assumed Alkali-ship during

the reign of Kwassau (1897-1920). When he was appointed, he was said to be holding court

sessions at home that was why he was nicked named Alkali Umar Faruk and Alkali Yero (Ibrahim)

the son of Alkali Gambo.354

Other prominent families in the ward included the family of Rilwanu Lukman. The founder

of this house, Walijo was believed to have come from Kebbi during the reign of Emir Sidi (1853-

1853A.D).355 Two days after his arrival at the Birni, Sarkin Zazzau Sidi gave him a plot close to a

twin pond. He later gave him his daughter Hasiyatu in marriage. She gave birth to Alkali Bakale

who gave birth to Salihu. A house was built for Salihu, which is now called gidan Alkali Lukman.

Malam Salihu gave birth to three children namely: Dikko, Lukman and Yakubu.356

352
Ibid.
353
Ibid.
354
Ibid
355
Oral source, Hajiya Raliya Muhammed, Age 70 years, 2003
356
Ibid.

- 147 -
 There was also the lineage of Gwagwa who was believed to have been a member of the

Dallazawa dynasty of Katsina. Their movement to Zaria was associated with the demise of the

Dallazawa ruling dynasty in Katsina. The group was led by three personalities namely: Sarkin

Shanu, Bello and Dallaje. On arrival to Zaria they first settled at Tudun Jukun where the Gaskiya

Corporation is located before their final movement into the Birni during the reign of Alu Dan Sidi

(1903-1920A.D). Bello was said to have given birth to Ibrahim who is popularly known as

Gwagwa from whom the house derived its name.357

Gidan Galadima Salmanu was another prominent lineage. The founder of this house Ahmadu

was believed to have come to Zaria in the company of Malam Abdul-karim one of the Emirs of

Zaria. They were Fulani from Yandoto. They moved to Katsina as preachers. Their families were

the Imams in Katsina before the jihad. Malam Ahmed gave birth to Abubakar who in turn gave

birth to Salmanu who was appointed as Galadima by Sarkin Zazzau Sambo (1879-1888A.D).358

Lastly, there was the lineage of Gangaren Tukurwa. They were said to have come from

Ruma in Katsina and belonged to the family of Dan Waire. The founder of the House was Malam

Danbako who was an itinerant teacher and gave birth to Malam Achi. Malam Achi in turn gave

birth to ten children.359

v. ANGUWAN KAURA

Kaura is located along the Rafin Sarki on an alluvial soil that was conducive for rainy and

dry season cultivations. Traditions in respect of the foundation of Kaura ward maintain that human

357
Oral source, Alhaji Usman Ibrahim Gwagwa, Age 69 years, 2003
358
Oral source, Alhaji Musa Mua'azu, Age 73 years, 2003
359
Oral source, Alhaji Sambo Yahaya (Tanimu Bula) Age 78 years

- 148 -
 settlement had evolved around the ward before the establishment of Birnin Zaria in the 15th

century.360

One of the groups that were identified as one of the early settlers of Kaura ward was the

lineage of a silver smith. The silver smiths occupy a group of compounds that constituted the

Gidan Makera. According to the tradition of this group, they were descendants of two silver smiths

who came to Birnin Zaria during the reign of emir of Zazzau Abdul-karim (1834-1846A.D). They

were Mohammed Sani and Dauda. According to another tradition the group of silver smith have

inhabited the ward since the period when human settlement first evolved on the plains of Zaria.

Apart from the lineage of the silver smith there was also the lineage of Madakin Zazzau

Makayo who occupied a big compound known as Gidan Doko. Madaki Makayo seemed to come

to power around the late 18th century possibly after the deposition of Madaki Kyankyaro. Madaki

Makayo seemed to have remained in his position even after the Jihad. This was in view of his

support for the Jihad.

There are two traditions as regard to the origin of the name of the ward Kaura. One tradition

has it that the ward got its name following the kaura (movement) of Yamusa from the area of

Madaka to the site of Kaura.361 Another tradition has that it was named Kaura following the

settlement of Yamusa whose praise song as Madaki was Kaura Goje. If this is anything to go by it

means that the name of the settlement was a 19th century phenomenon. However, we do not know

the name the ward was bearing before this development in view of the traditions that claims that

man inhabited the ward since the 15th century.

8. ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF THE BIRNI

360
Oral source, Ambassador Lawal Sambo, op-cit
361
Adamu Abbas, Asalin sunayen Anguwannin Birnin Zaria, op-cit.

- 149 -
 The number of Anguwanni that sprung up in the various parts of the Birni following

its establishment constituted people of diverse ethnic backgrounds. These were people

that came to Zaria at the various phases of its development. The alchemy of ethnic

composition in Zaria was made up of Zage-zagi, Kanuri, Arabs, Yoruba, Nufawa,

Katsinawa, Kanawa, Zamfarawa, Gobirawa, and people from the southern parts of the

Birni especially the Kadara, the Kaje and the Katab and the various groups of Fulani.

A number of factors need to be examined to explain this ethnic composition in Birnin

Zaria. Migration was a very important consideration in this respect. Zaria witnessed

waves of migrations from various quarters since its inception in the 15th century. These

were prompted by commerce, wars, famine and the search for Islamic education.

As early as the 15th century, Zaria occupied an important strategic position along the

trans-Saharan trade routes. It falls on a junction where two main trade routes converged.

Mahdi Adamu was of the view that the main caravan routes that linked up with Nunkoro

and Hausa land was Birnin Zaria through Zangon Aya and Barnawa, Kudaru, Zangon

Katab, Kafanchan area, Jagindi, and Kwankwasa.362 Another trade route linked up Hausa

land with the forest region via Zaria. This trading contact finally led to the permanent

settlement of most of these ethnic groups in Zaria.

The relative peace enjoyed by Zaria particularly between the 15th and 18th centuries

also encouraged the influx of migrants into the Birni. Unlike other Hausa states, Zaria did

not experienced the fangs of famines that afflicted most Hausa states. Also during these

periods most of the wars of conquest for the control of more territories hardly affected

Zaria. Hence, the relative peace it enjoyed.363

362
Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor,, p. 46
363
Oyedele E. Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria, pp. 76-77

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 Islam also served as a catalyst to the migration of a large number of Muslims clerics

and students into Zaria. This was particularly around the 17th century following the

emergence of Islam as a political force. With the Jihad in 1808 large groups of people

mainly scholars and pastorals came to settle permanently in Zaria. These groups of

settlers took various names such as Barnawa, Katsinawa, Mallawa, and Sullubawa. They

occupied wards such as Kwarbai, Magajiya, Kofar fada, Albarkawa, Anguwan Alkali,

Liman Gabdo, and Katuka.364

The geographical distribution of these ethnic groups was as follows: the ward of

Anguwan Kona came to be populated mostly by people of Kanuri, Arab, Kano and

Katsina descent, while Anguwan Nufawa came to be predominantly populated by people

of Nupe descent. The Habe and people from areas of Gobir and Zamfara inhabited

Anguwan Madaka and Albarkawa. The Fulani dominated areas around Anguwan Bishar,

Juma and some parts of Anguwan Magajiya. Wards such as Kaura, Kwarbai, Sirdi and

Danmadami came to be settled by people from the southern parts of Zaria. Traders

mostly of Kano and Katsina origin mostly settled at Kusfa, Marmara Anguwan Alkali and

Durumin Maigarke. People of Yoruba decent dominated Bakin Kasuwa.

It is interesting to note that this alchemy of ethnic composition were gradually

integrated and incorporated at various levels into the Hausa community of the

Zazzagawa. This was due to some integrative forces such as the Hausa language and

the religion of Islam.

364
Urquhart A.W. Planned Urban Landscapes, op-cit

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9. SOCIAL AMENITIES IN THE BIRNI

The importance of the Birni as a centre of population, administration, religion, military,

industry and commerce was highlighted in this chapter. The Birni could not have effectively

discharged these roles without the provision of security and social amenities such as water, roads,

health-care and education. Security provision within the Birni has already been treated in this

chapter. This section attempts a reconstruction of how social amenities were provided for the

survival and well being of the Birni during the period under discussion.

a. WATER

Birnin Zaria in the pre-colonial period depended on three sources of water for its needs.

These were streams (Rafuka), Burrow pits (Kududdufai) and wells (Rijiyoyi). The Birni was well

watered by numerous streams that were well distributed throughout the city. These streams

included the Kamacha, Bula, Rafin sarki, Jakara, Kusfan batso, Fafanya, Fanwanki, Tukurwa and

so on. The significance of these streams to the historical evolution of Birnin Zaria could be seen by

the fact that they encouraged and supported the establishment and growth of human settlements

within the Birni by supplying the inhabitants of the Birni with water for domestic use, pasture for

animals and good Fadama for agricultural activities. The streams also provided fish, which

satisfied the protein needs of the society.

Burrow pits (Kududdufai) constituted another source of water for the people of the Birni in

the pre-colonial period. The Burrow pits were made as a result of digging of earth for building

constructions. The Burrow pits were scattered all over the Birni and were of irregular sizes and

shapes. They created many open spaces between compounds in areas of concentrated buildings.

Most of the Burrow pits acquired names and were used as important landmarks by the people.

- 152 -
Some of the prominent Burrow pits in the Birni included: Zage-zagi, Akushin Kura, Matattara,

Baddaga, Kaduna, Yan tagwaye, Tamarashi, Tamarashi, Lahira kusa, Ci-rakuma and so on.

Most of these largely irregularly shaped Burrow pits were seasonal and supplied the people

of the Birni with water mainly for use in construction works and for drinking by animals. It

appears that some of these Burrow pits were the objects of annual festivals involving the dredging

of the pits. This is demonstrated by a tradition that such a practice used to take place in one of the

Burrow pits nick-named Zage-zagi from which Anguwan Zage-zagi probably derived its name as

discussed earlier. The pits were probably the holes where mud was obtained for the building of

Zaria walls and houses in the Birni.

Since most of the Burrow pits used to dry up during the dry season, people used to dig wells

inside or besides some of the pits particularly when water was very scarce in order to obtain water

for domestic use.365

Apart from streams (Rafuka) and Burrow pits (Kududdufai), wells (Rijiyoyi) constituted

another major source of water for the people of Birnin Zaria during the period under discussion.

Most of the wells within the Birni were located either inside or outside the compounds. The

location of a well at a particular place largely depends on the suitability of the site of the proposed

well than the choice of the mai gida. Thus when the mai gida intended to have a well in his

compound he will call a professional well digger (mai hakar rijiya) who on inspection or trial

digging on the proposed site of the well, the well digger could detect through the geological study

of the site whether enough water could be obtained from it or not. He could also detect whether

some rocks or grave are buried beneath the site.

Some of the wells (rijiyoyi) were located at strategic places such as important trade routes.

According to a local tradition, by the time the Birni was reconstructed in the 15th century, forty

365
Oral source, Aliyu Maude, Age 70 years, 20th May 2005

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 wells were constructed by the Sarakuna to provide for the domestic needs of the city dwellers.366

These were located at strategic locations within the Birni.367 This research was able to identify few

of them. These included: rijiyar kwankwarando, bardaga, dufana and sarauniya (Queen). The first

was located at Anguwar Banzazzau at the present Banzazzau primary school. The antiquity of the

well is not known. But according to local tradition it is dated to the Habe period. The Barwa

family who was located close to the well was believed to have built the well.368 It was nicknamed

kwankwarando. We do not know why it was nicknamed so. The well was said to have developed

into a camping place for merchant-traders coming from Borno. Merchants and traders usually use

to stop at the well to refresh themselves after long journeys by drinking and washing their bodies

as well as feeding their animals from the water before preceding to the centre of the Birni to sale

their products.369 While doing all these news of their arrival normally spread to the various parts of

the Birni. The well was filled up recently following the establishment of a primary school at the

site. The second well was located at Limanchin Kona. The name of the well was Dufana, which

means a flood, suggests that it was well watered. Rijiyar bardaga and ma’abba were located at

Anguwar Magajiya.370 The sarauniya on the other hand was located outside Kofar Gayan along a

trade route leading to the south.371 Little is known about its history.

b. HEALTH CARE

Birnin Zaria was endowed with a highly professional class of people that were saddled with

the responsibility of providing Health care services to the community. These people are known as

masu maganin gargajiya (traditional medicine men). This class of people uses herbs and plants

366
Interview conducted with Alhaji Muhammadu Limamin Kona(9th / 11 / 1996) by Abdul-Kadir Adamu and Mahmud Aliyu,
367
Ibid.
368
Oral source, Aliyu Abdullahi, Banzazzau, Age 40 years, 13th May 2005
369
Ibid.
370
Oral source, Yakubu Umar, mai hakar rijiya, Age 67 years, 13th May 2005
371
Oral source, Idris Yunus, Age 47 years, 13th May 2005

- 154 -
extracts in the treatment of human ailments. The art of using herbs and plants to cure diseases was

an ancient practice.372 We do not know when this practice started in Zaria.

The masu maganin gargajiya were able to through observations, recognize the medicinal

values of some of the flora.373 By trials and errors the earliest traditional medicine men were able

to acquire biological knowledge that was useful in determining which plants and animals

possessed medicinal values and which ones to be avoided because they proved to be poisonous or

dangerous.374 These observations were handed down from one generation to another and were

often added to by their progenies.375 Thus because of their knowledge of ancient remedies derived

from plants and for their skill in administering them, the masu maganin gargajiya were highly

respected not only in Birnin Zaria but throughout Africa. The herbs could be obtained in a market

located within the Birni at Durumin Maigarke exclusively meant for that. It was referred to as

kasuwar magani.

It should be noted that specialisation existed among the traditional medicine men. This is

likened to modern medicine. Thus, there was a wide spectrum of masu maganin gargajiya with

group specialty with each group specializing in some particular types of human diseases. For

instance, the Wanzamai (traditional Barbers) apart from specializing in circumcision (kaciya),

scarification (tsaga), and barbing (aski) also provided services in case of women delivery, wounds,

fractures, venereal diseases and minor surgeries. Based on the social division of the society into

Masu Sarauta (aristocracy) and Talakawa, the Magajin Aska who was the head of this

occupational group provided such services to the Sarki and his titled officials and their families,

while his assistants attended to the needs of the larger society.

372
James I. Durodola, Studies on certain Nigerian medicinal plants with potential Anti-neuplastic Activity, PhD thesis, University of Ibadan, 1972,
p.3
373
Bassey Andah, Nigeria’s Indigenous Technology, Ibadan University Press Ibadan, 1992, p. 46
374
James I. Durodola, Studies on certain Nigerian medicinal plants, p.p. 5-6
375
Ibid.

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 Another occupational group that provided health services to Birnin Zaria in the pre-colonial

period were the fishermen. This group specialized in cases of bilharzias, rheumatism, and

pneumonia and skin diseases.376 Black smiths specialized in cases related to wounds inflicted by

iron related implements and burns.

Maharba or Yanfarauta (hunters) were known for their vast knowledge in the medicinal

values of trees. This was because of their constant interactions with various trees in the forest. The

Maharba/Yanfarauta specialized in the provision of poison for war arsenal. They also provided

medical services in cases of ciwon daji. This included cancer and any diseases that defy medical

solution.377 In the past most diseases in Hausa land were generally attributed to iskoki (spirits).

According to Hamman T. Sa'ad there was hardly any misfortune in Hausa land that was attributed

to natural causes. Therefore, issues such as sickness, death and collapse of roofs were all

associated to the handiwork of rivals using witchcraft, sorcery and charms mechanically to bring

this about.378 There were people that were believed to possess the powers and skills to ward these

off or to cause them. These were the Bokas (witch doctor) Masu asiri (practitioners of sorcery) and

Yan Bori (Bori devotee).379

We do not know the precise role of the state in the provision of Health care as all the

specialized groups mentioned seems to have operated in their individual capacity and at the

privacy of their own homes. The role of the state may be in the recognition it gave to these groups

by providing a conducive atmosphere for their operation, patronizing their services and appointing

leaders among them to ensure professional standard.

c. ROADS

376
Oral source, Muhammad Abbas Fagachi,t, op-cit
377
Ibid.
378
Hamman T. Sa'ad, Between Myths and Reality, P.132
379
Ibid.

- 156 -
 The role of roads as effective channels of communication, which is necessary for the Birni

to discharge, its function can best be appreciated when seen against Gideon Sjorberg's view about

the city. He saw the city as:

… mechanism by which society's rulers consolidate and maintain

their powers, and more important, the essentiality of a well developed
power structure for the formation and perpetuation of urban
centres…But invariably they were the focal points of transport and
communication, enabling the ruling elements not only to maintain
surveillance over the countryside but to interact more readily with
members of their own group in other cities as well as within a city. The
congestion that defines the city increases personal face-to-face
communication therein; essential if the heads of the various bureaucratic
structures- governmental, religious and educational were to sustain one
another.380

Thus to ensure effective communication and accessibility to the various parts of the Birni

each gate has a road linking it to the focal points of the Birni. These were the Palace, Mosque, and

Market. Network of major roads and paths also radiate out ward from the gates, Palace, Mosque

and central Market to the outlying wards of the Birni.381 See map 3 for insights into how the roads

and the paths integrated the various parts of the Birni with one another effectively.

It was these major roads and paths that constituted the major directional forces particularly

in the densely populated areas of the Birni.382 According to Lawal the major roads and paths were

not laid out but evolved from footpaths.383 This was because they meander between the clusters of

compounds at various points along their courses.384 Series of winding paths usually branched off

from the major routes and thus constituted a secondary circulation system.385

The constructions of roads and paths during the pre-colonial period were done through three

major ways. One of such ways was through constant passage by people through a particular route.

380
Sjorberg, G. The Pre industrial City, Glencoe, Illinois, 1960, pp. 67-68
381
Urquhart A.W. The Planned Urban Landscapes,p. 17
382
Lawal Ibrahim Babale, Terminal Essay on a Documentation of Zaria Friday Mosque, Dept. of Industrial Design A.B.U. Zaria, 1991 P. 47
383
Ibid.
384
Ibid.
385
Ibid.

- 157 -
 Secondly, nomadic often stick to specific routes as they took their livestock for pasture.

Consequently, through constant passage along a route a path may emerge. The third way was when

the Sarakuna deliberately decided to create a route to a particular place or section of the Birni. In

such occasion people were normally mobilized for the work. The roads were usually constructed

under the supervision of Tafarki (road foreman). Tafarki was a traditional title and it literally

means road/paths. The Tafarki was responsible for making sure that the roads/paths were in good

condition particularly when the Sarki was about to go through them on his way on official duties or

tours.386

d. SCHOOLS

All societies have one form of educational system or the other as a means of rejuvenating or

socialising itself at all times. For instance, the society of Birnin Zaria during the pre-colonial

period had developed two forms of educational systems. One of these was the traditional type of

education, which seemed to have been the oldest means of training in traditional societies like

Birnin Zaria. Traditional system of education is essentially informal. This is because training of the

younger ones in traditional societies was not conducted in formal institutions such as schools and

instructions were not conducted in accordance with a specific syllabus. In a traditional educational

system, elderly members of the society impart knowledge and skills to the younger members of the

society both at home and outside the home. The aim of the traditional system of education was to

prepare the individual physically, morally, intellectually, socially and vocationally so as to make

the individual good enough to shoulder societal responsibilities.387

The second type of education was the Islamic education. The history of Islamic education in

Birnin Zaria could be traced to the introduction of Islam into the Birni around the 14th century.

386
Oral source, Muhammad Abbas Fagachi,, op-cit
387
A. S. Thakur and A.N. Ezenne, A short history of education in Nigeria, De Ayo publication, Ibadan, 1980, p.1.

- 158 -
This was because Islam always goes hand in hand with learning. Islamic education was conducted

in a formal way in the sense that classes were held in privately owned Zaure schools with a

handful of pupils (Almajirai) taught by a single teacher (Malam) in a multi-grade class setting,

meeting throughout the day with intermittent breaks.388 Not only that classes, were held within

specific days usually from Saturday to Wednesday.389 Above all classes were conducted in

accordance with a definite syllabus, which cut across the various stages of learning.390

Islamic education is aimed at a balanced growth of the total personality of a man through the

training of man's spirit, intellect and rationality. It emphasises goodness and struggles for

perfection.391

Zaria is generally acknowledged as one of the great centres of Islamic education in Hausa

land even before the 19th century Jihad of Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio.392 The educational

development of Zaria was due to the presence of many schools in the Birni. Prominent among

these schools were Kona, Juma, Kofar Doka, Kakaki and Umar Wali schools.

Details about the history of these schools are discussed in subsequent chapters. However, our

concern here is on the operations and organisation of the schools.

Islamic education was conducted in five stages. A new entrant into an Islamic school was

expected to start from a certain point but could stop at any level he aspired to. The first step in the

process of Islamic learning commenced with the Babbaku.393 This involved learning how to

identify the different Arabic alphabets. These alphabets were usually written on a wooden slate

called Allo. As a pupil mastered the alphabets he then graduated to the next step, which is referred

388
A Blueprint on Model Qur'anic Primary School, prepared by Northern Education Research Project, [NERP], Arewa House, Kaduna. P.3.
389
Ibid
390
Almajiri and Qur'anic Education, Published by the Almajirci Directorate, National Council for the Welfare of the destitute, 2001, p.70.
391
Ibid, p.68
392
See Abdullahi Mahdi, “The Choice of Zaria as the seat of Higher Learning,” p. 26
393
Ibid.

- 159 -
to as Farfaru. At this level the pupil was trained in Arabic vowels.394 On mastery of the Arabic

vowels the pupils move to the third step. This step which is usually called Zube involves learning,

reading and writing of the Glorious Qur'an on their Allo bits by bits until he finished the whole

book and mastered the art of writing and recitation devoid of mistakes in pronunciation, rhythm,

style or penmanship.395 This stage terminates the elementary level of Islamic education. This is

called Sauka (graduation). Public reading of the Qur’an by the graduates and a feast usually

marked the sauka.

A pupil was expected to continue with his education after Sauka at a higher level. This

enabled him to become a professional Malam. Learning at this level commenced at a stage called

Haddatu.396 This entailed gradual memorisation of the Qur'an until he committed it to memory. At

the end of this the pupil will be promoted to the next class, which is referred to as Tishe/Tilawa.

This entailed revising the former stage (Haddatu).397 As the pupil moved to the final stage known

as Satu he was expected to write the portions of the Qur'an from memory until he could write out

the complete Qur'an from his memory on sheets of paper. This was normally subjected to proof

readings before this dissertation project could be accepted and the candidate be recognised as a

Hafiz.398 At the end of this the pupil may decide to terminate his study or to go for specialised field

such as the science of Qur'an, Hadith, Fiqh, Philosophy, astronomy, Medicine, Geography and

Literature.

These schools produced many indigenous scholars of international reputes and the products

of this educational system provided the intellectual and administrative cadres in the pre-colonial

394
Ibid
395
Ibid
396
Ibid
397
Ibid
398
Ibid

- 160 -
 societies of Hausa land.399 For instance they were employed to work in the Palace as record

keepers, as Judges, advisers, interpreters, administrators and teachers.

The Islamic teachers and students maintained themselves through light crafts, farming,

trading, alms from people especially after offering prayers for them, occasional donations from

parents and their students and gift from the general public.400

10. CONCLUSION

It is clear from the above how Birnin Zaria was shaped in a very concrete and

specific terms based on its geography, its architecture, its walls, its gates, its quarters, its

major buildings, farmlands, Markets, roads, wells, and so on. This gives a picture of a

complex Birni with its various components inter related with one another to keep it

functional.

One important thing about Birnin Zaria was its multi-centrality. It was the centre of

population, religion, administration, military, commerce and industry. This gave the Birni

that aura of gravitational pull where by artisans and professionals of all kinds often found

the Birni more attractive for their activities. The influx of people of diverse ethnic

background and profession not only made Birnin Zaria heterogeneous but also a melting

pot of ideas of both cultural and technical nature. These ideas were not only synthesized

in the Birni but also disseminated to the hinterland. Apart from these, goods of all kinds

also found their way to the Birni from both the hinterland and neighbouring states.

Through this the Birni satisfied its internal and commercial needs.

To ensure peace and economic prosperity of the Birni, the rulers of Zazzau residing

within the Birni provided effective security, which was highlighted in this chapter.
399
NERP (2005), "Towards a common framework for addressing the Almajirai phenomenon in the Northern States, Arewa House, Kaduna. 2005, p.
3
400
Mahdi Adamu, "The Economy of a Hausa Capital: Zaria in the 18th and 19th centuries, p. 13

- 161 -
 CHAPTER FOUR

THE SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF BIRNIN ZARIA TO 1800

1. INTRODUCTION:

The internal spatial growth of Birnin Zaria since its formation to the beginning of the

twentieth century was examined in chapter three. We shall here look at the pre-Jihad

state of the society of Birnin Zaria.

