The Tree

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 The Tree

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The Tree
 The Tree

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H. P. Lovecraft

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Kunstwerkes hält Dümmler denselben The odofr idu s, welcher ein
anderes, nicht minder rohes Gedicht über die 6 Weltalter verfaßt hat;
beide sind von demselben Winitharius abgeschrieben; auch einen
dritten, chronologischen Rhythmus vom J. 718 fügt er hinzu. In
Theodofrid aber erkennt er den ersten, bald nach 657 aus Luxeuil
gekommenen Abt von Corbie, welcher um 681 Bischof wurde,
wahrscheinlich von Amiens[13].

Höchst eigenthümlich ist eine andere Dichtung, die vielleicht

ebenfalls noch dem siebenten Jahrhundert angehört, nämlich ein
L ie d, welches sich auf Chloth a r s II Sieg ü ber die Sa chs en i.
J. 622 (?) bezog, wovon uns aber leider nur ein kleines Bruchstück
erhalten ist. Es bestand ebenfalls aus je drei gereimten Zeilen, die
aber iambischen Rhythmus haben und je vier Hebungen enthalten.
Der eigentliche Held des Liedes ist der heilige Fa ro, Bischof von
Meaux, welcher die Gesandten der Sachsen gegen die beabsichtigte
Ermordung von Seiten des Königs beschützt hatte, und ihm zu Ehren
wurde nach dem Zeugniß des Biographen des h. Faro, Bischof
Hildegars, der zu Karls des Kahlen Zeit schrieb, dieses Lied allgemein
von Männern und Frauen zum Tanze gesungen[14].

Ein anderes, noch weit merkwürdigeres Lied glaubte Lenormant

entdeckt zu haben[15], ein his tor is ches Volks l ied des sechsten
Jahrhunderts zur Feier von C hi ldeber ts I Feldzu g gegen
Sa ra gos s a i. J. 542. Dieses sollte nämlich paraphrasiert sein in dem
Leben des h. Droctove us, ersten Abtes von St. Germain-des-Prés,
einer Stiftung jenes Childebert, und sich daraus zum Theil wieder
herstellen lassen. In der That erinnern Ausdrücke darin, wie torrens
pulchritudinis[16], an jene alte fränkische Poesie, und es ist nicht
unmöglich, daß wirklich die Spur eines alten Liedes darin zu
erkennen ist; im übrigen aber ist die Erzählung von der angeblichen
Erwerbung der Stola des h. Vincenz auf jenem Feldzuge ganz den
„Thaten der Franken“ entnommen, und deshalb die Herstellung jenes
Liedes aus den Worten der Lebensbeschreibung ein verfehltes
Unternehmen.

