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The Alignment Process

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es denn nicht zu verwundern, daß verschiedene Rücksichten auf die
Darstellung eingewirkt haben. Ueber die Vergangenheit Heinrichs
von Baiern konnte hier nur mit der äußersten Vorsicht gesprochen
werden. Es war nur zu viel in der kaiserlichen Familie vorgefallen,
dessen man ungern gedachte. Widukind hatte ohne Scheu davon
gesprochen, und es ist sehr wahrscheinlich, dass einige ihrer
Aeußerungen direct gegen sein Geschichtswerk gerichtet sind. Mit
der Wahrheit hat sie es hier eben nicht genau genommen: sie oder
ihre Berichterstatter, deren abweichenden Angaben über schon
fernliegende Dinge sie in gutem Glauben trauen mochte. Daneben
aber gab es doch auch sonst des Stoffes noch reichlich genug, und
hier hat Hrotsuit nicht nur manches, wie namentlich die Flucht der
Kaiserin Adelheid, in hübscher und ansprechender Weise behandelt,
sondern sie hat auch geschichtlich wichtige Thatsachen und
Umstände aufbewahrt. Gerade die von Widukind vernachlässigten
Vorgänge in Italien und die uns leider nicht erhaltene Kaiserkrönung
hat sie ausführlich behandelt. Die Familiengeschichte ist ihr die
Hauptsache, Schlachten zu schildern weist sie ausdrücklich als ihr
nicht zukommend ab. Ausdrücklich hebt sie hervor, daß sie nur
wiedergebe, was man ihr berichtet habe, und wie in ihren übrigen
Werken, so hält sie sich auch hier ganz genau an den ihr
überlieferten Gegenstand, und erlaubt sich nie, ihn der poetischen
Darstellung zu Liebe umzugestalten. Die metrische Form bleibt bei
ihr nur ein äußerliches Gewand, und wir können daher ihre
Erzählung geradezu als Geschichtswerk benutzen. Um so mehr ist es
zu bedauern, daß etwa die Hälfte ihres Werkes verloren ist, und zwar
gerade die so inhaltreichen Jahre 953-962; nur ein kleines
Bruchstück daraus ist vorhanden, und keiner der uns bekannten
mittelalterlichen Schriftsteller hat ihr Werk benutzt.

Lange Zeit hat Hrotsuit an der Dichtung, die ihr offenbar große
Mühe machte, gearbeitet, denn im Anfang erwähnt sie den 965
gestorbenen Erzbischof Brun noch als lebend. Bruno Zint[2] hat die
Ansicht aufgestellt, daß sie, als sie die "Widmungen an Gerberga und
an Otto I schrieb, auch die Absicht hatte, ihr Werk in gleich
ausführlicher Weise bis zum Schluß zu führen, worauf der Wortlaut
allerdings führt; später habe sie, als Otto II ein Exemplar verlangte,
die Darstellung der Kaiserzeit aufgegeben und den summarischen
Schluß hinzugefügt. In der Zwischenzeit könnte ihr Widukind
bekannt geworden sein, der bei der eigentlichen Arbeit ihr nicht
vorlag. Dagegen tritt Zint sehr bestimmt für die schon früher
aufgestellte Behauptung ein, daß Liudprands Antapodosis ihr
bekannt gewesen und von ihr benutzt sei, und bringt dafür sehr
erhebliche Gründe bei. Mit den von ihr in der Widmung gebrauchten
Ausdrücken läßt sich das wohl vereinigen, da Liudprands Werk doch
ganz anderer Art war.

Später behandelte Hrotsuit in ähnlicher Weise auch die Anfänge


ihres Klosters und dessen Geschichte bis zum Jahre 919, bis zum
Tode der Christina, der letzten von den drei Töchtern Ludolfs, welche
nach einander dem Stifte vorstanden[3]. Da diese Dichtungen sich
von der Prosa fast nur durch die äußere Form unterscheiden, so
lassen sie sich den später so beliebten Reimchroniken vergleichen;
sie schließen sich nicht dem Epos Angilberts, sondern den
versificirten Annalen des sächsischen Dichters an.