This study is central to the understanding of the social organisation of the Hausa

community of Zazzagawa residing within Birnin Zaria as well as to the understanding of

the inter locking relationship of the social, religious and cultural institutions of the

Zazzagawa.401

The purpose of the study is two fold, first to shape our perception of the forces that

regulated and gave meaning and direction to the Zazzagawa community in the Birni.

Secondly, the study is hoped to throw light into the internal contradictions within the Birni

that produced the leadership of the 1808 Jihad in Zaria.

The study commences with an examination into the social organisation of the

Zazzagawa community in the Birni. This is followed by a highlight on some cultural issues

relating to the Zazzagawa.

2. SOCIAL ORGANISATION:

The Birni was made up of several family groups that were organised into compounds

(gidaje, sing. gida). This social arrangement dated back to the earliest inhabitants on the Zaria

plains. Thus the family constituted the building block of the society. The family was so important
401
There is no institution in human society be it economic, social, political that exists as an island in itself without relating to or influencing each
other. For details see Ashley W. J. on the study of Economic History and Unwin, B. the aims of economic history, in Harte, N. B. the study of
economic history: collected inaugural lectures, 1893-1970 (London: Frank Cass, 1977).

- 162 -
to the individual members of the society since it constituted the only basis for their membership

and identity within the larger society as well as for their economic, political, and social rights,402

which were often given and determined at birth.

The family was a corporate body of people who could trace their common descent

and relationship to one another by a chain of genealogical connections to a single male

ancestor. The family type of the Zazzagawa is typically African, which contrast sharply

with the nuclear type of family structure as obtained in especially western societies. In

other words the family type of the Zazzagawa was the extended family type that

composed of the maigida (owner or master of the house) and his kith and kin. There

might also be one or two aged parents, a servant (bara) or a slave (bawa, f. baiwa)

depending on the status of the maigida.403 Abdullahi Smith was of the opinion that the

family members must be closely related to the maigida.404 However, this might only be

true at the early period of the society before it became more heterogeneous. This is

because there are indications that even strangers constituted members of most families in

the Birni. This is because of the ease at which strangers were easily absorbed into most

families within the Birni.405 Thus, membership of a family came to be based on total

participation in the life of the family.

Some forms of bonds and kinship network seem to unite members of the family

who regard themselves as one indivisible entity. This bond of cohesion was reinforced by

the tenancy of common residential unit (gida) which normally composed of individual huts

(dakuna) and granaries (rumbuna, sing. rumbu) surrounded by a wall or darni (fence) and

402
Toyin Falola, The Political economy of a pre-colonial African state: Ibadan 1830-1900, O.I.P. 1984
403
Adamu Mahdi, Hausa factor……., op-cit p.11
404
Smith,, “Some consideration relating to the formation of states,” p. 67
405
Chapter three gave details on how the various wards in the Birni were formed, highlighting the genealogy of some of the families that constitutes
them. The chapter also gave insights into how strangers were absorbed into the society.

- 163 -
entered through an entrance (zaure).406 Thus the wall or fence divides the gida into cikin

gida and waje. Whatever belongs to the cikin gida fall within the control of the maigida.407

Some forms of relationships spelt out in details the rights, duties and obligations

expected of each member of the family. This regulated the social bonds or ties binding

the various members of the family. Engel for example asserted that:

The name father, child, mother, brother, sister are no mere

Honorific titles they involve quite definite and very
serious mutual obligations which together make up an
essential part of the social constitution of the people in
question.408

It is clear from the above that definite division of labour based on gender and age

characterized the family. The Zazzagawa are patriarchal society where the oldest male

member heads the family. This earned him the title maigida which connotes great

responsibilities. As the male head of the family, the maigida coordinate all the activities of

the family unit and ensure the perpetuation of the gida as his ancestors have done before

him.409 To sum it up the maigida must provide for the entire needs of his family and must

ensure their social, political, economic and religious needs. To enable him discharge

these onerous tasks, the maigida expected unalloyed loyalty and respect from members

of the household especially from the female and junior members. In Hausa societies

generally, respect and obedience to the seniors irrespective of blood ties are highly

406
For further description of the Hausa residential unit see M. G. Smith, ''Baba of Karo',' op-cit.
407
Hamman Sa’ad, Between myth and Reality: The Aesthetics of traditional Architecture in Hausa land, PhD thesis, University of Michigan, 1981,
p.46
408
Engel, F., The origin of the family, private property and the state, Peking, 1978, pp.32- 33
409
The maigida always ensure that no member break away from the gida due to discontentment or otherwise. Therefore he makes sure that
everybody is well accommodated and cared for. In case a member break away and establish his own household he still considers his household as an
extension of the parent household which could now be referred to as Tsohon gida, Babban gida or cikin gida, while the new house may be referred
to as Sabon gida. To ensure the maintenance of strong link between the two houses, social activities such as naming and wedding ceremonies
involving members of the Sabon gida are normally conducted in the parent household.

- 164 -
expected from the juniors. Thus, it is generally believed that bin na gaba bin Allah ne

(literally meaning following the one in front is following Allah). These noble and cherished

ideals were therefore, taught to children by their parents and the general members of the

society410 through various means such as folktales.411

Apart from the maigida some kinds of relationship differential or otherwise were

also expected from each member of the family to other members. For instance, women

were expected to be highly submissive to their husbands.412 They thus hastened to their

requests and biddings.413 They cooked for the family and kept their houses neat and

clean as well as catered for the up bringing of their children.414 The head of each

household was in turn required to cater for the general well being of his household. This

gave him the power of control and major decisions regarding his household.415

Age also evoked relationship differential among the Zazzagawa. The younger

persons were for instance expected to show respect for the older ones. For example the

Kanne/yara (younger brothers and or sisters/boys and or girls) were required to show

differential attitude to yayye/matasa (elder brothers and or sisters/youths).416 The above

age groups in turn will show differential attitude to Iyaye/Manya (parents/adults).417 The

same was expected from all these age groups to Kakanni/tsofaffi (grand parents/old

people).418

410
Every member of the society has the responsibility of imposing discipline and correcting any disobedient child irrespective of blood ties. This is
because children are regarded as belonging to everybody, hence, the common expression "Da na Kowa ne
411
Muhammad Wada Hamza, Tatsuniya as a mirror of Hausa social relationships, M. A. thesis 1984, Department of Nigerian and African languages
A.B.U. Zaria P.18.
412
Ibid.
413
Ibid.
414
Ibid
415
Ibid
416
Ibid
417
Ibid
418
Ibid

- 165 -
 Apart from the family, territoriality also formed another important basis of social

organisation and identity among the Zazzagawa. The first level for territorial organisation

is the Anguwa (ward). This was subsequent to the organisation of the various segmented

family units that made up the Birni into wards (Anguwoyi). Thus, the possession of

common territory by the different family groups that may be distantly related with one

another formed a strong basis of social cohesion among the various people residing in

the same ward. The feeling of common identity formed this bond of unity.

However, it should be noted that ties such as consanguinity, ethnicity or myth of

common origin was still important.419 It was thus, a key element in the formation of wards

within the Birni. For instance, people from Nupe, Borno, and Yoruba ethnic groups

founded wards such as Anguwar Nupawa, Kona, and Malam Sule respectively. Magajiya,

Anguwar Zaria on the other hand were founded by the descendents of Magajiya and

Zaria, respectively while occupational specialists populated Anguwar Sirdi, Anguwar

Karfe and Magajin Aska. The affairs of these various ethnic and occupational groups

were regulated by the state through the guild leadership who among other things control

recruitment into the craft, levied taxes on members, or conscripted labour for public

works. The various ethnic groups were gradually integrated into the Zazzagawa

community in the Birni. Thus the Zazzagawa community was an amalgam of many ethnic

groups.

The wards were under the direct control of the mai anguwa who served as an

intermediary between the Sarki and the heads of the various family units within his ward.

He collected taxes, adjudicated over minor disputes involving members of his ward, and

419
Hamman . S., Between Myths and Reality, P.42

- 166 -
ensures that no stranger settled in his domain without following the due processes. Part

of such processes was that the stranger must report his presence to the mai anguwa on

arrival to any ward. After certain investigations the mai anguwa may assign him to any

member of his ward to accommodate him. Due consideration about the stranger’s

profession is normally taken when assigning him to a landlord.

The highest level of territorial organisation of the Zazzagawa was the state. This

took place in Zazzau following the unification of the various wards within the Birni and

neighbouring villages and towns into Kasar Zaria with Birnin Zaria as the capital in the

second millennium A.D. The entire members of the Birni that were made up of several

wards, were thus, united by the possession of common territory, local traditions,

institutions, beliefs and network of mores. All these combined to give the city dwellers a

sense of common identity and unity as 'Yan birni'.

The evolution of the above territorial unit of organisation i.e. the state led to the

emergence of the highly stratified society of Birnin Zaria with a well defined social

structure which defined the inter human relations within the Birni. Boniface Abonjo

explained that:

A social structure is an organised system of social

relations. A state, for example, is an extensive system
of social relations between officials and citizens. Such
social relations when organised into structures are
often very specially defined such that very definite
rights and obligations adhere to any single person. A
citizen of the state, for example, may be obliged to
pay taxes, to fight in its armies, to refrain from certain
kinds of actions defined as unreasonable. The

- 167 -
 governor of the state receives specific salary and has
a whole series of definite powers and
responsibilities.420

On the basis of the above explanations, therefore, the society of Zaria could be

broadly divided into two distinct social groups: The ruling class, which consisted of the

Sarki and the masu Sarauta (aristocracy) on one hand and the Talakawa (commoners) on

the other.

i THE RULING CLASS

At the top of the ruling class was the Sarki who occupied the highest peak of the

social ladder of the society. He was regarded as Uban kasa (father or owner of the land).

This vantage position gave the Sarki overriding powers and authority over every body

residing within his domain irrespective of his age, ethnicity, language or social status.

Every body not only within the Birni but the whole Kingdom of Zazzau was regarded as

Talakan Sarki (subject of the King). Hence, it is common to hear such expression as

Kowa Talakan Sarki ne i.e. every body is the King’s subject. In recognition of this, the

Sarki was highly revered by his subjects and nobody dared question his authority or show

open rebellion against him. The epithet ''Sarkin yanka'' in reference to the Sarki was a

clear demonstration of the enormous power wielded by the Sarki to the extent of

possessing the power of life and death over his people.

Next to the Sarki were the masu Sarauta. This was an aristocracy class that

consisted of titleholders such as Galadima, Wambai, Danmadami, Dallatu, etc.

Traditionally, titles were normally patrilineally inherited. Sarauta was often regarded as

420
Boniface, Abonjo, a Tiv informant (Percussionist) C.N.C.S., A.B.U. Zaria, May, 7th, 1984, in Ziky, Kofoworola and Yusuf Lateef, Hausa
performing arts and music, Nigerian Magazine, 1987, p.195

- 168 -
the most prestigious position, hence the popular expressions, ''Sarauta tafi Kudi'' (lit.

royalty is greater than money). The class of masu sarauta were known for their over

zealousness for hierarchy, political power, privileges, magnanimity, dominance,

aggrandizement and superiority over the rest of the population.421 To maintain their

luxurious life style, the masu sarauta appropriated the surplus produced by the general

populace including the attajirai, the Malamai, the Talakawa and the Bayi. This was done

through such institutions like taxation, control of cheap labour, control over land and

commerce.422 The methods of extortion by the Sarakuna was often ruthless, an action

that set the general public and even visiting traders in opposition to the masu sarauta.

This generally, alienated them from the larger society. The situation thus, created a fertile

ground for the mobilization of the support of the commoners by the intelligentsia

(Malamai) class for the over throw of the masu sarauta in the beginning of the 19th

century.

It should be noted that the masu sarauta was an exclusive class. This was

because no matter one’s status in the society, one could not belong to the class unless

one was from the royal lineage. This was initially limited to only one dynasty during the

Habe era. This is demonstrated by the Zaria king-list which indicates an unbroken chain

of succession from Gunguma to the last Habe king. However, following the Jihad and the

attempt of the Jihad leaders to reverse the hereditary nature of the sarauta system, four

ruling dynasties emerged in Zazzau. This was because following the death of Malam

Musa, the founder of the Mallawa ruling dynasty, the choice of a new leader fell on Malam

Yamusa, a Fulani of Bornoan extraction. This was based on his educational background

421
Hamman S. Between Myth and Reality, P. 351
422
Oyedele E. Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria, p. 82

- 169 -
and piety rather than his family background. Yamusa was found to be more qualified on

account of his knowledge and piety than Sidi Abdul-Kadir, the son of Malama Musa.

When Yamusa died, Abdul-Karimu of yet a different family was favoured against

Yamusas’s offspring’s. The selection of Abdus-Salam, the founder of yet another dynasty-

the sullubawa ruling dynasty was done in the same spirit. The resultant effect of all these

was that members of the sarauta were broadened to include members from different

dynasties.

Other noticeable changes in the sarauta could be seen in the role played by

women in the political affairs of Zaria during the period under discussion. It appears that

women played prominent role in the sarauta system. There was no limit to the level of

their political attainment. This is demonstrated by the fact that there were occasions when

women occupied the highest and most prestigious positions in the land. For instance, we

have Amina who assumed the Queen ship of Zazzau. There was also Kwajina who

assumed similar position and Zaria who although was never a queen but assumed some

position of prominence.

Apart from all these there were such titles like the Magajiya, Iya and Mardani,

which were mainly preserved for women. Magajiya and Iya seemed to be powerful

positions. They seemed to have a role in the selection process of the Kings of Zazzau.

Their influence is clearly demonstrated by their ability to force the last Habe ruler to

reverse the Islamic reforms made by his father as we shall see.

However some changes were introduced after the Jihad. For instance offices

allocated to eunuchs were gradually phased out in conformity with the provision of the

shari’a. Also affected were the females’ titles such as Magajiya, Iya and Mardani which

- 170 -
were phased out. This was because there was no provision for women titles in the

Shari’a. Consequently, the functions of such offices came to be adopted by men.

- 171 -
 ii. COMMONERS

The commoners composed of people that did not belong to the ruling class or the

masu sarauta. This class was generally characterized by lack of political and military

powers and exploited by the masu sarauta through taxations, force labour and so on. The

Commoners (subjects) had limited upward mobility, which was in sharp contrast with the

masu sarauta. The category of people that are generally lumped under this class

includes: The religious clerics, Attajirai, Talakawa proper and the Bayi.

a. TRADITIONAL PRIESTS AND THE MALAMAI

A study of the society of Birnin Zaria between the 15th century and the period of the

outbreak of the 19th century Jihad indicates the presence of two dominant religious

classes– the traditional priests and the Malamai. These religious personages constituted

the second most influential members of the society. The study of this class of people is

indispensable to the understanding of the corpus of religious ideas that pervaded the

society of Birnin Zaria.

The priests represented the traditional beliefs of the society. This was due to their

knowledge of spiritual powers and their sound ability to “direct the course of nature and

human lives”. Meek highlighted the functions of the priests thus:

He (the priest) is the repository of the tribal traditions

and therefore presides at initiation ceremonies. He
receives and makes offerings on behalf of the
people. By virtue of his intercourse with the spirits
he obtains esoteric knowledge of powers by which
he can drive out wicked spirits.423

423
Meek C.K. The Northern Tribes of Nigeria: An Ethnographical Account of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, 1921, p. 43

- 172 -
 The above statement summed up the significance of the priests in Birnin Zaria

during the period under study. Before the introduction of Islam to Zaria, the actual date of

which is still speculative, the priests assumed an unrivalled position. They were consulted

on almost everything concerning the social, political and economic lives of the society.

Thus, they enjoyed enormous privileges in the society. The introduction of Islam and

particularly its adoption as a state religion around the second half of the 15th century with

the conversion of Muhammadu Rabbo into Islam began to challenge the dominant

position hitherto enjoyed by the traditional priests. However it should be noted that in-

spite of the growing influence of Islam; the priests continued to operate parallel to the

Malamai and were not displaced until after the outbreak of the Jihad in the beginning of

the 19th century.

The Malamai on the other hand represented the intelligentsia section of the

Muslim community whose recruitment was mainly through training. Emphasis on the

superiority of spiritual powers over temporal powers was one of the features of the

Malamai. Knowledge possessed by the Malamai confered on them a moral responsibility,

the responsibility of interpreting and sometimes implementing the Islamic principles as

embodied in the Qur’an, and the Sunna (traditions of the Prophet P.B.U.H.).424

Scholarship was held sacred in Islam and hence anybody that engaged in its pursuit

was highly esteemed by the Muslims. The Hausa saying demonstrates this: "Malamai

magada Annabawa ne" (literally meaning scholars are the inheritors of the Prophets) and

"Malamai tsanin shiga aljanna ne" (literally meaning scholars are the step to the entrance

of the paradise). This is further elaborated by the saying of the Prophet (P.B.U.H.) that:

424
Quick, Aspects of Islamic Social Intellectual History in Hausa land: Uthman Ibn Fudi, 1774-1804 C.E PhD theses, University of Toronto, 1995,
p. 59-60.

- 173 -
 The superiority of the scholar over the unlearned
worshipper is as the superiority of the moon over
the other heavenly bodies on the night of the full
moon. The scholars are the inheritors of the
prophets. The Prophets did not leave behind dinars
or dirhams, but they left knowledge, so that
whoever obtains this knowledge had become
immensely fortunate. Reported in sunan Abu
Dauda.425

By virtue of their knowledge of the religious beliefs of the society as demonstrated

above, both the traditional and Islamic religious personages were generally held in awe.

Hence, they became the objects of consultations by the various strata of the society,

particularly the masu sarauta who monopolized them in order to effectively gain or

maintain the state power.426 This syncretic attitude of the sarakuna towards these

religious clerics could best be described in the words of Hamman Tukur who stated that:

The rulers metaphorically stand vertically astride above

the pivot of delicately balanced syncretistic seesaw.
On one hand, he has the Malam with his Jins and
on the other hand he has the boka. By lifting his
one foot he tilts the balance in favour of the other,
depending on his needs at the particular
moment.427

With the syncretic attitude of the sarakuna as demonstrated above, the only

vehicle that was therefore left for the active propagation of Islam was the Malamai.

425
M.A. Al Tabrizi, Mishkat Al masabih rev. Ed, Damascus, Al maktab Al- Islami Press, 1961, p. 74.
426
Adamu Augie, The Gobir factor in the social and political History of the Rima Basin, C1650-1808 A.D unpublished ph. D theses. Zaria 1984,
p..233
427
Hamman . S, Between Myth and reality, p. 138

- 174 -
However, as the custodians of their respective religious beliefs, the religious personages

mentioned above (the Priests and the Malamai) deemed it a duty to guard and safeguard

their religious traditions jealously against pollution or extinction by alien religious beliefs.

Thus, centuries of long cultural struggle dating back to the time when Islamic influences

started having contact with the traditional beliefs system ensued between the two

opposing religious interests. The old age ideological struggle gradually tilted in favour of

the Malamai. This was because of the relegation of the iskoki religious belief, which was

hitherto the dominant belief system in Kasar Hausa, to the background following the

increasing growing influence of Islam particularly in the 19th century following the Jihad in

Zaria.

As a result of this development, the Malamai came to assume a number of services for the

state, which included religious, political, administrative, clerical, and judicial services. These

offices included the office of the Imam Juma and Imam Kona (official that presided over prayers).

Then there was the Magatakarda who functioned as chief scribe and the private Imam to the King's

house-hold. Another official was the Salanke who officiated at the prayer ground during the two

ids (i.e. id al-fitr and id al-kabir) prayers as well as presiding over funeral prayers involving the

Sarakuna and masu sarauta. Lastly, there was the Magajin Malam who acted both as a member of

the electoral council and the representative of the Mai of Borno.428

However, it is important to note that despite the advantageous position Islam

enjoyed visa-avis the traditional religious beliefs, it failed to curtail most of the deep-

rooted local customs and beliefs, and this was an indication of the relative strength of the

proponent of the traditional religion. By the end of the 18th century therefore, there was

grave concern by particularly some section of the intelligentsia for the establishment of a

428
Smith, Some notes p. 93

- 175 -
 pure form of Islam. The Malamai by virtue of their contact with new ideas from all over the

Muslim world began to form a more focused group429 and thus began to call for social and

political reforms. Since these Malamai lacked the political power to effect the

transformation of the society in consonance with the Islamic ideals, they resorted to a

revolutionary change of the society through the Jihad (armed struggle).

b. ATTAJIRAI

The Attajirai were people that were able to build their wealth substantially above

the generality of the public with the exception of the Masu Sarauta. This accorded them

the third most prestigious position in the society. The Attajirai were made up of hereditary

Merchant class popularly known in the local parlance as "Tsohon Kudi and the Nouveau-

riche group known as "Sabon Kudi".430 Even though this class lacked political power, they

were closely patronized by the Masu sarauta. This therefore gave them lot of political

influence in the society. The close alliance between the Attajirai and the masu sarauta is

expressed by the Hausa saying "Attajiri abokin Sarki," i.e. the rich merchant is a friend of

the Sarki. Like the two classes mentioned above, the Attajirai appropriated the labour of

the Talakawa by hiring them in their Fatauchi (trading) or Sana'a (occupation). The

consolidation of the Attajirai class in Zaria was spurred by the development and

expansion in both internal and regional trade. The Attajirai by virtue of their involvement in

the trade were able to amass lot of wealth. Their activities also opened up and integrated

the Zaria area with other regions. It also led to the expansion of both agriculture and

manufacturing.

429
Quick, Aspects of Islamic social intellectual History in Hausa land, p 60.
430
Muhammadu Wada Hamza, Tatsuniya as a mirror of Hausa social relationships,p. 27

- 176 -
 According to Hamman Tukur, the three classes of people mentioned above- the

aristocracy, religious leaders and merchants formed the pillar (ginshiki) of the society.

This is because they carried the weight and liabilities of the Birni on their shoulders'. He

noted thus:

A city cannot survive without the political leadership

provided by great Sarakuna; these leaders cannot
function without the aid of truthful Malam. A city
cannot be important without influence, so we need
Tajirai. All other members of the society make up
the roof that rest on these three important pillars.431

c. TALAKAWA (POOR)

Any body that did not fall under the above three classes is normally placed in the

class of the Talakawa (poor). The Talakawa belonged to what Frantz Fanon may describe

as the ''wretched of the earth''.432 They constituted the largest percentage of the

population and were made up of people of diverse occupational groups and background.

The term Talakawa is not only a political category but social and economic as well.

Accordingly, R.C. Abraham sees the Talakawa as members of the populace, who are

sharply distinct from the masu sarauta, who are more auspicious, so that being talaka

entail poverty. Bergery on the other hand defines the talaka as a person that holds no

official position, a man in the street, a poor person etc. Some epithets that are used to

describe the Talaka include Talaka bawan Allah (literally meaning the poor man is truly

Allah's servant) and Allah gatan Talaka (literally meaning the poor is Allah's protected
431
Hamman . S., Between Myth and reality, p. 112
432
Franz Fanon, The wretched of the earth, Penguin Books, 1963

- 177 -
 servant). All these are indications of the depressed, miserable and inferior condition of the

Talaka.

In spite of the lowly position of the Talakawa, they constituted the largest

productive labour force in the society and therefore provided most of the services and

resources needed by the masu Sarauta, the Attajirai and some influential Malamai. Some

of the services provided by the Talakawa included: labour in the estates of the Masu

Sarauta and the Attajirai; services in the state bureaucracy and the army, labour in the

building of city walls, clearing of routes and paths e.t.c.

It is important to note that membership of this group is fluid. This is because it is

possible for individuals to rise up above their social status. However a small percent of

the Talakawa were able to move up the social ladder. In Hausa communities generally

including Zaria a person's social position (Matsayi), rank (Mukami) or importance

(Mahimmanci) was determined by employment and or economic success irrespective of

gender.433 This is demonstrated by certain terms that were used to evaluate one's social

status. For instance, both males and females could attain the highest position of

leadership but addressed differently. For example, the king is called Sarki (Sarauniya

fem.). At the educational level an educated man is called Malam while an educated

woman is called Malama. An illiterate is called Jahili (Jahila fem.). A wealthy man is called

Tajiri, while a wealthy woman is called Tajira.434

d. BAYI (SLAVES)

At the lowest level of the social ladder among the Zazzagawa were the Bayi.