[1] l. c. p. 14.
[2] Was Kurth, der vielmehr den Prolog für jünger hält, m. E. ohne
Grund bekämpft. Ausserdem hat Monod in c. 38 u. 40 eine
Verwandtschaft mit dem Anhang zu Marius Avent. nachgewiesen.
[3] Nicht 725, wie man früher annahm, s. Br. Krusch, NA. X, 94, wo
die Chronologie der letzten Merovinger berichtigt ist.
[4] Gesta Dagoberti, Ausg. Bouquet II, 580. Migne XCVI, 1395 aus
Duchesne. Krusch, SS. Merov. II, 396-425, vgl. Forsch. XXVI, 161-
191.
[5] So Monod, Rev. crit. 1873, II, S. 258, welcher die Vermuthung
ausspricht, daß die Flucht der Mönche vor den Normannen nach
Reims, die wahrscheinlich mit dem Verlust von Urkunden verbunden
war, nach ihrer Rückkehr 888 zu dieser trügerischen Arbeit den Anlaß
gegeben habe.
[6] Questions Mérov. V. Les origines de Saint-Denis (Bibl. de l'École
des chartes LI (1890) p. 5-62.) Derselben Zeit schreibt Havet S. 38
die Passio SS. Dionysii, Rustici et Eleutherii zu, die aber nach seiner
Ansicht in Aquitanien geschrieben ist. Sie ist gedr. Auctt. antt. IV, 2,
101-105, als fälschlich Venantius Fortunatus zugeschrieben.
[7] Aimoin, von dem noch unter III § 10 die Rede sein wird, war
Mönch von Fleury und widmete sein Werk dem Abt Abbo († 1004). Er
wollte die Geschichte bis auf Karls des Großen Vater Pippin
beschreiben, sein Werk reicht aber nur bis 653. Rorico schrieb in sehr
geziertem Stil und reicht bis 511. Ueber seine Person ist nichts
bekannt, nur weisen einige Umstände nach Amiens; mit Unrecht hat
man aus der idyllischen Einkleidung geschlossen, daß er die Schafe
gehütet habe. Vgl. A. Thorbecke über Gesta Theodorici (Heidelb.
Progr. 1875) S. 13-18. In der Chronikensammlung von St. Denis,
welche man der Veranlassung Sugers zuschreibt, wurde Aimoin mit
den Gesta Dagoberti, Gesta Francorum, den Fortsetzern des Fredegar
etc. verbunden, später die Chronik amtlich fortgeführt und im
dreizehnten Jahrhundert alles ins Französische übersetzt. Ausgabe bei
Bouquet III. Die darin benutzte Forts. aus Saint-Germain-des-prés
1125-1167 (= Hist. Lud. VII) theilweise MG. SS. XXVI, 151. — Den
Anfang einer eigenthümlichen Ueberarbeitung der Gesta Francorum,
welchen Ekkehard benutzt hat, theilt Waitz aus einer Bamberger
Handschrift mit, Forschungen III, 145-147; vgl. 607.
[8] Ueber diese genügt es, auf die Abh. v. Zeumer. NA. VI, 9-115 u.
die Ausg. MG. Legum Sectio V zu verweisen. Den Bischof Landerich,
welcher Marculfs Sammlung veranlaßte, hält Z. für den Bischof von
Meaux. c. 700.
[9] Gesammelt bei Duchesne I, Bouq. IV. u. jetzt MG. Epp. Tom. III.
[10] Gundlach, NA. XIII, 365-387.
[11] S. Zeumer im NA. VI, 75 u. die Ausg. Formulae p. 220-226.
[12] Versus de rota mundi, ed. Pertz: Ueber eine fränkische
Kosmographie des siebenten Jahrhunderts, Abh. der Berl. Ak. 1845,
S. 253. Wright, Anecd. p. 101-104; aus Clm. 903. Dazu kommen noch
die Handschriften Cod. S. Galli 213 u. Vat. Pal. 1357, Arch. XII, 354.
Vgl. Huemer, Untersuchungen über die ältesten lat. christ. Rhythmen
(Wien 1879) S. 63-65. Manitius, Gesch. d. christl. lat. Poesie S. 474.
— Ueber eine alte f r ä n k . V ö l k e r t a f e l, die er um 520 ansetzt,
Müllenhoff, Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1863. S. 520. Für erheblich jüngeren
Ursprung Ad. Bachmann, Wiener SB. XCI, 864. In welche Zeit und
Verbindung die fabelhafte Kosmographie des A e t h i c u s gehört,
welche bei der Trojanersage eine Rolle spielt, ist noch dunkel; Krusch
bemerkt, „dass darin die Fassung der Gesta Francorum von 736
benutzt und er also erheblich jünger ist, als man ihn gewöhnlich
ansetzt. Auf die erste Hälfte des 9. Jahrh. weist auch seine
Verwandtschaft mit der Hist. Daretis, welche der erste Fortsetzer des
Fredegar in den Hieronymus einschob: beide haben die Fabel von
Francus u. Vassus, beide gleichen sich im Stil (z. B. gignarus für
gnarus).“ Das Gegentheil behauptet freilich K. Plath, Die
Königspfalzen (Berl. Diss. 1892) These 2.
[13] Zeitschr. f. D. Alterth. XXII, 423. XXIII, 280. Manitius S. 476.
[14] Mab. Acta SS. O. S. B. II, 617. Hildegar war aus dem Kloster St.
Denis. Brosien S. 53 schlägt die Glaubwürdigkeit dieser Vita sehr
gering an. Manitius, S. 474 hält das Lied für Uebersetzung eines
fränkischen.
[15] Bibliothèque de l'École des chartes I, 1, 321.
[16] Vgl. V. Eligii auct. Audoeno I, 14: rex Dagobertus torrens pulcher
et inclytus.
 § 11. Fränkische Heiligenleben. [←]