Die Gandersheimer Nonnen sind dem gewöhnlichen Geschick


reicher und vornehmer Stifter verfallen; von ihren Studien ist nach
diesen vielversprechenden Anfängen ferner nicht die Rede. Ueber
den Kirchenstreit, welcher so viel Unruhe erregte, haben wir der
Hildesheimer Darstellung eine Gandersheimer nicht gegenüber zu
stellen. Von der Aebtissin Sophie (1002-1039), Otto's II Tochter,
heißt es zwar noch:
Danken, word unde werk wande se all to gode,

Under der ebtissen or nichteln hode


Lernde se clostertucht unde ok landrecht darto;

De scrift to lernde was se vlitich spade unde vro.

Dat bok secht, dat se so vele wisheit konde,

Dat se ok wolgelarden meistern wedderstunde.

Aber gerade unter ihr scheint die Hoffart dort eingezogen zu


sein. Das Buch war wohl sicher von keiner Nonne verfaßt. Es
behandelte die Stiftung des Klosters und dessen Geschichte bis zu
der Kirchweih von 1007 und der Schenkung von Derneburg, nebst
der aufs engste damit verflochtenen, ja an die Pflege des Klosters
geknüpften Erhebung des Hauses des Ludolfinger. Im Jahre 993 war
das Kloster abgebrannt; nach Beilegung des langen Streites mit dem
Erzbischof Willegis wurde der Neubau 1007 durch den Bischof
Bernward von Hildesheim eingeweiht, und ohne Zweifel durch diese
Vorgänge wurde die Schrift veranlaßt. Von Hrotsuit scheint der
Verfasser nichts mehr gewußt zu haben. Dagegen benutzte er
Widukind, vorzüglich für die Geschichte des Königs Heinrich, und
verband damit eine schon sagenhaft entstellte Ueberlieferung vom
Ungernkrieg. Die Aebtissinnen Gerbirg und Sophie werden sehr
verherrlicht, aber was von ihnen und ihrem Verhältniß zum
Kaiserhaus berichtet wird, trägt schon ein so sagenhaftes Gepräge,
daß eine geraume Zeit dazwischen liegen muß. Erhalten ist uns
dieses Buch nicht, wohl aber die deutsche Bearbeitung des „papen
Eber h a r t“ von 1216 in wortreicher Reimerei[4].

Merkwürdig ist vorzüglich, daß uns hier, wie es nach der


sorgfältigen Untersuchung von Paul Hasse scheint, der erste Anfang
jener sagenhaften Ausschmückung der Geschichte entgegentritt,
deren wir noch mehrfach zu gedenken haben werden; noch andere
Spuren leiten dabei gerade nach Gandersheim, und die Darstellung
des Sieges über die Ungern in der von Heinrich von Herford
benutzten Sachsenchronik ist mit dem Bericht bei Eberhart
verwandt[5].

In der Zeit der Ottonen scheinen auch andere Frauenklöster


Sachsens hinter Gandersheim an gelehrter Bildung nicht
zurückgeblieben zu sein, wenn auch gerade keine Hrotsuit ihnen
einen so hohen Ruhm vor der Welt verlieh, wie Gandersheim. Der
Hazecha von Quedlinburg gedachten wir schon oben (S. 321). Nicht
leicht traten die Nonnen als Schriftstellerinnen auf, aber auch die
Bildung der Priester, welche wie Agius dem Stifte nahe standen oder
auch dem Kloster selbst angehörten, erlaubt einen vortheilhaften
Schluß auf den Zustand der Klosterschule.