Recruitment into this class was by birth, raids and wars, gift, purchase etc. The Attajirai,

433
Hamza, Tatsuniya as a mirror of Hausa social relationships, pp. 24-25.
434
Ibid-p. 25.

- 178 -
 Masu sarauta and some influential Malamai, who used their labour for various activities

such as domestic, economic, military and more importantly agricultural activities generally

maintained the slaves.435

Ali Mazrui best described the general conditions of slaves in Hausa land in the

following words:

---Certain duties, it is true were specifically allotted to

slaves, but, for the greater part, they shared in the
ordinary life of the household, were described by
the head as his children and a stranger would not
be aware that they were his slaves unless this was
expressly explained by him. Captured women were
taken at once as wives, and except that they had
no relatives to go to in case of ill treatment or their
husband death, their different status ceased to
have much importance. Girls might be married to
their master's family or might marry other slaves;
the latter on marriage set up their own houses,
described themselves as members of their master's
clan, and observed its practices. They differed from
'free men' in that they could not leave him and that
they could not inherit from a real member of the
clan.436

Paul Lovejoy and Hogendorn shaded more light on the position of slave in Zaria by pointing

out that:

435
Ibrahim Muhammadu Jumare, Slavery in Sokoto city. C. 1804-1936, M. A. thesis, Department of History, A.B.U. Zaria, 1988 Pp. 43-48; Paul E.
Lovejoy, Transformations in slavery, African Studies series 36, Cambridge University Press, 1983, Pp. 196.
436
Ali Mazrui, Conference on slavery, “comparative slavery and Africa’s triples heritage: Indigenous, Islamic and western system, a keynote
address to the world conference organized by Arewa House, 26th – 30th March, 1990

- 179 -
 The emirate was actively involved in enslavement as
well as the exploitation of slave labour. Indeed the
continued acquisition of new captives was essential
in sustaining the number of slave in Zaria. There
was no racial difference between masters and
slaves, although ethnic distinctions were clearly
articulated as a result of the enslavement of non-
Muslim populations. While most slaves were
assigned agricultural work, some performed
essential functions of government and many had
the possibility of achieving emancipation for
themselves or their children. The children of slave
concubines were particularly likely to inherit a free
status.437

The above explanations clearly demonstrated the reason why many people of

slave origin were absorbed and assimilated into many family groups in Zaria. The slaves

not only found it easy to get assimilated into the family of their masters438 but also found it

easy to gain upward mobility. Many instances abound where people of slave origin held

sensitive political and military positions.439 Some of the military positions that were

entrusted to slaves in the past were the position of Sarkin bindiga (Head of musketeers);

Sarkin lifidi; (Head of cavalry); Sarkin baka (leader of the archers); Wambai (in charge of

the wounded) and so on. Because of the privileges that were accrued to the slaves,

slavery became enviable even among some free born.440 Some free born were said to

437
Paul E. Lovejoy and Jan S. Hogendorn, slow death for slavery, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p.9.
438
Paul E. Lovejoy, Transformations in slavery: A History of slavery in Africa, P. 214.
439
Oral source, Malam Nuhu Jume, Anguwan Dan Madami Age 40 years, 3rd January 2004.
440
Bala, A. "Warfare and Slavery in Zaria Emirate in the 19th century," a paper presented at the World Conference on Slavery, organised by Arew a
House, Kaduna, 26th - 30th March, 1990. P. 17

- 180 -
 have willingly submitted themselves as slaves out of the hope of getting some of the

privileges.441

Lovejoy was of the view that 50 percent of the population of Zaria were slaves.442

This could be an over exaggeration. This is because it is doubtful for any country to allow

the population of slaves to be equal its number. This is in view of the security implication

this may portend. It is possible that Lovejoy was making reference to the population of the

numerous slave estates in Zaria. In this case this could be true because the estates were

essentially slave settlements mainly established by the masu sarauta to work for them in

such estates.

3. RELIGION

As mentioned above, the pre-Jihad society of Birnin Zaria was dominated by two

religious belief systems, which had continued to shape the society. These were the

traditional belief system in the iskoki and Islam.

The traditional religious belief and practice was of ancient antiquity, predating

Islam and the formation of the Birni itself. The significance of this religion could be seen in

its role in laying the foundation of the state of Zazzau. As pointed out earlier, religion

played important role in the development of the nucleus of the state of Zazzau around the

great inselbergs of Kufena, Madarkachi and Turunku, which developed into urban centres

because of their religious importance.443 Abdullahi Smith pointed out that this religious

belief continued long after to influence the lives of not only the commoners but also the

outlook and policy of the rulers.444 The traditional religious practice developed in response

441
Ibid.
442
Lovejoy, Transformations in slavery, P. 185.
443
Smith, "Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa Kings" p. 91
444
Ibid.

- 181 -
to man's pre occupation with nature and activities most closely identified with it and were

widely practiced not only in Zaria but through out Kasar Hausa.445

Only the main features of the traditional belief and practice is discussed here. The

traditional religion was characterized by the belief in the existence of the Supreme Being

known as ubangiji who rules over everything and everyone. The Supreme Being is

believed to be too remote and therefore cannot be approached directly but rather through

a host of different intermediaries. These intermediaries in the forms of invincible forces or

spirit, power or dynamics were generally believed to be capable of controlling life, fortune

and the daily issues of existence.446 These forces, which were put under the general

name, iskoki were believed to be found everywhere such as rock shelters, hills, sky,

water, trees, dwelling places etc.

Members of the society individually or in concert with other members of the society

in their various endeavours involving economic, political, religious and social activities,

were thus compelled by these religious beliefs to associate with these forces in

appropriate manners.447 This was believed to be necessary for their survival and

successes in their individual and collective undertakings.

The helplessness of man in the face of the super natural forces was demonstrated

by the continued search (tambaya) for, and acquisition of super natural powers by every

member of the society particularly the Masu sarauta, successful Attajirai and heads of

occupational groups. This was not only considered imperative but one must be seen to be

having one. Thus those with established and tested ability to the possession of super

natural powers were feared and that gave them immunity against the evil design of rivals

445
Quick, Aspects of Islamic social intellectual History in Hausa land, P.17
446
Kofoworola Zikky and Yusuf Lateef, Hausa performing arts and music, p 69
447
Smith , Some notes, p. 91

- 182 -
who may wish to mechanically bring about misfortune on them through mediums such as

charms, witchcraft and sorcery.448

In order to control or manipulate the invincible forces (iskoki) to ensure continuity,

good providence and avoid misfortune, appropriate sacrifices according to the needs of

the particular iska must be made. The sacrifices involved giving up the most valued

possession in the form of food, drink, animal or even, human beings. These sacrifices

could be conducted at all levels of the society. For instance in each compound the

Maigida normally directed the ritual sacrifices. At the ward level, the Sarkin noma and

Sarkin Ruwa conducted the sacrifices. This was done for the purpose of agricultural

success. While at the state level, the Sarki was in charge of the ritual sacrifices. As

custodians of the religious beliefs of the society, the Sarakuna offered advice to the

community after due consultations with the priests on matters affecting the general well

being of the society.

By the 15th century, when Birnin Zaria was established as the administrative

headquarters of Zazzau, the traditional belief system was well entrenched in the society.

The deep-seated religious beliefs and practice was so rooted that even when Islam was

introduced, it continued to maintain strong influence on the lives of the Zazzagawa up to

the Jihad period.

The precise period when Islam began to make inroad into Zaria is still difficult to

establish. However, it is generally believed that Islam came to Hausa land through the

activities of the Wangarawa who arrive Kano in the middle of the 14th century.449

However, this claim is doubtful when examined critically against some concrete evidence.

448
Hamman . S., Between Myth and reality, pp. 132-138.

449
Palmer, Kano chronicle, Sudanese Memoirs, op-cit.

- 183 -
For instance, the research conducted by Abdullahi Smith was of the view that there was

the presence of Islam in Kufena and Turunku long before the foundation of Birnin Zaria.450

This is corroborated by the existence of an old Islamic community known as the Konawa

around the area where the Birni came to be established.451 The leader of this Islamic

community, Mallam Sadauki Haruna was said to have been in Zaria long before the

arrival of the celebrated Islamic Scholar, al Maghili at Kano in 1492.452

What seems to give more credence to the view for an earlier date for the

introduction of Islam in Birnin Zaria earlier than the 14th century as purported by the Kano

Chronicle was the association of Islamic names to some of the earlier rulers of Zazzau.

See the Zaria king-list in the appendix section for details. This is an indication that even if

these Sarakuna were not Muslims, there were some forms of Islamic influence in Zaria at

the early period of its existance. Recently, rock painting indicating a Mosque on the

Turunku rocks was discovered.453 But we have to wait for archaeological study on the

rock painting of the Mosque before we can put our argument further.

From the above explanations, it is safe to agree with Usman Bugaje who argued

that the significance of the advent of the Wangarawa should be seen as marking a stage

in the Islamisation of Hausa land rather than its beginning.454 He argued further that the

coming of the Wangarawa might be alluding to the Islamisation of the rulers of Kano

rather than the first arrival of Islam in Kasar Hausa.455

The general pattern of Islamisation in the whole of western Sudan, was further

elaborated by Philips who stated that:

450
Smith, Some notes on the History of Zazzau under Hausa kings,, p.28.
451
Ibid.
452
Dalhatu Usman, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, p. 28
453
Ibid. P.28
454
Usman Bugaje, "Some Reflections on the development of Islamic Learning in Katsina (1300-1800 A.D) in Isma’ila A. Tsiga etal (eds), Islam
and the History of learning in Katsina, Spectrum Books Ltd, 1997, P. 78
455
Ibid.

- 184 -
 In western Sudan, Islamisation of the people seems to
have preceded that of their rulers, for instance, in
Jenne there were already 4,200 Muslim Scholars
when the ruler converted. In ancient Ghana there
were 12 mosques at the time of Almoravids.
Although the conversion of the rulers often
accelerated the conversion of the masses, it rarely
began it in West Africa. The conversion of the ruler
and his court was a dramatic turning point from
which date the state may be considered Muslim.
But this is a climax of a process of Islamisation
rather than its commencement.456

Similar pattern of Islamisation appeared to have taken place in Zaria with Islam

mainly restricted initially among the ranks of the society principally through the activities of

the Malaman kona and Juma. The activities of these Islamic clerics served as a catalyst

to the growth of Muslim population. It was through the activities of such Malamai that

Muhammadu Rabbo (1505-1530 AD), the contemporary of Muhammadu Rumfa and

Muhammadu Korau of Kano and Katsina respectively was said to have embraced

Islam.457 The conversion of Muhammadu Rabbo to Islam represented a climax of

Islamisation in Zaria. This was because his conversion brought Islam into the limelight,

leading to the conversion of substantial number of people into the religion.458 The period

also witnessed the construction of the Jumu'a Mosque at Anguwan Juma.459 Wind of

change was also blowing in Kano and Katsina where Muhammadu Rumfa and

456
J.E Philips, the Islamisation of Kano before Jihad, Kano studies (new series), Vol. No., 11982/85 pp. 32-33
457
A.R. Nuhu "Zazzau Kafin Jihad,’’ a paper presented at the History workshop at ABU, Zaria 1979, p.2.
458
Ibid.
459
Ibid

- 185 -
Muhammadu Korau emerged as leaders respectively. Abdullahi Smith noted the

significance of these trios to the ongoing Islamisation process in Kasar Hausa thus:

The pre eminence of these rulers is partly due to the

roles they are believed to have played in the spread
of Islam in Hausa land. Muhammadu Korau, and
Muhammadu Rabbo are stated in the King list to
have been the first Muslim kings of Katsina and
Zazzau receptively. While Muhammadu Rumfa is
regarded as an Islamic reformer.460

According to Usman Bugaje, the activities of these rulers further accelerated the

consolidation of Islam and opening the gates of Hausa land to Islamic cultural and

intellectual influences. He further noted that the rise of Askia Muhammad Toure of the

Songhai Empire to power in 1492 gave fresh impetus to the efforts of these great rulers in

the integration of the Katsina - Kano-Zazzau axis of Hausa land into the Timbuktu

intellectual zone, thereby enhancing the development of learning in these ancient

cities.461

From this time Islam continued to contribute towards the growth of the Birni and

the consolidation of the power of the Sarki over all groups in the state.462 However,

subsequent rulers after Muhammadu Rabbo did not appear to have shown keen interest

in Islam. The result was little popular support for the religion by the sarakuna. Their

attitude seems to be quite understandable in view of their religious function as the

460
Abdullahi Smith, Early state of central Sudan in Ajayi and Crowder (eds) History of West Africa vol. 1 2nd edition, Longman, London, 1976,
p.198
461
Usman Bugaje, “Some reflections on the development of Islamic learning in Katsina”, in Isma’il Tsiga and Abdullah U. Adamu, (eds), Islam
and the history of learning in Katsina, Spectrum Books Ltd, Ibadan,1997, p.79
462
Oyedele E. Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria, op-cit. P.79

- 186 -
custodians of the society's beliefs and customs, a position that conferred on them the

legitimacy and power to rule the society. The Sarakuna therefore, naturally felt threatened

by the introduction of Islam, which they believed had the capacity of undermining their

positions.

The rites involving the installation of a new King demonstrate the significance of

the iskoki, religious belief system as the source of the legitimacy of the political and

administrative power of the Sarki. The rites usually inaugurated the handing over to the

successor King the royal house of Bakwa Turunku, who will then be instructed on and

pledge to safeguard the ancient tradition, customs and ways of life of his ancestors. This

was followed by the routine of washing and dressing. The King will finally be crowned with

a helmet, which he was expected not to remove for seven days. Within this period he will

be taken to a special building close to the Palace for rituals sacrifices to various iskoki.

This normally took place day and night and through out this period he will not be allowed

to set his eye on any child of the royal house. At the end of these observances the

successor King finally made his appearance to the Palace and sat on the throne. The

chiefs of Zazzau then took their turns to pay homage to him one by one. Thus,

demonstrating their submission and allegiance to the king. The installation ceremony was

usually consummated with the presentation of the royal insignia of the Sarkin Zazzau to

him, which included: the sword of Zazzau, a Kambu, a copy of the glorious Qur'an, the

tambari (King's drums) and a helmet crown.463

The elaborate installation rites surrounding the coronation of the Sarki was

intended to instruct and initiate him into the norms, customs and lore of the society as well

as to clearly demonstrate to him that he owed his authority and power to the religious

463
Shu’aibu Naibi, Abuja chronicle, pp. 13-14

- 187 -
 belief of the society. In effect the rites also portrayed the Sarki as the embodiment of the

society’s religious beliefs and customs, hence, the reference to the Habe rulers as

''Sarakunan gargajiya". The rites also symbolized a chain of continuity between the past

and the present.

The result of all these, was that the Palace up to the end of the 18th century,

remained a strong hold of various cults of the iskoki under some senior women within the

Palace of the Sarki. These were the Magajiya and Iya.464 The strong influence of these

women on the Habe Sarakuna and their ability to resist Islamic influence is clearly

reflected in the event that saw the end of the last Habe ruler (Makau). When Usman Dan

Fodio was successfully established in Sokoto, he started inviting the various Habe

Sarakuna all over Hausa land to uphold the true teachings of Islam. Zaria then under

Ishaku was willing to effect reforms as requested by the Shehu, 465 but on his death, his

son took over as the 60th Habe King. On his assumption of office, he came under the

direct pressure of the Magajiya and Iya not to succumb to Islamic influence. Thus, under

the threat of dethronement if he dare follow the tubake; for that was the name that was

used in reference to the Muslims, Makau was forced to recant.466 It was this situation that

was used as justification by the Jihadists to dethrone the Habe King, Makau in Zaria,

thereby reducing the influence of the age long religious beliefs in the iskoki.

4. ISLAMIC SCHOOLARSHIP AND LEARNING

Zaria had distinguished itself as a famous and leading centre of Islamic learning in

central Sudan in the pre-colonial period.467 This was reflected by the prominent position it

enjoyed visa-avis the Islamic and western education. The enviable position Zaria

464
Ibid.
465
Smith H.F.C., “The problems of Dynastic Chronology of Fulani Zaria”, J.H.S.N. II, 12, 1961, p. 279
466
Oral source, Alhaji Ahmadu Fatika (Sarkin Fadan Zazzau). Age 82 years 28th February 2003.
467
Abdullahi Mahdi, The choice of Zaria as a center of higher Learning in Muhammad A.M. (ed), ABU at 25th

- 188 -
occupied as a great citadel of learning is generally acknowledged by the description of

Zaria with the popular epithet, ''Zaria Birnin ilmi,'' meaning, Zaria is the city of learning.468

There is also the popular saying that in Zaria “Kowa ka gani Malami ne, in Kaga Jahili

bako ne shima in bai kwana biyu ba" literally meaning that whoever you see in Zaria is

knowledgeable. Where you see an ignorant person he must be a stranger and even then

except if the (stranger) did not stay long.

The reputation Zaria gained over the years, as a great citadel of knowledge during

the pre-colonial period was the product of a long history of Islamisation, which often went

hand in hand with the spread of learning and scholarship. The driving force behind the

Muslims' intellectualism is rooted in their religion. For instance, Islam in the first Qur'anic

revelation makes learning compulsory on all Muslims where it stated thus: ''read in the

name of the Lord who creates.''469 The noble Prophet of Islam was also reported to have

emphatically stated in one of his traditions that: “acquisition of knowledge is obligatory

upon every Muslim (male and female both young and old)”.

Thus, the culture of scholarship among the Muslims is deeply rooted in the

philosophy and tradition of Islam, a philosophy that places high premium on knowledge.

The application of this philosophy by early Muslims found practical expressions in Islamic

civilizations that were solidly built on the culture of learning. The community that was

established by the noble Prophet of Islam during his time down to the Umayyad, the

468
Reflecting on the vast reservoir of knowledge that birnin Zaria possessed, J.P. Clark reflected thus:
Who can peel, the fruit of experience
and found
The core of knowledge?
The seeds of wisdom
are hidden,
and the moon lovely girl
Shrouded in a cloud
Of knowing……..
See West Africa Annual, 1959
469
See the glorious Qur'an xl: I

- 189 -
Abbasid, the Fatimid and the Ottoman empires represented these.470 From our recent

historical experience, the Sokoto Caliphate, Zaria inclusive readily comes to mind.

Islamic learning in the pre-colonial period in Zaria began to expand with the influx

of scholars, students and traders from all directions particularly from the west along the

Sene-Gambian region and Borno into Zaria in search of knowledge.471 This was typical

among the Muslims and was generally based on the philosophy that a ''scholar's

education is greatly improved by traveling in quest of knowledge and meeting the

authoritative teachers of his time.''472 Thus, this explained the reason why seekers of

knowledge traveled far and wide in search of renowned scholars. This was what is

commonly known as ''yawon al majirci.'' The constant influx of scholars and students into

Zaria was stimulated by a number of factors.

One of these factors has to do with the excellent climate of Zaria, which provided

moderate atmospheric condition that was not too cool or too hot as obtained in other

states of Hausa land, particularly further north.473 Secondly, the Zaria scholars were

highly committed and dedicated to teachings and scholarship. These virtues were seen

as act of worship.474 These factors made the scholars to be highly distinguished.

Consequently, any teacher that happened to be groomed by Zaria scholars used to be

different from the other scholars. It was in view of this realization, that Usman Dan Fodio

was reported to have said that there would never be a time when Zaria will lack the

470
Usman Bugaje, “some reflections on the development of Islamic learning in Katsina”, p. 70
471
Hamza Muhammad Maishanu, The evolution and development of Historical scholarship in Northern Nigeria, Ph.D. thesis, Usman Dan Fodio
University, Sokoto, 1998, p.123
472
Ibn Khaldum, "The Mukaddima: An introduction to History, translated from Arabic by Franz Rosenthal in 3 Vol. (2nd ed) Vol. 3, London, 1967,
P.367.
473
Liman, S. ‘’Takaitaccen Tarihin ilmin Musulunci a Zariya,’’ unpublished paper, n.d p. 9
474
Ibid.

- 190 -
presence of distinguished scholars.475 This naturally, made Zaria a centre of attraction to

seekers of knowledge.

Zaria produced scholars that specialized in all branches of knowledge. This

provided opportunity for diverse interests. Because of the wide range of branches of

knowledge many seekers of knowledge were prepared to come to Zaria since it allowed

them to pursue their various fields of interest. The Zaria scholars always made the

realization of this objective possible by allowing the students to easily move from one

scholar to another in the pursuit of their varied educational interests.476

According to Liman the hospitality of the people of Zaria contributed in no small

measure in attracting strangers into the Birni. He pointed out that a typical Bazazzagi was

accommodative to strangers without discrimination. He was ever ready to accommodate

immigrants in his house and not only that but even to feed and clothe them. Often where

strangers proved to be of good characters or were knowledgeable, they end up marrying

the daughters of their landlords. This was because the Zazzagawa often preferred to give

their daughters in marriage to knowledgeable people. It was this attitude of the people of

Zaria that earned the city the name ''garin baki.'' meaning stranger's town.477

The influx of scholars and students into the Birni was a continuous one, spanning

from the 15th onwards. These scholars played critical roles in the cultural life of the

Zazzagawa. This was achieved through preaching, teachings and the establishment of

schools, a development that turned Zaria into a great centre of learning where all the

branches of knowledge have been taught.478 Centres of Islamic learning were established

475
Ibid.
476
Ibid.
477
Ibid.
478
Mahdi Adamu, The economy of a Hausa capital: Zaria in the 18th and 19th centuries, History research at A.B.U. vol. V1, History Department
seminar papers, 1981|82 session pp. 12-13

- 191 -
in the various sections of the Birni. A brief study of these centres is imperative, in order to

properly understand the role of each centre and their scholars in the dissemination of

knowledge in Zaria.

Two schools were identified as the earliest and most prominent centres of learning

in Zaria. These were located at Kona and Juma wards and were believed to form the

nucleus from which other schools were formed later during the post Jihad period.479 Of

these two centres, the oldest and the most prominent was the one at the house of

Limamin Kona. Malam Haruna Jibril who was believed to have come from Borno founded

the centre.480 We do not know precisely when the centre commenced. But evidence tends

to suggest that it should be sometimes between the late 14th and the beginning of the 15th

centuries. This was based on the fact that Malam Haruna Jibril was said to have died

about ninety years before the settlement of al- Maghili at Kano around 1492.481

Whatever might have been the case, it is clear that by the 17th century A.D., the

school had already emerged as a prominent centre of Islamic learning in Birnin Zaria.482

The prominence of this school was best reflected in the attention it drawn from

Muhammadu Bello, who included the name of Malam Haruna Jibril, the founder of the

centre among the names of some prominent scholars, in Hausa land. He stated further,

that his father had informed him that Malam Haruna was a prominent scholar, who

attracted a large number of students from all parts of Hausa land.483 Local tradition

confirmed that Shehu Usman Dan Fodio had visited this house during his familiarization

tours possibly to canvass for support from scholars in particular and the people of Zaria in

479
Liman S. ‘’Takaitaccen Tarihin Musulunci a Zariya’’ p. 2
480
Oral source Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar, Age 62 years, 2nd September 2003
481
Dalhatu Usman, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, p, 28
482
Mahdi Adamu, the economy of a Hausa Capital, p. 12
483
Muhammadu Bello, Infaqul Maisur, op-cit.

- 192 -
general.484 However, our full understanding of the scholarly traditions of the Kona

scholars is limited by the lack of the survival of their works.

By the 18th century, the intellectual prowess of Kona was considerable. This is

evidenced by the fact that one of the rulers at that period, Sarkin Zazzau Jatau had time

to attend to lessons from Malam Hamidu the then Limamin Kona.485 The principal Jihad

leaders such as Malam Musa, Yamusa, and Abdulkarim were also reputed to have been

pupils of the school. Most of the founding fathers of the schools that were subsequently

established all over the Birni after the Jihad also attended the Kona centre of learning.486

The school specialized in works such as Bukhari, Asshafa, Samarkandi, and

Jamiu-ssagir and Tafsir. The school had contributed towards inspiring the Jihadists with

the jihad philosophy and ideology through it teachings. Up to today the school is

contributing to intellectual activities in Birnin Zaria.

The second most prominent school in Birnin Zaria was the one located at Anguwar

Juma. It was founded by Abubakar al- Futi popularly known as Malam. He was an

itinerant teacher and preacher who was believed to have migrated from Mali487 and

sojourned to Zaria and many other places. His first port of call on leaving Mali was

Yandoto. Then he moved to Katsina where he had a short spell before moving to Borno.

From Borno he finally moved to Zaria. According to the tradition of the lineage of the

Imam of Juma, their ancestors moved together from Borno with the ancestors of the Kona

people.488 Therefore if this tradition is anything to go by their antiquity must be dated to

the same period with the Kona people.

484
Oral source, Muhammadu Sani (Limamin Kona),, op-cit
485
Mahdi Adamu, The economy of a Hausa Capital, p. 12
486
Oral source, Muhammadu Sani (Limamin Kona), op-cit
487
Liman S. Takaitaccecn Tarihin Musulunci a Zariya, p. 3 and interview with Alhaji Muhammadu Anguwan Juma
488
Ibid.

- 193 -
 The Juma centre of learning came to the limelight when, Abubakar was appointed as

the first Imam of the Juma’a Mosque.489 When he became old he resigned for his son

Malam Yero to take over. Suleiman succeeded him and was subsequently

succeeded by Muhammadu Dikko (Kabobo) and Muhammadu Lawal thereafter. It was

during the period of Muhammadu Lawal that the Jihad in Zaria broke out. This centre was

known for its contributions in the spread of Islam and Islamic knowledge, preaching and

leading people in prayers at the Jumu'a Mosque. Not only that the majority of the Alkalai

in Zazzau and most of the Limamai of the Jumu’a Mosque came from this centre. The

Juma centre became much more prominent during the time of Muhammadu Lawal.