Außer den bis jetzt erwähnten Geschichtswerken ist uns aus der
Zeit der Merowinger noch eine bedeutende Menge von
geschichtlichem Material erhalten in den Legenden der Heiligen,
deren Zahl in diesen Zeiten außerordentlich groß ist. Die meisten von
ihnen sind kirchliche Würdenträger und dadurch auch in die
weltlichen Händel verflochten; ihre Lebensbeschreibungen würden
unschätzbar sein, wenn sie nicht erstlich zu ausschließlich bloße
Lobreden wären, und namentlich die weltlichen Beziehungen der
Heiligen nur ganz oberflächlich berührten, zweitens auch zum
größten Theile in späterer Zeit verfaßt wären[1]. Auch wo eine
wirklich gleichzeitige Aufzeichnung vorhanden war, besitzen wir doch
häufig nur eine spätere Ueberarbeitung; noch weit häufiger aber hat
man das Leben des Heiligen erst später nach unsicherer
Ueberlieferung beschrieben und wenige bekannte Züge zu einer
ausführlichen Geschichte ausgemalt. Natürlich wurden dann die
Vorstellungen der späteren Zeit auf diese schon weit entlegene
Vergangenheit übertragen, und die unkritische Benutzung solcher
Quellen trägt einen großen Theil der Schuld an den falschen
Ansichten, welche bis auf die jüngste Zeit über die Zeit der
Merowinger herrschend waren.

Der 5. Ausgabe dieses Buches war ein alphabetisches

Verzeichniß aller dieser Legenden mit möglichst vollständigem
Nachweis der Litteratur, von Br. Krusch, beigegeben; schon ein Blick
darauf genügt, um zu zeigen, wie fern die große Mehrzahl unserm
Zwecke liegt, während allerdings für vollständige Durchforschung der
Merowingerzeit alle wenigstens geprüft werden müssen. Auch für die
MG. kann nur eine Auswahl in Betracht kommen, und jede
Berührung zeigt, wie viel hier noch für die Kritik zu thun ist. Br.
Krusch hat die von Vena ntius For tun a tu s herrührenden
Legenden herausgegeben und die ihm fälschlich zugeschriebenen
damit verbunden; SS. Meroving. II blieb noch Raum für die Heiligen,
welche der königlichen Familie angehören. Derselbe ist gegenwärtig
mit systematischer Durchforschung des übrigen Vorraths beschäftigt,
und bevor die Ergebnisse dieser außerordentlich großen und
mühsamen Arbeit bekannt werden, ist es besser, sich auf die
Hervorhebung einiger der wichtigsten Heiligenleben zu beschränken.

Eine der geschichtlich wichtigsten, die Vita Vedasti ( † 540) ist

schon oben S. 97 erwähnt; das Leben von Chlodwigs Gemahlin
Ch ro thi ldis[2] ( † 548) ist aus den Gestis Francorum geschöpft,
kaum vor dem zehnten Jahrhundert geschrieben und geschichtlich
unbrauchbar. Von Chlo dova ld (Saint Cloud, † c. 550), einem Sohne
Chlodomirs, den seine Großmutter vor dem Schicksal seiner
gemordeten Brüder bewahrte und der dann ein frommer Priester
wurde, giebt es eine ganz aus Gregor geschöpfte
Lebensbeschreibung; eine zweite, im zehnten Jahrhundert in St.
Cloud verfaßte[3] ist werthlos. Nicht so inhaltlos, wenn auch
hauptsächlich Wundergeschichten berichtend, ist das von For tu na t
beschriebene Leben des Bischofs Ger ma nus von Paris[4] ( † 576).
Des Lebens der h. Ra de gunde ( † 587) wurde schon oben S. 92
gedacht. Von der Passio des Bischofs Des ider ius vo n Vie nn e (†
608) ist erst kürzlich die älteste Fassung aus dem siebenten
Jahrhundert bekannt geworden[5]. Durch ziemlich gleichzeitige
Entstehung und noch unverfälschte Ueberlieferung ausgezeichnet ist
die erst kürzlich wieder aufgefundene älteste Lebensbeschreibung
des Bischofs G a uge r ich von Cambrai ( † zw. 623 u. 629), welche
manche culturgeschichtlich wichtige Züge und auch geschichtlich
brauchbare Nachrichten bietet[6]. Ar n ul f und Ger tr u d werden
weiter unten noch zu erwähnen sein. Zu den geschichtlich
wichtigsten gehört wegen der Gleichzeitigkeit und der
hervorragenden Bedeutung des Mannes das Leben des Bischofs
Des ider ius von Cahors († 654)[7].