H er ford hatten wir schon früher (S. 253) zu erwähnen wegen


der Uebertragung der heiligen Pusinna. Hier ward Hathumod
erzogen, und es wird von Agius gerühmt. Hier wurde auch die
Königin Ma h thi ld unter der Aufsicht ihrer gleichnamigen
Großmutter, der Aebtissin des Klosters, erzogen und unterrichtet. Als
Witwe stiftete die Königin das Kloster No rdha us en, und hier wurde
im nächsten Jahrzehnt nach ihrem Tode (28. Febr. 968) ihr Leben
beschrieben, entweder von einer Nonne des Stiftes oder von einem
Priester, der ihr nahe gestanden hatte und von der Aebtissin Ricburg
die übrigen Nachrichten erfuhr. An den Kaiser Otto II ist es gerichtet
und natürlich ganz panegyrischer Art. Auch die Form ist ungeschickt,
aber in dieser Zeit war es noch ein nicht häufiges Verdienst,
überhaupt schreiben zu können. Der Inhalt genügt freilich unseren
Wünschen bei weitem nicht; die gewöhnlichen Schilderungen
klösterlicher Frömmigkeit nehmen den größten Raum ein, und wie
Einhard die Worte Suetons benutzt hat, um den Kaiser Karl zu
schildern, so finden wir hier ganze Stellen aus Sulpicius Severus und
aus dem Leben der Radegunde angewandt. Herzog Heinrich ist von
Jaffé entlarvt als der Pamphilus aus Terenz Andria[6]. Das
Formelhafte dieser Lobpreisungen tritt dadurch hier noch mehr als
sonst hervor, und an einer Stelle ist sogar die Geschichte selbst
dadurch sehr wesentlich berührt worden, indem Otto I eine
gewaltsame Thronbesteigung zum Vorwurf gemacht wird. Diese
Behauptung, welche früher einigen Anstoß erregt hatte, wird nun
niemand mehr irren, seitdem Jaffé, der jene fremden Federn
überhaupt zuerst entdeckte, hier eine Stelle des Sulpicius Severus
nachgewiesen hat, welche den Kaiser Maximus angeht. Seitdem hat
nun H. Heerwagen auch noch die Plünderung der Vita S. Gertrudis
ans Licht gebracht, und dadurch Koepke's Ansicht von einer
Benutzung des Widukind in dieser Biographie die letzte Stütze
entzogen. Er hat zugleich auf die zahlreichen Fragmente von
Hexametern hingewiesen, welche bedeutende Vertrautheit mit alten
Dichtern zeigen, während dagegen der von Loeher angeregte
Gedanke an eine ursprünglich metrische Bearbeitung durch die
musivische Zusammensetzung mit jenen Plagiaten unmöglich
wird[7].

Dennoch gewährt uns diese Schrift einige schätzbare


Nachrichten, und es ist deshalb sehr erfreulich, daß R. Koepke sie in
einer Göttinger Handschrift entdeckte[8]. Früher kannte man nur
eine spätere Ueberarbeitung derselben, deren Verfasser, ebenfalls
dem Kloster Nordhausen nahestehend, das Werk stilistisch umformte
und manches veränderte, namentlich Heinrich von Baiern, Mahthilds
Lieblingssohn, ungebührlich hervorhob, dem Enkel desselben,
Heinrich II, zu Liebe, welcher ihm diese Arbeit aufgetragen hatte[9].
Daß hierzu Gumpolds Wenzellegende benutzt war, hat zuerst Loeher
bemerkt, der jedoch eine gemeinsame Quelle annahm; R. Koepke
hat das richtige Verhältniß festgestellt. Die genaueste und sehr
lehrreiche Analyse der ganzen Vita hat aber Heerwagen angestellt.
Die Bildung ist inzwischen schon bedeutend mehr clerical geworden;
nicht mehr vergilische Anklänge herrschen hier, sondern die
kirchliche Reimprosa des Chorgesangs. Der Ausdruck ist geglättet,
und die wörtlichen Entlehnungen sind mehr verwaschen, dafür aber
andere dazugekommen, und wieder ist es derselbe gelehrte Apparat,
vermehrt jedoch durch Sedulius (ep. ad Macedonium), mit welchem
auch der Ueberarbeiter wirthschaftet. Recht lebhaft tritt uns hier
entgegen, wie frei für kirchliche Zwecke und zur verzierenden
Ausschmückung die Ueberlieferung behandelt und wie bereitwillig
der Schmeichelei für das regierende Haus die Wahrheit geopfert
wird. Den Anspruch auf geschichtliche Glaubwürdigkeit hat diese
jüngere Vita vollständig eingebüßt.