The Jihad in Zaria stimulated a lot of intellectual activities. Consequently, more

centres of Islamic learning came into being after the Jihad. The most prominent of them

were the learning centres at the house of Umar Wali, Kakaki, Kofar Doka, Kusfa and

Magajiya.

5. CONCLUSION

It is clear from the above that the society of Birnin Zaria was highly stratified. The

Sarki was at the apex of the social structure. He is followed by the Masu Sarauta

(aristocracy). Religious personages constituted the second most important class in the

Birni during the period under study. The third most important class of people were the rich

and the wealthy (Attajirai). The class of the Talakawa followed this. This was made up of

the poor and the less successful traders and artisans. The Talakawa were exploited by

especially the Masu Sarauta. At the bottom of the social ladder were the Bayi (slaves)

whose labour was exploited by the class of the Masu Sarauta, Malamai, and Attajirai.

489
According to the tradition of the Juma people, the Jumu’a Mosque was built during Bakwa Turunku, while another tradition is claiming that
Sarkin Zazzau Jatau built it. See Kamarruddin Abubakar Imam, Wazirin Zazzau Malam Lawal, NNPC, Zaria, 1996, p.5

- 194 -
 Religion was an important feature of the society of the Birni during the period of

study. Two religious beliefs dominated the lives of the people of Birnin Zaria before the

Jihad. These were: the traditional religious belief in the super natural (iskoki) and Islam.

The extent of the influence of these religious beliefs on the lives of the people of Birnin

Zaria and the ideological struggles between the two religions culminating in the Jihad was

clearly highlighted.

Birnin Zaria was a reputable centre of learning even before the Jihad. How Zaria

earned this reputation was discussed in this chapter. The prominent centres of Islamic

learning in the Birni before the Jihad were also examined.

- 195 -
 CHAPTER FIVE

THE ECONOMY OF BIRNIN ZARIA TO 1900

1. INTRODUCTION

In the last chapter our study focused on the society of Birnin Zaria up to the eve of

the Jihad. Since the economy of any society is crucial to the understanding of the material

basis of its social existence, the society of Birnin Zaria shall not be examined in isolation

from its economy. Thus our focus here is on the main features of the economy of the Birni

up to 1900. This gives insights into the role of Birni in the economy of the Kingdom of

Zazzau as well as the economic condition of the Birni prior to and after the nineteenth

century Jihad.

This section involves an examination of the interplay of both human and natural

resources in the production and distribution of goods and services in Zaria up to the eve

of its colonisation. An important feature of the economy of Zaria worthy of mention by this

period was its diversity. The picture one got of Zaria was that of a society where people

were engaged in many economic activities with agriculture as the primary activity, while

manufacturing and trading constituted secondary activities.

Secondly, the economy of Zaria was a dynamic one in the sense that it grew in

response to both internal and external demands. Thus, this gave a fillip to the

development of the economy beyond subsistence level. This simple fact dismissed the

claim that the economy of African societies generally did not go beyond subsistence level.

Newbury’s observation in this regard is pertinent. He noted that:

- 196 -
 It is difficult to think of any West African country, which relied solely
on subsistence crops and lacked the simplest surplus for gifts,
tribute and trade.490

2. LAND

The importance of land as a factor of production among the Zazzagawa needed

not be over emphasized. This was because all other economic activities came to depend

on it albeit in varying degrees. Because of the central place of land in production, the

society seemed to develop a well-defined and egalitarian system through which every

member of the society could obtain land. The system of land acquisition was fashioned

within the framework of the social organisation highlighted above. Accordingly, land was

owned and shared in common among members of the same family. The family land is

known as gonar gandu where every member has equal right to the use of the land. As a

collective property, the land was held in trust by the Uban gandu for members of his

gandu. The Uban gandu was thus not expected to sell or pawn any portion of the land on

behalf of the rest of the members of the gandu, as doing so was not only tantamount to

selling their means of livelihood but also not the norm.491 Land could therefore not be sold

but could be given as a gift to those in need particularly immigrants into the area. This

could be clearly brought to focus when the genealogy of the people of Zaria is studied.492

For instance many immigrants got their lands from other families particularly, the Kona

and Juma families before their final integration into the Zazzagawa community.

490
Newbury, C.W., Trade and authority in West Africa 1850-1900 in Toyin Falola, The political Economy of a pre-colonial African state, [Link].
P.87.
491
Bala Achi, “Warfare and slavery in Zaria Emirate,” [Link].
492
See chapter three on the section dealing with the Anguwoyi (wards) in the Birni for details on how some of the lineages acquired their lands.

- 197 -
 The method of acquiring land was based on first occupier basis i.e. the person that

was first identified with a piece of land was recognized as the rightful owner of the land.493

On his death, it passed on to his offspring. Subsequent immigrants into the area got their

lands through gift from other lineages. Another method of acquiring land was through

wars of expansion during which substantial expanse of land came under the control of

Zaria. Even though all lands literally belonged to the Sarki, he had absolute right over

conquered territories, which he shared among the lineages that participated in the wars.

That was how considerable number of people got their lands in areas especially outside

the city.

3. LABOUR

Just like access to the factors of production, the organisation of labour was also

family based. Thus the mobilization, recruitment and training of labour for all productive

activities were also done within the framework of the family. Accordingly, the family

constituted both a common work and consumption unit, (gandu). In other words, the

family provided the work team for all productive activities, while productive activities were

principally geared towards the production of the basic needs of the family and for

exchange.494

Under such arrangement, both the Uban gandu and the other members of the

gandu were socially bounded by certain responsibilities, which every side was expected

to fulfil. This was to ensure a disciplined work force that was necessary for the smooth

493
Hamman T. Sa’ad, Between Myths and Reality, op-cit.
494
D. W. Norman, “Labor inputs of farmers: A case study of the Zaria Province of the North Central state of Nigeria,’’ Samaru Research Bulletin ,
1970, p.116

- 198 -
running of the Gandu.495 For instance, the Uban gandu needed all the cooperation and

backing of the members of his gandu to discharge his onerous tasks. This included all

contributions for the socio-economic growth of the gandu through unrestrained offer of

labour in the gonar gandu or crafts shop. Every member was expected to contribute

according to his status. Married persons were expected to work in the gandu in the

morning, while they worked on their own gayauna in the evening.

The Uban gandu on the other hand in return for the above basic ingredients was

responsible for the mobilization and direction of the labour of his gandu for productive

activities. He was also responsible for the provision of all inputs necessary for productions

that may include fartanya (hoe), garma (big hoe), massassabi (adze), iri (seeds), and taki

(manure) and so on.496

The amount of labour at the command of each individual Uban gandu was an

important consideration in determining his productive output, which may invariably

influence his social status. Thus, people strove hard to multiply their work force

particularly through multiple marriages. It is important to note however that access to

labour was largely unequal with a few people having access to surplus labour. Additional

labour was therefore always sought for, especially at the height of the farming season,

which was mostly associated with the planting, weeding, and harvesting periods. These

were difficult tasks, which a household may not accomplish within the shortest possible

time on it own. In this respect it was the responsibility of the Uban gandu to acquire extra

labour to compliment the labour of the members of his gandu. Various options of

acquiring extra labour were always available to the Uban gandu.

495
Abdulkadir Adamu, "The food economy in colonial Nigeria: A Study of food production and distribution in Zaria metropolis C. 1902-1960",
Ph.D. Thesis A.B.U Zaria, 2001, p.15.
496
Ibid.

- 199 -
 The Uban gandu could exploit the system of cooperative work (aikin gayya). This

involved the extension of hands of fellowship to the other members of the community to

work together in order to assist the Uban gandu in completing some farm works. Apart

from assisting one another to complete difficult tasks, the aikin gayya was believed to

have some social significance involving the strengthening of bond of relationship as well

as instilling discipline, courage, hard work and interest in agriculture.497 It may seem easy

for every member of the society to have access to this type of labour. However, in

practice, it was limited to only those with the wherewithal. This was because it involved

feeding participants for the aikin gayya as well as inviting musicians to trigger the

cooperative work team into action.498

Alternatively, the Uban gandu could hire people to work for him in return for

payment, which may either be in kind or cash. This system of wage labour is known as

kwadago in Hausa. Because of the compensation that characterized the kwadago, it was

not prevalent as it was highly limited to the Attajirai and Sarakuna who could afford to

pay.

Slave labour was another important source of labour. It is however, important to

note that the over exaggerated reports that Zaria was ''a slave ridden society” whose

prosperity depended largely on sales of slaves and slaves labour499, is doubtful. This is

because recent studies have shown that contrary to such reports, the number of slaves

and those who could own slaves in Zaria constituted a very small fraction of the total

497
John Nengel, Etal, History of Chawai of North Central Nigeria to 1932, History Department, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2002, p.68
498
Ziky and Lateef, Hausa performing arts, op-cit.
499
Smaldone, J.P. Warfare in the Sokoto Caliphate; Historical and Sociological Perspectives, Cambridge University Press, 1977, P.12; Miller, R,
and Mango park's Travels in Africa. Dent, London. 1954, pp.220-228; Ayandele, B.A., ''Observations on some social and economic Aspects of
slavery in Northern Nigeria’’, the Nigerian journal of economic and social studies, 1967, 9:3

- 200 -
population of Zaria.500 What informed the presence of small percentage of slaves in Zaria

had to do with the risks involved in acquiring them and partly due to competition among

buyers, which pushed up the prices of the slaves.501 This was coupled with the difficulties

of maintaining the slaves, which bordered on the question of feeding, accommodating,

and clothing them.502 Even though we have limited knowledge on the prices of slaves

before the beginning of the 19th century, we can have some insights from the list of prices

obtained in the second half of the 19th century. During this period the prices of slaves

were as follows:

Period Sex Age Price

1850-1895 Female 14 Years £ 7.00-£10.00

Male 18 Years £ 6.00

Male 30 Years £ 4.00

Source: Achi: 1990

Because of the above-mentioned factors, it became difficult for even the rich and

the Sarakai who established agricultural estates (gandaye) both within and outside the

city to get enough slaves to work in their gandaye. Consequently, most of the rich and the

members of the nobility had to resort to other forms of labour for their gandaye.503 These

included corvee labour, which was compulsory for all the Talakawa who were expected to

put up seven days each in a year as obligatory labour to the Sarakai.504 Client labour was

also employed. This usually took place when the rich borrowed out money or materials to

the talaka, who for failure to pay had to willingly submit himself to be used by the patron

500
Achi, B., "Warfare and slavery in Zaria Emirates in the 19th century", op-cit, P.2
501
Ibid p.2
502
M.G. Smith, Baba of Karo, [Link].
503
Bala A. “Warfare and slavery in Zaria Emirates in the 19th century,” p..12
504
Ibid, p. 12

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 as compensation for his money.505 This practice was more prevalent in the period of

famine.

Division of labour among the Zazzagawa was based on age, status and sex. The

most pronounced of the division was that based on sex.506 Women looked after the

children and did the household chore which among other things included cooking,

provision of water and wood for cooking. They also helped in agricultural activities such

as planting and harvesting. Apart from these women were also free to engage in any

economic activities of their choice. These included weaving, pot making, and spinning of

cotton or yarn. Men were assigned to more difficult tasks. This included agriculture,

handcrafts, wars, and hunting.

4. AGRICULTURE

Agriculture had been the primary economic activity of the people of Birnin Zaria

during the period under discussion. All other economic activities were therefore

secondary to agriculture. This was because of the wide agricultural practice by all classes

of Zazzagawa irrespective of their social and economic standing in the society. This

involved the talakawa, the attajirai, the Malamai, the Sarakai and members of all

occupational groups.507 Agriculture was thus, the main provider of the society’s food

requirements as well as the major sources of raw material such as cotton, indigo, sugar

cane, groundnut for industrial productions both within the Birni and the various parts of

the Emirate.

505
Ibid.
506
Hamza, Tatsuniya as a mirror of Hausa social relationships, p. 15
507
Ibrahim Ibn Ibrahim, Age 43 years, 2nd February 2003.

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 Agricultural activities in Zaria were encouraged by the inter play of geographical

and ecological factors which included the availability of abundant arable land, water and

conducive climate necessary for agricultural activities.

Imam Umaru identified a wide range of crops that were being cultivated by the

Zaria farmers. This included guinea corn (dawa) and millet (gero) as the main staple food.

Other crops were beans (wake), rice (shinkafa), groundnut (gyada), cotton (auduga),

indigo (Baba), and sugar cane (rake).508 All productions were initially for subsistence.509

This was because the market economy then was not well developed. This was due to the

low level of the productive forces, which included technology, capital and industrial

development. This was further compounded by limited external demands. Apart from

producing for the basic needs of the family as mentioned in chapter two, farmers also

tried to produce surplus for religious ceremonies.510 However, with the subsequent

development of the economy, which seemed to be stimulated by both internal and

external demands, agricultural and industrial productions expanded beyond the

subsistence level. Agricultural production was organized through a well-defined social

organization as presented in chapter four i.e. production was done within the family unit.

The organization and utilization of labour for agricultural activities also gradually

transcended the family and household levels as mentioned above.

After the Jihad of the 19th century in Zaria, agriculture did not only continue to be

the mainstay of the economy of the Birni but also experienced a phenomenal growth.511

508
Douglass Edwin Ferguson, "Nineteen century Hausa land, being a description by Imam Imoru", PhD thesis, University of California, Los
Angeles, 1973. p. 61
509
See Abdullahi Smith discussion on the earliest agrarian communities on the Zaria plains in some notes on the history of Zazzau under Hausa
Kings, op.-cit.
510
Oral source, Muhammad Abbas Fagachi, op.-cit
511
Bonat Z. A, “Colonialism and the destruction of the Local Industrial system: A Case study of Zaria Province 1902 -1945”. [Link] p.13;
Abdulkadir Adamu, “The Impact of the Establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate on the society and economy of Zazzau Emirate in the nineteenth
century”, p. 3.

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This was because of the active role of the State in the promotion of agriculture. This was

reflected in the policies of the Caliphate leadership, which was part of a general design by

the leadership to uplift the material welfare of the people.512 The policy thrust of the

leadership of the Caliphate could be seen for instance in Mohammed Bello’s instruction to

the various Emirs of the Sokoto Caliphate where he stated that:

Your main task is to make them (the ribats) cultivated

and prosperous. Therefore, you should assign a plot of
land to anybody seeking one to develop.513

The pursuit of the above policy in Zaria is demonstrated by the commitment of the Emirate

leadership to making land accessible to people, particularly displaced communities for purposes

such as housing, grazing, farming, market and cemeteries. The first major challenge Malam Musa

faced on assumption of the leadership of the Emirate was the settlement and resettlement of

displaced people. To solve these problems he embarked on the distribution of land especially in the

deserted Anguwanni within the Birni. Land outside the Birni was also distributed to people. For

instance the Mallawa ruling dynasty were given lands in Kwarbai and some parts of Magajiya, the

Katsinawa ruling dynasty inhabited parts of Rimin Tsiwa and Anguwan Dan Madami. The

Barnawa and Sullubawa ruling dynasty were settled around Kaura and its surroundings and

Anguwan Bishar respectively.514 This policy of land distribution encouraged more people to move

into Zaria as traders, scholars, artisans, seekers of knowledge and fortune seekers. This led to

increased urbanization and remarkable improvement of agricultural production.

In line with the Emirate policy of promoting food production estates were also encouraged

to be established in many parts of the Emirate. From Smith’s description of the settlement patterns

512
Y. B. Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, P141.
513
Muhammad Bello, Usul al-siyasa. Cited in Kabir S. Chafe, State and economy in the Sokoto Caliphate, Ahmadu Bello University Press, Zari,
1999, P.81
514
Urquhart A.W. Planned Urban Landscapes of Northern Nigeria, op-cit.

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of the Zazzau Emirate after the Jihad, we can be able to have a clear picture of the nature of such

estates. Smith observed that:

Settlement patterns emphasized defensive values and

were based on the compact distribution of population
within walled towns, strung along the principal caravan
routes. Each of these towns had a few smaller settlement
near it, which owed allegiance to the village Chief of the
area in which they were cited. Many but not all of these
hamlets were slave villages (rumada); other Rumada
large enough to form towns of their own, would have the
walls and other fortification typical of a town (gari).
Most of the large rumada ……… belong to one or other
of the dynasties, and several of them were established by
King (Emir) whose permission was always necessary
before settlements could be walled.515

The number of estates that dotted the landscape of Zazzau Emirate by the nineteenth

century was put at 51.516 However, in view of the flaws that were identified in Smith’s study we

can not be sure of the number of estates in the Zazzau Emirate in the period under discussion.

First, it was pointed out that the list of estates as highlighted by Smith failed to indicate the period

when they were established. This is presenting a static picture of their development. Secondly,

Smith did not take into consideration the Islamic pattern of inheritance, which often leads to the

possible splitting up of estates among heirs, thereby raising the number of the existing estates.

Thirdly, there were other estates that were founded by the non-aristocratic class that the study

failed to reckon with.517 This is confirmed by a recent study conducted by Abdulkadir Adamu,

which identified many smaller estates in some parts of the Zazzau Emirate. One of such estates

was the one established by Barau Mai Mazaza at Mazaza located to the north of Soba town.518

There were also others established by the Sarkin Noma Dankade and Gale Dantajo, at Soba town.

Each of these estates contained more than 100 slaves. He identified others at Maigana, which were

515
Smith M.G. “The economy of Hausa communities of Zaria”, p. 89
516
Ibid.
517
LoveJoy, “Plantations in the economy of the Sokoto Caliphate”, JAH, XI, X, 3, 1978, p.353.
518
Abdul-Kadir [Link] impact of the Establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate on the society and economy of Zazzau,” p. 54.

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 established by the Sarakunan Noma Gandau, Gingi and Shagaya. He also drew attention to the

possibility of the existence of smaller ones that have not yet been identified.519

The impact of these policies could be seen in the remarkable growth of food production in

the nineteenth century throughout the Emirate, which was reflected in Clapperton’s observations

during his visit to Zaria in 1826.

Within about four to five miles of Zaria, the country

became altogether clear of wood; except a patch here
and there, all was in pasture, or planted with rice, millet
and doura. Herds of beautiful cattle were feeding in the
valleys or lying chewing the cud on the higher
grounds.520
The proceeds from agricultural activities were stored in granaries, which are

known, in the local parlance as Rumbun Sarki (royal granaries). Food supply for the

granaries was obtained from various sources. The major source was the royal agricultural

estates. Other sources included taxes (Kharaj), Zakkat, (Islamic tithe of one tenth of the

total harvest), and Kaiwa (gifts from clients/subordinates). The food stored in this way was

used by the State for various purposes. This included the feeding of the members of the

royal Palace, the army (during wars), and the poor particularly during period of dearth.521

5. ANIMAL HUSBANDRY,

Animal husbandry was closely associated with agriculture and it constituted an

important aspect of the economy of Zaria. Animal husbandry was influenced by the

presence of good grazing lands within the Birni and its environs particularly around the

streams of Kamacha, Bula, Jakara and Fadamar Bono. Thus, animals freely grazed on

519
Ibid.
520
H. Clapperton, Journal of a second Expedition into the interior parts of Africa, p. 158
521
Abdulkadir A, “The impact of the Establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate on the society and economy of Zazzau,,” p. 6

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these good grazing lands. Some of the animals domesticated included cattle, sheep,

goats and poultry.

Cattle rearing were generally the preserve of the Fulani pastorals. We do not know

precisely when the Fulani pastorals began to settle in Zaria. However, it appears that they

were attracted to Zaria because of the abundance of grazing land in the area. The Fulani

generally hold their cattle too dear and thus had strong attachment to them. This may

explain why a typical Fulani is parsimonious with his cattle. This was because cattle to the

Fulani were not only a symbol of wealth and prestige but were at the very heart of their

existence.

A clear division of labour was developed among the Fulani visa-vis the tending of their

animals. The young boys were saddled with the responsibility of taking them out for

grazing in the day and keeping a watch over them in the night, while the adult over see

the general issues involved in rearing the cattle such as determining when it was

appropriate to take them to a particular pasture. Women were responsible for milking the

cattle and processing the milk into yoghurt and butter as well as preserving and marketing

the milk and the butter. Proceeds from the sells of these products were usually used in

feeding the family and for other family needs.522

The significance of animal husbandry to the socio- economic life of Zazzagawa could be

seen from the kind of symbiotic relationship that developed between the Fulani pastorals

on one hand and the larger society especially farmers on the other. We were not sure

whether there were some forms of conflicts between the Fulani and farmers typical of

modern Zaria in the past.

522
Oral source, Alhaji Bello Gidan Fulani, op-cit

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For instance, the cattle constituted good source of meat, milk and butter for all groups of

people residing in the Birni. Thus, providing for the protein needs of the society. Hides

and skins provided raw material for leather industries, which was an important factor that

stimulated that sector of the economy. The cattle also provided manure that was used in

boosting the fertility of the land, a fact that allowed for the extensive cultivation of the

enclosed land within the city without much risk of low level of production. In return, the

Fulani obtained their food, clothing, and other necessities of life from the other members

of the society. They also got corn stalk and fodder from farmers for their cattle. These

helped in the development and expansion of exchange economy, which acted as a

catalyst that boosted further production in both agriculture and industry.

It is, however, important to note that apart from the Fulani, there were pockets of non-

Fulani groups that were engaged in cattle breading in Zaria. These were particularly

found among the Masu sarauta and attajirai. These groups of people were characterized

by the lack of professional skills in transhumance; they thus had to seek the help of the

pastorals Fulani to cater for their cattle. This normally, was the subject of a whole system

of contractual arrangement involving payment in cash or in kind, which in most cases

involved giving a certain number of animals for a specific period as reward to the pastoral

Fulani for such services.

Other animals such as sheep, goats and poultry formed the greater percentage of the

livestock population of the Birni. This was because they could be found in most of the

households. These animals not only served the protein needs of the society but also had

some economic, social, and religious significance. For instance, they were used to

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 perform functions such as part payment for bride-price, religious ceremonies and other

socio-cultural activities.

6. MANUFACTURE

Manufacture was another noble economic activity in Zaria. This involved the production of

a wide range of items for local and external needs. These included iron works, textiles,

leather works, and potteries. A high proportion of the city dwellers that were engaged in

manufacturing were doing it along with farming. By the outbreak of the 19thy century

Jihad, the manufacturing sector of the Zaria economy was boosting. This was

accompanied by the rise in productive activities.

i. BLACKSMITHING

The most dominant craftwork in Zaria was iron smithing. The antiquity of iron smithing in

Zaria dated back to the 7th century A.D.523 What seemed to have influenced the

development of metallurgical industries in Zaria was the presence of rich deposit of iron

ore in many locations in the Zaria area. Evidence of these was identified at Samaru,

Kufena and Tsauni areas. In addition, evidence of actual smithing was identified at

Dumbi, Kufena, Tsauni and Anguwar Karfe in the city.524

Two major sets of professional producers of iron implements were identified in Zaria.

These were; blacksmiths popularly known as makeran baki or babbaku and the white

smiths referred to as makeran fari or Farfaru. The dividing line between the two lies in the

fact that while the blacksmiths forge iron (bakin Karfe) to produce implements such as

hoes, axes, knives, spears, swords, needles using fire, anvil, bellows and tongs, the white

523
Ade Obayemi, “Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausa land,” p. 1
524
Ibid.

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smiths cast brass, copper and tin/lead to produce stirrups bangles, horse halters, bracelet

and rings.525

Like other professional activities, smithing was organized in guild system where all

the smiths were under the leadership of the Sarkin Makera. He supervised the activities of

the various guilds within his dominion. This therefore made it possible to easily mobilize

all the smiths for mass production of materials particularly in the face of national crisis

such as war. The Sarki had to by way of incentive pay certain amount of money for the

material produced for the state.526

The Jihad served as a catalyst to the growth of this virile economic sector. This

was because the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate, the largest single polity in the

nineteenth century sub-Saharan Africa, guaranteed enormous economic advantages to

the various Emirates within it. In the first instance the size of the Caliphate ensured good

supplies of variety of raw materials at competitive prices. Secondly, it ensured large

internal Market. Thirdly, the mega size of the Caliphate not only ensured labour mobility

but also the quality of the labour. This was due to the movement of artisans possessing

different skills, technologies and tastes across the Caliphate. The growth of the

manufacturing sector is reflected in the quantity and quality of the merchandise produced.