Von ausgezeichnetem Werth sind die Lebensbeschreibungen von

drei Männern, welche in der zweiten Hälfte des siebenten
Jahrhunderts auch politisch bedeutend hervortreten, El igius (St.
Eloy, † zw. 659 und 665), zuletzt Bischof von N oyon, besonders
hervorragend als kunstreicher Goldschmidt, und deshalb auch
Schutzpatron dieser Künstler[8], Audo enus (St. Ouen, † 683),
Bischof von Ro ue n, sein Freund und Biograph[9], L eodega r (St.
Léger, † 678), Bischof von Autun[10], nur ist der kritische Zustand
dieser Werke bis jetzt noch ein wenig befriedigender. Zu diesen nicht
gering zu schätzenden Leistungen des siebenten Jahrhunderts
gehört auch noch das Leben der B a l th i ldis, der Gemahlin
Chlodwigs II[11] († c. 680), der Stifterin von Corbie an der Somme
und von Chelles, wo wahrscheinlich diese Schrift zur Feier ihres
Andenkens verfaßt ist. Wie elend dagegen das in viel späterer Zeit
im Kloster Sathonay geschriebene Leben Da gober ts III[12] († 716),
den aber der Verfasser für den Zweiten hält, ausgefallen ist, das
möge man in dem Vorwort von Krusch nachlesen. Es hat nur
dadurch eine relative Bedeutung, dass es von Theofrid von
Echternach und von Alberich als Quelle benutzt worden ist. In
Betreff des Lebens der h. Odi l ia ( † c. 720) ist nur zu warnen vor
den als Fragmente eines angeblich ältesten Lebens veröffentlichten
Fragmenten, welche eine Fälschung Vigniers sind, während die echte
Vita doch auch nicht älter als das zehnte Jahrhundert ist und
geringen Werth hat[13]. Von den Lütticher Heiligen Hubert und
Lambert wird weiter unten die Rede sein.

Zunächst aber wollen wir uns hier noch einer Betrachtung

derjenigen Legenden zuwenden, welche eine nähere Beziehung auf
Deutschland haben und die erneute Pflanzung des Christenthums
auf deutschem Boden berühren.
 Die Franken haben sich damit nicht viel befaßt; es kümmerte sie
wenig, daß so viele ihrer Landsleute noch Heiden waren; im alten
Frankenlande an der Schelde fand noch im siebenten Jahrhundert
Am a ndus viel Heidenthum auszurotten[14]. War doch bei den
christlichen Franken selbst nicht viel mehr als die äußere Form der
Rechtgläubigkeit übrig geblieben; fromme Männer fanden zu Hause
Spielraum genug für ihre Thätigkeit. Die Mission finden wir daher in
diesen Jahrhunderten fast ausschließlich in den Händen
S c ho ttis che r, d. h. nach dem Sprachgebrauch des früheren
Mittelalters Ir lä n dis che r Mönche, welche damals alle Länder
durchzogen. In dieser Insel, welche allein ihre keltische Bevölkerung
ungemischt bewahrt hatte, die allen fremden Welthändeln ferne lag,
war das Christenthum mit dem hingebendsten Eifer aufgenommen
worden, und hier war bald nicht nur die strengste, mönchische
Frömmigkeit, sondern auch eine ernstliche wissenschaftliche
Thätigkeit zu Hause; während im ganzen Abendland die gelehrte
Bildung unterzugehen und zu verschwinden drohte, fand sie hier
sorgsame Pflege[15] freilich nur im Dienste der Kirche. Man schrieb
die heiligen Schriften ab, man lernte, um sie zu verstehen, lateinisch
und griechisch, man beobachtete die Sterne, um die kirchlichen
Feste berechnen zu können, man übte die Musik für den
Gottesdienst, baute Kirchen und Glockenthürme, man schmückte die
Bücher der Kirchen mit kunstreicher Malerei und ihre Altäre mit
köstlichen Gefäßen. Doch auch die profanen Schriftsteller erschienen
hier nicht, wie in Italien, gefährlich; freilich sind die Columban
zugeschriebenen Gedichte, worin die alten Dichter viel benutzt und
angeführt werden, von zweifelhafter Echtheit. Vorzugsweise aber
äußerte sich die Frömmigkeit dieser Mönche in weiten Pilgerfahrten,
in dem Verlassen der Heimath, um in entlegener Fremde als
Einsiedler zu leben oder Klöster zu gründen, um unter Christen und
Heiden das Evangelium zu predigen[16]. Das Frankenreich war erfüllt
von ihnen: was gäben wir darum, wenn sie aufgeschrieben hätten,
was sie sahen; wenn sie uns über ihre Thätigkeit und ihre Schicksale
zuverlässige Berichte hinterlassen hätten! Allein das lag ihnen ferne;
sie, die Meister im Schreiben, hatten für geschichtliche
Aufzeichnungen keinen Sinn, und nur wo sie so bedeutend wirkten,
daß dauernde Gründungen ihr Gedächtniß bewahrten, hat ihr
Andenken sich erhalten. Aber in völlig nebelhaften Umrissen würde
ihr Bild uns verschwimmen, wenn nicht glücklicher Weise einer von
ihnen, und wohl von allen der hervorragendste, in Italien einen
Biographen gefunden hätte. Das ist S. Columba n, der Stifter von
Bobio[17].