Bedeutender als Herford und Nordhausen tritt Quedl inburg


hervor, ebenfalls eine Stiftung der Königin Mahthild; die erste
Aebtissin (966-999) war ihre Enkelin gleiches Namens, die Tochter
Otto's des Großen, welcher Widukind seine Geschichte widmete. Hier
wurde die Pfalzgräfin Agnes erzogen, und auch der Bischof Thietmar
von Merseburg hat hier seine ersten Jugendjahre verlebt, wie denn
häufig in damaliger Zeit zum geistlichen Stande bestimmte Knaben
die Anfänge des Unterrichts von den Frauen ihrer Familie
erhielten[10]. Wir haben schon oben (S. 321) der gelehrten Nonne
Hazecha gedacht, von welcher es fast den Anschein hat, als ob sie
der Studien wegen sich in Speier aufgehalten habe.

Die bedeutende Stellung, welche die Aebtissin von Quedlinburg


im Reiche einnahm, besonders als Otto III ihr während seines
Römerzuges die Verwaltung der Geschäfte übertrug, konnte nicht
fehlen, hier das Bedürfniß nach geschichtlichen Aufzeichnungen
hervorzurufen, so wie an Nachrichten hier kein Mangel sein konnte.

Verschiedene Jahrbücher hatte man zu diesem Zwecke zur


Verfügung; als bequemste Grundlage aber erwählte man die
H er s fe lde r Anna le n. Diese sind uns in ihrer ursprünglichen
Gestalt nicht erhalten, aber, während locale Nachrichten die Herkunft
feststellen, durch wörtliche Uebereinstimmung als gemeinsame
Quelle zu erkennen bei dem Hersfelder Mönch Lambert, in den
Annalen von Hildesheim, Quedlinburg und Weißenburg, welche
deshalb von Pertz bis 984 neben einander abgedruckt sind[11]. Als
fünftes Exemplar kommen die sog. Annalen von Ottobeuern hinzu,
welche hessischer Herkunft sind; als sechstes die Altaicher. In den
Annalen von Fulda (S. Bonifacii), Lobbes, Ellwangen, Münster im
Gregorienthal, bei Marianus Scotus, beschränkt sich die
Uebereinstimmung auf den fast werthlosen älteren Theil und wird
nur auf Benutzung derselben Fulder Grundlage beruhen, deren wir
oben (S. 241) gedachten.

Wie man nun auf Grundlage dieser Compilation, nebst einigen


Notizen aus älterer Zeit, die am Rande der Ostertafel vorhanden sein
mochten, sie fortsetzend das so weit verbreitete Annalenwerk
aufgebaut hat, das ist eine schwierige Frage, welche den Scharfsinn
mehrerer Forscher beschäftigt hat, unter denen ich nur
Ehrenfeuchter in seiner Dissertation über die Annalen von Nieder-
Altaich (1870) nenne. Genaueren Nachweis findet man in den
gründlichen und sorgfältigen Untersuchungen von Hermann
Lorenz[12] und Friedrich Kurze[13]. Begonnen sind sie nach diesem
kaum vor 955 und im Anfang aus den Annalen von Corvey, Regino
und dessen Fortsetzung geschöpft, sehr dürftig, doch finden sich hin
und wieder, und besonders um die Mitte des zehnten Jahrhunderts,
neben localen Notizen auch nicht unwichtige Nachrichten; von 960
bis 973 ist die Erzählung gleichzeitig und ausführlicher als vorher.

So weit stimmen alle Ableitungen überein, doch ist


unverkennbar, daß den Hildesheimer und Quedlinburger Jahrbüchern
die vollständige Urform, den übrigen Ableitungen eine abgekürzte
Form zu Grunde liegt.