This was corroborated by the accounts of European travellers to Zaria. The industrial

activities that witnessed dramatic growth after the Jihad in Zaria included, iron production,

textiles and leather works.527

The boost in blacksmithing in Birnin Zaria could be seen at two levels. In the first place

there was the rapid expansion of the productive activity, which seemed to be stimulated by the

525
Douglass E. Ferguson, Nineteen-century Hausa land, PP. 327-334
526
Mahdi Adamu, “The Economy of a Hausa capital,” p. 15
527
Lovejoy,” Plantations in the Economy of the Sokoto Caliphate”, p.347

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 development of large-scale agricultural production in the whole of the Zazzau Emirate after the

Jihad. The development in agricultural production no doubt led to expansion in the demands for

agricultural implements and vice versa.

Apart from increasing demands for agricultural tools there were also high demands for

weapons. These included arrowheads (kibiyoyi), spears (masu) and swords (takubba). There were

indications that by this time the most intelligent blacksmiths could also repair guns.528 The high

demands in weapons were motivated by the expansionist policies of the leadership of Zazzau

Emirate as well as by the necessity for the consolidation of the Emirate. Thus the demand for

Weapons was extremely high. To satisfy these demands the Emirate leadership ensured enough

supply by mobilizing other blacksmiths that were scattered through out the Emirate through the

Sarkin makeran Zazzau (the Chief Blacksmith of Zazzau).529

Secondly, as the nineteenth century progressed blacksmithing in Zaria reached an advanced

stage. The high level of specialization and sophistication of production demonstrated this. This can

be glanced from the European travellers’ remarks. For instance Staudinger who stayed at the house

of the Sarkin Makera of Zazzau during his visit to Birnin Zaria observed that:

The blacksmith trade is particularly well

represented: makers of knives, sickles, bridle bits,
hoes and hatches are at work here as in other
towns. I did not see anywhere else the art of
metalworking taken to a higher levels than in Zaria.
Here I saw cast and wrought metal work and metal
work in connection with other crafts, for instance
the metal work on the sheaths for swords.530

ii. TEXTILES

528
Mahdi Adamu, “The economy of a Hausa capital, ” p. 14
529
Ibid.

530
Staudinger P. In the Heart of the North, p. 183

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 The textile industry was another important sector of the economy. It was a large

industry that pulled around it many skilful workers based on division of labour. These

specialised areas included spinning, weaving, dyeing, embroidery, and cloths beating.

The spinning sub sector involved making thread, (zare) from cotton produced

mostly in Zaria. This was done by first removing the seeds (angurya) from the cotton. This

is known as gurza. The end product of this was known as atafa. Then the atafa was

carded and spun using a spindle (mazari;).531

Spinning was exclusively a women craftwork. There was hardly any woman that

was not engaged in one sub sector or the other of the weaving industry particularly the

spinning sector. That was why marriageable girls were sent to their matrimonial homes,

with a lot of cotton and spinning materials. This was intended not only to guard them

against idleness but also to provide them with gainful economic activities that could assist

them in lessening their over dependence on their husband.532

Apart from the thread produced from cotton, there was also thread produced from

the fibres of silk worms used for weaving and embroidery. This is known as zaren

tsamiya. The production of zaren tsamiya was the area of specialization of men. The

zaren tsamiya was used for various purposes. Some times, it was inter woven with cotton

thread to produce garment suitable for women and men wears.533 The thread was also

used for making beautiful embroidery on men's wears. Both the ordinary thread and the

zaren tsamiya were marketed in the Zaria Market.

Weaving (saka) was the next stage in the production of textile materials. Unlike

spinning, weaving was performed by both men and women except that there seemed to

531
Oral source, Hajiya Kande Kofar Doka, Age 60, 26th October 2003.
532
Ibid
533
Women's wears are called Zanen tsamiya, while men's wears are called rigar tsamiya

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be some elements of specialization between the two sexes. While men specialized in the

production of narrow strips of cloth material, suitable for making large garments for both

men and women, women specialized in the production of wide strips mainly used in

making wrappers (zanin saki) and gwado.534 The major centres of weaving cloths by the

late 18th century in Birnin Zaria were identified as Anguwan Juma, Anguwa Magajiya,

Madaka and Anguwan Nufawa.535 The production of the various strips of cloths did not

end up there. The strips were sewn together to form larger and wider cloth material. This

required the professional skills of the Madunka (tailors) who after sewing the pieces of

cloth would now fashioned and designed the material to produce items such as riga

(gown), wando (trouser), hula (Cap), zani (wrapper). All these were done by hand. The

significance of the Madunka could be seen from the popular saying that “ba dun Madunka

ba da mutane sun tafi tsirara” i.e. without tailors people would have gone naked.

Closely associated to the tailoring sub sector, was embroidery, which Zaria was

famous for. The embroidery sub sector involved making decorations around the neck,

back, front, and some times edges of gowns and wrappers. Wide ranges of embroidery

designs were produced in Zaria and the designs indicate the status of the wearer of the

gown. For instance, there was aska daya (one knife pattern), aska biyu (two knives

patterns) and aska takwas (eight knives patterns). These were popular among the rich

and the masu sarauta. Another gown that was popular was the famous yar madaka (the

daughter of Madaka). It was named yar madaka because it was predominantly produced

in the Madaka ward.536 The yar madaka was highly expensive and unique of its kind,

534
Mahdi Adamu, “The economy of a Hausa capital,” p. 16
535
Ibid.
536
The people of Madaka were highly skilled in needle works and this is true up to today.

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because of the level of sophistication of its designs.537 According to Mahdi Adamu yar

madaka competed quite favourably with other textile materials from all parts of Central

Sudan.538

The textile industry had stimulated yet other vibrant economic activities as noted

earlier. These were dyeing (rini), and beating (bugu) of especially indigo dyed material.

The dyeing industries seemed to be stimulated by the abundance of dyeing material

especially in Zaria. Secondly, cloths were dyed in order to satisfy the needs of local,

regional, and international trade. The major centres of dyeing in Birnin Zaria were Kusfa,

Limancin Kona and Salmanduna.

When the cloth materials were dyed, they were taken to the mabuga. This was a

place where cloths were beaten with a wooden hammer in order to give the materials a

shiny appearance. The technique used in both Kano and Zaria to get this look was

unmatched in the whole of Hausa land.539

As can be seen from the above explanations, Zaria has a long antiquity of traditional

textiles production dating back to many centuries before the Jihad. However, like agriculture the

textile industry was able to achieve remarkable improvement following the Jihad.540 The

advancement in textile production was noticeable in terms of the quantity and quality of the

material produced.541

Philip Shea had identified a number of factors that gave a fillip to the improvement in the

quality and quantity of textiles products in the Sokoto Caliphate generally following the Jihad. One

of such factors has to do with the transformation of the whole of Hausa land into a single political

537
Mahdi A. “The economy of a Hausa capital, “ p. 17; Oral source Abubakar Ladan, Age 55 years, 20th September 2003.
538
Mahdi A. “The economy of Hausa capital,” p. 17.
539
Douglas E. Ferguson, Nineteen-century Hausa land, op.-cit.
540
Bonat, Z. “Colonialism and the destruction of the Local Industrial System”, JAH, XI, X, 3, 1978
541
Shea P. J. “Big is some times Best: The Sokoto Caliphate and Economic Advantages of Size: Quality, Variety and Efficiency in the textile
industry”. A Paper presented at the International Conference on the Bicentenary of the Sokoto Caliphate (1804-2004), 14th – 16th June 2004. P1.

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unit popularly known as the Sokoto Caliphate. This facilitated the free movement of the producers

and products from one part of the Caliphate to another. This transformed the whole of the

Caliphate into a melting pot of ideas on textile technology. This was due to the free blending of the

textiles tradition of the Hausa, Yoruba, Nupe, Kanuri, and even Tourage with one another.542

Secondly, the size of the Caliphate was of great economic importance. It ensured good

supplies of variety of raw materials at competitive price for the producers of textiles material and

huge internal and external markets for traders.543 The size of the Caliphate did not only ensure the

free movement of labour but also the quality of the labour as a result of the free movement of

people with wide range of skills, technology and tastes.544

Thirdly, there was technological innovation in indigo dyeing which resulted in a shift from

the use of clay pots to lasso pits that facilitated the growth of the industry.545 The shift in

technology was influenced by an upsurge in demand for high quality prestige cloth after the

Jihad.546 Secondly, there was innovation associated with the introduction of vertical looms instead

of the horizontal loom mostly used by men. According to [Link] the use of this loom by women

greatly led to the expansion of the textile production in the whole of the Sokoto Caliphate.547 Thus,

the size of the Caliphate with its vast resources, market, manpower coupled with relative peace

accelerated textiles and other economic development above the pre-Jihad level.

As a result of the above factors, Zaria emerged as one of the textile belts of the

Sokoto Caliphate after the Jihad. The main areas of textile production in the Zazzau

Emirate after the Jihad were identified as Zaria, Hunkuyi, Makarfi, Giwa, and Kajuru.

Apart from these major towns, textile materials were also produced in other smaller towns

542
Ibid
543
Ibid.
544
Ibid.
545
Ibid.
546
Ibid.
547
Kriger Collen, “Textile Production and Gender in the Sokoto Caliphate”, J.A.H. No.34, 1993, pp. 361-401, Quoted in Shea P. J., Ibid.

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 and villages scattered all over the Emirate. In the major centres of textile production large

labour as big as 100 were employed. By the end of the nineteenth century there were

approximately between 15,000 and 20,000 dye pits, which employed over 50,000 dyers in

the major centres of textile production identified above. In addition to these there were

other crafts men and cloth beaters who were in their hundreds, thousands of weavers and

tailors and countless number of women who spun carded raw cotton.548

iii. LEATHER WORKS

Leatherwork seems to be of ancient antiquity in Zaria dating back to the period of

the formation of the Birni. This is based on the tradition that claimed that by the period of

the formation of the Birni, the lineage of the Majema (tanners) was already permanently

settled in the Birni. Leatherwork was influenced by the availability of leather, which was

obtained from goats, sheep, and cattle skin.

Leatherworks consisted of tanning (Jima) and the actual production of leather

goods. The former involved a complex process that included the removal of hair from the

skin, softening, and dyeing. All these required great skills and technology. The tanning

process usually commenced by allowing the skin to undergo the process of curing. This

was done by evenly applying salt or ash on the fleshy side of the skin to prevent it from

bacteria infection. Then the skin was soaked for a couple of days into a chemical solution

that was prepared from Acacia nilotica (bagaruwa) and ash. Then the de-hairing began

using a double-edged knife known as kardaji. The skin was then put into another

chemical solution and allowed to remain for two days. This was in preparation for the

548
Lovejoy, Plantation in the economy of, p. 356

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second de-hairing exercise at the end of which the skin was washed in fresh water and

hang on ropes to dry.

Leather was dyed in different colours. The primary colours were red, black, yellow,

and green. This required the knowledge of what to use to obtain such colours and what to

add to preserve the colours of the leather.549 The dyed leather was a highly valued object

for both internal and external trade. Zaria was known as important market for the sales of

the famous Moroccan leather. The Moroccan leather was sought for because of its high

quality. Thus, it was an important item of trade across the Sahara to North Africa.550

The production of leather goods involved the manipulation of leather to produce

wide range of materials. These included material for military, household, medicinal, and

educational purposes. Material for military functions included saddles (sirdi), halters

(ragama), bowstrings (tsargiya), and shields (garkuwa). Household materials consisted of

large grains containers (taiki), containers for drawing water from well (guga), sandals

(fade), and various types of vessels for storing butter, antimony, and honey. These were

known as tandu. Amulets (layu), hand charms (kambu), waist charm (guru) were also

produced using leather. The Baduku (the person that specialized in the production of

leather materials) also cared for the needs of both students and scholars by producing

gafaka, which was used for keeping the glorious Qur’an. In Zaria, the area noted for these

work was Anguwan Sirdi and the area close to the Market. This industry still survives up

to date.

After the Jihad, there was increasing worldwide demand for Zaria leather especially what

came to be regarded as the Moroccan leather which was mostly produced in Sokoto, Kano, Katsina

549
Bassey W. Andah, Nigeria’s indigenous technology, Ibadan University Press, 1992, p.74.
550
Habib Alhassan, etal, Zaman Hausawa, bugu na biyu, Islamic publications Bureau, 1988, p.49.

- 217 -
 and Zaria. Henry Barth described it as being soft and beautifully dressed.551 The tanned leather

materials and products were marketed as far as Europe via North Africa because of its fineness and

beauty.

Like other industries, the leather industry witnessed remarkable expansion following the

Jihad. The development of the industry was due to new factors, which served as stimulant to the

rapid growth of the industry. The leather industry was also promoted by the new administration.

As was noted earlier it was part of the cardinal principles of the Caliphal administration to promote

industrial production. This was reflected in the policy of the Jihad leaders, which were clearly

stated in their writings, for instance, Muhammad Bello in his usul siyasa instructed the Emirate

leaders that they should among other things:

…Provide public amenities for the people of his state for their
temporal and religious benefit ----He should foster artisans and
should be concerned with tradesmen who were indispensable
to the people, such as farmers and smiths, tailors and dyers-----
The ruler must allocate these trades men to every village and
every locality ----- He must keep villages and country sides in
prosperity, construct fortresses and bridges, maintain markets
and roads.552

The state thus, played important role in the creation of favourable conditions, which

led to large-scale production of goods. The wars of conquest and consolidation seemed

to have stimulated high demands for leather productions to meet military requirements,

which later ushered in condition for peace, which facilitated greater production.

iv. CARVING

Carving was another ancient profession that was necessitated by societal needs,

for foods and materials for day-to-day activities. Carving in Zaria consisted of wooden and

551
Ibid.
552
Muhammad Bello, Usul al- siyasah, edited and translated by Shehu Yamusa, The Islamic Academy, Sokoto, 1998, p. 9

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 fruits carvings. This activity was influenced by the presence of abundant local resources,

technology, and the skills to utilise the resources.

Wooden carvers (masassaka) produced wide range of items such as plates

(akusa), spoons (ludaya), saddle (sirdi), and handles for hoes, spears, knives, axes, and

sickles. Wood carvers also produced Kwami used for the storage of water for animals.

They also produced various kinds of musical instruments. Various types of trees such as

gawo, marke, aduwa, dorawa, kadanya, geiya were used for carving depending on the

preference of the carver and what he intended to produce.553

Guard carvers produced masaki used for storing water, food, and grains. They also

produced ludaya (spoons) and korai (calabashes) for various household uses. Some of

these were beautifully decorated. Others were shantu (a musical instrument), zunguru

used for dyeing the hands with henna and kurtu for storing local ink (tawada).554

v. POTTERIES

It was believed that the tradition of pot making commenced when man started to

produce food.555 Archaeological evidence tends to suggest 9th century A.D for the

existence of pot industries in Zaria.556 Thus, from time immemorial pots constituted the

most essential household utensils. Pot making was influenced by the abundant supply of

clay in the old city of Zaria around Salmanduna in Rafin Yumbu (stream of clay).

Pottery wares were made by manipulating the clay with hand. These included: cooking pots

(tukwane), open clay basin (kwatanniya), bowl shaped vessels (kasko), hearth (murhu), local oven

553
Oral source Alhaji Garba Masassaki, Age 70 years 2nd February 2005.
554
Ibid.
555
Bassey, W. Andah, Nigeria’s indigenous Technology, p. 74
556
Ibid p. 75

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 (tanda), lamp (fitila), big pots randuna for storing water, jugs (butoci), and asusu for storing

money.

7. TRADE AND COMMERCE

Zaria at the end of the 18th century created a picture of the presence of a complex

agricultural system that was not only geared toward local consumption but for export as well. This

was supported by a complex pattern of specialized productions in industrial goods.

As economists would say production is not yet completed until the goods reached the

consumers.557 In line with this philosophy, a well-developed distribution system was evolved to

satisfy the needs of the society. Thus, this gave birth to the development of a well-sophisticated

and articulate exchange system via the network of trade routes.

Agricultural and manufactured goods were distributed to every corner of the Birni through

the Market system. Assorted goods found their ways to the Market either directly by the producers

or through the institution of local merchants who may buy directly from the producers in bulk and

sale the goods to individual buyers at the Market. People had access to the Zaria Market through

the network of roads that radiate to it.

Apart from the main city Market, there were other small markets (dandali) that spread

across the wards. These were often associated with some big trees prominent of which were the

Rimin kwakwa, Rimin kambari, Rimin Danza, Rimin Tsiwa and so on.558 These Markets/Dandali

provided for the local needs of the various wards.

To satisfy the needs of the growing population of the Birni and its increasing needs and

those of its hinterland, Birnin Zaria seemed to have been engaged in a lot of importation of goods

especially grains. The major towns and villages through which the Birni got these supply included

557
Falola T. The political economy of a pre-colonial African state, p. 105
558
Oral source Alhaji. Awwalu Aliyu Damau, Age 50 years, 23rd August 2003.

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Giwa, Fatika, Shika, Makarfi, Hunkuyi, Kudan, Ikara, Anchau, Kubau, Soba, Maigana, and

Igabi.559 Goods from these areas reached the Birni via the agency of local merchants or traders.

The regional trade between Birnin Zaria on one hand and its hinterland on the other was of

mutual significance. The hinterland supplied the Birni with its food requirements because despite

the intensive cultivation in the open spaces reserved for agricultural activities within the Birni, it

could hardly satisfy all its food requirements. The Birni on the other hand supplied most of the

villages and towns in the hinterland with home made and imported materials. Therefore, exchange

of commodities took place in the Birni where merchants and traders from the hinterland normally

exchanged their grains with imported material such as natron, salt, textile and leather goods. This

made Zaria a hub of economic activities, which made it a prosperous city.

The regional trade between Zaria and its hinterland from the 15th century onward

stimulated long distance trade. This was influenced by the strategic location of Zaria, along the six

trade routes that converged at Durumin Maigarke.560 One of these trade routes commenced from

North Africa and passed through the Sahara to Hausa land via Kano and Katsina to Zaria. Another

route started from the Niger bend and Gulbin Kebbi and passed between Yawuri and Katsina Laka

to Zaria. From the South, a trade route started from the south of the upper lower Niger and passed

through Kwatto and Kajuru to Birnin Zaria. Another route took up from Yoruba land and went

through Nupe to Gumma and some Gwari Markets to Zaria. Lastly, a route passed from Borno

through Iggi River to Birnin Zaria.561

These routes were important source of exchange between Zaria and distant places. For

instance Horses were imported from Abzin and Borno, while sheep and goats came from Kano and

Katsina. Kola nuts were imported from Gwanja, Nupe and Oyo. Zaria got the supply of silk,

559
Abdulkadir Adamu, The food Economy in colonial Nigeria, op-cit
72 Oral source, Alhaji Abdullahi Aliyu (Wamban Zazzau),, op-cit
561
Mahdi Adamu, Hausa factor, p.46

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 ostrich feathers, Fezzan cap, paper, and swords, beads, cloths and so on from North Africa. Natron

found its way to Zaria from Borno, while mineral salt came mainly from Abzin, Bilma, Kebbi as

well as middle Benue valley. Tin and antimony came from Jos, while glass and metal objects were

mainly supplied to Zaria from Nupe land. These goods were in turn exchanged with other

materials from Zaria, which included cloths, leather and leather goods, cotton, tobacco and

particularly slaves, which Zaria was well known for.

The above local and international commercial transactions stimulated the growth of

currency as medium of exchange. The development of the currency seemed to be necessitated by

the demand for a standard medium of exchange typical of commercial transactions cutting across

local and international boundaries. The most popular was the cowry. This was because of its

widespread across West Africa. Another currency known as mithqal was introduced from North

Africa. Thus, a whole system for commercial exchange revolved around these currencies.562

8. TAXATION

The rulers of Zazzau at Zaria were able to come up with different types of taxes as a means

of generating revenue for the state. These category of taxes introduced by the Sarakuna of Zazzau

included kudin kasa (land tax), or kudin galma (hoe tax), or haraji. There was also kudin sana’a

(tax on crafts). The Chiefs of the various occupational groups like the Sarkin pawa, Sarkin kasuwa,

Sarkin magina, Sarkin makera and so on were responsible for the collection of taxes from the

members of their occupational groups. Apart from this array of taxes there was also the jangali

(tax paid by pastoralists on their herds) and taxes collected as tolls in goods coming into the city.

The sarakunan kofa were usually responsible for the collection of such taxes.

Another category of taxes collected by sarakunan Zazzau was the kudin gandu, which was

annual tributes in slaves, cowries, and grains usually paid by vassal states. Some of the vassal

562
Ibid.

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 states included Kauru, Kusheriki, Doma, Lapai, Kajuru, Galadiman kogo, and Kwarro. The

revenue derived from these sources was partly used in maintaining the luxurious life style of the

sarakuna and partly used in maintaining the state apparatus as well as for developmental purposes.

9. CONCLUSION

This chapter has given us a picture of the economy of Birnin Zaria up to the eve of colonial

conquest, which was characterized by the dominance of agriculture with manufacture and trading

activities constituting secondary economic activities. We have seen that by virtue of its position as

the capital of the Kingdom of Zazzau and its strategic location along important trade routes, Birnin

Zaria emerged as the nerve centre of economic activities of the whole Kingdom. Thus, because of

this dual role that Birnin Zaria came to assume, its economy was directly linked with that of the

countryside.563 This was because as we have seen goods such as agricultural and manufactured

products from the countryside found their ways to the city to satisfy the needs of the city dwellers

and for trade. Traders from distant towns and villages also found their ways to the city to buy

goods that they could not get in their locality.

A whole system of taxation was developed by the government of the Kingdom to ensure

revenue for the state.564 Officials were appointed to ensure that traders coming into the city pay the

appropriate dues. At the city gate there was always the Sarkin Kofa (gate keeper) who apart from

checking the movement of people collects tolls from merchants and traders coming into the

Birni.565 At the Market there were officials such as Sarkin Kasuwa (chief of the Market) and the

heads of the various occupational groups like Sarkin Makera, (chief of Blacksmiths), Sarkin Fawa

563
Enoch Oyedele, Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria, op-cit.
564
Ibid.
565
Ibid.

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(chief of Butchers), and so on.566 Thus, the prosperity of the Birni depended on such revenues

derived from the trading transactions.

566
Ibid.

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 CHAPTER SIX

THE JIHAD IN BIRNIN ZARIA

1. INTRODUCTION

The nineteenth century Jihad is one of the major themes in the history of Birnin Zaria. It

witnessed the collapse of the Habe regime and the emergence of the Emirate system. The cause of

the Jihad seemed to be rooted in the social and economic conditions of the society of the Birni

highlighted in the last two chapters. This included syncretism particularly within the Habe

aristocracy and economic exploitation of the larger part of the society by the ruling class. The

Jihad leaders complained of general societal decay. This can be seen from some of the charges

levelled against the Habe rulers in Hausa land by the Jihadists, which included oppression,

corruption, self-indulgence and frivolity and arbitrary exercise of power with no regard to the rule

of law.567 The Jihad was thus a manifestation of the inherent contradictions within the society. The

focus of this chapter therefore is on the Jihad in the Birni and its resultant effects to the Birni and

the Kingdom of Zazzau at large.

It should be noted however that the Jihad in Zaria was a spill over of the 19th century Jihad

that initially begun in Gobir and gradually spread to other parts of Hausa land and beyond. The

spread of the Jihad to Zaria and other parts of Hausa land is attributed to effective channels of

communication between the Jihad leaders in Sokoto with their counter parts in the various parts of

the bilad-al Sudan. The channels of communication were facilitated by a number of factors one of

which was the existence of trade routes that converged at Babban Dodo terminus in the heart of the

Birni. The various trade routes linked the Birni with other cities of the bilad-al Sudan. Through

567
These charges were clearly spelt out in the Kitab-al Farq of Usman Dan Fodio and a number of other works.

- 225 -
these trade routes ideas about the Jihad movement flowed to the Birni. Secondly, there was

frequent and close contact between scholars particularly at Sokoto, which became the intellectual

base for the Jihad. Scholars in their multi ethnic and racial dimensions frequented the Shehu in

their search for knowledge and legal opinion (Fatwa) on issues of religious importance at his base.

It was reported for instance that during that historic meeting between the Shehu and the Sarkin

Gobir Bawa Jan Gwarzo at Alkalawa, the Shehu was accompanied by more than a thousand

scholars.568

These scholars were Shehu’s students. As his students, they subscribed to his ideas and

committed to his aspiration of establishing a community that was dedicated to Islam as a means of

transforming the society.569 As over zealous scholars they always return to their various towns and

cities and disseminate whatever they learnt from the Shehu to their respective students. Thus, these

constant contacts with the Shehu enabled the scholars not only to be abreast of developments in

Sokoto but also to be well informed about the social and economic conditions of their localities.