Nach der Gewohnheit dieser Schottenmönche zog Columban,

gebürtig aus Leinster, gegen das Ende des sechsten Jahrhunderts[18]
mit zwölf Gefährten aus von dem Kloster Benchuir oder Bangor;
staunend und tief ergriffen lauschte das Volk im Frankenreiche ihrer
feurigen Beredsamkeit, die entartete Geistlichkeit aber scheute die
strengen Bußprediger und fürchtete ihren Einfluß auf die Menge. Die
Könige dagegen nahmen sie willig auf, ihr Eifern gegen die ganz
verfallene Kirchenzucht war ihnen willkommen und auf Childeberts
Wunsch ließ Columban sich mit seinen Begleitern in den Vogesen
nieder; zahlreiche Schüler strömten ihnen zu, und bald erhoben sich
Klöster in der Wildniß, vor allem L uxeu i l. Es waren dies nicht
großartige Gebäude, wie in der späteren Zeit, sondern wie einst S.
Severins Ansiedelungen Haufen unscheinbarer Hütten, in deren Mitte
eine kleine Kirche sich erhob; neben ihr der runde Thurm, der die
Glocken trug, und im unteren Geschoß, von der Erde nur auf Leitern
zugänglich, eine Zuflucht in Zeiten der Gefahr darbot.

Aber Columbans Feuereifer schonte auch der Könige nicht;

keine menschliche Rücksicht konnte ihn bestimmen, zu dem
sittenlosen Treiben des burgundischen Hofes zu schweigen, und
furchtlos trat er den Ausschweifungen Theuderichs entgegen. Den
Bischöfen war er längst zuwider; schon die bloße Anwesenheit dieser
Mönche im Lande veranlaßte zu Vergleichungen ihres ascetisch
strengen Lebens mit dem lockeren Wandel der merowingischen
Prälaten. Die Abweichung der irischen Kirchengewohnheiten von den
gallischen und die Unabhängigkeit der Klöster von bischöflicher
Aufsicht, welche nach irischer Weise in Anspruch genommen wurde,
boten eine Waffe dar; man erklärte sie für ketzerisch, und so
vertrieb denn endlich um 610 Brunhilde, deren Zorn er verachtet
hatte, den Columban sammt seinen Genossen. Ueber Nantes sollten
sie nach Irland geschafft werden, aber ein Sturm warf sie wieder an
die Küste; Chlotar II und Theudebert nahmen sie ehrfurchtsvoll auf;
hier wählte er zu seinem Aufenthalt Bregenz in Alamannien, wo
ungeachtet der Frankenherrschaft und der Bestimmungen des
Volksrechts doch das Heidenthum noch stark war. Drei Jahre lang
blieb Columban zur Bekämpfung desselben in Bregenz. Dann aber
verließ er das Frankenreich gänzlich und wanderte in das
Langobardenreich, wo Theudelinde, die Freundin Gregors des
Großen, ihn mit Freuden aufnahm. Hier stiftete er nun das Kloster
Bobio zur Vertilgung der Reste arianischer Ketzerei, und noch jetzt
zeigen die zerstreuten Handschriften dieses Klosters die alten
irischen Schriftzüge und Erinnerungen an die Heimath wie die
Versiculi familiae Benchuir[19]. Mit vollem Eifer überließen sie sich
hier ihrer Lieblingsneigung zum Schreiben, die unverständlich
gewordenen Ueberbleibsel der gothischen Litteratur und Fragmente
von alten Prachthandschriften der Klassiker benutzten sie, um auf
das reingewaschene Pergament die Werke der rechtgläubigen
Kirchenväter zu schreiben[20]. Sie retteten jene Pergamentblätter
dadurch vom Untergang, und es war auch nicht etwa ein fanatischer
Haß gegen die heidnischen Schriftsteller, welcher sie zur Vertilgung
derselben antrieb. An Handschriften derselben war damals noch kein
Mangel, und sie selber benutzten dergleichen zur Erlernung der
Sprache; finden wir doch unter den Schulbüchern zu Bobio auch den
Ovid.
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