Von hier an nahm man bisher zwei ganz verschiedene


Fortsetzungen an, eine in Hersfeld geschriebene bis 984, und eine
davon verschiedene Hildesheimer, allein F. Kurze hält beide für
identisch und hat (S. 13-25) den Versuch gemacht, den
gemeinsamen Ursprung der Nachrichten nachzuweisen, welche in
diesem Theile besonders ausführlich und werthvoll, auch in den
Altaicher Annalen am besten, wenn auch stilistisch aufgeputzt, uns
erhalten sind. Hier endeten die originalen Hersfelder
Aufzeichnungen, vielleicht, wie Kurze vermuthet, in Folge von des
Abtes Gozbert (970-984) Rücktritt. Von ihm rühmt Lambert in seiner
Geschichte von Hersfeld, daß er das Stift mit vielen Büchern
bereichert habe, und schildert dann die Verwilderung unter seinem
Nachfolger. Dagegen beginnen jetzt die Hildesheimer Eintragungen,
welche um 1040 von einem Hersfelder Epitomator in einen Auszug
gebracht, den originalen Annalen angehängt, und mit ihnen von
Lambert und den Urhebern der Altaicher und Ottobeuerer Annalen
benutzt sind.

Außer diesen Annalen sind in Hersfeld auch im Anfang der


Regierung Otto's I Wunder des h. Wigber t aufgezeichnet
worden, welche für Heinrichs I Zeit einige Bedeutung haben[14].

Jene Annalen nun wurden in Quedlinburg als Grundlage einer


Compilation benutzt, welche durch andere Materialien aus den
Einhardschen Annalen, den Corveyer und Reichenauer, Notizen aus
Gandersheim und von 781 an aus einer verlorenen Halberstädter
Chronik vermehrt und bereichert wurden[15]; den Eingang bildete
hier, wie bei Lambert, ein mageres Excerpt der Weltgeschichte,
welche am Anfang der Hersfelder Annalen stand: von 708 an beginnt
erst die annalistische Form. So wurde, als Heinrich II schon König
war und Otto's III Schwester Adalheid dem Stifte vorstand, eine
Compilation verfertigt, welche unter dem Namen Quedl inburger
Anna len noch zum Theil erhalten ist[16].
Der Verfasser wird einer der zahlreichen Geistlichen gewesen
sein, welche den Gottesdienst versahen oder als Kapläne der
Aebtissin zur Seite standen. Ihm lagen, als er seine Arbeit
unternahm, die Thaten der Frankenkönige und Einhards Leben Karls
vor; auch Widukinds Werk kann ihm nicht unbekannt gewesen sein.
Allein er machte keinen Versuch, nach der Weise dieser Vorgänger
die Geschichte der Vorzeit darzustellen, sondern schloß sich einfach
der bequemen Form der Hersfelder Annalen an, von welchen er ein
Exemplar mit der Fortsetzung bis 990 besaß. Diese excerpirte er in
sehr roher Weise, und vermehrte sie wiederum mit zahlreichen
Zusätzen, aber es kam ihm doch nicht in den Sinn, auch eine
innerliche Verknüpfung zu erstreben.

Auch hier finden wir Stücke aus der alten Heldensage, die zum
Theil mit Widukinds Erzählung übereinstimmen, aber sie sind hier
nur ganz äußerlich eingeschoben. Es fällt darunter vorzüglich (S. 31)
eine Bemerkung über Dietrich von Bern auf, de quo cantabant rustici
olim, was zum elften Jahrhundert schlecht paßt, und eine lange
Erzählung vom Thüringerkriege, welche ganz aus dem Charakter des
übrigen Werkes heraustritt. Hiervon hat nun L. Hoffmann[17]
nachgewiesen, daß weder Ekkehard noch der Sächsische Annalist
und Chronograph sie in ihrem Exemplar gelesen haben, daß
dagegen der Verfasser des Chronicon ducum Brunsvicensium sie
gekannt hat. Wenn nun, wie man vermuthet, dieser sie aus den
Nienburger Annalen entnommen hat, so muß sie im 12. Jahrhundert
vorhanden gewesen sein. Aber zum ursprünglichen Werke gehört sie
nicht, und die Bemerkung über Thiderik von Berne ist ein noch viel
späterer Zusatz[18].

Gewiß fehlte es in Quedlinburg nicht an Hülfsmitteln, um


besseres zu leisten, aber vielleicht eben deshalb und weil der
Verfasser gar nicht daran dachte, die ausführlicheren Werke über die
Vorzeit durch das seinige ersetzen zu wollen, begnügte er sich mit
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