For instance the principal Jihad leaders in Zaria were reported to have been in close contact with

the Shehu and the Shehu too was known to have visited Zaria on occasions.570

The Jihad leaders were credited with volumes of works.571 The Shehu alone is said to have

written more than 100 books. His brother Abdullahi wrote more than 60 while Muhammad Bello

wrote about 78.572 Nana Asma’u wrote about 66 books majority of which are on women.573 These

works cover areas such as History, Law, Jurisprudence, Education, Political theory, Exegesis of

568
Murray Last, The Sokoto Caliphate, London, 1967, p.20
569
Suleiman, I., A revolution in History: The Jihad of Usman Dan Fodio, Man sell publishing Ltd, London, 1986, p. 19
570
Oral source Alhaji Muhammadu Sani (Limamin Kona),, op-cit
571
Isma’il Balogun, “S ome reflections in the literature of the Jihad and the Caliphate” in Y.B. Usman (ed), Studies in the History of the Sokoto
Caliphate, Department of History, A.B.U. Zaria, 1979, p.165
572
Yusuf Adamu, “Learning and scholarship in the Sokoto Caliphate: Legacies and challenges”, a paper presented at the International conference on
the Sokoto Caliphate, Abuja, 14th –16th June, 2004, p.3
573
Jean Boyd and Mack, Nana Asma’u, London, 1997, [Link]

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the Qur’an (Tafsir), Language and poetry, Psychology and medicine.574 Through the literature the

idea of the Jihad was easily disseminated as far as possible.

The attempt at the reconstruction of the Jihad in Birnin Zaria is faced with some

chronological problems. This was borne out of the erroneous impression that the Jihad in the Birni

took place in 1804.575 Some studies576 have however shown that the Jihad in Zaria could not have

taken place in 1804 for the following reasons.

Through out the period between 1804 and 1806, there was no cause to justify any attack by

the Jihadists (fighters) on Birnin Zaria. This was precluded by the acceptance and commitment of

Isiaku Jatau, the then King of Zazzau to Islamic reforms as demanded by the Shehu. Isiaku Jatau

was reported to have been the only person to answer the clarion call the Shehu made to the various

Hausa Kings. The Hausa Kings particularly those of Kano, Katsina and Daura vehemently refused

to pay allegiance to him. Shehu responded by sparing Isiaku Jatau for his inclination towards

reforms and instigated attacks against the Kings of Kano, Katsina and Daura for their

noncompliant.577

It should be noted however, that Isiaku Jatau never had it easy in his drive towards Islamic

reforms. He was faced with stiff resistance from within. This came from people that were close to

the Palace and who saw the attempt at reforming the society as a serious challenge to the status

quo and to their persons and to what they represented. Those that were opposed to the reforms

included Magajiya, Iya, Shenagu and Wagu.578 In their opposition to the reforms they tried to

574
Yusuf Adamu, “Learning and Scholarship in the Sokoto Caliphate”, p. 3
575
See M.G. Smith, Government in Zazzau, Oxford, 1960, p.137; E.J. Arnett, The Gazetteer of Zaria Province, London, 1920, pp.10-11; S.J.
Hogben and [Link] Greene, The Emirate of Northern Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London, 1966 p.220-221; Dr. W.B. Baikie, Notes on a
journey from Bida in Nupe to Kano in Hausa land performed in 1862, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society vol. 37, London, 1867, p. 103;
Burdon, Northern Nigeria Historical Notes on certain Emirates and Tribes (eds), London, 1909, p. 79
576
See H.F.C. Smith, The problem of Dynastic chronology of Fulani Zaria, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria vol., pp. 277-283 And
Murray Last, A solution to the problem of Dynastic chronology in 19th century Zaria and Kano, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria vol. 111
No.3, 1966, pp. 461-469
577
Smith, “The problem of Dynastic chronology of Fulani Zaria”, p. 280
578
Abdullahi A. ‘’Jihadin Fulanin Zazzau 1804’’ Documented papers, n.d. pp. 10-11

- 227 -
mobilize the public against the Sarki.579 To have a smooth sail in his bid for reforms Sarki Isiaku

Jatau had to act decisively and refused to be influenced by these groups of people. Thus, it might

be right to argue that struggles in the course of reforms as the Jihad entailed actually commenced

with Isiaku Jatau and not Amir Malam Musa.580

It is difficult at the state of our knowledge to assess the impact of Isiaku’s reforms.

However, evidence tends to indicate that during his time Islam recorded significant progress. This

is manifested in the way the Muslims were freely allowed to conduct their public life in

accordance with Islamic principles, freedom of religious worship and preaching, growth of Islamic

learning, and the establishment of places of religious worship that characterized the reign of Isiaku

Jatau.581 Isiaku Jatau is reported to have built the Juma’a Mosque at Anguwan Juma.582 However

in view of the tradition that claim that the Juma’a Mosque was built by Muhammadu Rabbo583

(1505-1530A.D.) and in view of the fact that Islam had long been entrenched in Zaria long before

this period, Amir Isiaku Jatau might not have been the person that constructed it. Therefore, if the

tradition is anything to go by it may be referring to a period during which the Mosque might have

fallen into disrepair or neglect, whose glory was restored by Isiaku Jatau.

The above situation created conditions that encouraged, particularly scholars to stay in

Birnin Zaria. Some of the scholars that were believed to have stayed in the Birni included Malam

Musa, the Shehu’s flag bearer in the Zazzau Kingdom. Others were Malam Yamusa, Abdulkarim,

Abdus-Salam and a number of other scholars from Kano, Borno, Katsina and Yandoto.584 To sum

it up, Isiaku’s reforms must have been impressive. These explained why the Shehu appointed him

as Amir of Zazzau. He was formally installed as the Amir by a delegation sent by the Shehu, led by

579
Ibid.P.11
580
H.F.C. Smith, “The problem of Dynastic,” P.280
581
Dalhatu Usman, Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku,, p. 31
582
Ibid. p. 32
583
Oral source, Abdullahi A , Op-cit
584
Usman, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, p.30

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Malam Dan Zabuwa who hailed from Birnin Zaria. This installation took place in 1805.585 Thus, it

is arguable to say that Isiaku Jatau was the first Amir of the state of Zazzau centred at Birnin

Zaria.586

Other evidence that tend to disprove the idea that the Jihad in Birnin Zaria took place in

1804 is contained in both primary and secondary sources.587 The records clearly indicate that

Malam Musa throughout the period between 1804 and 1808 was actively engaged in the Jihad in

other places. For instance he participated in various campaigns at Kano, Katsina and Daura. He

also seemed to have participated in the fall of Alkalawa in 1808.588

The emergence of Makau into the political scene as the 60th Habe ruler of the state of

Zazzau set the stage for a show down with the Jihadists. This was because soon after coming to

power Makau rejected with impunity all undertakings earlier made to the Shehu by his

predecessor. This is demonstrated by the systematic reversals of all the reforms earlier recorded by

Isiaku Jatau.589 Makau’s action seems to be in response to pressure from certain powerful forces

within the corridors of power that felt threatened by the reforms. According to local traditions the

Zaria King makers in connivance with some Palace officials that were opposed to Islam presented

Makau with some conditions as a prerequisite for his appointment as the King of Zazzau.590

The conditions left him with two options, to either toe their line and therefore get installed

as a successor to his father or turn his back on them and follow the “tubake” (that was the term

used to refer to the Muslims) and forfeit the throne. Makau opted for the former. Attached to this

option were a number of strings. These strings were that he should deal with those responsible for

585
Smith, Problems of Dynastic, p. 280 ; Y.B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina, p. 119
586
Ibid. see also Y.B. Usman, “The Sokoto Caliphate and nation building,” International conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies, Abuja,
14th June 2004, p.2.
587
For the sources see Smith, The problem dynastic.. 278-283; Murray Last, A solution to dynastic, pp.461-468
588
Ibid.
589
Ibid.
590
Abubakar Sadiq Abbas, Tarihin Fulanin Anguwan Juma BirninZaria a takaice,Muhammadu, a paper presented at the History workshop A.B.U.
Zaria, p.2 and Kamaruddin, Wazirin Zazzau Malam Lawal, p.6

- 229 -
 influencing his father to make such reforms i.e. Limaman Kona and Juma. Secondly, he should

recant to the religion of his fore fathers. Thirdly, he should return all the fetish objects in their

former places before their removal and conversion of their shrines into a Mosque by his father.591

As if to prove his readiness and willingness to fulfil the above conditions, Makau

immediately after his appointment became highly antagonistic to the Muslim community

particularly the Malamai class. For instance he ordered for the arrest and detention of Malam

Muhammadu Lawal in Fadan-fadan, which was an old Habe house from where he was

subsequently killed.592 Malam Hamidu Mai Jan Riga narrowly escaped death593 while scholars

were generally barred from the Birni.594 To sum it up Makau nullified all the reforms earlier made

by his father, Isiaku and became highly anti Islam.595 This is demonstrated by his demolition of the

Juma’a Mosque and his general attitude to Islam and scholars.

2. THE FALL OF THE SARAUTA SYSTEM

The scenario created above strained Makau’s relationship with the Zaria scholars who

reported the situation to the Shehu at Sokoto. In response to the situation report in Zaria, the Shehu

formed a body of Jihadists and formerly appointed Malam Musa to lead the group. He was to be

assisted by Malam Yamusa, Abdulkarim and Malam Abdus-Salam who subsequently became

Emirs respectively. Other prominent scholars in the company of Malam Musa were, Malam

Usman (Sabulu) who was a Habe from Kano and later appointed as Katuka, Dokaje who was a

Fulani and later became the Galadima; Hamza a Habe from Kano and appointed later as Dallatu.

There were also Fache a Habe who became Wambai and Malam Gabdo, a Fulani from Yandoto

591
Ibid.
592
Ibid..
593
Usman, Malam Ja’afaru, p.32.
594
Ibid.
595
Ibid.

- 230 -
and later became Limamin Jumu’a.596 Others included Fulanin Dan Dorori, Katsinawa, Barnawa,

Yandoto, Yeskwa, Joli, Gadidi, Bebeji, Haben Tofa and Zaria.597 Thus the composition of the

Jihadists was made up of people of diverse ethnic group. This clearly demonstrates the diversity of

the people that took part in the Jihad in Zaria.

Armed with the full mandate of the Shehu, Malam Musa and his teaming supporters

marched to Zaria. The accounts of the campaign in the Birni vary. According to one of the

accounts, the Jihadists marched to Zaria with 74 horsemen.598 The Habe ruler who seemed to be

quite aware of their approach instructed his vassal chiefs to keep the movements of the Jihadists in

surveillance and prevent them in their march to Zaria. On account of this order, the Jihadists were

intercepted and attacked at Hunkuyi and Kudan. They were only spared by the intervention and

assistance of the village head of Durum. The Jihadists later rewarded the village head with a vassal

status, for his role in foiling the assault against them. Likewise Sarkin Fawan Likoro also acted

against his over lord, the Habe ruler of Zazzau by supplying the Jihadists with military intelligent

report on the Habe forces. Apparently, armed with this report the Jihadists adopted a tactful

military strategy aimed at avoiding physical confrontations with the enemy and at the same time

manoeuvred their way into the Birni unnoticed. Everything seemed to have perfectly worked

according to plan. The Jihadists succeeded in entering the city in 1808 with relative ease through

the eastern gate known as Kofar Bai.599

According to another tradition the Jihadists came to Zaria through Kano in the course of

which they met Suleiman in his bid to capture Kano city. The tradition further maintained that

Malam Suleiman furnished the Jihadists with intelligence report on the military strength of the

enemy. According to the report, Makau had stationed about 20,000 fighters at Hunkuyi village

596
Ibid.
597
Ibid.
598
S.J. Hogben and Kirk Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, p. 177
599
Ibid. pp. 220-560

- 231 -
obviously fully prepared to protect his citadel of power.600 Acting on this information, the

Jihadists decided on a military manoeuvre by diverting their routes to Zaria through Kudaru

apparently to forestall open confrontations and to launch a surprise attack on the Birni.601

There is yet another account which has it that the Jihadists took the Birni unaware while

they were praying at the Id-praying ground located outside the city wall.602 However, this account

was rejected by the Zaria local tradition on the ground that since Makau rejected Islam it could not

be true that he was attacked while he was praying at the id prayer ground.603

In any case, military tactics and strategy seemed to have played a decisive role in the defeat

of the Habe rulers by the Jihadists. The military tactics and strategy adopted by the Jihadists in

their conquest of Hausa land generally was characterized by mobility, flexibility, surprise,

adaptability and audaciousness.604 Smaldone had summed up the military tactics and strategy of

the Jihadists thus:

The Muslim guerrillas capitalized on their familiarity with the

terrain of the countryside, taking refuge when necessary and

sallying forth when the opportunity presented itself. In this way the

rebels (Jihadists) retained the initiative, avoided direct encounter in

unfavourable conditions, and attacked when they were prepared for

battle on their own terms.605

The military strategy outlined above seemed to be informed by the weak military position

of the Jihadists vis-à-vis the military might of a state power like Zazzau. The effectiveness of the

600
Ibid
601
Ibid.
602
Shu’aibu Na’ibi, Abuja Chronicle, p. 5
603
Oral source Alhaji Ahmadu Fatika, op-cit; Johnston H.A.S, Fulani Empire of Sokoto, p.71.
604
J. P. Smaldone, Warfare in the Sokoto Caliphate: Historical and sociological perspectives, Cambridge University Press, 1977, P. 35
605
Ibid.

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strategy could be seen in the ease and surprise that accompanied the defeat of the Birni. The

Jihadists had completely avoided the forces of the Habe rulers showing up only at places such as

Durum and Hunkuyi probably to create an impression. While this was going on it appeared that

some of the Jihadists had already found their way to the Birni or its vicinity in probably small

numbers to avoid suspicion waiting for an appropriate time to strike. The Jihadists thus quietly

made their way into the Birni and took it over in 1808 with little casualty. It is reported that the

only casualty involved the Salanke who was entrusted with the care of the Birni. The Salanke was

killed around the Madaka ward.606 While this was going on, the Habe ruler, Makau was waiting for

the arrival of the Jihadists outside the city apparently oblivious of what transpired inside the Birni.

Thus, the news of the surprise and decisive capture of the seat of power of the Habe ruler was

shattering and traumatizing not only to the ruler but to his forces in general. This broke the fighting

moral of the soldiers and put them on flight. The Habe ruler moved southward with his loyal

followers numbering about 3,000 following closely on his heels.607 The rest of his followers

scattered, while some moved to Lere and others to Atsam.608 This included high-ranking Habe

officials with their families and followers some of whom decided to quit the Birni for the fear of

the unknown. Some of the prominent Habe officials that followed the fugitive Habe ruler, Makau

were: the Madawaki, Galadima, Wambai, Jarmai, Barde, Magaji, Kuyambana, Magajin Malam,

the village chief of Gayan, the Kachalla, Iya, Sarauniya, Dangaladima, and some members of the

King’s family.

The exit of such groups of Habe from the Birni had drastically reduced their number and

significance politically and otherwise. Thus, rendering the rest of the Habe population that

remained incapable of putting up any opposition that could earn them some recognition and

606
Muhammadu Fagachi , Jihadin Fulanin Zazzau , op-cit
607
Hogben and Kirk Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, p. 72
608
John Nengel etal,, History of Chawai of North Central Nigeria to 1932, History Department, A.B.U. Zaria, 2002, p. 56

- 233 -
 probably integration into the political affairs of the Birni. This scenario brought about the eclipse

of the Habe and the ascendancy of the amalgam of diverse groups of people who came to the Birni

from various places following the Jihad. This is attested to by a genealogical study of the

population of the Birni which has shown that most of the descent groups that made up the Birni

since the Jihad period came from other places other than Zaria. This included places such as the

Middle East, Kano, Sokoto, Katsina, Borno, Yandoto and so on.

Having taken over the Birni, the Jihadists hotly pursued the Habe ruler accompanied by the

retinue of his followers up to Zuba where they founded the Abuja Kingdom. Thus, this ensured the

survival of the Habe Kingdom of Zazzau in exile. This is demonstrated by the fact that up to today

the Emir of Suleja is still referred to as Sarkin Zazzau of Suleja.

3. ESTABLISHMENT OF EMIRATE ADMINISTRATION

The successful capture of Birnin Zaria by the Jihadists in 1808 as mentioned earlier was an

important landmark in the history of not only the Birni itself but the Kingdom of Zazzau as well.

This is because it witnessed the demise of the Sarauta system and its replacement with the Emirate

administration involving the whole of the former Zazzau Kingdom. This change brought in some

changes of political, economic and social importance.

Soon after the fall of the Birni to the Jihadists, processes were set in motion for the political

integration of the territories of the former Zazzau Kingdom into the new administration centred at

Birnin Zaria. This was because the urgent question that seemed to occupy the attention of the

Jihadists was the survival of their newly emerging community at the Birni, which was surrounded

by hostile communities that refused to surrender with the fall of Birnin Zaria. No doubt this

portends great danger for the newly established community. It was therefore politically and

militarily expedient to bring all the territories within the former Zazzau kingdom under the control

- 234 -
of the new administration at the Birni. Thus, a period of consolidation and expansion commencing

from 1808 began in earnest.

The process of consolidation and expansion of the Emirate was prolonged and took place

simultaneously.609 It commenced with the Zaria environs and then followed by the outlaying

districts of the Northern part of the former Habe kingdom such as Haskiya, Gadaz, Girku, Kargi

and the Gwari of Kusheriki which remained a stronghold of traditional beliefs in the iskoki and

thus hostile to the reforms.610 Already Kauru and Kajuru were brought under the Emirate

administration in the course of the pursuit of the fleeing Habe ruler, Makau.611 With Zaria

environs and the outlying districts of the Northern part of the former Habe Kingdom firmly

secured, Malam Musa embarked on expansion southward. He was however cautious not to launch

direct attacks on some of the southern territories, instead he encouraged the leading Muslim

leaders in such areas to carry out intermittent campaigns against such communities.612

Consequently, Jama’a and Keffi were brought under Zaria as vassal States.613 Soon Nasarawa and

Doma were to follow suit. It was through these vassal States that Zaria’s political domain reached

as far as Benue.614 Thus, before the death of Malam Musa in 1821, Zaria had developed into a

metropolis with extensive networks of protective towns and villages surrounding it.

It should however be noted that in spite of the above exploit by Zaria there were large areas

that remained either in rebellion or unconquered throughout the nineteenth century. In addition to

this, Zaria also had to contend with external threats from Ningi and Maradawa, which nearly

weakened it. Such oppositions and external threats created a state of warfare that persisted

609
M.G. Smith, Government in Zazzau,, P. 147
610
Ibid. p. 140
611
Ibid
612
Adeleye Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, P. 29
613
Ibid.
614
Ibid.

- 235 -
throughout the nineteenth century and which rendered the issue of expansion and consolidation of

the emirate an uncompleted revolution.615

To ensure the complete loyalty of the heterogeneous groups of people that Zaria came to

incorporate, a kind of administrative system was adopted that ensured an open channel of

communication between the Birni and the territories under its suzerainty. Accordingly, vassal

States were linked to the ruler at the Birni through a kofa (a door or an intermediary).616 The kofa

was made up of titled officials of Zaria. However, there were certain vassals that came under the

direct control of the ruler who communicated with them through his own Jakada (agent or

intermediary). The vassal States in turn were also expected to communicate with the Emir through

the Jakada.617

The incorporation of diverse groups of people also gave rise to the problem of inter group

relations. What was worth noting was the external relation between these Vassal States and the

Birni that is depicted in some literature as mainly characterized by conflict.618 However, there is

evidence that proved that such claims were unhistorical. A look at the Jihad literature indicates that

the Jihad leaders were not only aware of the problems of integrating the heterogeneous groups of

non-Muslims in terms of their religious, cultural, ethnic and linguistic differences into the

Caliphate but have gone along way of formulating a framework upon which peaceful coexistence

between the Muslims and non-Muslims should be regulated in accordance with Islamic principles.

Ibrahim Suleiman summarized these guidelines as follows:

615
Ibid p 54
616
M.G Smith, Government in Zazzau, P. 79
617
Ibid.
618
Kumm, H. K. W., The Sudan, A short compendium of facts and figures about the land of Darkness, Marshall Brothers Ltd, London. Quoted in
Bala A. “Warfare and slavery in Zaria Emirate in the 19th century,”p.1.

- 236 -
(i) The non-Muslim citizens shall maintain their religious and social autonomy and

preserve their distinctive characteristics. They shall apply their own laws as they

relate to personal status and social moral life.

(ii) They shall be permitted to settle in our land (i.e. in the midst of the Muslim

communities, thus no need for separate quarters for them).

(iii) They shall have guarantee of protection for their lives, property and honour and shall

live in peace in the Islamic State.

(iv) We shall not (said the Shehu) interfere with their places of worship, nor with their

wine or pigs unless they make them public.619

The Shehu also stated that “to make war upon the heathen to whom peace has been granted

(al-kuffar ahl aman) is unlawful by assent; wrongfully to devour (their) property is unlawful by

assent.620

Two points were clearly highlighted from the above: Firstly, the Jihad leaders exhibited a

high sense of religious tolerance by according the non-Muslim groups full religious liberty. This

included the freedom to exercise their rights of worship, and the right to practice their culture and

tradition publicly except such that may be repulsive and upsetting to the community. Secondly,

amana has been the guiding principles of the Caliphate’s relationship with the non-Muslims. The

question is what was the impact of the application of the above policy in the Zazzau Emirate?

A clear manifestation of the application of the Jihad policy on peaceful co-existence in

Zazzau Emirate can be seen in the presence of non-Muslim citizens in places throughout the

Emirate. This ranged from the Maguzawa of northern Zaria to the Gwari of south and south-

619
Ibrahim Suleiman, The Islamic State and the Challenges of History: Ideas, Policies and Operations of the Sokoto Caliphate. Mansell Publishing
Ltd, London, 1987, 57-58.
620
Quoted in Mukhtar U. Bunza, The legacy of religious Tolerance in the Sokoto Caliphate,Usman: Lessons for theNigerian state in the 21st
century, a paper presented at the International Conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies 1804-2004, 14th -16th June, 2004, Abuja, p. 11

- 237 -
western Zaria and the diverse and heterogeneous groups of eastern and southern Zaria.621 This was

attributed to the amiable relationship displayed by Zaria towards the non-Muslim communities and

not borne by the claims that these groups of people were deliberately restrained from Islam in

order to turn them into slave reservoir. E. A. Ayandele for instance has clearly disputed this claim

thus:

In Zaria and Kano emirates, there were the Maguzawa,

indigenous and pure Hausa people who up to now have

refused to embrace Islam. They were left alone as

freemen, both in Habe and Fulani Zazzau. It may be

noted that in Zazzau the Fulani appointed an official to

be in charge of their affairs (i.e. non-Muslims)

administratively. Surely, if the Fulani Jihadists had

wished, the Maguzawa could have been compelled to

become at least nominal Muslims.622

Conversely, there were pockets of Hausa and Fulani settlements in areas such as Kajuru,

Kauru, Chawai, Lere, Zangon Kataf and Kachechere. The settlements of the Hausa and Fulani

communities in these areas, which dated back to the 17th century and even much earlier in some

areas was according to Bala Achi not the result of military might of such communities but the

result of long years of economic and political intercourse that existed between them.623 To further

buttress his point he pointed out that Zangon Kataf served as a resting place (zango) for Hausa

621
Bala A. Warfare and Slavery in Zaria Emirate. P. 4
622
E. A. Ayandele, Nigerian Historical Studies, London, Frank Cass, 1979, Pp. 71-72.
623
Bala A. Warfare and Slavery in Zaria Emirate. P. 4

- 238 -
itinerant traders since the beginning of the 18th century and by the 19th century it transformed into a

very important trading centre only rivalled by Zaria in size and variety of commodities.624

It should be understood from the above that what was more fundamental in the Zaria

relation with the non-Muslim groups was trade and migration rather than the idea that it was all

conflict. That is to say that nobody was denying the occurrence of conflicts, but it was sporadic

and often punctuated by long period of peace.625 Bala Achi draws our attention to the fact that even

the so-called ‘wars’ were not actually wars but raids, which were mostly organised by individual

gang of looters.626 There were also occasions when advancing and retreating soldiers ransacked

villages and towns in search of food.627

This brings us to the question of amana relations, which defined the tie between Birnin

Zaria, and the non-Muslim groups in Zazzau Emirate. According to Nengel amana is a Hausa

word, which derives from Arabic word, amana that simply means trust. When viewed in political

perspectives it refers to non-aggression pact entered into between the Muslim and non-Muslim

groups for the simple reason of peaceful coexistence.628

The operation of the amana relations was highly reciprocal and advantageous to both sides.

For instance, according to the terms of the amana relations each side must not attack the other side.

Thus leading to the cessation of all hostilities from both sides. This was in theory but in practice

this did not completely preclude occasional cases of breaches of this fundamental aspect of the

amana relations. In normal circumstances the amana relations was expected to remain in force as

long as each side abided by the conditions of the amana. Another condition was payment of tribute

624
Ibid
625
Ibid.
626
Ibid.
627
Ibid.
628
John Nengel, Responses of Plateau societies to the integration of non-Muslims to the Sokoto Caliphate in Central Nigeria, a paper presented at
the International Conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies 1804-2004, 14th -16th June 2004, Abuja, p.4.

- 239 -
(Jizya) by the non-Muslims irrespective of their ethnic affiliations.629 Failure to do this amounted

to breach of the amana relations. The Emirs at the Birni in return must be under the obligation to

protect the amana communities and their properties from attacks from any quarter.

It is important to note that the amana relations never entailed the loss of the autonomy of

the amana communities to the Emirate. Neither did it amount to subordination to the Emirate. This

was because the amana communities were left to conduct their affairs without much interference

from the Birni. Interestingly enough, Nengel pointed out that these amana communities never see

the payment of tribute (Jizya) as humiliating.630 This was because of the reciprocal gesture the

communities always receive in return for the (Jizya). This was in the form of gift sent to such

communities by the Emir. Equal treatment was accorded to the amana societies upon payment of

the Jizya. For instance, Nengel in his study of the Chawai area pointed out that:

The Atsam were seen from Zaria as similar to the Kauru vassal

state, though each was quite autonomous and politically

independent of the other. The Restsam and Sarkin Kauru made

scheduled visit to Zaria and were accorded equal reception at

the Emir’s Palace.631

It should be noted that not all non-Muslim societies felt obliged to enter into amana

relation with Zaria. There were many of such societies that refused such gesture. This included

629
Mukhtar Umar Bunza, “The Legacy of Religious Tolerance in the Sokoto Caliphate: Lessons for the Nigerian state in the 21st century”. pp. 12-
13.
630
John Nengel, etal,, History of Chawai, p. 57
631
Ibid.

- 240 -
 Jere, Amo, Kinugu, Rishiwa and Piti. It was from these non-amana communities that Zaria

directed most of its attacks.632

4. THE IMPACT OF THE JIHAD ON BIRNIN ZARIA

Following the success of the Jihad in the Birni, the new administration came up with

policies aimed at transforming the society. Such policies were of far reaching consequences to the

political, economic, religious and social development of the Birni. The economic consequences of

the Jihad have been examined in the last chapter. Our concern here therefore is on the political and

social impact of the Jihad in the Birni. The major aim of this exercise is to enable us to asses the

impact of the Jihad on the Birni.

a. POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION

One important consequence of the Jihad in Zaria was the political transformation of the old

(Habe) order into a new political system (Emirate system). The Emirate system involved the

setting up of an elaborate machinery of government based on the ideals of the Jihad. It should be

noted however that the transformation of the Habe kingdom into an Emirate, brought the Emirate

into the fold of the Sokoto Caliphate in a political arrangement that could best be described as a

confederation where by the various Emirates including Zazzau enjoyed some full measure of

autonomy with the Caliph at Sokoto having the right to intervene in their political affairs from time

to time. The Caliph at the centre oversaw the affairs of Zazzau through the Waziri of Sokoto who

acted as his Kofa (intermediary). At the head of the administration of the Emirate was the Emir

who combined both spiritual and temporal authority. By virtue of being the person mandated to

lead the Jama’a in the Jihad, Malam Musa naturally occupied the position of the Emir. He was

chosen by Shehu Usman Dan Fodio in recognition of his knowledge and piety as well as his active

632
Ibid.

- 241 -
participation in the Jihad in places such as Sokoto, Kano and Katsina. A council known as the

Majalisa guided the Emir in the discharge of the affairs of the Emirate. The Emir was vested with

the power of appointing and dismissing when necessary the members of the Majalisa.633 The

Majalisa acted as a qausi-legislative body that performed advisory role in important matters

affecting the Emirate.634 It should be noted that the Emir was not under any duress to follow the

advice of the Majalisa.635 To guide against the abuse of power and other excesses of the Emir, he

was expected to act in all his dealings in accordance with laid down rules as provided in the

Shari’a.636

For the purpose of effective political administration of the Emirate, it was divided into

Gundumomi (districts) under the direct control of Hakimai (district heads). The Gundumomi were

further subdivided into kauyuka (villages) headed by the Dagatai (village heads). The Kauyuka in

turn were also subdivided into Anguwanni (wards) and placed under the direct supervision of the

Masu Anguwa (ward heads).

The Emirs were assisted in the discharge of the administration of the Emirate by quite a

number of officials at the head of which was the Waziri (vizier) who was supposed to be the

deputy of the Emir as well as his principal adviser.637 For this purpose, the Waziri was always

chosen for his Islamic knowledge.638 The Emir had the sole power of appointing this array of title

officials.

Apart from the Executive arm headed by the Emir and the legislative arm as manifested in

the Majalisa, there was the third arm, which was the judiciary. The existence of these three

separate arms of government is an indication of the presence of some forms of modern democratic

633
Usman Dalhatu, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, op.-cit P. 43.
634
Ibid.
635
Ibid
636
Ibid.
637
Ibid.
638
Oral source, Alhaji Ahmadu Fatika (Sarkin Fadan Zazzau), op-cit

- 242 -
 principles in the pre-colonial state of Zazzau centred at the Birni. The judiciary in any system has

the universal role of the administration of justice. In the case of Zaria to facilitate in the effective

administration of justice three well-defined structures were put in place. These were: the Salanke

court which was presided over by the Salanke. The Salanke was a travelling Judge who was

always in the company of the Emir during his tours and journeys,639 and then there was the Alkali

court, which was supposed to be headed by the Chief Justice. This was followed by what could be

regarded as the supreme court of appeals. That was the Emir’s court.640

b. URBANIZATION

Urbanization was already an established feature of life in the whole of central Sudan long

before the Sokoto Jihad. However, after the Jihad the process of urbanization in Birnin Zaria

accelerated. This was manifested in major changes in the size, character and importance of the

Birni.641 The acceleration of urbanization in Zaria was attributed to a number of factors.

One of these factors has to do with the political importance Zaria came to assume after the

Jihad as the capital of the Zazzau Emirate. This was combined with the geographical and

ecological situation in Zaria, which created the enabling condition that attracted significant number

of artisans, scholars, traders, seekers of knowledge and fortune to Zaria. The artisans were made up

of metal, leather and textile workers as well as traders.642 The significance of this was the

expansion in economic activities in agriculture, manufacture and trade (both internal and external).

The expansion in these economic activities further strengthened the status of Birni Zaria as the

economic nerve centre of the Zazzau Emirate, which formed an organic relationship between the

Birni and the countryside, which also seemed to have enjoyed some measure of development.

639
Dalhatu Usman, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, P.44
640
Ibid.
641
Oyedele, Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria… p.83
642
Ibid.

- 243 -
 This is demonstrated by the fact that the Birni depended largely for its food requirement on

its countryside while the countryside depended on the Birni for its import requirements as

discussed earlier. Thus, Birnin Zaria acted like a magnet attracting large number of people daily,

who either brought their goods for sale to the Zaria Market or came to buy other goods that were

not available in their areas.

Also of crucial importance to the rapid expansion of urbanization in Zaria was the state,

which came up with policy directives to address some practical situations, which the Caliphate

leaders had to grapple with. These policies were conceived as part of a general policy of fostering

the material welfare of the people.643 One of such policies was the establishment of new towns and

settlements. A clear policy directive in this respect is embodied in Muhammad Bello’s Usul siyasa

where he unambiguously instructed the various Emirs of the Sokoto Caliphate that:

One of the duties of a Muslim leader was to see to the

colonization of rural areas through the foundation of
villages and walled towns.”644

In line with this Caliphal policy, the leaders of Zazzau encouraged the growth of ribats in

different parts of the Emirate. Some of the ribats were established at Likoro, Basawa, Taban Sani,

Taban Yamusa, Hunkuyi and Hanwa. The growths of ribats triggered up an unprecedented

expansion of population in Zazzau. This was because the ribats attracted and encouraged the

settlement of more people in them. This evidence can be seen from the population estimates that

were provided by the European travellers to Zaria in the nineteenth century. For instance about

eighteen years after the Jihad, H. Clapperton’s visited the Birni in 1826 and placed the population

643
Y. B. Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, p. 190
644
Mohammed Bello, Usul as-Siyasa. Quoted in Kabiru S. Chafe, State and economy in the Sokoto, Caliphate, Ahmadu Bello University, Press,
Zaria, 1999, p. 81

- 244 -
of the Birni between the region of 30,000 and 50,000,645 while Staudinger, another European

traveller who visited Zaria in 1886 noted that the population of Zaria was between 80,000 and

100,000.100.646

Apart from population expansion within the Birni itself, there were the developments of

towns within the metropolitan Zaria. This brought about the emergence of many walled towns

numbering over twenty-five. This included Hunkuyi, Dawaki, Birnin Yero, Birnin Barwa, Zangon

Aya, Amana, Kauru, Girku and Kargi. Apart from the emergence of walled towns, there were also

quite a number of villages that emerged. These were made up of Bagaldi, Ruma, Gimi, Kigo,

Mazugano, Zabi, Sabon Birni and Farakwai.647

The Sokoto Jihad led to the massive displacement of large population from the various

parts Hausa land. The displaced persons were made up of artisans, Islamic scholars, nomads and

traders. Some of these groups of people found their way into the Emirate and into the Birni. There

was therefore the problem of settling them. As a practical solution to this problem, the leadership

of the Emirate came up with a land policy, which made land accessible to all. Thus, as we have

seen some where in this chapter, the various displaced groups who migrated to Zaria were

allocated lands in various wards of the Birni. This helped in the rise of its population.648

The land tenure policy implemented by the Emirate leadership in Zaria also encouraged the

sedentarisation of large groups of the Fulani nomadic groups. This too helped in a significant way

to change the demographic structure of the Birni.

c. EDUCATION
The establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate in the nineteenth century witnessed a

tremendous expansion of Islamic education in Zaria. This was because the Caliphal leaders

645
Clapperton , Journal of a second Expedition into the interior parts of Africa, p. 160.
646
Staudinger P. In the Heart of the North, vol. 1 p. 177
647
Oyedele E. Colonial urbanization, Op-cit, pp. 84-85.
648
Ibid.

- 245 -
attached high premium on education. This was demonstrated by the fact that learning and

possession of knowledge was made a key criterion in the appointment of leaders to positions in the

polity.649 The necessity for this was clearly brought out by the Shehu: -

The ruler is more in need than all God's creation to be

acquainted with learning and gathering (knowledge) of
law. A man without learning is like a country without
inhabitants. The best thing in a ruler, in particular, and in
people in general, is to associate with learning; yearning
to listen to it holding the bearer of knowledge in great
respect. This is in fact the surest way for a ruler to be
beloved of his subjects. On the other hand, if the King is
devoid of learning, he follows his whims and leads his
subject astray. So the upper classes are more in need of
association with scholars, having friendship with the
learned and the study of books of learning and wise
saying and reading the anthologies of learning and the
biographies of sages.650

The application of the above guiding principles was nowhere more strictly applied than in

Zaria. For instance following the death of Malam Musa, the choice of a new Emir fell on Yamusa,

the founder of the Barnawa ruling dynasty. The deciding factor in his selection was his active

participation in the Jihad, his piety and knowledge rather than consideration of family background

or any other factor. In like manner, when Yamusa died, Sokoto preferred Abdulkarim, the founder

of the Katsinawa ruling dynasty for the post of the Emir ship of the Zazzau Emirate. His choice

was purely based on his educational background. The subsequent appointment of Malam Sidi the

son of Malam Musa and later Malam Abdus-Salam the founder of the Sullubawa ruling dynasty,

were all based on their academic standing in the society rather than consideration of family

background.651 This explained why it was only in Zaria that four ruling dynasties emerged.

649
Mahmud Tukur, “Teachings of the Sokoto Caliphate”. A Paper being presented at the International Conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its
Legacies, 1804-2004, Abuja, 14th – 16th June 2004, P. 15.
650
Quoted in Mahmud Tukur, Ibid. P. 15.
651
Abdullahi Mahdi, ‘’The Choice of Zaria as the seat of Higher learning in the North’’ in A History of ABU (1962-1987). Pp. 26-27.

- 246 -
 The upsurge of learning in the nineteenth century following the Jihad led to the

emergence of new Islamic centres of learning in Birnin Zaria. The most prominent of

these new centres included: Umar Wali, Kakaki, Kofar Doka, Kusfa and Magajiya. A brief

discussion on these centres was attempted here.

i. MA’AHAD UMAR WALI

This was one of the prominent Islamic centres of learning that emerged in Birnin Zaria

after the Jihad. It was founded by Umar Wali and specialized in such branches of Islamic

knowledge as Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence), Sufism, Furu'a (applied Islamic science) and Mandiq

(logic). It was the last that made this centre more popular.652 This was because the centre was

believed to have been the first that was known to have specialised in that branch of knowledge.653

The lineage of Malam Umaru Wali was believed to have come to Zaria from Baghdad. On

their way to Zaria they stayed at various places such as Yarwa, Kukawa and Misau. On their

arrival at Zaria during the reign of Muhammadu Sani (1846-1853), they were given a place at

Anguwan Albarkawa (famfo) where Galadima Ahmadu, the father of Malam Umar Wali

established a house.654 The house was soon turned into a beehive of intellectual activities under

Galadima Ahmadu. It was after the death of Galadima Ahmadu that Malam Umar Wali assumed

the role of his father. He soon distinguished himself as a scholar to the extent that the centre

initially established by his father came to bear his name. Soon the house was to become too small

for his students. He therefore established another centre spacious enough to accommodate his

students and guests at Anguwan Amaru.655 The centre at Amaru attracted students of diverse ethnic

and family background. Some of the prominent students that graduated from this centre included:

Malam Aminu and Aliyu his children who succeeded him. Others were Malam Ahmadu Guruza,

652
Liman, S. A. ‘’Takaitaccen Tarihin Ilmin Musulunci a Zaria’’, p. 4.
653
Ibid. P. 14.
654
Abdulkadir Bello (Salanken Zazzau), Tarihin Zuriyar Galadima Ahmadu, Unpublished paper, p. 19
655
Ibid.

- 247 -
Sarkin Zazzau kwassau, Sarkin Zazzau Aliyu Dan Sidi, Malam Sani na Kofar Doka, Alkali

Ahmadu Lugege, Malam Sambo Mai Casa'in, Galadima Adamu Dan Dokaje, Garga Alkalin Na

fada, Hussainin Boko (Sokoto) and Wazirin Kano Gidado.656

Ma’ahad Umaru Wali distinguished itself from the rest of the Islamic learning centres

within Zaria by the volumes of books that it produced. The books were in various field of Islamic

knowledge. The list of the books includes the following:657

1. Kitabu bayani mazahib al-a'immat al-arba'ati

2. Tuhfatu asgar al-dalibi li’amir al-muminina fi ilm al-jihad
3. Mudihat al-abdali kitabun fi ilm as-sarf
4. Al’alakun nafisi al'mu'allaku ala jayadin nahwiyil muhaqqaqi.
5. Mufham al-balid fi ilm an-nujum
6. Muftah al- muglaq fil ilm al-mandiq
7. Kitabul rijal as-sanad (Arri salat al-maimuna)
8. Kitabu ma'adin al-madalibi diniyya
9. Mublagh al- amani fi bayan umur al- auliya'i, wa Ahmad at-Tijjani
10. Kitabu bu'u bu'u (fi ilm al-arul)
11. Mufhim al-balid fi ilm at-Tauhidi.
12. Kifaya tussaliki fi ilm al-hisab.
13. Adimul misli (science).
14. Kural fadali.
15. Risalatu tahsalilun amani fi wasaya shehuna Ahmadu Tijjani.
16. Attanbi hat al-aniqa.
17. Tas-hirul asagiri Lima fil yawakiti wal jawahiri.
18. Ta’ani sul ihwan fi tarikh as- Sudan
19. As halal masaliki ila qawa'id al- imamu Malik fi ilm al-qawa'id.
20. Ilahu al gassi wassamin.
21. Lubabu ilm as-siyar.
22. Masa’il AbduLqadir bin al- Musdafa.
23. Ilm an-nafis fi tazkiyatin nufus.

Following some political crisis during Emir Sidi Abdulkadir (1853-1853), Malam Umaru

Wali left the Birni and established another base at Anguwan Makera at Hunkuyi, which later came

656
Ibid.
657
Abdulkadir Bello (Salanken Zazzau), ‘’Tarihin Zuriyar Galadima Ahmadu’’., pp..21-22.

- 248 -
 to be called Anguwan Wali after him. He continued with his teachings, writings and farming until

he died there in 1897.658

ii. KAKAKI CENTER659

This was one of the Islamic centres of learning that was established in Birnin Zaria after the

jihad. Malam Ibrahim Tsoho established this centre. He was distinguished as a pious man and well

knowledgeable particularly in Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). His main pre-occupation was study

and teaching. Consequently these became the major occupation of the people of Kakaki. The

Malaman Kakaki were famous in their versatility in Islamic Knowledge that every scholar wanted

to study there.660

The Kakaki centre of Islamic learning produced many eminent scholars, Imams and Alkalai

(judges) such as Waziri Umar, Malam Haliru and Ma’aji Ishaku. It was noted that most of the

Imams and Alkalai in Zaria graduated from this centre. This earned the ward the name anguwar

Alkalai (ward of Judges).661 The prominence of this centre came to greater height when Malam

Abdullahi and his son Alkali Malam Lawal assumed the leadership of the centre.

iii. KOFAR DOKA CENTER

The founding father of this centre was Malam Umar. He was believed to have been a

descendant of Malam Ahmad who was said to have come from Futa Toro following some political

crisis in his country some times in the eighteenth century.662 On his arrival to Kasar Hausa he first

stayed in Yandoto. After the Jihad of Usman Dan Fodio he moved to Hunkuyi and stayed there. He

was attracted to live in the area because of its good pastures, which he could exploit for his

animals.663 Malam Ahmad later moved to the Birni on the invitation of Malam Musa where he

658
Ibid.
659
See chapter three for details on Kakaki.
660
Dogara Bashir Dalhatu, Zuriyar Malam Ibrahim Tsoho, p. V1
661
Ibid.
662
Liman , Takaitaccen tarihin ilmin Musulunci a Zariya, p. 5
663
Ibid.

- 249 -
 permanently stayed at Kofar Doka.664 It was while he was at Kofar Doka that his son Malam

Umaru established a school in their house. Soon the school began to attract lot of students. The

school specialized in Arabic, Fiqh and Tafsir.665 The Kofar Doka centre came into the limelight

during Malam Sani whose name the school later bored.666 Malam Sani was believed to be so vast

particularly in Tafsir that he was appointed to deliver Tafsir in the Birni central Mosque.667

iv. MA’HAD KUSFA

Malam Shitu founded this centre. He was of Arab ancestry but he was born in Gobir. His

father was Abdurra’uf and was said to have been very close to Gozo, the last King of Katsina.

After a short spell at Yandoto, Malam Shitu was said to have moved to Zaria. His arrival at Zaria

coincided with the reign of Abdulkarim (1834-1846).668

On his arrival at Zaria he stayed for a while at Anguwan Liman in the house of Malam

Umaru Taru before settling permanently at Kusfa. He attended lessons at the Kona Islamic centre

of learning but later found his own school. His school was famous in such Islamic field of study as

Astrology and Sufism.669 The Kusfa Islamic centre produced many indigenous scholars. His son

Malam Hajji succeeded him.

5. BIRNIN ZARIA ON THE EVE OF COLONIAL CONQUEST670

Birnin Zaria on the eve of colonial conquest particularly at the last decade of the nineteenth

century was in a very turbulent state. This was due to some critical security problems. The security

664
Ibid.
665
Ibid.
666
Ibid.
667
Ibid.
668
John O. Hunkwick etal, Arabic literature of Africa, Leiden E.J. Brill, 1995
669
Liman S. A, ‘’Takaitaccen Tarihin Ilmin Musulunci a Zaria’’, p.6
670
Information on this section was derived from the following sources: M.G. Smith, Government in Zazzau; Hogben S.J. and Kirk Greene, Emirate

of Northern Nigeria; Johnston H.A.S. The Fulani Emirate; Adeleye A.R. Power and Diplomacy. and Wapanda, The emergence of four ruling

dynasties in Zaria, History Research at A.B.U. VOL. III, The post-graduate seminar papers of the Department of History, A.B.U. Zaria, 1978/ 79

session

- 250 -
problems were the culmination of internal and external forces, which helped in weakening the

state.

The internal security problems in Zaria manifested in incessant dynastic crisis and

rebellions from some of the vassal states of Zazzau. The roots of the dynastic crisis could be traced

to the many Fulani lineages that were in existence in different parts of Zazzau long before the

Jihad. These included the Mallawa, Barnawa, Katsinawa, Sullubawa, Yesgwamawa, Wunti and so

on. Differences seemed to exist between the leaders of these Fulani lineages. The first

manifestation of differences between the various Fulani leaders appeared in the rivalry between

Malam Musa and the heads of some of the Fulani lineages particularly Ja’e of the Yesgwamawa

Fulani lineage for the leadership of the Muslim community in Zaria.671 This rivalry was however

diffused with the appointment of Ja’e as Sarkin Kajuru.

The age long rivalries existing within the Fulani lineages in Zazzau were further fuelled by

the eventual emergence and development of the four ruling dynasties. These were the Mallawa,

Barnawa, Katsinawa and Sullubawa ruling dynasties. The inter and intra rivalries between and

within the ruling dynasties helped in no small measures in weakening the state of Zazzau thereby,

making it easy for Sokoto to have more say in the political affairs of Zazzau.672 Details of the

processes leading to the emergence of the ruling dynasties were told and retold in many literatures

that it is not worth recounting here.673By the last decade of the nineteenth century, particularly in

1897, the political rivalries between the ruling dynasties became tenser and resulted in over heating

the polity. This was following the vacuum created by the death of Emir Usman Yero in 1897.
671
M. G. Smith, Government in Zazzau, pp. 146-8
672
Ibid.
673
See M. G. Smith, Government in Zazzau ,pp.146-148; Adeleye, power and diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, pp.79-81; Hogben and Kirk Greene,

The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, Johnston, The Fulani Emirate of Northern Nigeria, op-cit and Wapanda, The emergence of four ruling dynasties

in Zaria, pp. 1-8.

- 251 -
 Following the death of Usman Yero, three candidates were selected by the traditional

council of kingmakers in Zaria to fill in the vacuum. The candidates fielded for the post were:

Madaki Kwassau, the son of Sarkin Zazzau Yero, Malam Lawal, an ex-Madaki as well as the son

of Malam Sambo of the Katsinawa ruling dynasty and lastly Malam Muhammadu of the Mallawa

ruling dynasty. What made the contest too complex was the conduct of Galadima Salmanu who

was becoming too powerful and over ambitious.

The Galadima was nursing the ambition of getting a full political control of the affairs of

Zazzau. He wanted to use this opportunity to achieve his design by imposing a weak candidate that

he could easily manipulate. His choice for the post of the Emir was Malam Muhammadu who was

not only old but also deaf and blind.

Seeing through his designs, the leading Fulani lineages in Zaria formed a united front

against the Galadima. They rallied support for Madaki Kwassau whom they believed had the

capability of checkmating the Galadima. As if to add more currency to the massive support he was

enjoying from members of the other ruling dynasties, Kwassau took an extra ordinary step and

mobilized arms against the Galadima who seemed to have already won Sokoto to his side. Madaki

Kwassau took advantage of the yan-bindiga (musketeers) squad, which was constituted during the

reign of his father Usman Yero and under his (kwassau) direct control. Not only was that he was

also said to enjoy the support of Sarkin Kano Aliyu.

Armed with all these, Kwassau threatened Waziri Bukhari, the Sultan’s representative who

was mandated by the Sultan to preside over the selection exercise that he was willing to resolve the

issue by going to war if he was not crowned peacefully. Realizing how precarious the situation

was, Waziri Bukhari wisely installed Kwassau as the 12th Emir of Zazzau. Even though war was

averted by the Waziri’s action, this event continued to affect Sokoto’s relations with Kwassau.

- 252 -
This was because Sokoto interpreted Kwassau’s action as not only unruly but amounted to

insubordination.

On assumption of power, Kwassau tried to form a more broad-based government by

involving more members from the other ruling dynasties in his administration. This ensured some

internal peace and stability for the Emirate even though momentarily. This was because some

forms of internal and external hostilities broke the peace and stability Zaria was enjoying.

One of the sources of such hostilities came from internal rebellions, which Zaria was facing

continuously in the Emirate. The frequency of such rebellions coupled with dynastic crisis

gradually weakened the military strength of Zaria particularly at the last decade of the nineteenth

century. Some of the vassal states that Zaria faced rebellion from at the last decade of the 19th

century included the people of the south east of Zaria like the Katab tribes who rebelled by

refusing to pay tribute. Consequently, Kwassau launched a military attack on them and forced

them to pay the tribute. He also has to engage the Gwari of Ligau and the Kadara of central Zaria.

The internal instability in Zaria was worsened by series of military raids from both the

Maradawa and Ningawa forces. The Maradawa had been notorious for raiding its neighbouring

cities and towns. This included Katsina, Kano and Zazzau.674 These raids were first spear headed

by Danbaskore but after some spells, the raids were renewed in the 1890’s by his successor,

Baratiya. The inability of Zaria to deal decisively with the Maradawa incursion into its

territories675 was a clear manifestation of its inferior military position.

Equally devastating to the internal security of Zaria was the activities of the Ningawa. The

Ningi slave raiders have been raiding the territories of Zaria since the reign of Emir Sambo (1879-

674
[Link], The transformation of Katsina, pp. 164-66
675
See chapter two for some details about, the Ningawa invasion of Zaria during Sambo

- 253 -
1888).676 With the installation of Usman Yero (1888-1897), the Ningi slave raids ceased. It was

however resumed during the reign of Emir Kwassau (1897-1902) by the Ningi chief Danyaya.677

The Ningi raids involved the towns of Soba, Maigana, Dutsen Wai and Kubau.678 The raiding of

these areas was shocking to the internal security of Zaria, which seriously weakened its strength.

Apart from the Maradawa and Ningawa invasions of Zaria, the activities of the Emir of

Kontagora, Ibrahim Nagwamatse in the 1890’s was another serious military threat that Zaria had to

contend with. The significance of Nagwamatse’s activities was that it determined in some

fundamental ways the Zaria–British relations, as discussed below.679

Nagwamatse’s activity in Zaria was essentially slave raiding during which he devastated

some of the territories of Zaria. Zaria’s appeals to Sokoto for intervention were granted reluctantly

but to no avail. This was because Nagwamatse refused to respect Sokoto’s order for cessation of

hostilities. The reason why Sokoto responded passively to Kwassau’s appeal for intervention has

to do with his conduct during the election contest that saw him into power as mentioned earlier.

Ibrahim Nagwamatse’s raids into Zaria further exposed its military weakness. This is demonstrated

by its inability to deal with the situation.

Meanwhile, the British were looking at this development with keen interest. For long the

British were looking for opportunity to establish their presence in Zaria, which they could use as a

launching pad for attacks on Kano and Sokoto. The British saw the conquest of Kano and Sokoto

as paramount to the establishment of Pax Britannica in Northern Nigeria.680 To achieve this grand

design, the British started their penetration into Zaria with some diplomatic moves.

676
SNP 10236/1919: 15.
677
Ibid.
678
Ibid
679
Obaro Ikime, The fall of Nigeria, Heinemann London, 1977. p.186
680
Mansur 1. Mukhtar, ‘’The conquest of Kano Emirate by the British and its significance’’ in M.O. Hambolu (ed), perspectives on Kano- British
relations, Pyramid text prints Kano, 2003, p. 40.

- 254 -
 As a prelude to the establishment of its military presence in Zaria, the Missionaries paved

the way for them. The missionaries had their first contact with Zaria in 1899 through the Christian

Missionary society (C.M.S.).681 The Emir of Zazzau warmly welcomed the Christian

missionaries.682 After a short stay in Zaria they moved to Kano where they were rejected. Unable

to establish a base at Kano, the missionaries returned to Zaria. The Emir of Zazzau apparently

learning from Kano and conscious of the reactions from his people for allowing the Christians to

stay in the city and still not quite oblivious of the likely reaction of the British in case he sent them

away, found an alternative base for them. The alternative base was Girku, located to the south of

Zaria.683

It should be noted however that shortly thereafter with the full backing of the British, the

church Missionary society then under Dr. W. R. S. Miller was given a base in the Birni.684 They

first settled at the house of Sarkin Makera in the Birni before they were finally relocated to Wusasa

in 1929.685

Encouraged by the good reception accorded the missionary society by the Emir of Zazzau,

Captain Kemball, the Commandant of West African Frontier Force (WAFF) visited Zaria with the

sole intention of establishing a friendly relationship with Zaria. However, what followed after a

peace accord was reached with Zaria left no one in doubt about the British imperial ambition. This

was because soon thereafter Kemball burnt down the towns of Remo and Kaje which were under

Zaria, an action that was repugnant to peace. Secondly, Kemball was quoted as boasting that Zaria

too would soon be conquered to put a ‘stop to slavery and slave trade.’686 These actions drew fears

681
Ikime, The fall of Nigeria, p.185.
682
Ibid
683
N.A.K. 2551/ 1904: 15, Usman, Malam Ja’afaru Dan Isiyaku, p.99
684
Usman, Ibid.
685
Ibid.
686
Ikime, The fall of Nigeria, p. 186

- 255 -
and mistrust from the Emir of Zaria. However this was short lived, as the activities of Nagwamatse

were to bring the Emir to the fold of the British once again.

The British seemed to be waiting for such situation and were determined to ruthlessly

exploit it to their benefits. This was demonstrated by the persistent pressures by the British on the

Emir to allow them to deal with the situation. Emir Kwassau who was deeply troubled by the

activities of Nagwamatse, coupled with his military weakness caved in to the pressures.

It should be noted that the predicament of Ibrahim Nagwamatse was British making. This is

because by 1901, the British conquered Kontagora and sent its Emir, Ibrahim Nagwamatse on a

flight. He moved away with a large following. Nagwamatse was soon to grapple with the real

question of survival. This was because he had to provide the means of sustenance to his followers

and their horses. Not only that he needed to curb a niche for him-self.687 That explains the reason

why he ravaged some parts of Katsina and Zazzau Emirates.

Thus, in March 1902, the WAFF under the command of Colonel Porter captured Ibrahim

Nagwamatse in an encounter near Maska in Zaria, which led to his deportation to Lokoja for

trial.688 However, in a manner typical of occupier forces, the British decided to remain

permanently in Zaria thereafter by establishing a garrison. This action broke the temporary relief

Zaria was enjoying following the cessation of Nagwamatse’s menace by the British. As if this was

not enough the British unilaterally declared Zaria as one of its province with Captain Abadie

popularly known as mai-jimina (ostrich owner) as the Resident.689

This was a serious provocation, which clearly demonstrates that the political independence

of Zaria was on a slippery ground. Kwassau seemed to understand this. This was reflected in his

hostile and uncompromising attitude towards the British. This attitude of the Emir is reflected in

687
Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy, 245
688
NAK ZARPROV. 1551:3; Ikime Ibid. p. 187
689
Ikime, Ibid.

- 256 -
 the Resident’s annual report of 1902 where he stated that in spite of the opportunities the British

gave the Emir to come to terms with the situation and co-operate with them, the Emir continued to

display an open show of indignation and resentment to them. However, this was all he could do.

This was because in-view of the prevailing circumstances whereby the British were already firmly

established in Zaria, and owing to the internal factors highlighted above, Zaria was too weak to

face the might of an imperial power like the British. The Emir was also warned by the Emir of

Bida, Abubakar who was his maternal grand father, against the futility of physical confrontations

with the British.690 Thus, Kwassau was faced with the options of either collaborating with the

British or refusing to and bear the grave consequences. Kwassau chose the latter than succumbing

to the British and instead co-operated with Kano which seemed to be stronger and warming up for

a fight with the British by supplying it with information about British moves. For instance he wrote

to the Emir of Kano Aliyu Dabo thus:

The Christians had increased among us and have settled

more firmly than before. As to the news of the others,
they have come from kwaba and have collected store for
war.691

6. THE FALL OF ZARIA TO THE BRITISH

Relations between Zaria and the British further deteriorated following the murder of

Captain Maloney, the Resident of Keffi on the instant of Magaji Dan Yamusa, the representative of

Emir of Zazzau in Keffi. This incidence seemed to have provided the British with yet another

opportunity it was anxiously looking for to execute the second stage of its plan - the conquest of

Zaria and Kano. Thus Zaria was blamed for the murder while Kano was accused of welcoming the

690
Oral source, Alhaji Zubairu Mai kasa, 1st June, 2006
691
Backwell. The occupation of Hausa-land, 1900-1904, p. 71

- 257 -
fugitive, Magaji Dan Yamusa. The British made no pretensions about its position on the matter.

This was made clear in its official statement thus:

…Government owes it to every British officer called upon to

serve in distant districts among turbulent people to take prompt
and effective measures in such a case, or the lives of its
servants would not be safe…I felt that I had no option but to
attempt the arrest of the Magaji to the utmost limits of the
protectorate, and if ever the day shall come when any other
policy may prevail it will not be long before it is followed by
disaster.692

The inevitability of military engagement with the British was very clear. Kwassau seemed

to have clearly assessed the situation and therefore began to make preparation to flee. This is

reflected in the letter he wrote to the Emir of Kano Aliyu Dan Dabo where he stated that:

This is to inform you that heavy trouble has come upon us, for
by Allah we can neither stand nor sit, and have no power to
remain in the same place with them.693

The British were anticipating this move and therefore mounted heavy patrols of the WAFF

along the Zaria –Katsina, Zaria –Bauchi and Zaria – Kano roads precisely to prevent and arrest the

Emir if he tried to escape. This was based on strategic ground that if the Emir fled and was

followed by his followers, he might joined forces with Kano and thus increased the strength of the

enemy.

To hasten its conquest of Kano, the British had to depose Kwassau. Thus Captain Abadie

invited Kwassau for a meeting. The Emir did not only refuse to go but also challenged Abadie's

authority over him. Men of the WAFF consequently arrested and deported him to Wushishi where

he continued to live to the end of his life, while Galadima Salmanu was appointed to act as the

Emir of Zazzau until the appointment of Emir Aliyu Dan Sidi in 1903. Kwassau indicated in one

692
Northern Nigeria Annual reports No. 409 for 1902. p. 76
693
Backwell, the occupation of Haussa-land, p.71

- 258 -
of his writings, Nuzhatul asiri, the date and time of his arrest around the evening of Friday on the

last ten days of the Islamic month of Jimadal-ula (September, 1902).694

The picture of how Zaria fell to the British was painted by Adeleye where he noted that:

Following this WAFF army marched into the city and to the
Palace, where they met the raging Emir coming out; He was
arrested and taken away. Fear seized the city all of a sudden –The
Habe Galadima was appointed to act in the Emir’s place. The fall
of Zaria has thus been a reality.695

It is clear from the above explanations that Zaria was in a weak state on the eve of the

imposition of colonial rule. This explained why the Emir responded the way he did. Useful insights

into Kwaussau’s actions and inactions on the face of the British aggression can be obtained from

some of his works which he wrote while in exile. For instance, Ashabul Kahf (people of the cave),

a commentary on one of the chapters of the Glorious Qur’an written in poetry by him is a story of

some aggrieved youths who prepared to run away from the tyrannical rule of a Roman Emperor

Known as Daqyanus (Decius) and lived in exile in the confines of a cave rather than to surrender

to injustice and tyranny in return for probably a life of freedom and comfort. What Kwassau

seemed to be saying here was that if he had so wished he could have collaborated with the British

and save him-self from the humiliation of dethronement. The Resident in his annual report of 1902

corroborated this point of view, where he lamented that he could not get the support of the Emir

for him to be spared in-spite of all efforts.696 Nuzhatul asiri (the rest of a captive) is yet another

title of a work by Kwassau, which seems to suggest that he considered his deposition as a relief

from the burden of collaborating with the British.

694
Nuzhatul asiri, KAB. PROB. M/AR. 4/3, p. 53
695
Ibid.
696
Northern Nigeria Annual reports No. 409 for 1902, op-cit

- 259 -
 The fall of Zaria in September 1902 and the subsequent deposition of Kwassau and his

exile to Wushishi finally brought to an end the Emirate administration, which lasted for almost one

hundred years and set the stage for the consolidation of colonial rule not only in Zaria but the

whole of the Zazzau Emirate. The establishment of colonial administration in Zaria was of

significant importance to the history of the Zazzau Emirate. This is because it saw the loss of

political, economic, social and educational independence of the people of Zaria following their

subsequent integration into the capitalist economy.

- 260 -
7. CONCLUSION

The Jihad as we have seen was a culmination of long years of social, political, religious and

economic problems that bedevilled the society. The Jihadists addressed this issue by using Islam as

the ideology for mobilization of the people. The Jihad, which started, as a reform within the system

in 1804, was soon to result in to the over throw of the Sarauta system in 1808. This brought about

the conversion of the former Habe Kingdom of Zazzau to an Emirate. The Jihad also brought

about the increase in economic activities throughout the Emirate. There was also the phenomenal

growth of Islamic Education in Zaria. The Jihad lasted up to 1902 when the British colonialists

over threw the Emirate system. The nature of the society of Birnin Zaria on the eve of the British

conquest was examined. This provides us with a picture of the circumstances that led to its

conquest by the British.

- 261 -
 CHAPTER SEVEN

GENERAL CONCLUTION

This work is essentially a study of the pre-colonial history of Birnin Zaria from 1350 to

1902. It aims at reconstructing the historical processes that led to the emergence of centralized

political institutions especially Birnin Zaria as the capital city of the state of Zazzau as well as

some of the major historical developments that took place in the Birni up to its colonial conquest in

1902.

Colonialists’ historiography on the history of Hausa land generally tends to ignore the

internal dynamics that produced centralized political structures in the Hausa states, thus, giving a

distorted picture of the whole processes. The present work has attempted to bring out the internal

dynamics of our area of study and highlighted its role in the process of urbanization and state

formation on the Zaria plains. The analysis has shown that the environment of the Zaria plains had

played significant roles in urbanization and settlement pattern on the plains. Such environmental

factors like soil fertility, abundant source of water, concentration of games, availability of iron ore,

inselbergs useful for their religious and security functions encouraged the settlement of the earliest

human population on the area dating back to as far as 7th century A.D. The influx of people into

this area was attributed to the desiccation of the Sahara during the first millennium A.D. that

caused famine and draughts in the Northern region of the Sahara and the resultant wars that took

place in the whole region due to demographic movements caused by the change in the climatic

condition of the region.

Having set the tone of the study by examining the environmental background to man’s

activities and settlement patterns on the Zaria plains, we proceeded to examine the process of the

- 262 -
emergence of centralized political institutions on the plains. These earliest centres of human

population with their nucleus around the inselbergs of Kufena, Madarkachi, Turunku, Kargi, and

so on gradually developed through the process of evolution spanning several centuries into urban

centres. We have noted the inadequacies of attributing such political development to foreign origin

as embodied in the Bayajidda legend. The study rather traced such important political development

to the long history of urbanization process going on in the area for centuries, at least to the 7th

century A.D. The study identified some of these urban centres as Kufena, Madarkachi, Turunku,

Kargi, and Wuchichiri. The nature of these ancient urban centres was discussed, highlighting their

individual and common features as well as their roles in the on going urbanization process on the

Zaria plains culminating in the emergence of centralized political institutions.

By the beginning of the second millennium A.D., there is evidence that indicated the

development of state system in some of these ancient settlements. This is evidenced by their wall

fortifications and cosmopolitan outlook. The urbanization and state formation processes taking

place around this period seemed to be hastened by two external factors. One of such factors was

the invasion of the Zaria area by the Gwaris around 1350. This important development acted as a

catalyst to the emergence of centralized political authority that has the capability of mobilizing all

resources to repel the attacks. The buildings of such walls surrounding some of the ancient

settlements are noted to have been done under the command of a centralized political authority.

The role of the centralized political authority in this respect is thus made explicitly clear.

The second event has to do with the attacks on the Zazzau area by the forces of Sarkin

Kano Kanajeji. The defeat of the forces of the Zazzagawa during one of the encounters and the

killing of its ruler forced the Zazzagawa to retreat to Turunku which appeared to be more fortified.

The gradual expansion of the area due to increasing immigration and sedentarisation of more

- 263 -
people in the area made the settlement unsuitable for permanent habitation. Thus, the rulers of

Zazzau at Turunku decided to rehabilitate the old town comprising of Kufena and Madarkachi.

With all the necessary structure of the Birni in place, the rulers of Zazzau evacuated to the rebuilt

town named Zaria, after one of the daughters of Bakwa Turunku. This development led to the

further consolidation of the kingship and the territorial expansion of the state of Zazzau.

With Birnin Zaria clearly emerging as noted above, the study went on to examine its spatial

growth from its formation to the colonial conquest of the Birni in 1903. Since Birane are generally

organic in nature with their various components related to one another, Birnin Zaria is not seen in

isolation but rather it was examined in relation to the key elements of urban spatial planning which

included four public complex buildings namely: the city wall (ganuwa), the Palace, the Mosque,

and the main Market. The wall fortification of the Birni with its gates enclosed the Palace, the

Mosque, the main Market and the various Anguwanni (wards) within the Birni. The significance of

the wall for security and urban development was highlighted. The study also highlighted the

central role of such important institutions as the Palace, the Mosque and the Market as unifying

factors to the people of the Birni and beyond. The spatial organisation of the various wards that

constituted the Birni was examined. The development and expansion of the Birni is a clear

testimony to a deliberate organisation and control of space by the rulers of Zazzau in the past. This

is partly demonstrated by the strategic location of such important institutions like the Palace, the

Mosque and the Market, which were the administrative, religious and economic centres of the

Birni respectively at the heart of the Birni with a network of roads integrating them with one

another and with the different parts of the Birni. The provision of large open space for agricultural

activities such as farming and grazing of animals within the walls of the Birni is also a

demonstration of deliberate space organisation in the pre-colonial period.

- 264 -
 The residential areas were broken into units known as Anguwanni. The historical

background of the wards was examined in the work, highlighting their unique and common

features. The work also highlighted the genealogies of some important houses that constituted

some of wards as well as their ethnic composition in the past. Our analysis has shown that the

descendants of most of the important houses in the Birni were of foreign origin. This has to do

with the fact that during and after the Jihad in Zaria large number of migrants came and settled

permanently in the Birni. These migrants came in various capacities as soldiers, scholars, and

seekers of knowledge, administrators, merchants, artisans and so on.

Security to the lives of the inhabitants of the Birni was of paramount importance. How the

rulers of Zaria provided this basic need was discussed in the work. The provision of social

amenities such as water, roads, medical care and education during the pre-colonial period in Zaria

were also of paramount importance to the population of the Birni. Insights into how these were

provided by the Sarakuna at the Birni were given.

The society that constituted the Birni was also examined. It has been shown that it was a

well-defined system of social relationship within the society which defines who was who, who did

what and who respected who. The various units of social organisation in the Birni were

highlighted. The basic unit of social organisation was the family. It was from the family that

relationship projected to cover the wider society. Other units of social organisation were based on

territoriality. These included the Anguwanni (wards) and the state. Being a patriarchal society there

was emphasis on male dominance in the Birni. This is demonstrated by the predominantly male

titles like Maigida (owner of the house), Mai anguwa (owner of ward), Mai gari (owner of the

town), Uban kasa (father of the land), Sarkin noma (chief of farming), Sarkin Makera (chief of

blacksmiths) and so on and so forth.

- 265 -
 The well-defined social structure that defined the inter-human relation within the Birni

created a highly stratified society based on age, gender, status, and occupation. The internal

contradiction within the society between the various classes that created a fertile ground for the

Jihad in the nineteenth century was highlighted.

The cultural background of the society that formed the Birni was also examined. It was

pointed out that the society was characterized by the belief in the supernatural until when Islam

was introduced around the century, which began to challenge the age-old belief in the supernatural.

The Jihad in the Birni was a crystallization of the ideological struggle between the two religious

beliefs. The Jihad had to a great extent reduced the influence of the belief on the super natural. The

study also established that the Birni since the pre-Jihad period was a centre of Islamic learning, a

factor that earned it that epithet “Zaria Birnin ilmi”. The role of the literati class in the promotion

of Islamic scholarship and in the mobilization of people for the Jihad was examined.

To properly grasp the material basis of the social existence of the society of the Birni its

economy was examined. The study has shown that the Birni was the major focal point of economic

activities in the whole kingdom of Zazzau. The erroneous views in the colonialists’ works about

the economy of African societies been basically subsistence was proved wrong especially as it

apply to the Birni. The diversity and dynamism of the economy was strongly demonstrated in the

work. Agriculture constituted the primary economic activity while manufacturing and trading

constituted the secondary economic activity. It has been pointed out that the role played by the

Birni in these economic activities made it the most prosperous. In the overall the study of the

economy of the Birni provides a basis for the proper understanding of the economic impact of the

Jihad in the nineteenth century.

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 The study also examined the Jihad and it has been shown to be one of the major themes in

the history of the Birni. The Jihad brought about some far reaching political changes one of which

was the overthrow of the Sarauta and its replacement with the Emirate system. The economic and

social impact of the Jihad was equally highlighted in the study. Also the society of the Birni on the

eve of colonial conquest was examined. This gave a background on how the Emirate system was

brought to an end as a result of the colonial conquest of the Birni in 1902. How the British

colonialists finally took the Birni and the significance of 1902 as a terminating period of our study

was examined.

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Abdul-Kadir Adamu, The impact of the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate in the
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Abubakar Sadiq Abbas, Tarihin Fulanin Anguwan Juma Birnin Zaria a takaice,
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Abubakar Saleh, Birnin Shehu the city of Sokoto: A social and economic History
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Adamu Abbas Suleiman, Asalin Sunayen Anguwannin Birnin Zaria, B.A.

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Ade Obayemi, Aspects of field Archaeology in Hausaland, ZAP 1, 1976

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Bello Usman, Tarihin Zuwan Turawa Zaria daga 1903-1975, History workshop at
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Dhiliwayo A. History of Sabon Gari Zaria 1911-1950: A study of colonial Urban

Administration, Ph.D thesis Zaria, 1986
Douglas Edwin Ferguson, Nineteenth century Hausaland, being a description by
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Garba Nadama, The rise and collapse of a Hausa state: A social and political
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Hamman Sa’ad Tukur, Between Myth and Reality: The Aesthtic of traditional
Architecture in Hausaland unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Michigan, 1984

Hamza M. Maishanu, The Evolution and Development of Historical Scholarship in

Northern Nigeria, unpublished thesis Ph.D, Usman Dan Fodio University Sokoto,
1998

Mahdi Abdullahi, Some observations on the emergence of and Development of the Sarauta
system in the Central Sudan before 1804. A paper presented at the international Seminar on
the History of the central Sudan, Zaria, 8th-13th January 1979

Mahdi Abdullahi, The state and the Economy: The Sarauta system and its roles in shaping
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Mahdi Abdullahi, Migrations, Sedentarisation and Urbanisation process in the
central Sudan before c.1800 A.D., International conference on human
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Mahdi Adamu, The Economy of a Hausa capital: Zaria in the 18th and 19th centuries.
History Research at A.B.U. vol. VI, History Department seminar papers, 1981/82 session

Miss Norma Perchonok, The territorial principle and the Evolution of social organisation in
Kasar Hausa before the 15th century, a paper presented at the international seminar on the
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Muhammadu Fagachi, Tarihin gidan Katuka a Zariya, A.B.U. History workshop,

1979

Muhammadu Jumare, Politics in Zaria, 1900-1975, History workshop at A.B.U.

Zaria, 1979

Muhammadu Jumare, Slavery in Sokoto city c. 1804-1936, M.A thesis,

Department of History A.B.U. Zaria, 1988

Muhammad Wada Hamza, Tatsuniya as a mirror of Hausa social relationships,

M.A. thesis NAL A.B.U. Zaria, 1984

Mahmud Tukur, Teachings of the Sokoto Caliphate. A paper presented at the international
conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies 1804-2004 14th-16th June 2004, Abuja

Mukhtar Umar Bunza, The legacy of Religious Tolerance in the Sokoto Caliphate: Lessons
for the Nigerian state in the 21st century. A paper presented at the international conference
on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies 1804-2004 14th-16th June 2004, Abuja

Nuhu A.R. Tarihin Anguwan Juma. A paper presented at the History workshop
A.B.U. Zaria, 1979

Obayemi A. The Kargi Manuscript and its perspective in the pre-Jihad Zazzau, Post-
Graduate seminar paper, History Research at A.B.U 1979/80 session

Oyedele E. Colonial Urbanisation in Northern Nigeria: Kaduna 1913-1960, unpublished

thesis Ph.D. Zaria, 1987

Shea P.J. Big is sometimes Best: The Sokoto Caliphate and Economic Advantages of size:
Quality, Variety and Efficiency in textile industry. A paper presented at the international
conference on the Sokoto Caliphate and its legacies 1804-2004 14th-16th June 2004, Abuja

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Sutton J.E.G. The walls of Zaria and Kufena, Zaria Archaeology Paper 11, 1976

Sutton J.E.G. Kufena and its Archaeology, Zaria Archaeology Paper 15, 1976

Sutton J.E.G. The iron working around Zaria, Zaria Archaeology Paper 8, 1977

Tukur M.M. The imposition of British colonial Administration on the Sokoto

Caliphate, Barno and neighbouring states 1897-1914: A reinterpretation of colonial
sources, unpublished thesis Ph.D. Zaria, 1979

Umar Faruk, Tarihin Gidan Zage-zagi, documented paper, n.d.

Wapanda A.S. An Assessment of politics in Zazzau and the Emergence of the four ruling
Dynasties 1804-1957, History Research at A.B.U 1978/79 session.

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